.....
THE REGULAR VERB.
::277. (1) The regular verb caraf ‘I
love’ is conjugated as follows:
(1) INDICATIVE MOOD.
.
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112
ACCIDENCE
S 278, 279
exc. 2, yst,yrliaf, evs/yr!rir (for //8tyrliir). Similarly stems
ending in drop this before 10 ; as gålvaj' I call ', gålu:n
we call ' (for galltpcn).
I’W HYCHWANEGU
::278 ::279 ::280 ::281 ::282 ::283 ::284 ::285 ::286 ::287 ::288 ::289 ::290
::291 ::292 ::293 ::294 ::295 ::296 ::297 ::298 ::299
NOTES ON THE
CONJUGATION.
Present Indicative.
278. (r) The final -f of the 1st sg. is sometimes dropped in
poetry, 20, cf. 207.
(2) When the stem has a this is affected to e in the 2nd sg.
and pl., and the impers.
(3) In the 2nd sg. the old ending -y is used in the early
period, as cenot D.C. 186 ' thou singest', rhedy 132 'thou •
runnest '.
279. (1) The 3rd sg. consists of the bare stem. Tn a large
number of verbs the vowel of the stem undergoes the ultimate
i-affection, S 121, thus—
saif
safaf I stand
dyrchaif
dyrchafaf raise
pair
paraf cause
garnnaf am con-
gain
tained
caraf shall get
cai
a > ei
3 8. detl
daliaf 1 hold
eteil
ataliaf withhold
cunneil
cynhalia,.fsupport „
eirch
archaf bid
peirch
parchaf respect
geilt2
galvaf call
ceidap
cadwaf keep
gwéheirdd
gwaharddaf for-
bid
t.eirf
tarfaf scare
dychleim
dychlamaf leapup „
gwasgaraf
3 s. gwesgyr
I scatter
buwtå-af eat
3 s. bwyty
parhå-af last
per y
ae > ai
cyrhaeddafreach 3 s. cyrraidd
atebafl answer 3 s. etyb
gtvelaf see old
„ guil
agoraf T open 3 s.
collaf lose
diolchaf thauk
gosodaf set
cyfodaf rise
äatodaf loosen
torraf break
sorraf sulk
somaf deceive
anfonaf send
dangosaf show
arhosaf wait
egyr
cyll
ctiylch
gesyd
cufyd
cietycl
tyr(r)
syrr
sym
enfyn
dengys
erys
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VERBS
113
ow > au
anogaf 1 urge 3 s.
ysgogaj' shake
defrogf wake
cyffroaf' excite
rhoddaf' give
adroddaf relate
jbaf fl
ennyg
gsgyg
rhydd
tawaf am silent 3 s. tau
aw >
gadawaf leave 3 s. gedy
tarawaf strike
gwrandawaf
edrydd
gwrendy
listen
Ni ain o fewn main y mur,
Ni bu'n f'oes neb unfesur.—T.A.
There is not contained within the stones of the wall, there hag
not been in my time, any one of the same stature.'
Saint o bob Ile ic'rn gwéheirdd.—D,G. 20.
Saints from all places forbid me.'
Dduw Madog a ddiylch
Gan i chwaer had cad y 292.
' Madoc thanks God that he has had the, ring from his generous
sister.' Cf. 167, L.G.C. 70, Gr.O. 108.
Nid gw anair ond ennyd ;
Ni sym twyll mo bwyl,l y byd.—E.P. 271.
Calumny is but for a while ; deceit will not cheat the good
sense of the world.'
Afo doeth, e,fb a dau ;
Annoeth ni reol enau. G.I.H.
' He who is wise is silent; the unwise does not control [his] lips.'
fel y tau dafad Esa. liii 7 'as a sheep is dumb'. Cf. Gr.O. 110.
pair ERa. Ixiv 2, Zech. x 1, Gr.O. 5 ; teirj' Gr.O. 4 ; dychl,eim
do. 90 ; gwesgyr D.G. 246 ; syrr ib., Gr.O. 44 ; ysgyg D.G. 370.
(2) It is seen from the above table that the vowel oftenest
affected is o. The diphthong ae is hardly ever affected ; cyrraidd
is •a poetical form ; the usual 3rd sg. of cyrhaeddaf is cyrraedd,
Esa. viii 8, Jer. 9, cf. hae,b R.B.B. 147. Affection of e is rare
(etvb WW2. 127, gweryd G. 16) ;
it generally remains unchanged,
as cymer ' takes ', adfer ' restores ', arfer ' uses ', dychwel ' returns
yvnddiried ' trusts ', medd ' says ', medd ' possesses ', rhed ' runs '
etc. ; and the old gcvjl ' sees ' has become gwél in Mn. W. owing
to the strong analogy ; arbed Esa. Iv 7 ' spares but erbyd Dior.
vi 34 (perhaps artificial).
(3) In many cases is unaffected, as car toves ', can ' sings
tat pays ', gad 'leaves ', chcvat ' scatters ', mat ' grinds ', tardd
1
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114
ACCIDENCE
280, 281
springs ', chwardd lauohs '
craf Gr.O. 21
scratches
etc.
Some verbs with a have both the affected and the unaffected form :
gallqf 'I can ', geill D.G. 29, gall E.P. 259 ; dialaf' 1 avenge
diail I).G. 162, dial Deut. xxxii 43 ; diangaf 'I escape ', dianc•
Joel ii. 3. Amos ix. 1, diainc (dieinc B.T. 18).
280. If the vowel of the stem is mutable, it is mutated when
the ending ig dropped in the 3rd sg., 114; thus—
ei > ai
ceisiafl seek
peidiaj• cease
neidiaf jump
meiddiaf dare
o > aw
todda.f I melt
boddaf drown
soddaf sink
cronnaf collect
ask
nojiaj• swim
profaf prove
coddaf vex
mola.f, praise
cais
paid
naid
maidd
tawdd
bawdd
sawdd
crazcn
hawl
naw
praw(f)
cawdd
maul
clygaf I bring
3 s. dwg
tyngaf swear
tung
cysgaf sleep
cwsg
Uyncaf swallow
llcvnc
cyrchafl make for 3 s.
curch
yfaf drink
syflaf budge
disgynnaf descend ,
disgun
glyna.f cleave (to)
gtQn
tynna.f dl'aw
tybiaf imagine
till)
dysgaf learn, teach „
drsg
plygaf bend
pilg
281. (1) Verbs with stems in -ha- had the vowel unaffected ;
the affected forms bwyty eats pery lasts' are late; the old
3rd sg. of was bwyta w.M. 456, and of pgrhå-af was
pårha. B.T. 40, later påra. These survive in the early modern
period, as Ni phara bwa 'n y bud T.A. G. 236 ' No bow in the
world lasts The accentuation is perfectly regular; it is exactly
the same in parhä-af, pära as in cyméra,f, cymer, and follows
the rule of the language, 73. The h of -ha- hardens a pre-
ceding consonant, and is lost, 1 27, thus bebydha became b2byta ;
in any case it is lost after the accent, S 88, thus pårha became
pdra. Thus the ending of the 3rd sg. in these verbs appeared
as unaccented -a.
(2) The suffix -ha- is used to form the stems of denominatives,
that is, verbs derived from nouns or adjectives. Thus bwytåaf
is a denominative from bwycl ' food ', glanhåaf is a denominative
from glån clean", etc. In all t.hese the 3rd sg. ended originally
in unaccented -a •as above. But denominatives are also f0rmed
by adding the, verbal endifigs directly to the noun or adj., as
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281
VERBS
115
6ed-af ' I delay ' from •oed ' time ', cöch-af ' I redden ' from coch
' red ' ; as the bare stem of these is the noun or adj., not a charac-
teristic verbal form, the 3rd sg. was made like that of the above
verbs, at first with hardening of the consonant, but later with
the mere addition of -a, which had come to be regarded as the
3rd sg. ending of denominatives; thus oeda delays ', cocha
' reddens '
(3) -a thus forms the 3rd sg. of directly inflected denomina-
tives : as saetha ' shoots ' (saeth 'arrow'), sura 'sours ' (sur ' sour
Il,wydda ' prospers (Uwydd ' prosperity '), cosba ' punishes ' (cosb
punishment '), diwedda ends ' (diwedd ' end '), gwena ' smiles
(gwén ' smile '), cynghora F.N. 63, gwasanaetha, dirmyga, YS-
grifenna, etc. etc. The bare stem is not used for the 3rd sg.
where it is the simple noun adj., except in some cases like
car ' loves', can ' sings ', ta '#s', cred believes ', cwsg ' sleeps
prawf Diar. xvii 3 'proves ', where the verb is not a denomina-
tive, but is older than the noun; and 8 few others as rhif Num.
xxiii 10, Gr.O. 14 ' numbers ', barn 'judges ' I.G. 529, loan xii
48, rhan ' apportions ' (Duw a rann W.IL. 134, G.GI. F. 12).
(4) -a is added to stems in which are mostly denomina-
tives: tycia ' avails' (twg success '), Jlywia ' steers
(llyw
rudder '), hwyQa ' sails ' (hwyl ' sail '), rhodia ' walks ' (rhawd'
) cilic ' recedes ' (cil ' back '), preswyQa, distrywia, etc.
course
But some ni-stems do not take it : daliaf, deit (not (la,lia), ceisiaf,
cais (not ceisia), peidiaf, paid (not peidia), neidiaf, naid (not
neidia), meiddiaf, maidd (not meiddia); syrthiaf, syrth, Diar.
xi 28, xxii 14, xxiv 16, etc.; derbyniaf, derbyn; erfyniaf,
e,rfyn.
(5) It is added to denom. stems in -ych-, as nawenycha,
heddycha, flamycha, etc., except chwennych (from chvnnt).
Also to -ho- in parato-a, crynho-a, 292 (l).
(6) Having thus become a mere ending it was added to -ha-
itself, thus mwynhåa M.A. i 317 b, now mwynhO ' enjoys
so
Il,awenhd, glanhd, caniata, etc. Not one stem in -ha- retains its
old 3rd sg. in unaccented -a; all form it thus with accented -a,
except bwytdf, parhaj', and nacaj• (3rd sg. nécy I.G. F.N. 8,
Gr.O. 41) in which the -a has been afü±cted to -u, see (1)
(7) -a is also added to some stems which are not denomina-
: cerddaf walk', Ml. 3rd sg. ceröa, Mn. cerdda D.C. 195,
Diar. iii 28, vi 3 (a gerb B.T. 15 is exceptional)
eheda ' flies '
dymwna ' wishes ', traetha relates ', haera ' asserts .
(8) A féw verbs have two one with and one without -a ;
as plygaj• ' I bend ', .plyga, plyg; tybiaf ' 1 imagine ', tybia B.CW.
12
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116
ACCIDENCE
282-285
16, tyb F 16, 40 ; cuddiaf ' I hide ', cuddia 131, Ps. xxvii
5, cudd M.A. i 430, I.G. 517 ; barna Ps. Iviii 11, barn (3).
282. (1) An old strong 3rd sg. in -id, used initially, survives
in proverbs : Tyfld maban, ni thyfi gadachan an infant grows,
its swaddling cloth does not grow .
(2) In the dialects a 3rd sg. ending -iff occurs, as gcoel,iff for
gwél; but this has never been recognized as a legitimate literary
form, though some writers (e. g. Charles Edwards in the 17th
cent.) have used it.
283. The final -t of the 3rd pl. of this and of every other
tense is sometimes dropped in poetry (as in the spoken lang.).
Imperfect Indicative.
284. (1) The old ending of the 2nd sg. of this tense was -ud,
which is the form used in Early Mn. W. ; see an example,
rwydud, 194 (1), p. 68 above. But ca,rud di, with the affxed
pronoun, became carit ti, by assimilation of the u to the i, and
the hardening of the mediae, see 127 ; the ending thus became
-it in the late period.
(2) The endings of the 18t and 2nd pl. are -em and -ech as
given in the paradigm ; -ym and -ych are rarely found, and are
incorrect. On the other hand the traditional ending of the
3rd pl. is -ynt, which is still usually written in oeddynt ' were '
but in other verbs the ending is now commonly written -ent,
owing to the influence of the 1 st and 2nd persons. The ending
is also sometimes written -aint or -eint, as rhedaint D.G. 25,
rhedeint B.CW. 23.
Aorist Indicative.
285. (1) The ordinary ending of the 3rd sg. is -odd (older
-awdd). In the late period -odd is used in all regular verbs,
though in some cases the use of other endings has survived and
is more elegant.
(2) -as survived in Early Mn. W. in cafas got, had, found ',
which is replaced in the Bible by cafodd Gen. xliv 16, the usual
form in the late period, though tbe contraction cas D.G. 294
survives dialectally to this day.
Pwy mewn gaeaf a gafas
Vis Mai yn dwyn lifrai Jas ?—D.G. 265.
Who in winter [ever] found a month of May wearing green
livery '
(3) -es is added to stems in which the vowel is o or oe, as
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286
VERBS
117
rhoddes Phil. ii 9 ' gave', torres Gr.O. 41 ' broke ', deoles do. 59
' has banished ', colleg I.F. F. 43 'has lost', codes do. 45 'has
risen ', oeres T. A. G. 235, c. ii 81 ' has become cold When the
stem ends in o contraction takes place: -ö-es becomes -oes, as
rhoes Gr.O. 4, 18, 27 ' gave ', troes do. 32, 1 Sam. xvii 30
turned ' ; roes Gr.O. 2 'fled ' ; does B.CW. 6 ' locked '
these
forms are still in cdlloquial use, and ore generally to be preferred
to rh0dd (rhoddodd), trCdd Gen. xlii 24. Contrary to analogy
gweles ' saw ' is found in the Early Ml). period, e. g. G. 235, for
Ml. gwelas.
(4) -is was added to stems having -a- (which it affects to -e-) ,
it is rarely found in the modern period except in peris ' caused '
(paraf ' I cause
and trewis,. gadewis.
Ni wn a f'Om 'n iawnfi,s
Heb hiraeth—hi a'i peris.—1.D. 20.
I do not know that I have been well for a month without
longing—lit is] she that ca-used it.'
(5) -wys is a very common ending in Ml. W. , and was simpli-
fied early to -ws ; in this form it survives dialectally in S.W.
but is rarely used in the modern written language, and only to
give a humorous turn to the phrase, as eniUws Gr.O. 325,
digwyddws ii 214.
(6) -t has survived only in cant ' sang 330. The survival
of this form is due to the persistence of the old formula ascribing
a poem to its author: T. A, a' i cant [it was] T. A. that sang it '.
The a is sometimes, but quite wrongly, circumflexed: the a is
short, cänt, as in cantor ' singer
it could only be long if it
were contracted for a-a 96, which is not the case. The bards
rhyme cant ' sang ' correctly with chwant, plant, etc., not with
ant, guynant, etc.
After r this suffix takes the form -th, which is preserved in
cymerth Gen. xlii 30, 1 Sam. xv 21, xvi 13, xviii 2, xxvi 12, etc.
' took' by the side of the later cymerodd Gen. v 24, xxi 21,
xxiv 7, etc. (both with mm in Bible).
286. (1) The stetn of the aorist is caras- ;
the plural is
formed from this by adding the personal endings -om, -och, -ant
(or rarely -ont). The 1st sg. is formed from the stem by vowel-
cerais
the 2nd sg. similarly, but with the
addition of the sumx -t. The 3rd sg. carodd is an intrusion
into the tense of an old perfect form 327 (1); the fonns .in
-ag, -e8, -is, -wys represent the stem with the different vowels
with which it originally appeared in different verbs.
2839
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118
ACCIDENCE
287, 288
(2) The a of the stem-suffx -as- is dropped in the plural
after aw, yu; and (in some caseg) ;
thus gwrandawsom ' we
listened ', clgwsant ' they heard ', gwelsoch ' you saw ' (but dych-
welasant B.CW, 107), tatsant they paid ' (talasant Esa. iii 9). In
poetry the elision occurs in other cases; in the spoken language
it is very cotnmon.
287. (1) The usual ending in regular verbs of the aor. impers.
is -wyd added to the present stem; but -ad and -ed are also
used, where -as and -es appear in the 3rd sg.
(2) -ad survived in caffa.d, cahad, contracted into cad W M'.
132 ' was had ', which is now generally misspelt caed. The old
gwelad occurs in D.C. 21.
O'th gerai8 a mait,h gariad,
Caru am, garru a gad.—DiG. 17,
If I have loved thee long [lit. with a long love], love for love
was obtained.'
(3) -ed is added to stems containing o or oe (which take -es
in the 3rd sg.) as rhodded, rhoed was given ', doded 'was put '
poened c.c. 11.
It also occurs in ganed Job xiv 1 ' was born '
(pres. genir, impers. only).
(4) An old form of the impersonal in which dd in the pres.
stein is replaced by s survives in Itas for lladdwgd ' was killed '
and gwüs ' iB known D. E. has clas 'was buried '.
Nid mwg dilathr ac athrist
Y poenloes cry/ pan las Crist.—Gr.O. 91.
Not more gloomy and sad [was] the intense agony when Christ
was slain,' Cf. Dat. ix 18.
Pluperfect Indicative.
288. The pluperfect is formed by adding the personal endings
of the imperfect to the aorist stem as seen in the pl. of that
tense, 286 (1) (2); thus caraswn 'I had loved ', galwasid
' had been called ', gwrandawsum ' I had listened ',
B.CW. 71
clywsum do. 95 'I had heard ', do. 5 'I had seen
talsai W ms. i 309 ' would have been worth '. Thé affection of
the a of the stem suffix -as- to e before -ynt and -id, as in
gallesid B.CW. 93 is comparatively rare even in the Medieval
period.
The pluperfect of tebygaj ' 1 imagine ', which is in full tebyg-
agum, etc., iB usually shortened to tvgagwn, etc., D. 134.
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289, 290
VERBS
Present and Imperf. Subjunctive.
119
289. (1) The subjunctive stem was formed in M]. W. by h,
which hardened a final media of the indicative stem, 127.
Some examples of the hardening survive in stereotyped phrases,
as na ato Duw ' God forbid ' where gato iB 3rd sg. pres, subj. of
gadaf ' I permit ' Duw cato pawb ' God save everybody ' (cato
catwo 44); Cas gcör ni charo'r wlad a'i maco ' Hateful [is]
the man who loves not the land that has reared him ' (old perfect
and in old types of phrase, as Llaw Dduw
sense of pres. subj.) ;
a'n dyco Ile'dd wgt Gr.O. 53 ' May the hand of God bring us
where thou art ' ; a chatwyf do. 40. But from the 16th cent.
the ind. stem, without hardening, has mostly been used, as Dyn
a godo Duw'n geidwad S.T.; G.R. 375 A man whom God raises
as a saviour
A wado hyn aed a hi,
A gwaded i'r haul 177.
' IvVhoso denies this, let him have it [his own way], and deny
that the sun has risen.'
(2) The 2nd sg. ending is -ych ; this is certainly the standard
form, but a dialectal variant -ech sometimes occurs in the late
period : gweddiech Matt. vi 6, poenech Marc v 7.
-ot, -ost are
recent barbarisms in this tense. The o of the pl. and 3rd sg.
endings is a simplification of oe as in creddoe B.B. 53 (dd tt).
(3) The imperfect subj. had the subj. stem, with hardened
consonant, in Ml. W. ; but since the les elling of the stems
mentioned in (1), the impf. subj. does not differ in form from
the impf. ind., except in the verbs wyf, af, gwnaf, deuaf, which
have special subjunctive stems.
Present Imperative.
290. (1) The 1Bt sg. is wanting; the 1st sg. pres. subj.
supplies the want where necessary, as hauwyf Jf a bwytaed
arau Job xxxi 8.
(2) The 2nd sg. is the bare stem of the pres. ind. It differs
from the 3rd sg. pres. ind. in never having its vowel affected ;
thus deit 'holds dal ' hold ! ' tau 'is silent', taw 'be silent !
pair Zech. x ' causes ', par Ps. xxv 4 ' cause !
Verbs which take -a in the 3rd sg. pres. ind. take it also in
the 2nd sg. impv., as cerdda Matt. viii 9 ' go! ' gwasanaetha
Luc xvii 8, ysgrifenna Dot. i 11, glanlaa Ps. li 7. etc. ,
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120
ACCIDENCE
(3) The 3rd sg. ends in -ed. An old variant -id survives in
certain phrases Telid Duu,' iddgnt D.FF. viii.
(4) The standard ending of the 3rd
is -ent, although in
the Bible -ant is used, as gwybgddant, dychwelant Ps. lix 13, 14.
This form appears to be due to the supposition that the 3rd as
well as the 1st and 2nd pl. should have {he same form as the
pres. ind. But in spite of the use of -ant in the Bible, the old
form -ent persisted in the late period: Angyt'ion doent .
rhoent eu coronau
. W ms. 320 ' Let angels come
. let
them put their crowns .
IT The forms of verbal nouns and adjectives are dealt with
below, 339—350.
CONTRACTED FORMS.
291. (1) Verbs with stems ending in -o- or -a- have
many contracted forms. In the following tables all
possible contractions are shown ; forms not usually con-
tracted in the literary language are distinguished by
a hyphen thus parhé-ai*. All vowels not marked are short.
Long vowels are circumflexed where they should be marked
in ordinary writing, and are distinguished by — where the
quantity does not ordinarily need to be indicated, 94, as
in the diphthongs oe, ae,
102, or in a vowel in a mono-
syllable before f, as tru 97. All vowels marked long
either way are necessarily accented ; all vowels after h in
the tables are also accented. On the quantities of con-
tracted vowels and diphthongs see 103 (3).
(2) Examples, try for trö-af ' I turn 'd, parhüf for parhci-af
' I continue
INJ)ICATIVE MOOD.
Present Tense.
1. tröf
2. troi
pl.
1. troum
2. trowch
3' 19Qnt
Impers, troir
sg.
1. parh(lf
2. parhei
r. parhawn
2. parhewch
3. Ijåra, péry 3. parhånt
Impers. parheir
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VERBS
Imperfect Tense.
121
1.
2.
3.
Impers. parheid
1.
2.
3.
1.
1.
2.
3.
sg.
trown
trout
tr0i
pl.
1. tröem
2. tröech
3. tröent
Impers. troid
trois
troist
1.
2.
Aorist
troesom
troesoch
troesant
trö-wyd
sg.
1. parhawn
2. parhc?ut
3. parhat•
Tense.
1. parhä-ais
2. parhä-aist
3• Parhä-odd
pl.
r. parhäem
2. parhäech
3. parhaent
1. parhasom
2. parhasoch
3. parhascnt
tröes, trödd 3.
Impers. tröed,
troeswrt, etc.
Impers. parhä-wyd
Pluperfect Tense.
| 1. parhasum, etc.
SUBJUNCTIVE M00D.
Present Tense.
trö-wyf
tröech
1,
2.
3.
trom
tröch
trÖnt
1. parhä-wyf
2. parhe-ych
3' 'Parhä-o
Iinpevs.
1. parhä-om
2. parhä-och
3' Parhä-ont
Impers. tröer
1. trown
2. trowch
tröed
3• tröent
Impers. tröer
parhä-er
IMPERATIVE M00D.
Present Tense.
1. parhawn
2. parhewch
3' parhäent
In) pers. parhä-er
2 • l)åra
3. parhäed
VERBAL N01JNs.
troi ; parhau or pira
VERBAL ADJECTIVES.
tyro-édig, tro-ådwy, trö ; parhä-ol, parhaus
. , The 3rd sg. pres. ind. Uf o-Btems is
292. NOTFS
generally formed as in the example try, see deffry, cytry,
so cnÜ M.A. i 309 (misspelt cnu BR. iv 185) from
279
cno-af, cnöf 'I chew ' ; cl,j from clo-af, cl,öj• ' I lock ' ; détgl,y
W rns, 456 from datglo-af, datgl,0f ' I unlock The 2nd sg,
impv. is the unaffected stem : defro Esa. lit 1, fo 2 Bren. ix 3.
But paratQf, crynh0f have 3rd pres. ind. and 2nd sg. impv.
parato-a, crynho-a, which are seldom contracted, perhaps because
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122
ACCIDENCE
S 293, 294
-0 is the form of the 3rd sg. pres. subj. There is no phonetic
reason why the contraction should not take place, and in poetry
it is sometimes found, as Yn Salem fry part0J?/ Ile W ms. 9 'In
Salem above prepare my place On para, pery, bwyty see
281 (I), (6).
( ) -Oi, -Oi of the 3rd sg. impf. are often pronounced and
written -De, -äe 103
(3) The aorist stetn -oes- is generally misspelt -ois- in the
recent period; thus troesom Esa. liii 6, paratoesant 1 Bren.
xviii 26 (correctly so spelt in the 1620 Bible) appear as troisom,
parottoisant (!) in recent editions.
(4) The 3rd sg. -a-odd is generally uncontracted ; but the
contraction -Odd has sometimes been used since the 16th cent.
as cashddd E.P. 222, gwellhddd c.c. 338, naca,dd H.M. i u 20.
(5) Even a contracte;l vowel cannot be long in the penult.
before a consonant (S 37); before s it must be short; hence
parhä8tvn for parha-äsum.
(6) •er, contracted as rhoer (1 syll.) G. 200 ; but oftenest
uncontracted.
(7) Verbs with stems in -a- have generally no verbal adjec-
tives in -edig or -adwy ; but a few are found : Ml. W. gnota-edic
R.B.B. 6-
' customary' (v.n. gnotåu), Mn. W, dvfradwy ' well
watered' (v.n. dy.frhåu), bcvytadwy eatable '
v.n. bwyta).
Usually these stems have adjectives in -01, as parhä,ol, caniatäol,
cadarnhaol„ iachaol, etc., rarely -us, as parhaus. Some stems in
-o- take -us, as cryffrou,s. See 350.
293. Stems ending in p-diphthongs have contracted
forms when the endings -WIZ and -wch are added, as tawn
for tdw-wn ' let us be silent ', gwrandéwch for gwrandéw-wch
' listen ye ', cQwch for cljw-wch ' ye bear ' or ' hear ye
294. Other vowels and diphthongs are not contracted ;
e. g, gweddi-ir there will be prayer
Me-ent
' let them
shut ', béi-i.d 'fault was found ', dile-er ' may be deleted '
cynorthtbg-ynt ' they assisted '.
But the v,n. Cie-u is contracted to cau 103 (3) ; and this
has led to the misspelling of the forms of this verb in the recent
period in defiance of the rule of vowel nuutation
115; thus
caeodd Gen. vii& 6, xix 6, Ex. xiv 3 etc., cae ' shuts ' Esa. xxii 22,
' shut thou ' Deut. v 7, correctly spelt in the 1620 Bible, appear
08 cauodd, cau in la e editions, The stem of the velb is cae-,
which is seen without a BUffX in cae ' enclosme
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295, 296
VERBS
128
295. (1) The full form rhoddaf I give, put ', v. n.
rhoddi, survives throughout (except in the 2nd sg. impv.)
as a literary form in Mn.W. ; but in the spoken language
the -B- had already disappeared in the Ml. period. and the
verb is also conjugated throughout like trÖ-af, t,röf, in Ml.
and Mn,W., thus rhöf, v. n. rhoi.
(R) In the 3rd sg. pres. ind. rhydd the -dd survives in the
spoken lang. ; but rhy is commonly used in lit, W. , as Duw a ry
gwymp i'r drwg Or H.A. F. 10 ' God will give the evil man
a fall For rhy, however, the compound "-ry is often used ;
and "-ro for the 2nd sg. impv. rho (for which rhodd is never
used). The bards use fornrss with and without -b- us metrical
conveniehce dictates :
Rhoddwn ariant a rhuddaur ;
Rhown it gawg gemawg ac aur.—Gr.O. 3.
'I would give silver and ruddy gold; I would give thee a
jewelled cup of gold ' [lit. and gold 'I.
(3) The 3rd sg. aor. iB rhoddes Gen. xxxiii 5, etc., rhoes
285 (3); the aor. stem is rhoes-, as roesant BL. 135 ; roesoch
Amos ii 12, Matt. xxv 35, 42, misspelt roisoch in late bibles,
292
(4) The 3rd sg. pres. subj. is rhö F. 22, 28, rh,öddo do. 21, 22,
or rarely rh6tho (from rhodd-ho 289 (1)), as M aer Rhüthun
im a,'i rhötho T. A. ' May the Mayor of Rutl)in give it me ',
(5) The 2nd sg. impv. is rhö F. 9, uro Matt. vi 11, xix 21
see (2) above; 3rd sg. rhoed Gr.O. 43, rhodded 2 Cor. ix 7 ;
3rd pl. Thoent 290 iv.
296, arhöof, arhöj' I wait ' is conjugated like trö-af,
t,röf, except that the verbal noun is dros (h lost after the
accent, 88) ; thus, ind. pres. •sg. 1. a,rhöf, 2. arh6i, 3. ;
pl. 1. arh6wn, 2. arh6wch, 3. arh6nt ; impv. sg. 2. dro ' stay !
This cohjugation persisted well into the Late Modern
period, e. g. arhoent B.CW. 23, arhowch do. 102 ; earlier, éry
F. 30, D.E. G. 118, I.H.S. 26, dro DOG. 30 ; it is implied
in the adj. gm-arh6us ' dilatory ', still in use. But in the
late 15th cent. a new formation sprang up in which the
8 of the v.n. aros intrudes into the stem, thus : arh6sgf,
arh6&i, 478, etc.
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124
ACCIDENCE
297. (1) The stem of cif 'I shall get ' has two forms,
caff- and cah- ; as h is lost after the accent, 88, the latter
becomes ca- giving a conjugation like that of parha-, 291.
In MI.W. caff-
was used throughout the pres. and impf. ,
thus, ind, pres, sg. 1. kaffaf, 2. Æeffy, 3. but in Mn.W.
it is used only in the 3rd sg. pres. ind. and in the sub-
junctive. The aor. and plup. are anomalous. The modern
conjugation is as follows .
(2) Inde pres. sg. 1. car, 2. cei, cai, 3. caiff; pl. 1. cawn,
2. cewch, 3. cant; impers. ceir, cair.
Ind. impf. sg. 1. cawn, 2. caut, 3. cm; pl. 1. cäem, 2. cäech,
3. cäent ; impers. ceid, caid.
Aor. sg. 1. cefais, ces, 2. cefaist, cést, 3. cafas, cäs, cafodd, cädd '
pl. 1. cawsom, 2. cawsoch, 3. cawsant; impers. cad, cajuvd.
Plup. sg. 1. cawswn, etc.
Subj. pres. sg. 1. carwyf, 2. cervch, 3. caffo•, p]. 1. carom,
2. caroch, 3. caffont : imperg. cater, cäer.
Subj. impf. ag. 1. caffu:n or cawn, etc.
Impv. sg. 2. wanting, 3. cared or cäed ; pl. 1. and 2. wanting,
pl. 3. caffent, cäent ; impers. cater, cäei.
Verbal noun : caffael, carel 63, cael. No verbal adjs.
(3) The contracted forms cei, ceir, ceid are still so pronounced
in Gwynedd, but cai, cair, caid, with the modern modification of
the diphthong, are common written forms 116 (1) :
cei Act.
xxv 12, B.CW. 86 ; ceir 1 Cor. xv 15, B.CW. 63, ceid 1 Sati). xiii 19 ;
cai Gr.O. 60, cair do. 46, caid do. 7, 34, 35. In caiff the
diphthong is not a contraction, but the affection of the a of ,the
stem car, see (I); but this also survives in its earlier form ei
in Gwynedd, and is sometimes so written, see below.
(4) For the 3rd sg. pres. ind. ceiff, caiff a spurious form ca
has latterly arisen, for which there is no justification either in
literary tradition 01' colloquial use. Every Welsh spæker says
ff ff(in some parts corrupted to ceith). See caiff Preg.
cei or. cac
vii 24, viii 17, Hos. ii 7. Matt. x 39, 10. x 9, Gr.O. 1 ; ceiff
B.CW. 15, P.G.G. 30, 33, Gr.O. 13.
(5) The 2nd sg. impf. is generally written ceit in the late
period, e. g. Matt. xv 5, B.CW. 15 ; but there is no reason why
the correct form caut should not now be used, as it is still the
usual form in the spoken language.
(6) On cafag, cag see 285 (2). For cafodd the contraction
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298, 299
VERBS
125
cädd (S 292 (4)) is sometilnes found, e. g. D.FF. 61, BL. 132, 232,
Gr.O. 66.
On cad see 287 (2). For cafwyd the dialectal contraction
cawd is smnetimes found, e. g. c.c. 271, BL. 325,
The contracted forms cis, cést of the 1st and 2nd. sg. have been
in use from the 14th cent. , e. g. ces D.G. 124, G.Gr. D.G. 254.
(7) In Mn. W. the pres. subj. stem is always cgr-, except, that
coer is rarely found, Phil. iii 9. The impf, subj. has either ca-
or caff-, as pe cawn or pe caffum ; to indicate the subj. explicitly
caff- is used, as i edrych a ggrai ddim Marc xi 13.
(8) The verb i:nplies an absolutely passive ' getting' (or
catching' as ' catching' a cold); it has therefore never been
used in the imperative except in the 3rd person, in which the
command is not addressed to the subject.
(9) car with a v.n., objeet forms a periphrastic conjugation
corresponding to English ' shall ', as cawn weled we shall see '
(lit. 'we shall get a seeing ; md a gaf wybod Act. xxiv 22.
Y din a gaffo enco da
A gaiff gan bawb ei goffa.—L.G.C. F. 29.
The man who gets a good name shall be remembered by every-
body ' (lit. will get from everybody remelnbrance of him '
( 10) The impers. forms ceir, ceid, etc. are used (esp. in poetry)
almost with no more meaning than is, was
298. (1) gafaelaf, followed by 3/71, I take hold of, seize ,
is conjugated regularly with the v.n. gajbel as stem, thus
gafaetaf, gafaeli, gafael, etc. The v.n. is also written ga/el 63.
(2) The Ml. W. inflected forms are mostly those of the com-
pound ym-afaelaf; e. g. 3rd sg. pres. ind. ymeceil W.M. 70, 71
3rd sg. aor. ymaoaelawÖ R.M. 50 ; v.n.ymavael R.M. 1 42, ymavel ib
In the late modern period this compound has anomalous con-
tracted forms: ymåßaj• Esa. xli 13 ; 3rd sg. pres. ind. yméi/
Matt. xii 11 ; 3rd pl. ymåßant Esa. iv 1 ; 3rd sg. aor. ymd/odd
1 Bren. i 50 ; v.n. ymåflyd Zech. viii 23, ym6elyd Act. xxi 30,
beside the standard form ymåfeJ Preg. vii 18. The forms •yrn-
aflaf, etc, seem to be formed by analogy from ymaflyd which itself
is formed from ymafd on the fhlse analogy of gochel, gochlyd
345 (Il)
299. (1) dyrchafaf I raise, lift up' is conjugated
regularly, The von. is dyrchafael or dyrchqfel, which has
been superseded in the late period by dyrchqfu ; v, adj.
dyrchafedig exalted
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126
ACCIDENCE
300
(2) The verb was also formerly written drychafaf, 228.
The 3rd sg. pres. ind. is dyrchaif G. 138 (which, however, in
that passage should be drychaif); ymdderbhaif Esa, xxx 18.
'I'he 2nd sg. impv. is dyrchqf L.G.C. 144, which becomes dyrcha
Ps. iv 6 by loss of final j; 20. From this a new 3rd sg. pres.
ind. dyrcha was evolved, Ps. xxvii 6, Gr.O. 88. Some recent
writers have mistaken the -a of dyrcha for the 3rd sg. ending,
and imagined a " root " dyrch-! The formation is dyr+chaf-.
300. (1) gadaf ' I leave, let, permit ' is conjugated
regularly: 3rd sg. pres. ind. gad ; 2nd sg. impv. gad,
pl. gédwch ; 1st sg. aor. gédaü•, 3rd sg. pres. subj. ,qåto
(gddo); v.n. gddael, "del 63, and, more rarely, gnu.
The negative na with, the imperative .qåd gives na ad,
which was contracted in Ml. W. to nad (nat R.P. 1216) ;
and na ato became nåto ; from these comes the new verb
nada/ ' I forbid, prevent ', v.n. nadu c.c. 187, in some parts
nadel.
(2) gadaf is followed by c' with the name of the person and
a v.n. as object, as gad i mi fined Ruth ii 2 'let me go
Gedwch i blant bychain ddyfod attafi Marc x 14 ; or without an
object, gad iddo Hos. iv 17 ' leave him alone '. With ar instead
of i the sense is ' to leave it to ', as gadael arno ef drefnu, ' to
leave it to him to arrange
nada,f is similarly used with i
(but not ar), gadaf may also have a noun object of the thing
permitted, as gad lonydd 'be quiet' (lit. ' allow peace
if
necessary with i introducing the person, as gad lonydd iddo ;
or may stand without an expressed object or remoter object,
as be gatai'r dagrau D.G. 84 if the tears permitted
Gwedd ewyn, cyd gweddiwyf,
Gadu ar Dduw rannu'r wyf.—D.G. 17.
[Maid of] the colour of foam, though I pray, I leave it to
God to dispose
nadodd D.C. 105 Nato Duu, E.P. 274 God
forbid '.
(3) gadawaf ' I leave, leave behind ' is also conjugated
regularly : 3rd g. pres. ind. gédy 279 (1); 2nd sg. impv.
gddaw, gddo, l. gad6wch ;
1st sg. aor. gadéwais
3rd sg.
pres. subj. gadåwo ; v.n. gådaw, gédo, 116 (3).
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126
ACCIDENCE
300
(2) The verb was also formerly written drychafaf, 228.
The 3rd sg. pres. ind. is dyrchaif G. 138 (which, however, in
that passage should be drychaif); ymdderbhaif Esa, xxx 18.
'I'he 2nd sg. impv. is dyrchqf L.G.C. 144, which becomes dyrcha
Ps. iv 6 by loss of final j; 20. From this a new 3rd sg. pres.
ind. dyrcha was evolved, Ps. xxvii 6, Gr.O. 88. Some recent
writers have mistaken the -a of dyrcha for the 3rd sg. ending,
and imagined a " root " dyrch-! The formation is dyr+chaf-.
300. (1) gadaf ' I leave, let, permit ' is conjugated
regularly: 3rd sg. pres. ind. gad ; 2nd sg. impv. gad,
pl. gédwch ; 1st sg. aor. gédaü•, 3rd sg. pres. subj. ,qåto
(gddo); v.n. gddael, "del 63, and, more rarely, gnu.
The negative na with, the imperative .qåd gives na ad,
which was contracted in Ml. W. to nad (nat R.P. 1216) ;
and na ato became nåto ; from these comes the new verb
nada/ ' I forbid, prevent ', v.n. nadu c.c. 187, in some parts
nadel.
(2) gadaf is followed by c' with the name of the person and
a v.n. as object, as gad i mi fined Ruth ii 2 'let me go
Gedwch i blant bychain ddyfod attafi Marc x 14 ; or without an
object, gad iddo Hos. iv 17 ' leave him alone '. With ar instead
of i the sense is ' to leave it to ', as gadael arno ef drefnu, ' to
leave it to him to arrange
nada,f is similarly used with i
(but not ar), gadaf may also have a noun object of the thing
permitted, as gad lonydd 'be quiet' (lit. ' allow peace
if
necessary with i introducing the person, as gad lonydd iddo ;
or may stand without an expressed object or remoter object,
as be gatai'r dagrau D.G. 84 if the tears permitted
Gwedd ewyn, cyd gweddiwyf,
Gadu ar Dduw rannu'r wyf.—D.G. 17.
[Maid of] the colour of foam, though I pray, I leave it to
God to dispose
nadodd D.C. 105 Nato Duu, E.P. 274 God
forbid '.
(3) gadawaf ' I leave, leave behind ' is also conjugated
regularly : 3rd g. pres. ind. gédy 279 (1); 2nd sg. impv.
gddaw, gddo, l. gad6wch ;
1st sg. aor. gadéwais
3rd sg.
pres. subj. gadåwo ; v.n. gådaw, gédo, 116 (3).
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128
ACCIDENCE
cyfyd, and even wrongly as impv., e.g. Ceiriog c.G. 94,
In the Gwynedd dialect the forms are cyfyd ' rises ' and CQØIad
rise ! ' the latter now being replaced by cod from the new verb
stem.
IRREGULAR. VERBS.
The Verb 'To Be'.
302. The following table shows the Mm W. forms of the
verb ' to be '
INDICATIVE Moon.
Present Tense.
1. wyf,gdwyf 1. 9m, ydym
2. wyt, yd,uyg 2. jc//, yd,ych
3. ytv, gdyw, 3. jnt,ydyni,
Second Present and Future.
1. byddaf
i. byddwn
2. byddvch
y mae, mae,
oes
3/ maent,
maent
Relatival : y sydd, sydd, y W,
Impersonal : 38,
Conjunctive: (mae), mai
Imperfect Tense.
J. oeddwn
1. oeddem
2. geddud, -it 2. oed,dech
3. oedd, ydoedd 3. oeddgnt
impers. oed,did
Perfect.
1.
1,
2.
3.
3. bydd, (bid) 3. byddant
Impers. byddir, (byddys)
Second Imperfect.
byddwn
2. byddud, -it 2. byddech
3. bydd-ynt,
Impers. byddid
Pluperfect.
1. bin
2. buost
1. buom
2. buoch
3. bu-ant,
-ont
Impers. buwyd
buaswn
buasud, -it
buasai
Impers.
I . • buasem
2. buasech
3. buas-ynt,
-ent
buasid
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129
SUBJUNCTIVE
Moon.
Imperfect.
1. büyf
2. bych
. Present.
pl.
1. b6m
2. böch
1.
2.
3.
Oawn
bdut
pl.
1. büem
2. bäech
3. bö, (PO) 3. b6nt
Impers, bydder
ba;, bdi, (pe) 3, bäent
Impers. byddid
Also with stem bydd- throughout, thus, pres. byddwyf,
byddych, byddo, etc. ; and impf. byddum, etc., like the second
impf. ind.
IMPERATIVE MOOD.
Present Tense.
1. byddwn
2. byddwch
2. bydd
3. bydded, bid, 3, bydd-ent„
( ant)
böed, pöed
Impers. byd,der
VERBAL NOUN.
bbd
VERBAL ADJECTIVES.
None.
The accent falls regularly on the penult
303. Ind. Pres
yd- in Ydwyf, etc. Forms with yt- (instead of yd-) appear in
poetry in Mn. W, , but are comparatively rare ; in Ml. W. they
are common.
Natur a, bnaeth—iawn ftyw
Ei rhan ar bob anian byw.—Gr.O. 18.
Nature has wrought—it is right—her part on eve1Y living
creature.
(2) The 3rd sg. yw and ydyw are pronounced iü' (short 103)
and (colloquially "i, not Mil) ; in Ml. W. the latter is
spelt ydiw, and in Early Mn. verse it rhymes with words in -G,
as friw D.C. 35, cf. 119, 144, 193, etc., and G. 186, 193, 203,
235, 247.
(3) The impers. ydys is pronounced "us regularly. The
simple form vs as a proclitic at the beginning of a sentence
( = English 'tis), is sounded vs with obscure y, as ys gwir ' 'tis
118 (1) ; but when it means one is, people are ' (usually
true
tk.)llowing yr) it is sounded qs.
(4) and qnt are not contracted forms, and are by nature
short, 96 ; but they are now pronounced 72m and Qnt, partly
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130
ACCIDENCE
304-307.
on the analogy of üch and 118, which are naturally long, 97,
but chiefly because every other monosyll. in 2nd pl. -m and
3rd pl. -nt is long. (In old rhymes gnu and vnt, are short.)
(5) The conj. form mai ' that it is ' is properly mae as it was
written in Ml. and Early M n. W. It is the same word as mae
is ', and has still generally the same sound in the spoken
language. The misspelling mai appears (as well as mae, ønay)
in Salesbury's N. ff., and was adopted by the translators of. the
Bible.
(6) On the relatival form ysydd, sÜdd, etc., and its meaning,
see 240; on sy see 20. The use of the various forms of the
3rd sg. and pl. and the other additional forms is determined by
the structure of the sentence, and can only be dealt with under
Syntax.
304. The second prez. is, as seen in the table, quite regular,
except that an impers. byddys formed on the analogy of ydys is
sometimes used instead of the regular byddir, Lef. vii 18. An
old 3rd sg. bid (not to be confused with the 3rd sg. impv. bid
' let
be
survives in proverbs, as bid anwadal ehud ' the
fool is fickle ', and in certain expressions such as bid sicr ' it is
certain ; to be sure ; of course
305. The impf. is regular except in the 3rd sg. oedd or
Mdoedd. This is the only 3 rd sg. impf. without an ending; all
others end either in the usual -ai or the rare -iad. The old
ending -ud or -ut is often found in the 2nd sg. in poetry. The
second impf. is regular.
306. (1) The past of the verb 'to be ' is a perfect in origin.
The inflexion of this tense is found in the past of some other
irregular verbs; see
S 320, 322. The 1 st sg. ending is -um,
and büm is a contraction of bu-um 96 (1).
(2) The pluperfect is regular.
In the spoken language the
unaccented u of the first syllable became non-syllabic and
dropped, and the forms are often found written without it, as
baswn, basei B.CW. 8 (-ei, old form of -ai).
307, (1) The subjunctive stem is b-.
It is quite wrong to
suppose that bwyf, bo, etc., are contractions of byddwyf, byddo,
etc., as solne do who write b'wyf, b'o, etc. (the apostrophe is in
any case unnecessary, 86 ; here it is positively incorrect).
The o in böm, b0nt is long because it stands for an old oe (which
must be long 102), e. g. boent A.L. i 106; see 289 (2). The
inflexion byddwyf, etc., is a new formation made from the indic.
stem ; sometimes the dd is hardened to th, thus bythwyf W.L.
208, bytho T. A. F.N. 152 ; cf. 295 (4). In the Early Mn.
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VERBS
131
extracts in r. 1—47, bo occurs 27 times, byddo not once ; in the
In the Bible
late rhymes at the end byddo 3 times, bo once.
b- forms are 1 arc, owing to the translators' propensity to use
regular ". bwyf, boch
long forms which they regarded as
Gr.O. 98, bych F, 9, 30, 39, 1 Sam. xxvi 25, bo F. 8, 12, L 7,
19, etc. Heb. xii 15, 16, bönt Lef. x cyn., Gr.O. 200 ; bvddwyf
Gen. xlvi 30, MT .11... 167, Gen. xii 13, Ex. xiii 9, etc. ;
byddoch Matt. v 45, byddont PE. lix 13 ; bydder Num. iv 20 ;
Ltances wen, pa waeth futho ? IL.M, 81.
(2) The impf, , originally b-wn, b-ut, etc., was re-formed in
Ml. W. as be-wn, be-ut, etc., •after the 3rd sg. bei, and again in
MD. W. as ba-wn, ba-ut after the modern 3rd sg. bai ; the 3rd sg.
was itself later treated as ba-ai, which becomes bdi, sometimes
written éae 103 (3). Fori1S with the stem bydd- or byth- have
been used from the Ml. pa•iod as well as the shorter forms.
'l'hus byddwn may be ind. or subj., but bawn is subj. only,
Some recent writers wrongly use the short forms as ind., thus
gu.'dl fai hynny instead of gwell fyddai hynng ' that would be
better i.
(3) 'l'he b- of bo, bei is hardened to p in certain constructions,
as föllows : po is used before superlatives in such phrases as
PO bellaj; gwaethafy gwerth G.GI. F. 35 ' The f'urther it be, the
pei has two uses: (a) the impf. of the above,
less the value
as A phei vwyhaf y uabei ef y march, pellaf vyöei hitheu R.M. 9
' A lid the more he spurred the horse the further away was she '
(b) pei y or pei yd ' were it t;hat ' used in the sense of ' if' befoze
the impf. subj. or plup. ; these have become pe or ped in Mn. W.
With the old impf. subj. of the verb ' to be ' the phi ase was pei
yt cwn 'if I were ' which was contracted to petwn ; so petut,
petai, petem, petech, petynt ; e. g. pettwn D.C. 70 (66), B.CW. 10
' if I were ', pettei B.CW. 28, pettech Heb. xiii 3. But pe bawn,
pe byddwn, etc., are also used, as well as ped fawn Gr.(). 189,
ped faem do. 260, pedfai, etc. Plup. pe buasem Matt. xxiii 30,
pe buasent Heb. xi 10
308. (1) The 2nd sg. of the impv, is the stem of the second
present bydd; e. g. bydd ddyfal 2 'I'im. ii 1 5 'be diligent '
(2) The three {Orms of the 3rd sg. budded, bid, boed are in
use: budded Gen. i 3, 6, 14, Ex. 3) Diar. v 18, 19 •
bid 1 •Cron. xvii 27, Marc ix 50, Gr.(). 22 ; boed Gr.O. 34,
The last is frequently found with hardened initial,
pocd, as Poed gwjr MOO Gr.O. 18 ' let the men of N[Ön be '
but generally in the sense of ' be it ' with a complement followed
by tbe oblique rel. y and a verb in the pres. subj., as poedfelly y
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309
gwnelo yr Arglwydd Jer. xxviii 6 literally ' be it so that the Lord
may do ' ; a phoed iach y boch Gr.O. 48 ' and be it, well that you
be ', i. e. ' may you be well '; PoedfeUy y bo 'be it so '.
::309. (1) The present of the verb ‘to be’ is
strictly present in sense, and is not used for the future except, as in other
languages, in speaking of something already decided upon, as
yr wyf yn mynd yfory
‘I am going tomorrow’;
Y mae neithior yfory,
A mwnai’n fraisg yn Môn fry. - T.P.
‘There is a wedding-feast to-morrow, and money in profusion in Môn yonder.’
{= Tudur Penllyn (Merionethshire.), c. 1460.}
It also expresses a present persisting from the past, when followed (or
preceded) by er ‘since’ or ys, er ys, ers ‘for’; as
yr wyf yma er y Calan or ers mis
‘I have been here since New Year’s Day’ or ‘for a month’;
Yr wy’n dy garu er yn eneth P.T. 104
‘I have loved thee since [thou wert] a girl’;
{= Penillion Telyn, editor W. Jenkyn Thomas,
Caernarfon, 1894.}
ys gwers ydd wyf yn keissaw a olchei vyg {= vyng} cleddyff W. M. 487
‘for some time I have been seeking [one] who would burnish my sword’.
{= The White Book Mabinogion Ed. J.
Gwenogvryn Evans, Pwllheli 1907 (issued later, preface dated 1909). Reference
to columns.}
So in French and German. The only other verbs used thus in Welsh are gwn
‘I know’ and adwaen ‘am acquainted with’.
(2) The second present is iterative or consuetudinal, some such extension as
‘sometimes’, ‘often’, ‘always’ being either expressed or understood; thus,
Byddaf yndychmygu weithian I.G.G. 219
{= Ieuan Glan Geirionydd = Evan Evans (Trefriw),
1795-1855; reference to Geirionydd, editor W. J. Roberts; Rhuthyn
[1862].}
‘I imagine sometimes’.
Byddaf yn cael p’wc o bleser wrth ... T. ii 214
{Talhaiarn = John Jones, Llanfair Talhaearn, 1810-69; reference to Gwaith
Talhaiarn; i, London 1853; ii, London 1862.}
‘I derive a good deal of pleasure from...’
byddaf weithiau yn methu a... ibidem
‘I sometimes fail to...’
Byddaf yn synnu yn aml pa sut y... ditto 217
‘I often marvel how . . .’;
mawr fydd y difrod... ar fy llyfrau bob tro y symudaf
ditto 194 ‘great is the havoc [wrought] on my books every time I migrate’.
As the tense expresses what is customary or normal, it is used in making
general statements or laying down rules;
lle ni bo dysc ny bydd dawn R.P. 1029
{= Red Book Poetry = The Poetry in the Red Book
of Hergest, editor J. Gwenogvryn Evans, Llanbedrog 1911 (issued 1921).
Reference to columns.}
‘where there is no learning there is no wit’;
Rhy debyg a vydd pan vo yr orffwysva... P.IL. xciii
{= Pump Llyfr Kerddwriaeth by Simwnt Vychan
1567, Jesus College Manuscript 9; reference to the ediiton printed from a
late copy in Dosparth Edeyrn Davod Aur... Llandovery 1856, pp.
xlii-cxxviii.}
‘[The fault] “too like” occurs when the pause is...’
Also after o, os ‘if’, oni ‘if not’ in the protasis of such
statements;
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as,
Ac o bydd y vath beth yn ... ibidem
‘But if such a thing happeins in . . .’;
ni ellir prydydd o’r doethaf... oni bydd wrth natur yn
dueddol i hynny Gr.O. 276 {= Goronwy Owen
(Anglesey), 1723-69; reference to Gwaith y Parch. Goronwy Owen...,
Llanrwst 1860.}
‘a poet cannot be [made] out of the wisest ... unless he is by nature
inclined to that’
Os bydd i ddyn synnwyr cyffredin... ibidem
‘if a man has common sense . . .’
Note the difference between os bydd gan ddyn arian,
‘if a man has money’, and
os oes gennych arian
‘if you have money [now]’.
(But pan, lle, etc. take the present subjunctive bo as above.)
(3) But the more common use of the second present is as a future; thus,
mi a fyddaf iddo ef yn Dduw, ac yntau a fydd i
minnau yn fab Datguddiad xxi 7;
{= and I will be his God, and he shall be my son.
Revelation 21:7}
Ac ni bydd nos yno ditto xxii 5
{= Revelation 22:5 And there shall be no night
there; Revelation 22:5}
Ond cofia’r farn a fydd E.F. 350
{= Eben Fardd = Ebenezer Thomas (South
Caernarvonshire), 1802-63; reference to Gweithiau Barddonol Eben Fardd
[Bangor, no date].}
‘but remember the judgement that will be’.
::310.
(i) The imperfect oeddwn is usually
imperfect in meaning, expressing contemporaneousness with the point of time
spoken of in the past, see Section ::269 (1)
Yr oeddwn y pryd hynny yn glarc T. ii 205
{= Talhaiarn = John Jones, Llanfair Talhaearn,
1810-69; reference to Gwaith Talhaiarn;
i, London 1853; ii, London 1862.}
‘I was at that time a clerk’;
A’r ddaear oedd afluniaidd a gwag, a thywyllwch oedd
ar wyneb y dyfnder Genesis i 2.
{= And the earth was without form, and void; and
darkness was upon the face of the deep. Genesis 1:2}
(2) The second imperfect byddwn
is the past of the iterative and consuetudinal second present, and denotes ‘I
used to be’, etc.; thus,
ac yno byddwn sicr o gael fy
llawn hwde Gr.O. 183
{= Goronwy Owen (Anglesey), 1723-69; reference to
Gwaith y Parch. Goronwy Owen...,
Llanrwst 1860. }
‘and there I used to be certain of getting my full share’ (literally ‘my full
"take [this]”’).
Synnodd ar bawb weled cyiinifer ... ac
anamled y byddeint yn dyfod
yn dyfod B.CW. 122
{= Gweledigaethau
y Bardd Cwsc [by Ellis Wynne], 1703; reprint, editor J. Morris Jones,
Bangor 1898.}
‘Everybody was surprised to see so many ... considering in what small numbers
they usually came’.
Wyddoch chwi sut y byddai e’n golchi ei grys? T. i 21
{= Talhaiarn = John Jones, Llanfair Talhaearn,
1810-69; reference to Gwaith Talhaiarn;
i, London 1853; ii, London 1862.}
‘Do you know how he used to wash his shirt?’
A dyna fel y byddent yn mynd ymlaen ditto 27
‘And that is how they used to go on’.
The verb ‘to be’ has thus a distinct form to express the second meaning of.
the imperfect indicative, Section ::269 (2).
(3) The second imperfect also expresses the future from a past point of view.
This generally occurs in a clause dependent on a sentence in which the verb
is imperfect
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or aorist; thus
dywed y bydd ‘he says that be will
be’ projected into the past becomes
dywedtai y byddai Gr.O. 182
´= Goronwy Owen (Anglesey), 1723-69; reference to Gwaith y Parch. Goronwy Owen..., Llanrwst 1860.}
‘he said that he would be’.
Trwy fydd y bendithiodd Isaac Jacob ac
Esau am betliau a fyddent Hebreaid xi 20
{ = Hebrews 11:20 By faith Isaac
blessed Jacob and Esau concerning things to come.}
‘By faith Isaac blessed Jacob and Esau concerning things that were to be’.
(4) But the most common use of the tense is to express what ‘would’ or ‘could
be’ in the contingency assumed, see Section ::269 (4); as
da fyddai iddo pe crogid maen melin am ei wddf
Matthew xviii 6,
{= Matthew 18:6 it were better for him that a
millstone were hanged about his neck}
cf. Luc xvii 2;
{ Gwell
fyddai iddo pe rhoddid maen melin o amglych ei wddf ef, a’i daflu i’r môr,
nag iddo rwystro un o’r rhai bychain hyn
Luke 17:2 It were better for him that a millstone were hanged about his neck,
and he cast into the sea, than that he should offend one of these little
ones.};
without an expressed protasis,
Bellach, e fyddai gymwys rhoi i chwi gyfrif... Gr.O. 199
{= Goronwy Owen (Anglesey), 1723-69; reference to Gwaith y Parch. Goronwy Owen...,
Llanrwst 1860.}
‘To proceed, it would be fitting [that I should] give you an account. ..’.
The first imperfect oeddwn is more
rarely used thus:
gwell oedd iddo osod maen melin
Marc ix 42
{= it is
better for him that a millstone were hanged about his neck}
see Section ::269 .
::311.
(1) The perfect bûm is often
perfect in meaning, but is also used in an aorist sense.
(2) It is perfect with gynt ‘formerly’, llawer gwaitli, erioed, etc.,
expressed or implied.
Y llwybrau gynt lle bu’r gân
Yw lleoedd y ddylluan. -I.B.H. ieu. 51.
{= Ieuan Brydydd Hir ieuaf, properly Ieuan Fardd
(cf. p.155 below) = Evan Evans (Cardiganshire) 1731-89; reference to Gwaith y Parchedig Evan Evans (Ieuan
Brydydd Hir), editor D. Silvan Evans, Caernarfon 1876. }
‘The paths where formerly song has been are the haunts of the owl.’
Llawer gwaith y bûm yn meddwl P.T. 59
{= Penillion
Telyn, editor W. Jenkyn Thomas, Caernarfon, 1894.}
‘Many a time have I been thinking’.
Mi fûm lawer gwaith ymhellach,
Ond nid erioed ti chalon drymach.- P.T. 55.
{= Penillion
Telyn, editor W. Jenkyn Thomas, Caernarfon, 1894.}
‘I have many a time been further away, but never with a heavier heart.’
Ni bu ferch erioed gyn laned c. i. 285
{= Ceinion Llenyddiaeth
Gymreig.... editor Owen Jones; 2 vols., London 1876.}
‘There never has been a maid so fair’.
(3) It is aorist in meaning when the extension denotes a point or period of
time, and generally when it means ‘came to pass; happened; became’.
Fe fu rhyw helynt rhyfedd iawn
Yn Rhos-y-mawn nos Glanmai. - LL.M. 102.
{= Lloches
Mwyneidd-dra... gan Absalom Roberts; Llanrwst 1845. Contains collection
of penillion telyn {= verses for singing accompanied by the harp}.}
‘There was a very strange affair at Rhos-y-mawn on May Eve.’
A’r hwyr a fu, a’r bore a fu, y dydd cyntaf Genesis i
5
{= And the evening and the morning were the first day.}
Bûm
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yngwasanaeth Mr Penson dair blynedd ar ddeg T. ii 205
{= Talhaiarn = John Jones, Llanfair Talhaearn,
1810-69; reference to Gwaith Talhaiarn;
i, London 1853; ii, London 1862.}
‘I was in Mr. P.’s service 13 years.’
A Seth a fu fyw wedi iddo genhedlu Enos saith mlynedd
ac wyth gan mlynedd Genesis v 7;
{= Genesis 5:7 And Seth lived after he begat Enos
eight hundred and seven years}
Ac efe a fu farw ditto 8
{= and he died}
A bu xi 2.
{= A bu, a
hwy yn ymdaith o’r dwyrain, gael ohonynt wastadedd yn nhir Sinar; ac yno y
trigasant. Genesis 11:2
And it came to pass, as they journeyed from the east, that they found a plain
in the land of Shinar; and they dwelt there.}
Here it is made to serve for the narrative tense for want of an aorist form.
::312.
The pluperfect buaswn is sometimes
pluperfect in meaning, ‘had been,’ as gw^r
a fasei’n alderman B.CW. 15
{= The Black Book of Carmarthen, end of 12th century; editor J. Gwenogvryn Evans,
Pwllheli 1906.}
‘a man who bad been an alderman’;
but generally it expresses ‘would have been’ etc. as
peth a fasei can haws ei gael gartref ditto 13
‘what would have been a hundred times easier to get at home’. See Section
::271.
::313. The
present and imperfect subjunctive and the imperative are used like those of
other verbs, Section ::Section ::272-274
Compounds of the Verb ‘To Be’.
::314. (1) The
verbs
canfyddaf ‘I perceive’,
darfyddaf ‘I perish’,
hanfyddaf ‘I am descended (from)’,
gorfyddaf ar ‘I conquer’,
cyfarfyddaf â ‘I meet’ are
conjugated with the b- forms of the
verb ‘to be’.
Thus the Modern forms of canfyddaf
are as follows
:
INDICATIVE, present: canfyddaf,
canfyddi, cenfydd; canfyddwn, canfyddwch, canfyddant; canfyddir.
Imperfect: canfyddwn, canfyddit,
canfyddai; canfyddem, canfyddech, canfyddynt; canfyddid.
Perfect: canfûm, canfuost, cánfu;
canfûom, canfûoch, canfûant; canfûwyd.
Pluperfect: canfuáswn, etc.
SUBJUNCTIVE, present: canfwyf,
cénffych, cánffo; cánffom, cánffoch, cánffont; cánffer, canfydder; also canfyddwyf, etc. throughout.
Imperfect.: cánffwn, cánffit, cánffai;
cánffem, cánffech, cénffynt; cénffid; also as imperfect indicative.
IMPERATIVE present: singular 2. cénfydd,
3. canfydded; plural canfyddwn,
canfyddwch, canfyddent; impersonal canfydder.
VFRBAL Noun: canfod.
(2) The others are conjugated similarly, except that the o of gorfyddaf is not
affected to e in the disyllabic
forms gorfydd, gorffych, etc.
RHANNAU HEB
EU HYCHWANEGU ETO ::315 ::316
::317 ::318 ::319
::320 ::321 ::322
::323 ::324 ::325
::326 ::327 ::328
::329 ::330 ::331
::332 ::333 ::334
::335 ::336
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ACCIDENCÉ
315
(3) The 3rd sg. forms of darfyd,daf are used in the sense
of happen ' (perhaps the verb is different, though identical
in form) ; it forms a periphrastic tense with a verbal noun,
thus darfu i mi fyned 1 went, literally it happened to
me to go'. The grammatical subject of the verb (darfu) is
the v.n. (fined), while the logical subject is expressed as
the object of i to
(4) gorfyddaf is intransitive, and is always filowed by
ar to express ' overcome' ; thus gorfu ar ei elynion 'he
overcame his enemies But this verb also is more com-
monly used in the 3rd sg. with a v.n. subject, the person
being introduced by i or ar ; thus gorfu i mifyned or Gorfu
arnaffyned G.O. 163 ' I was obliged to go ' ; Fe orfgdd arnaf
chwilio do. 189 I shall have to search'; or with no
person named, as na orffo dywedyd yr an peth B.CW. 10 so
that it may not be necessary to repeat the same thing '
oni orfu gyrru do. 137 'till it was necessary to send ...
Instead of gorfu, the v.n. gorfod is sometimes used (as a
" historic infinitive ") ; thus gorfod iddo fined he was obliged
to go'
(5) hanfyddgf is rarely used correctly in the late period ;
see 315 (4).
(6) cyfarfydd,af is properly followed by d to express
meet' ; but in the late period it is often treated as a
transitive verb : cufa/'fod dyn instead of cyfarfod d dyn to
meet man ' ; gn ei gyfarfod 1 Sam. x 10.
(7) In the late period these verbs are often wrongly inflected
in the perf. and plup. as if they were regular verbs; thus cyfar-
fyddais instead of cyfarfim, canfyddodd instead of can,fu, etc.
And the 1st sg. perf. canfüm etc. is sometimes wronglj accented
as cånfum, etc. But good writers use the correct form: see
canfüm B.CW. 16, 91, Diar. vii 7 ; bam is a late contraction for
bu-um 96 (1), hence accented, 74 (5).
315. (1) In the Ml. and Early Mn. periods these verbs have
a present and imperfect formed with the first pres. wyf and the
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137
first impf. oeddwn of the verb ' to be 'e The forms most commonly
met with are cannwyf 'I perceive ', cennyw ' perceives ', cannoedd
perceived ' ; deryw, daroedd ; hanwyt, henyw, henynt, hanoedd,
hanoeddynt ; gorwyt, gorvw.
(2) deryw and daroedd are respectively perfect and pluperfect
in meaning ; they are used chiefly in the construction described
in 314 (3), in which deryw has now been replaced by darfu ;
but they also occur simply for ' has ' or ' had happened ', as—
Na scnker am a dderyw.—I.G. 289.
Let there be no mention of what has happened.'
(3) Some of the other forms are also eometimes found with
past meanings as Edrychais Cannwyf D.G, 200 ' I looked ..
I saw
(4) hen?jQD and hanoedd to have survived longest ; the
latter was mistaken in the late period for an aorist hanodd, and
this error gave rise to a spurious van. hanu, 3rd sg. pres. ind.
hana, etc., which recent writers have used instead of the
traditional forms of the verb.
(5) The 2nd sg. pres. subj. henffych in the sense of ' mayst
thou be survives in the stereotyped phrase henffych wen !
316. The irregular verbs 'I know ' and advaen
'I am acquainted with ' are conjugated partly as com-
pounds of the verb ' to be '
thus—
INDICATIVE Moon.
Present Tense,
1. gwn
2. gtvyddost
pl.
. gwyddom
2. gwyddoch
3' gwyddant
Impers. gwüs, gwyddys
1. adwaen, adwen
adwaenost, adweini
3. adwaen, adwen, edwyn
1. adwaenom, addaenwn
2. adwaenoch, adwaenwch
3. adwaenant
Impers. adwaenir, adweinir
Future Tense.
Sg. gwybyddaf, 2. gwybyddi, etc., impers. gwybuddir
Sg. 1. adnabyddaf, 2. adnabyddi, etc., impers. adnabyddir.
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138
ACCIDENCE
Imperfect Tense.
Sg. 1. gwyddum, etc.
regular ; but see 317, Note 4.
sc. 1. adwaenwn, etc.
Perfect Tense.
sg.
1. get'?/büm, adnabdm
2. gwgbüost, adnabüost
3. giybu,
1. gwybüom., adnabüom
2. gwybüoch, adnabüoch
3. gwybü-, adnabü-, -ant,
-ont
Sg. 1.
Sg. r.
Sg,
Sg.
Sg. 1.
Sg, 1.
Impers. gwvbüwgd, adnabüwyd.
Pluperfect Tense.
gwybuåswn, etc.
regular.
adnabuåswn, etc.
SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD,
Present Tense.
r. guwpwyf, 2. gwypych, etc., impers. gwyper ;
1. adnapwyj; 2. adnepych, etc., impers, adnaper ,
or Sg. 1. gwybyddwyf, adnabyddwyf, etc.
Imperfect Tense.
gwypwn, etc.
Sg. 1. gwybyddwn, etc.
regular ; or
adnapum, etc.
Sg. 1. adnabyddwn, etc.
IMPERATIVE Moon.
Present Tense.
a. gwybydd
3. gwyped, gwybydded
2. adnebydd
3. adnabydded
pl.
1. gwybyddwn
2. guwbyddwch
3. gwypent, guyybydd-ent Gant)
1. adnabyddwn
2. adnabyddwch
3. adnabydd-ent, (-ani)
Impers. gwybydder, adnabydder
VERBAL NOON.
gwybod ; adnabod
ERBAL ADJECTIVES.
gwvbvddug, gwybodus ; adnabyddus, adnabyddedig.
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VERBS
189
317. NOTEs— .
. 1 In the pres. indica the endings of the 2nd sg.
and the pl. are •seen to be those of the perf. and aor. ; as gwyddost,
gwyddom Job xv 9 ; adwaenost loan i 48, adwaenoch do. vii 28.
But adwaen also takes the present endings : adweini Esua Iv 5,
Luc xxii 34 ; adwaen-wn, -wch are rare, thouoh Ml. examples
occur.—The old impers. pres. of gum is gwjs D.G, 236 (old perf.,
287 ; gwyddys R.J. 64 is a new formation.
2. The 1st sg. adwaen was already reduced to adwen in
WII. W. , see 63 ; adwaen Pse 1 11, loan v ; adwen loan
vii 29 (1620).
The 3rd sg. was also adwaen or adwen originally ;
edwyn is formed by false analogy. Pybyr chwaen, pawb adwaen
pwy I.G. G. 79 ' [Man of] valiant action, everybody knows who
[he is] ' ; Atwen mab ae Ilocha, ac nut atwen ae Icar R.B. 964
' A child knows who fondles l)im, but does not know who loves him '.
A 'r fun, sud, nas edwyn
Y memor I)uto amser dün.—B. Br. F. r 5.
And in the same manner, thouøh he knows it not, does God
measure man's life.' Cf. T.A. P.N. 150. Later, Job vii 10,
Ps. ciii 16, Es. i 3, Nah. i 7, etc,
3. These verbs have a future tense distinct from the present ;
e. g. Pa jbdd y gwybyddof i hyn ? Luc i 18 ' Whereby shall
ac e.fe a,'i gwybydd Job xxi 19 ' and he Shali
I know this ? '
know it ' ; yna, yr adnabyddaf 1 Cor, xiii 1 2 ; wrth eu,ffrwythau
yr adnabyddwch hwyxtt Matt. vii 16, Hence the present gwn,
adwaen, etc., is never used in a future sense.
4. Instead of the regular 3rd sg. impf. ind. gwyddai, adwaenai,
old forms, peculiar to these verbs, gwyddiad, adwaeniad, persist
in poetry in the Modern period ; as Ni wyddiad .
. I dynion
i bod yno D.G. 160 ' her people knew not that she was there '
Mae dynion a'm adwaeniad do. 430 ' there are men who knew
me' ; cf. 58, T.A. G. 234. In Gr.O. 88 gwyddiad is wrongly
used as a present ' knows .
5. Note the accentuation of gwybüm, adnabÖm (so printed in
the Bible, early and late edns., see Neh. vi 12, P s. xviii 43) ;
this is on account of the late contraction in betm, see 314 (7) ;
it appears uncontracted as late as the r 5th cent. , see exe below.
There is no contraction in the 3rd sg. gebybu, adnåbu, which are
therefore accented regularly.
Dy garu a wybü-um ;
Darllain dy bylgain V bam.—H.S. 5,
' have known [what it is] to love thee ; I have been reading
thy vigil,' Cf. D.G. 38.
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140
ACCIDENCE
318, 319
6, The old subj. stems are gwyp-, adnap-; but new forms
with the ind. stems guwbydd-, adnabydd- are mostly used in
the late period. The Bible has usually gwyp- for the first verb
in the pres., as gwypwuf Ruth iv 4, gwgpych Ex. ix 29, gwypo
loan xiv 31, gwypoch Eph. i 18, but gwybyddoch loan x 38 ;
gwybyddwn 2 Cor. ii 9, gwybyddei Col. iv 8, gwybyddech 2 Cor.
ii 4 ; but for the second verb adnabydd-, and in some cases
adwaen-, as adnabyddwyf Phil. iii 10, adwaenwgf Ex. xxxiii 13,
adnabyddo Jos. iv 24, adwaeno 1 Bren. viii 43, adnabyddoch
Esa. xliii 10, adnabyddont 2 Cron. xii 8.
7. The form adwaen is sometimes incorrectly used for the van.
adnabod by recent writers; such a misuse does not occur in
standard works ; adwaen is only the 1 st (or 3rd) sg. pres, ind.
318. The verb cydpabyddaf ' I acknowledge ' has pres,
ind, cydnabyddaf, imperf. ind. cydnabgddwn, and the rest of
the verb like adwaen: v.n. cydnabod, verbal adjectives
cydnabyddus (d) acquainted (with) ', cydnabyddedig acknow-
ledged '.
The verb is transitive, and has an abstract object; but
cydnabyddus a is followed by a personal name, and the v.n.
cydnabod, besides meaning ' to acknowledge ', is used as a
collective noun to denote acquaintance ' Luc ii 44.
Mae'r geiriau hyn ym mrig rhod,
Be caid neb i'w cydnabod.—T.A. F.N. 160.
These words are [written] on the top of the wheel, •if anybody
were found to acknowledge them.'
819. (1) The verb pfau, Ml. W. pteu, is an old compound
of the verb 'to be'; the first element, pi-, is an old dative of
the interrogative pronoun, meaning to whom ? ' and the
second, -eu, is probably a variant of 3/21,' ' is'. The 3rd sg.
impf. is päoedd, but this was already re-formed in Ml. W. as
piettoedd, and the other tenses are formed with pieu-, instead
of pi-, as the first element : 3rd sg. fut. piéufydd, 3rd sg.
perf. piég/u ; 3rd sg. pres. subj. piéuffo, In Mn. W. only
3rd sg. forms are used.
(2) Pieu was originally interrogative, meaning to whom
is?' or 'to whom belongs?' 'who owns?' But, it came
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VERBS
141
early to be used as a relative verb, ' to whom belongs ,
and this is its usual meaning in Mn. W,
who owns
Both uses are exemplified in the following couplet :
Piou rhent Gruffudd ap Rhys ?
Hywel piau 'n nhål Pöwys.—T.A.
' To whom belongs' the rent of Gr. ap Rhys? [It is] Hywel to
whom it belongs on the border of Powys.
But usually in Mn., and sometimes in Ml. W., pwy ' who ? '
precedes pieu in questions, so that the verb has its usual
relative sense ; thus—
P wy biau gu;aed pibau gcvin
' Who [is he] to whom belongs the blood of pipes of wine '
(3) Relatival piau sometimes• introduces a dependent
relative sentence, as Y nay dywedodd y wraig bioeddy nab byw
wrth g brenin 1 Bren. iii 26 ' Then spake the woman whose
the living child was to the king'. But it is chiefly used
to form the subject-clause in a noun sentence, 239 (4) ;
thus, My/ p;eu dial Heb. x 30 (1620) ; the subject is p;eu
dial ' [he] to whom vengeance belongs ', and the predicate
is M?/Ji ' [is] I just as in the original the subject is
' venoeance', and the predicate is 'Egoi ' [belongs]
to me
(4) As pi- is itself relative it is not preceded by the
relative a; see examples above. Cf. also mi bieivu R.M. 252
Lit is] I to whom it belonged '; mi biau .
a t/di/,hau biau
LG. 318; l)afydd L.(GC 291
David to whom the ball will belong'; Duw biau F. 16, 27,
31 ; Duw piav, Gr.(). 238; efe bioedd y ddaear Job xxii 8.
The initial p- is usually mutated to b- as in these examples;
but, as pieu is not preceded by a, its initial is not necessarily
softened, and Ina.ny examples of non-mutation occur, as
Hywel piau, Mgji pieu, I)uzv piau above ; cf. Mi piau cyngor
. m; piau nerth Diar. viii 14 (1620). The mutation is
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ACCIDENCE
probably due to the analogy of verbs whose initials are
softened by the relative a. In the spoken language both
p- and b- are heard ; the former prevails in N.W.
pieu may be preceded by the conjunction a ' and ', which
regularly causes the spirant mutation of its initial; as EfPiuu'r
byd .
. a phiau pawb a, phob peth S.C. c.c. 25 [It is] He who
owns the world, and who owns everybody and everything.'
Cf'. G. 79. Note that an ordinary verb in that position would
require ac a before it, e. g. ac a greodd ' and who created
(5) Though thc förmation and literal meaning of the word
were not understood by .the writers of the late Ml. and M n.
periods, they generally used it correctly as above because they
followed a tradition which went back to a time when the
significance of each elelfient was clear ; but some examples of
mig-use occur. pieu seemed to be a transitive verb meaning
owns ', and though tradition did not admit a subjective a
before it, an objective a was sometimes used as yr hwn
a bie(u) y brenhin R.B.B. 297 ' which the king owns
Tren
a obiau L.G.C. 134 ; y castell fry a pieu Belial B.CW. 10 (Wilh
rad. p- despite the a); and even a subjective a was used to
support an objective infixed pron., as l)uw yr hwn a'm piau
Act. xxvii 23. The latter seems to be an artificial literary
perversion, for in the spoken language we do not say a,'m piau,
but pia(u) j.
Objective a, 'm, 'th, 'i, etc., are out of place befOre piau
because they are inconsistent with the ordinary use of the word.
The name of the thing possessed is not the object of a transi-
tive piau, but the subject of the verb 'to be ' contained in it ;
piau'r peth is ' to whom the thing is
It has its radical initial,
as I)iau rhent, piau dial, piau cyngor, a phiau pawb, above.
In Ml. W. the verb conformed to its subject : piwyt ' whose art
thou ? ' but in Mn, W. it is stereotyped in the 3rd person :
pieuft' (for piwyf i), pieu di (for piwyt di), etc.
In Ml. W. the
verb to be ' sometimes had a complement, which brings out the
original meaning clearly: piwyt gor di S.G. 222 ' to whom art
man thou ? ' i. e. whose man art thou
In the dialects the pres. only is now used; other tenses are
expressed by circumlocution, thus oedd piau ' was to whom
belongs ' instead of pioedd ' to whom belonged ' etc.
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320
VERBS
The Verbs of, gwnaf and deuaf.
143
820. The verbs af ' I go ' and gwnof ' I make, do ' are
conjugated alike in Mn. W., except that q/ i has a borrowed
2nd sg, impv. and that the v,n.'s and. adjs. differ. It is
therefore only nOessary to give in full* the paradigm
INDICATIVE Moon.
2.
3.
1.
2.
3.
1.
2.
3.
sg.
ei, ac
0,
Present.
pl.
1. awn
2. ewch
1.
2.
3.
1.
3.
sg.
awn
aut
Imperfect.
pl.
1, aem
2. äech
3• äent
Impers. eir, air
Perfect.
euthum
aethosi
aeth
1. aethojn
2. aethoch
3. aethant
mpers. aethpuyyd, äed
Itnpet•s. eid, aid
Pluperfect.
aethum
1. aethem
aethud, -it 2. aethech
aethai
3. ae,thent
Impers. aethid
Present.
Also elstvn, elsit, etc.
SUBJUNCTIVE M00D.
Imperfect.
dwyf
elych
1. el,om
2. eloch
3, elong
Impers. der
2.
1. elem
elud, -it
Impers. elid
MOOD.
Present
-ent
IMPERATIVE
Present
1. awn
2. ewch
äed, eled
3, äent, (ant)
Impers. äer, eler
2.
3.
gumä
gvnäed,
1. gwnawn
2. gumeu•ch
3. gpn-äent,
gpnel,ed
Impers. gumäer, gumeler
VERBAL NOUNS : myned, mynd to go' ; gumeuthur, gwneu-
thud ' to do ', dial. gwneud.
VERBAL ADJECTIVES : gwneuthuredig, guyneuthuradwy.
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ACCIDENCE
321
321. NOTES
.—1. On ci, ai; cir, air; eid, aid, see 116 (1),
and cf. 297 (3). Both spellings occur in the Bible (1620),
thus: ei Gen. xxiv 58, xxxii 17, Zech. ii 2, Luc i 76, but ai
Barn. xix 17, Luc xii 59 ; eir Job xxxviii 19, air Barn. i 24 '
gwnei Gen. i' 7, 1 Bren. xix 9, Job xxxv 6, 3 loan 6, gwneir
P reg, i 9, Rhuf. v 19, gwneid Ex. ii 4.
2. For a ' goes' Dr. M. used dial. aiff (now eiff); this is
condemned by D. 86. Some late writers use gwnaiff also; but
the literary gwna prevails. The pres. af is generally future in
meaning.
3. The 2nd sg. impf. is mostly written ait, gwnait, but the
actual sound is aut, gpnäut (often written aet, gwnaet) ; there
is therefore no reason why the correct spelling out, gumaut
should not be restored.
4. The forms of the perfect are variously spelt in the late
period—aethum, euthost, etc. ; but the correct forms are those
given in the paradigm. In these two verbs eu appears in the
1st sg. only, see 122, no. 6; the other persons have ae. On
old perfects see 324.
In the dialects new forms are used for the 1st and 2nd sg.,
is, gwnäs, est, gwnöst (made on the analogy of cas 297 (6)) and
eis, gwneis, etc. •
these sometimes appear in late verse, e. g. gu•nes
C.F. 493, gwneis IL.M. 103, Pan ei8 i j'yw C.F. 489 a garbling of
BOm yn byw m.M. 88 The impers. forms aed, gwnaed are also
late forn)ations, but the latter is used in {he Bible, e. g, loan v 9.
The dialects have also awd, gwnawd.
The ordinary Mn. plup. is aethwn Ps. xlii 4, gwnaethwn
Ezec. xxxi 9, etc., gwnaethht B.CW. 8. D. also gives elswn, etc. ,
this form is used for the verb gwna.f in the Bible : gwnelswn
1 Cron. xxiii 5, gumelsent, 2 Bren. xvii 19. See 324,
6. These verbs have special subjunctive stems el-, gwnel-,
which enables the impf. subj. to be distinguished from the
impf. inda
The peculiarity of the pres. subj. with these stems is that it
lacks the usual ending -o of the 3rd sg., the forms being a,
gurna (e. g. Luc xi 24, Rhuf. x 5) ;
but in the late period the
ending is sometinmes added, and elo, gwnelo are found in the
Bible (Date xiv 4, loan xix 1 2), and later.
7. Imperative : the only form of the 2nd sg. of af is dos,
The usual forms of the 3rd sg. are aed and gumaed, but eled
1 Bren. xxii 36, gwneled T.A. G. 252 are also used; similarly
3rd pl. aent T.A. G. 241 (in the Bible elant Ex. v 7, gwn,ant
do. xxv 8); impers. aer L.G.C. 229.
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VERBS
145
8. The form mund for mined, S 86, is old, and y assumes in
it its monosyllabic sound u, 117. It is frequently found in
Early Mn. verse; thus—
Mynd yr wyfi dir MOn draw.—I.G. 294. (7 syll.)
I dy Wilym myna—ap mdwr. —Do. 299.
In the second the form is attested by the cynghanedd
(as well as by the length of the line), for mynd must be a
monosyllable to correspond to mawr. The cywydd was com-
posed between 1367 and 1382, see l.c. 294.
9. gwneud is a dialectal re-formation (perhaps a contraction
of gwneuthud D.E. 30), not found in Early Mn. verse, or in the
Bible; it makes its appearance in writing about the beginning
of the 18th cent., e. g. B.cw: 8; and is .common in the recent
period. mhe standard form ås gwneuthur.
322. The inflexions of déuaf or döf I shall come ' are
for the most part similar to those of af and gpnaf, but
the vowels of its stems are different. The conjugation is
as follows :
INDICATIVE MOOD.
Present.
sg.
1. deu«f, döf 1. deuwn, down
2. deui, doi
2. deuwch,
dowch
3.. de,uant, d&nt
Impers. deuir, doir
Perfect.
1 , deuthom
1. deuthum
2. deuthoch
2. deuthost
3. däeth, döeth 3. deuth-ant,
Impers. deuthpuwd, deuwyd,
döed
1.
2.
3.
1,
2.
3,
Imperfect.
sg.
1. deuem, döem
deuwn,
doum
deuit, d0ut 2. deuech, döech
deuai, dbi 3. deuemt, döent
Impels. deuid, doid
Pluperfect.
deuthwn l. deuthem
2. deuthech
deuthut
deuthai
3, deuth-ynt,
-ent
Impers. deuthid
Also, earlier, with stem doeth- throughout (perf. and plup.).
SUBJUNCTIVE Moon.
Present: sg. 1. delwyf, etc., like elwyf, 320.
Imperfect: sg. 1. delwn, etc. like elum, ib.
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146
sg.
ACCIDENCE
IMPERATIVE MOOD.
Present.
pl.
1. deuwn, down
323
2. t"red, turd, dyred, durd, 2. deuwch, dowch, dewch
dabre, dial. dere
3. deued, doed, deled
3. deuent (-ant), döent, detent
Impers. deuer, döer, deter
VERBAL NOUN : dyfod, dywod, dywad, dial. döad, död.
VERBAL ADJECTIVE : dyfodol,.
323. NOTES.—I. The stems of the pres. and impf. ind. are
deu- aud do-. The translators of the Bible use deu- almost
exclusively, and seem to admit an occasional do- form only by
. na ddoi . . . Gen. xxxi 52); but there is
a slip (na ddeuaf .
quite as good authority for the latter as for the former. The
1st sg. pres. döf D.C. 355, L.G.C. 206, 468, appears uncontracted
in Ml, W. ; doaf R.M. 76, W.M. 55 ; the usual spoken form is döf,
but in Dyfed the disyllabic doa(f) persists. The 3rd sgs pres.
is daw; an old 3rd sg. dyfydd (corresponding to the v.n. dyfod)
occurs very rarely in poetry, e. g. Gr.O. 13 (where dufydd is
used elliptically for dyfydd a, i. e. daw a ' will
In Ml. and Early
2. The perfect stem is deuth- or doeth-.
Mn. W. both are common ; but the translators of the Bible
eschewed the latter, and consistently misspelt the former, on
the supposition that the perfect of this verb should have the
same form as that of af and gwnaf. The 3rd sg. daeth is a
misspelling of dauth which is the regular Mn, equivalent of Ml.
deuth, and the regular monosyllabic form of the stem deuth-
(S 114, no. 2). As the sound of däuth and däeth is the same
the correction of the spelling here is not of practical importance.
The Gwynedd dial. uses doeth- and deuth- with 3rd sg. doeth
simplified to döth, (But the dialects have evolved new {Orms
dois, des, etc, for the 1st and 2nd sg.)
Dan i ddant erioed ni ddoeth
Ar i enau air annoeth.—D.N.
Under his tooth there never came on his lips an unwise word.'
For old perfects, see 324.
3. The subjunctive of this verb is precisely similar to that of
af and gwnaf: 3rd sg. pres, subj. dét, later delo, see 321 (6);
['an ddél y Pasg D.C. 199 when Easter comes ', cf. G. 294 ;
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VERBS
147
doed a ddél G. 134, T). T, 239 ' come whit may come ', cf. Gr.O. 2 ;
Dél amorth Gr.O. 59 ' May misfortune come ! '
4. The 2nd sg. impv. has a number of forms ending in -red
or -re; with turd and durd cf. mund 321, 8. , as to form. The
old dyfydd is also found in poetry (oftener than as 3rd sg. pres.
ind., see 1. above); thus Dyfydd ' coine ! ' D.G. 41, Gr.O. 60,
1).1. 60 b. 3rd sg. doed see 3. above, deued Gr.O. 59, deled
do, 2, etc. 3rd pl. doent 290 (4). Impers. doer L.G,C. 229,
5. The v.n. is dyfod ; this is the only form used in the Bible ;
but owing to the interchange of f and w (cf, aw : afS 136 (3), 7. ,
p. 42) dyfod became dvwod in the 14th cent. (dywot, L.A. 80) ;
and .as wo and wa interchange, 41, this became dywad D.G.
306, spelt dowad c,c. 369. Tn the dialects dgwad became dQØad,
which is the spoken form thrjughout almost the whole of Wales ;
but W ms. used a local form did (reduced from dowad or dowod),
and this corruption, made familiar in his hymns, has been much
used in recent verse, and even prose.
6. The v. adj. dyfodol is used in the recent period for ' coming,
future '
but the formation itself is older: G. R. (1567) uses
arddufodawl for ' future (tense) ', e. g., p. [137]'
324. (I) In Ml, W. the verbs auf, gwnaf, and deuaf had.
old perfects and pluperfects of which some forms were still
nsed in Early Mn. poetry.
(2) The old perf. of af was formed by adding the pres. wyf of
the vb, to be ' to the stem aeth-, which was generally simplified
to ath-, and softened to ab- ;
thus 1st sg, aeghwyf, athwyf, abwyf,
3rd sg. ethyw, eöyw. Similar forms of deuaf occur ;
dothwyf, dobwyf, 3rd sg. doöyw, deöyw. The 14th cent. bards
use these forms: ethyw (misspelt euthyw) I.Q. 312, deddyw
I).G. 4, doddyw do. 321 ; and extend the formation to the verb
gumaf, as gwnedd-wyf n.G, 115, -wyd 102, -yw 429.
(3) The old plup. was similarly formed with the impf. oeddwn,
and is used for the three verbs : athoeb W.M. 13, aboeb 15 ' had
gone '; doethoeb IL.A. 17, dothoeÖ R.M. 200 ; gumathoebwn S.G. 198 ;
gumaethoeb W.M. 30, gwnathoeb do. 440. This is the only plup.
formation in use in Ml. W. ; the Mn. aethwn etc. do not go back
to the Ml. period.
(4) The old perf. of gwnaf was sg. 1. gorugum, 2. gorugost,
3. gmuc, p]. 1. gorugam, etc., impers. gorucpwyt ; also a rare
3rd sg. goreu ' did '. These forms, except an occasional gorug
(a orug) did ', rarely occur in Mn. W.
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ACCIDENCE
325, 326
(5) deuaf had also an old perf. corresponding to the v.n:;
thus, sg. 2 e dyvuost W.M. 458, sg. 3. dyvu or dybu, These forms
occur later only in imitations (I,MSS. 237, 265).
Verbs with old Perfects.
325. A few other verbs have old perfects, or remains of
old perfects, some of which survive in Mn. W.
326. (1) The verb dywedaf 'I say' is regular throughout
in the Bible ; but the traditional conjugation has two or
three irregular forms.
(2) The 3rd sg, pres. ind. in Ml. W. is dyweit ; the Mne
equivalent of this is d,gwaid, which is the standard Mn.
form, and the only form used by the Early Mn. bards,
see e. g. F.N. 45, 16, 188. But though W,S. wrote the
traditional forms dywait, dgweit, the Bible translators used
the dialectal dgwed, 65, because it seemed more regular
from dywedaf,
(3) The past is a regular aorist dywedai8, etc., except that
the 3rd sg. in Ml. W. is always one of the old perfect
so in Early Mn. W. :
forms dywat, or dywot ;
dywawd P.N. 2, 6, D. 141 ; dywod P.N. 9 ; also with for w
(cf. 323, 5), Ni dd,gfod ond gn ddifalch D.N. ' He spoke
only modestly'. W.S, in his N.T. writes dgvot, and
more rarely dgwot, but Dr. M. uses the neologism dywedodd,
which was retained by the revisers of 1620, and ousted the
old dywod in the late period,
(4) The past impersonal of dgwedaf (as of other verbs
with old perfects) is formed with the suffx -pwyd ; the Ml.
forms are d,gwetpwgt dywespwgt„ though 'dywedwyt also
occurs. The 1620 Bible has dywetpwyd 1 Bren. xiii 17,
Matt. i 22, Luc ii 24, dyavedpwyd Dat. vi 11, but, dywedwgd
Job iii 3, Hos. i 10, Rhuf. ix 12, 26 ; dyu•ed.pwgd B,CW. 64.
(5) The 2nd sg. imperative is properly dywed, S 290 (2) ;
it is sometimes miswritten dywaid ; thus
Ml. dywet W.M. 121
na ddywaid D.G, 355 is a misreading of na ddgwed D.C. (13).
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S 327, 328
VERBS
149
(6) The ven. is dywedud, Ml. W. dyevedut, generally mis-
spelt, dywedyd in Late Mn, W. (but spelt correctly dywedud
by G.J., 8, 11, 14, etc.).
Verbal adjectives : dywededig, dywedadwy.
(7) The y of dywedaf is often elided, 84, and the contracted
form dwedaf sometimes appears as doedaf in the 16th cent.
S.W. dialects it became gwedaf. Various contracted forms of
the v.n. ore used colloquially, and a debased form dweud is
sometimes written in the late period.
327. (1) The old 3rd sg. perf. dywawt is formed by an ancient
change of the e of the root to aw. Two other verbs preserve
the same förmation in Early Ml. W. : gwaredaf has gwarawt
R.P. 1159 " has saved ', and has gobiwawö W.M. 42,
B.T. 51 ' overtook The latter was re-formed as gcrbiwebawÖ
R. M. 29, which is now goddiweddodd. Doubtless eistebawb
W.M. 188 ' sot ', arweÖawb IL.A. 84 ' carried ', etc., are similar
re-Ibrmations.
In these -awö seemed to be a past ending ;
it spread from them to other verbs, and became the aor. 3rd sg.
ending -odd.
(2) The v.n. of gwaredaf is in Ml. W, gwaret W,M. •3, Mn.W.
gwared Act. vii 34, 01' gwaredu Matt. xxvii 42.
(3) The v.n, of gorddiweddaj' is gorbiwes IL.A. 122, Mn. W.
goddiwes Jer. xlii 16, also in the late period goddiweddyd
Deut. xix 6, (In the Bible goddiwes is wrongly used as 3rd sg.
pres. ind., Hose ii 7, Amos ix 10, 13.)
328. (1) dygaf ' I bring': 3rd sg, pres. ind. d'Iög ' brings ;
v.n. d?öyu, In Ml. W. this verb had an old perfect : sg. 1.
(lugunz, 2. dugos/„ 3. düc, pl. 3. dugant. In Mn.W. the
sg. düg remained the standard form, though in the late
period it has tended to be replaced by a new formation
dygodd Dat. xvii 3 ; but the other persons were re-formed as
aorists (lygai8, dygaist, etc., though side by side with these
the old forms persisted (sometimes misspelt) in the 16th
thus :
cent. ,
Dy wg gn hir y dygum ,
O dygais, di-fantais jam.—W.L. 210,
' Thy resentment have I long borne ; if I have borne it, I have
been no gainer,'
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150
ACCIDENCE
(2) The perfe impers. was du,cpwyt W.M. 28, Mn.W.
ducpwyd Matt. xiv 11, xviii 24, Act, xxv 23 (1620), mis-
spelt dycpwyd Matt. xix 13 and generally in later edns. ;
mostly replaced in the recent period by the new formation
dygwyd Job iv 12.
(3) The compound ymddygof is similarly inflected :
v.n. 'mddwyn 'to behave',ymddöyn 'to bear (child)' 74 (1);
perf. sg. 3 ymddlig in both senses : ymdd,eig Act, xxvii 3
behaved ', (late edns, ymddüg) Can. iii 4 ' bore ' ,
The compound (9/(1-ymddzöyu ' to bear with one another ' is
so accented, generally with a secondary accent on crd-.
329. (1) clywaf ' 'I hear '
3rd sg. pres. ind. clyw ; v.n.
Ml. clybot W,M. 474, clywet R,P. 1417, M n. W. clgwed.
(2) In Ml. W. the past has two old perf. forms, sg. 1.
cigleu or ciglef, sg. 3. cigleu ; the rest of the tense is made
up of aor, forms, clywei&t, ctywssom, etc., with an impers.
cl,ywspwyt, The 1 st sg, ciglef survived in Early Mn. verse :
Doe ym mherigl y ciglef
Y nglyn aur angel o nef.-—D.G. 124 (100)
' Yesterday in danger I heard the golden englyn of an angel
from heaven.' Ci I.G. 338.
But the ordinary Mn, form is clywai8 D.G. 81 (83). Simi-
larly the 3rd sg. became clywodd Luc xiv 15, and the impers.
cl'e@d Ps. Ixxvii 18 ; thus the tense became a regular aor.
But there are also in Late Ml. and Mn.W. a 3rd sg. Clybu
S.G. 362, Gen. xlv 2, Ex. ii 15, Gr.O. 108, and an impers.
ctybåFjd Matt. ii 18, of which there do not seem to be early
examples.
(3) In Early Mn. W. a 2nd sg. impv, degle is found, e. g. GeGl.
I.MSS. 3 15 (perhaps a corruption of dyglyw D. 1 35); both form and
meaning seem to have been influenced by dyre (dial. dere) ' come !
Degle 'n nes ! dwg i l,iw nyf
Ddeg annerch oddi gennyf.—D.G. 218 (59).
Lend nearer ear! bring to [her of] the colour of snow ten
greetings from me.'
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330, 331
VERBS
Verb* with t-Aori8t8.
151
330. (1) canaf 'I sing' has an old aor. 3rd •sg. cänt
sang ', see 285 (6) ; as Te gant gd?L Gr.O, 82 'he sang
pan gant d'i gyrn L,G.C. 143 ' when he blew
a sono•
with his trumpet*
(2) In Ml. W. there are also an impers. canpwyt, and an
archaic 1st sg. ceint 'I sang', from which were formed a perfect
sg. 1. keintu.m, 2. keuntost. But these were replaced in Ml. W.
by keneis, heneist ; an(l even kant began to give way to the new
canaw8 IL.A. 117, MD. W. canodd.
(3) In Ml. W. the verb gwanaf ' I wound ' has a similar aor.
3rd sg. gwant, and an old 14 sg. gweint.
331. (1) cymeraf ' I take ' preserves in M.n.W. the old
aor. 3rd sg. cymerth ; see 285 (6).
(2) 'There are two Ml. forms, kymerth and hymyrth. In
Ml. W. the verb differaf '1 protect ' had a similar 3rd sg. aor.
dit•yrth or differth. The -th is for -t after r ; cf. porth from
Lat. porta.
(3) The van. of cymeraf is cymryd, Ml. W. hymrgt. In
biblical Welsh this was expanded to cymmeryd, which later
writers adopted, thouo•h the traditional form cynvrgd con-
tinued to be used in poetry, and is still the usual spoken
form. V. adjs. cymeredig, cymeradwye
(4) The compound cam-gymeraf ' I mistake ' has also the v.n.
cam-gynvryd D.FF. 137, BL. 50, 87.
(5) The v.n. of the Ml. verb differaf was similarly dffryt.
These v.i).'s are not syncopated forms, as the translators of the
Bible supposed; accented vowels are not thus elided. The v.n.
suffix is -d, older -t; and cym-er-af cym-ry-d contain an inter-
change of er and ry which goes back to Primitive Aryan vowel
gradation. It occurs in other similar forms; see 345 (11)
(6) The verb has the full grade cymer- throughout; as
cyméraf, cymérant, cymérwn, cymérais, etc. ; *but re-formations
on the false analogy of the v.n. are sometimes found : cymrodd
D.G. 356, cymruis E.P, vs. cxix 1.
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152
ACCIDENCE
DEFECTIVE VERBS.
332, 333
882. The verb dichon (older dichawn) ' can is used only
in this form, which is 3rd sg. pres. ind. ; in other persons
and tenses ' can ' is expressed by the parts of the verbs
gallaf and medraf.
Ni ddichcn neb wasanaethu dau arglwydd Matt. vi 24. Llawer
a ddichon taer-weddi y cwfawn lago v 16. It may be used in
any position in which the 3rd sg. can stand, e. g. after a rel.
irrespective of the person of the antecedent, as Chwi gn falch
a ddichonfod T, A. ' You can be proud '.
An artificially affected form dichyn D.FF. ix was in fashion for
a time, and then disappeared.
In Ml. W. other persons and tenses of the verb occur.
388 (1) The verb ebr, ebe or eb ' quoth ' is used only
in these forms, which correspond to Ml. W. héb yr, heb y and
heb respectively. It precedes its subject, which may be
a noun or pronoun of any person or number.
(2) In Ml. W. heb yr and heb y the yr or y was written
separately because the y had the obscure sound y as in the
article. I). 136 states that in his time (1621) they said in
N. Wales eb yr j, eb yr di, eb yr ef(the distinctive y is his own) ,
but this form is usually written ebr in Mn. W. The form ebe is
a modification of eb y which survived only in S. Wales.
used by N. aud S.W. writers.
(3) In Ml. W. heb yr alid heb were used before vowels, and heb y
before consonants only. In Mn. W. usage is looser, but ebe iB
comparatively rare before vowels, and ebr before consonants
except in pronouns.—hebr ej D.PF. 20, eb ef do. 11, ebr efe Act.
xxv 5 (1588), eb yr efe loan i 23 (do.), eb ere Act. i 4 (do.), eb ni
PE, cxxxvii 4 (do.) ;
eb angel yr Arglwydd Barn. v eb yr
Argtwydd Amos vii 3, eb hwynt lucleth v 23 ; eb ef B.CW. 8, eb yr
angel ib. ebr ef, ebr do. 10, ebr ynteu do. 15; ebe •Myrddin
D.P.O. 4, eb un do. 97, ebe un ib., ebe I.MSS. 154 ff.
Some recent writers, on the entirely mistaken assumption
that the -e of ebe is a dialectal reduction of -ai (S 65), have spelt
it ebai, and even invented a pl. ebent for it.
(4) The verb appears to be an old deponent of the form hebr
or hebr from which the three surviving fomns may be derived.
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334, 335
VERBS
153
The formation is probably present, though in meaning it is
generally a past,
It is always unaccented ; -that is
' said '.
why it has lost its h-. It is normally inserted with its subject
after the first word or two of the quotation; but it may follow
the complete quotation, if this is short; more rarely it introduces
the words quoted.
(5) The compounds of heb are conjugated fully and
regularly: atebaf ' I answer
(S I '27), 3rd sg. pres. inde
etyb, v.n. ateb ; gohebg/ 'I correspond ', 3rd sg. pres. ind.
goheba, v,n. gohebu.
334. (1) The verb meddaf ' say I ' is conjugated fully in
the pres. and impf. indic.i but in no other tense ;
it has
no v,n.
(2) The initial of meddaf is never mutated ; the 3rd sg. medd
or meddai is usually followed by an expressed subject (noun or
3rd sg. pron.) ;
it is placed, like ebr, in, after or before the
sentence repeated. The impf. meddwn ' said I meddai e/' said
he ', etc., is used in narrative like ebr; but the pres. generally
quotes an expression of opinion or a pronouncement, as med(laf
Col. i 20, I.MSS. 319, pwy medclwch chwi ydwyfi V Matt. xvi 15 ;
ac 'ineddi di loan viii 52, medd yr Arglwydd Esa. i 11, 18, 24 ;
and so is used in quoting authors, etc. : Meö seint Awstin L.A. 42.
While ebr is used in reporting verbatim, meddaf may follow (but
not precede) an indirect statement or general paraphrase ; this
of course is the normal use of the impers. meddir ' it is said
meddid ' it was said 's
(3) meddaf ' I possess ' is not connected with the above verb,
and is conjugated fully throughout: cymaint 011 ag a, feddaf
Luc xviii 12, yr hyn ou a fedd Matt. xiii 44, fe feddodd e
. ni
feddodd W.IL, cu. 105 ; v.n. meddu 1 Cor. vii 30.
335, (1) In Mn.W. the verb dylywn ' I ought' is
used only in the impf. and plup. (which may be ind. or
subj.) ; but in the Early period the pres. ind, continued in
use, especially the 3rd sg, duly, see
57, later Num. xxxy
28. The impf. assumed the form d,yldwn, dylüut, dylüi, etc.,
or (without the intrusive y) (ltdi, dläe 103 (3), etc. But
the translators of the Bible regularized the tense as d'hvn,
Ulit, Ulai, etc.
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154
ACCIDENCE
Cwirion a ddlae drugaredd.—D.E. 31.
336, 337
' The innocent ought [to have] mercy.' The MS. has ddylae
which makes the line too long.
(2) The verb is cognate with Irish dligim ' I deserve ', Breton
and its old stem in Welsh is dly-.
dle ' debt ', dleout ' devoir
The noun corresponding to Irish dliged ' right ' is dlyet or dyiyet
in Ml. W. , later dléed, dyléed, contracted to dléd B.CW. 83, fy
Wms. 788 (still used in N. W. speech) or dyåd D.w. 80,
dyléd 1 Sam. xxii 2 (1620), Matt. xviii 24 (do.). For this in
the late written language the wrongly standardized "led is
chiefly used.
(3) The verb is used as an auxiliary with v.n. object, see the
example in 57. (In the Early period it might have an abst.
noun object, as drugaredd above.)
336, The verbs hwde 'take (this)' and möes give (me) '
are imperative only, and probably 2nd sg. only originally ;
but, 2nd pl. forms hwdiwch and moeswch are in common use.
Other persons are extremely rare : moesed D.E. 3 ' let her
give (me)
Hwde di y votrwy honn R.M. 173 'Take thou this ring
i'w sathru B.CW. 38 ' take [him} all of you, to trample upon
him ', cf. D.FF. 78. Often used merely to call attention: Hwde,
Mot, tyrd yma, was D.H. 94 ' Here ! Mot, come here, lad.'
Moes, see 221 (2), p. 80 ; moes i mi dy galon Diar. xxiii 26 ;
Moeswch (ac nac oedwch) gerdd Gr.O. 58 ' Give us (and do not
i mi 'to me ' is always implied in moes, and,
delay) a song
when expressed, is perhaps redundant, as the m- may well be
the initial of the old dative of mi. MoeswcL i'r Arglwydd
Ps. xxix 1 seems a perverted use of the word.
In S.W. dialects hwde has . become hwre, the d, by rapid
pronunciation, having been trilled into an r.
::337. The verb genir ‘is born’ is used in the impersonal only; thus
indicative present genir,
imperfect genid,
aorist ganed (late ganwyd also),
pluperfect ganasid;
subjunctive present ganer;
verb-noun geni.
Middle Welsh has other pluperfect forms, ganadoedd, ganydoedd
‘had
been born’.
The verb takes accusative pronouns, Section ::275 (2), as
Er mwyn hyn y’m ganed Ioan xviii 37;
{= To this
end was I born, John 18:37}
and the verb-noun takes
nouns and pronouns in the objective genitive, as
cyn dy eni ‘before the bearing of thee’, i.e. before thy birth.
RHANNAU HEB EU HYCHWANEGU ETO Section ::338 Section ::339 Section ::340 Section ::341 Section ::342 Section ::343 Section ::344 Section ::345 Section ::346 Section ::347
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338
VERBS
155
pronouns in the objective genitive, as cyn dy eni ' before the
bearing of thee ', i. e. before thy birth.
338. (1) Some verbs, like darfu in the sense of ' hap-
pened 314 (3), are used in the 3rd sg. only, because they
can only be predicated of an action or event. The subject
is a verbal noun, åbstract noun, rel. or demonst. pron., or the
like ; and the name of the person concerned follows a pre-
position i, ar, etc., see 314 (3). The verbs that are, or
were, so restricted in use are the following .
(2) darfu, foll. by i, ' happened to (one) plup. darfuasai
(D.FF. 8) ; also old deryw, duroedd, 315 (2) ; v.n. dac/od.
The v.n. darfod, used instead of the verb, forms a past noun-
clause, which may be the object of a prep., as gan ddarfod i
. B.CW. 29 ' seeing that you have hit upon
chwi daro wrth . .
cf. do. 71 ; but is often the object of a vb. or van. of ' saying ', etc.,
and serves as a past (perf, or plup.) indirect statement, as dyvoC
. a dywedut 8arvot j'r brein deutu (y = i) R.M.
a oruc
. and said that the ravens had killed his host '
158 'he came ,
gwyddom ddarfod iddynt ddeüliaw D.FF. 22 ' we know that they
have sprung ' ; gn tybied ddarfod i ni ynfydu do. 23.
derfydd, foll. by am, with no subject, 'there is an end of' ;
Darfu am g cyfiaevn Esa. Ivii 1 ; darfu am danaf do. vi 5 ; sydd
ar ddarfod am dano Diar. xxxi 6 ' who is about to perish
(3) gorfydd, foll. by i or ar, ' will be necessary for '
314 (4).
(4) damwain or damweinia foll. by i, ' happens to (one)
impf. damweiniai, aor. damweiniodd, v.n. damweinio or dam-
impf.
wain ; and digwydd, foll. by i, ' happens to (one)
digwyddai, aor. digwgddodd, v.n. digwgdd.
Neu o damwain iddo . .. briodi D.FF. 123 ' Or if it happens
to him to marry , i. e. if he happens to marry. A'i ddamwein-
iodd i mi weled leuan Fardd Gr.O. 172 'I did not happen to
see I. F.' ; oni ddigwydd i rai ddyfod do. 209 unless some
happen to come ', pan ddigwyddai iddo ddyfod do. 190 ' when
he happened to come ' ; v.n. forming noun-clause : rhag digwydd
iddynt fyned do. 231 ' lest they should happen to go
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156
ACCIDENCE
These verbs may be 3rd pl. also, as any abstract noun may
be their subject, e. g. digwyddant Deut. xxxi 17. A recent
degenerate use is to make the person the subject as in English :
digwyddais fined 'I happened to go ', instead of digwyddodd
i mi fined.
The verb dy-gwyddaf ' I fall ' is conjugated throughout, but
its prefix is dy-, as e ddygwyddawdd i lawr W.S:, Luc v 8. The
verb di-gwydd ' falls out, happens ' has prefix di- 228, see D.FF,
70,
(5) tycio, foll. by i, ' avails ' ; impf. tyciai, aor. tyciodd,
v.n. tycio,
NY thykja j neb ymlit yr unbennes (j = i) W.M. 14 ' It avails
no one to pursue the lady,' ; the subj. is yrnZit. Without expressed
subject, ond ni thycia iddynt Jer. xii 13 ' but it avails them not ',
cf. Dan. xi 27. The von. is used in periphrastic conjugation :
pan welodd nad oedd dim gn tycio Matt. xxvii 24 ; wrongly
used with personal subject loon xii 19.
(6) gwedda, foll. by i, ' beseems
impf. gweddai, v.n,
gweddu.
The form generally used is the impf. gweddai; as geirieu
duach nog a wedde(i)
i Wür eglwysig eu harfer D.FF, 82
' blacker words than it would become clergymen to use '. With-
out expressed subject: megis y gweddai i saint Eph. v. 3 : the
v.n. in periphrastic conjugation Tim. ii 10. The verb may
also be pl., cf. (4): Dy gywyddau, da gweddynt Gr.O. 63.
(7) metho, foll. by gun, ' fails '
methai, methodd, v.n.
methu. synna, foll. by ar, ' is astonished ' ; eyynnai, synnodd,
v.n. synnu.
metha ganddynt ffoi Job xi 20, cf. Jer. xxv 35 ; metha gan
y buan ddianc Amos ii 14 ; Pan fethodd genni' ddyfe;sio B,CW.
15 ' when I failed to guess Synnawdd ornaf D.C. 386 'I was
astonished ', synnodd arnynt Matt. xiii 54, cf. B.CW. 122.
But these verbs are also used with personal subjécts : methaj•
I fail ', synnaf 'I am astonished ' ; as E.fo weithian a, fethai
L.G.C. F. 14 'he now would fail ';
synnodd pawb Marc ii 12.
methaf is intrans. fol]. by a with v.n„ as ni fethodd gweddi .
chyrraedd . . . W ms. 788 ' prayer has not failed to reach .
or trans. with vena obj. methu cadw do. 602. synnaf, intrans. ,
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VERBS
as a synnant Jer. iv 9, cf. xviii 16 ; foll. by
and at.
'l'hese are the constructions now used,
(8) dowr ' matters ', impf. dorai ; with
thus ni'm dawr it does not matter to me '
care '; with subject ni'm dawr fgned, etc.
diddorai,
157
wrth do. ii 12 ;
infixed prone,
, i. e. do not
Also diddawr,
Owing to the persistence of the stereotyped phrase ni'm dawr
the above construction persisted in Mt). W., e. g. D.C. 1 38, Gr.O.
57, Ni'm dawr i Gr.O. 170, 200 ; o'øn dawr D.G. 246 if I care '
ni'm diddawr IL.G. F.N. 29 ; paham na'n diddawr Gr.O. 87 ' why
does it not concern us ? ' i. e. why are we so heedless of it? But
the verb became personal the dawn of the Mn. period ; thus
doraf Gi•.O. 57 'I care'; aoruyn D,G. 174 (12), T. A. D.G. 296,
Gr.O. 59 ; by a confusion of the two uses, ni'm doraf F,N, 30,
D,G.G. 168, ni'm dorwn L.G.C. 183.
VERBAL NOUNS,
339. (1) The verbal noun in many cases consists of the
stem of the verb with no suffx ; as adrodd, amgyffred, anfon,
arbed, ateb, cadw, cu/a,rch, dan,908, datod, dewis, dioddef, edzych,
eistedd, galw, gorwedd, gogod, gwarchae, gwrthod, tladd, bwgta.
(2) The addition of verbal inflexions involves vowel mutation,
114; as v.n, gollwng, vb. goUyngaf; gostwng, gostyngaf ;
can@n, cantynaf; dechrau (-eu 116 (2)), dechreuaf, etc, ; and
consonant mutation 126, as dianc, däangaj: Also h lost after
the accent in the v.n. is kept in the vb., as cymen, cymhéllaf,
åmau, -eu, amhéuaf, etc., 88, 90.
(3) In a few cases a v.n, formed with a suffx in Ml. and
Early Mn. W. , drops the suffx in the late period; as agori,
now agor (also late agoryd) ; disgynnu and disgyn, now disggn
only. Conversely, fro to flee ', now ffoi; gwaret, now gwared
and gwaredu. There are one or two other doublets : chwennych,
chwenychu ; cöffa, coffåu ; p6ra, parhåu, ; see also 342—3.
(4) The vowel in the first syll. of Ml. taraw, 3. s. p. ind. tereu,
now taro, tery, is intrusive, for the verb in Ml. W, (and still in
spoken W.) is trawqf, etc. The foi•mg tarawaf, tarewi, etc., are
artificial, based on the. assumption that the a has dropped as
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158
ACCIDENCE
340-342
340. Most verbal nouns are formed by adding to the
stem of the verb one of the three endings -u, -o (older -aw)
or -i. The choice of suffx is determined by the character
of the stem, as follows :
341, -u is added to stems in which the vowel of the last
syllable is a, ae, e or (from q or w) ; as canu, cablu, gala.ru;
diddanu, pallu, tarfu, daltu, meddiannu, parhd-u, caniatå-u,
etc. ; gwaelu, taeru, arfaethu, saethu, gwaedu, baeddu ; credu,
anrhegu, trefnu, caledu, gweddu; crgnu, synnu, ngddu,
prgdyddu, metgsu, tyrfu ; also unmutated w : gwgu.
Exceptions : (a) Some stems with these vowels take no suffx,
339.—(b) A few stems with a take -i 343 (3).—(c) gwaeddaf
'I cry ' has v.n. gweiddi (often misspelt gwaeddi) .—(d) medaf
' I reap ' has medi.
342. -o is added to (1) stems ending in i, as rhod@,
diffygio, tycio, troedio, gwawrio, etc, These include stems
in which the last syllable has ei, as teithio,. seilio, rheibio,
etc., see Note below.
Exceptions : (a) Some f-stems take no suffix, the i dropping
in the v.n. ; as derbyniaf, derbyn ; cynigiaf, cynnig (now written
cynygiaf, cynnyg); meddylio, sonio are now replaced as v.n.'s
by meddwl, son; datigf, dal, older daly (1 syll.), dial. dala.—
(b) bwriaf, v.n. bwrw,—(c) Some i-stems toke other endings,
345 (8), (14), (15).
The stems of verbs borrowed from English are generally
formed by means of -i- (used to form denominative stems) ,
hence the v.n.'s take -o; as pasio, stopio, peintio (peintgaw R.P,
1408), cnocko, etc. (in SSW. dial. the is mostly dropped). But
some have two forms, one with, and one without, the i, as
ffaelio,ffaelu ; helpio, helpu; the latter form following the rule
N0TE.—As ai becomes ei in the penult 114, and as ei is
generally followed by i in the next syllable, verbs 'derived from
nouns and adjectives with ai in the ultima have v.n.'s in -o as
above; thus taith, teithio; gwaith, gweithio, etc. Hence the
actual v.n.'s areithio, disgleirio, goddeithio, gwenhieithio, diffeithio
prove that the diphthong was ai in araith, disglair, etc. 67 ;
if it had been ae the v.n.'s would be araethu, disglaeru, etc., for
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343, 344
VERBS
159
ae takes -u 341. Stems having ei without the additional
also take -o, as teilo, beio, treio; the only exception is the late
word cyneithu.
(2) Stems in which the vowel of the last syllable is i, u,
eu or 'Q; as blino, Ilifo, rhifo, cyne$no, gweddi-o; curo, hudo,
twguo,
dymuno, petruso, •rhuo ;
euro, heulo, ceulo, teneuo ;
rhuyfo, arswgdo, difuyno, andwyo.
some take no suffx : ameu, maddeu, dechreu ;
Exceptions ,
tramwy Job i 7, but tramwyo Gen. xv 17 ;
so arl,wy beside
arlwyo; also dewis, arofun, arlhvys and a few others.
343. -i is added to (1) stems ending in p; as berpi,
ch.werpi, envi„ meddwi, gwel&i, sylpi.
Exceptions: some of these stems take no suffx : cadw, galw,
marw; lla,nw and Uenwi.—ln ysgpyd, the v.n. of ysgydpaf,
the w is shifted by metathesis.—tewi and distewi follow the
rule (cf. 112); but other stems in -aw take no suffx : gadaw
300 (3), gwrandaw 116 (3), taraw 339 (4) ;
except croesawu
(which follows the analogy of a, 341
(2) stems in which the vowel of the last syllable is oe or
o, whether the latter be original o or a mutation of aw ; as
oedi, oeri, troelli, poethi, poeri ;
Ilonni from llön ' merry
cronni from crawn ' hoard '
torri, cyJogi, arfogi ; also un-
mutated aw : cyflawni.
Exceptions: several stems with o take no suffx ; see 339,
(3) some stems in which the vowel of the stem is a,
which is affected to e by the ending -i ; as erchi, vb. archaf;
peri, vb. paraf ; sengi, vb. sangaf; perchi, vb. parchaf,
mynegi and trengi belong to this class of v.n.'s, for the verbs
were in Ml. and Early IMn, W. managaf and trangaf(from tranc) ;
but in the late period the verbs were re-formed with the vowel
of the v.n. and became mynegaf and trengaf.
344. Verbal nouns generally ore formed as above, some
with no ending. but the great bulk with the three endings
named. These endings have spread by analogy, as is
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ACCIDENCE
shown by the fact that all vowel sounds ordinarily occur-
ring in the penult have been grouped into three classes, to
each of which one of the endings is assigned. These
terminations have become general owing to their simplicity ;
but they represent only a fraction of those originally used.
The old variety of formation is to some extent preserved,
for a number of verbal nouns occur with other endings,
often side by side with newer forms in which the old
ending is replaced by -u or -o, or dropped, or otherwise
made " regular The rarer endings, with the v.n.'s in
which they appear, are as follows :
345. (1) -ael or -el," in caffaet, caffel, cad 297 ; gafael,
gafel 298; dyrchafuel, beside dyrchafu 299; gadael, beside
gadu 300 ; gallael Gr.O. 18, beside gallu.
(2) -aeth, in marchogaeth 'to ride ', vb. marchogaf (also
earlier marchocdf) ; gmyrraeth Diar. xx 3, also -yd do. xvii
14, vb, gm,yrraf ' I meddle '.
(3) -ach, in caentach, clindarddach, cyfeddach, prystellach,
.qmdesach, which have no verbs, 348 ; it is used as
a pejorative ending instead of -o in chwiliach ' to pry ' for
ch.wilio ' to seek
(4) -ofain, an extension of -o, in wylofain, beside wylo ;
cwynofain Gen. xxvii cyn., beside cwyno.
(5) -fan, a variant of the last, in cwynfan, griddfan ;
verbs have been formed from these v.n.'s as stems: cwym-
fanasom, Luc vii 32, griddfanodd loan xi 33. Also in
ehedfan, beside ehedeg (12) below, ' to fly '.
(The -n- is
treated as single in the Bible, but old derivatives often
have -nn-.)
(6) -ain, in Ilefain, vb. Ilefaf•, Ilemain Gr.O.• 80, beside
llamu, vb. llamaf; ochain, vb. -ochqf; germain, ubain, dias-
bedain,• with no verbs.
(7) -ad, in adeilad ' to build ', vb. adeilaf; dghéad
B.CW. 124, beside dyhéu ; gwyliad, beside gwglio. But from
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VERBS
161
the v.n. adeilad a new vb. adeiladaf was formed, with
a new v.n. adeiladu.
(8) -aid, added to a few i-stems : ystyriaid G.J. 28,
meddgliaid D.G. 22, syniaid, tybiaid ; all these stems also
take -o. The ending -aid is now written -ed, 65, owing
to confusion in the 'dialects with -ed below.
(9) -ed, in cerdded, 'fed; cowed 329 ; cweled, gweld
86 ; myned, mynd, vb. af 320.
(10) -ud, in (lgwedud, see 326 (6) ; gwne.uthud 321, 9 ;
and in ymchwelut w.M. 10, 14, already treated as -gd in
ymchoelgt R.M. 7 ; see below.
(Il) -yd in cymryd, vb. &meraf; edfryd (later adfergd
and adfer), vb. adferaf; gochlgd (beside gochel„ gochelyd),
vb. gochelaf; ymoglyd (later vb. gmogelaf; the old
forms preserve the primitive interchange of ry with eø•, and
with el, see 331 (5). gmaflyd was formed from in
imitation of these, 298 (2). But -gd also occurs in
dychwetyd, gmchwelgd, see (10); in syflgd, vb, *Y/af; diengyd,
a by-form of dianc,
339 (2) ; goddiweddyd, a late re-
formation of goddiwes,
327 (3)
, agoryd, 339 (3) ;
and ,vmyrryd for gmyrraeth, see (2).
(12) -eg, in rhedeg, vb. rheduf; ehedeg, vb. ehed,af,
(13) -n, in two forms : (a) as -ain, older -ein, for e in the
stem, in dwgrain, later dwgréu, verb dwgräaf ' I rise '
olrhain, vb. olrhägf, re-formed as olrheiniaf; dar/lain, vb.
darlläaf, later re-formed as darllen, darllenqf as -wgn
for -yg- in the stem, in dwyn, vb. dyggf', and ymdclwyn,
vb. gmddygqf 328 ; adolwyn, beside adolwg, qtolwg, vb.
adolygaf.
(14) -an, added to i-stems ;
in verbs borrowed from
English : hongian ' to hang ', .rtwyrian ' to stir ' • trotian,
mwmtian, etc. -kan is added to W. stems in contempt, as
gorweddian ' to loll, lounge ' (gorwedd to lie '), seJYllian ' to
loaf', ymlwybran 43 ' to trudge
1657
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162
ACCIDENCE
346-348
(15) -al seems to be a modification of -an ; thus tinciaZ
beside tincian, mewial beside mewian ; used contemptuously :
techial for techu, naddial for naddu, soniat for gonio or 86" ;
cyfnewidial D.G. 145 ; 8isia4 whence 8i8iala/ ' I whisper
mgngial ' to mumble ', no vb.
346. Only one example survives of euch of the following
sumxes :
(1) -as in llud,dias, vb. lluddigf, 3rd sg. pres. ind. lludd
D.G. 105, aor. lludd@dd ib.
(2) -yll in sefyll ' to stand ', vb. safaf.
(3) -edd in gwastrodedd Gr.O, 178, 300, vb. gwa8trodaf,
denominative of gwastråwd ' groom
(4) -tath in chwiltath D.G. 319, pejorative of chwilio,
cf. 345 (3) ;
-sach in llamsach pej. of llamu 345 (6).
347, The following v.n.'s are formed anomalously :
(1) aredig to plough ', vb. arddåf; the form arddu is
fictitious.
(2) chwerthin to laugh ', vb. chwarddaf.
(3) gweini 'to serve ', vb. gweingddaf; there is a recent
v.n. gweingddu formed from the verb, and a verb gweiniasom
Matt. xxv 44 wrongly formed from the v.n. gweini.
(4) gwneuthur 320 ; mgned, vb. af ib., 345 (9) ; bod
302, dyfod, gorfod, etc. ; goddiwes 327 (3) ; aros, 296 ;
annos beside annog, vb. anogaf ' I incite
::348. A number of verb-nouns have no verbs. They
are used exactly like other verb-nouns in periphrastic conjugation; thus
though pysgotëais is not a possible form the idea may be expressed by
saying bûm yn pysgota ‘I have been fishing’
or darfu im bysgota ‘I fished’. These verb-nouns are:
(1) byw ‘to live’: marw ‘to die’. These words are also
adjectives, as dyn byw ‘a living man’, dyn marw ‘a dead man’;
used participially Section ::350, Note.
They are also ordinary nouns, as byw da ‘good living’, marw mawr
‘great mortality’.
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(2) Many verb-nouns formed from
nouns and adjectives with the suffix -(h)a Section ::127; as
cardota ‘to beg’,
pysgota ‘to fish’,
blota ‘to beg meal’ (blawd ‘meal’),
neua ‘to go nutting’,
lloffa ‘to glean’,
adara ‘to go bird-catching’, etc.
(3) caentach {= to complain, to grumble}, etc., Section ::345 (3);
germain {= to shout, to yell }, etc., ditto. (6)
myngial {= to mumble, to mutter}, ditto. (15).
(4) ymlâdd ‘to tire one-self’, as yr wyf wedi ymlàdd.
The verb ymladdaf belongs only to ýmladd ‘to fight’, Section
::74 (1).
RHANNAU HEB EU HYCHWANEGU ETO Section ::349 Section ::350 Section ::351 Section ::352
349, 350
VERBS
163
(2) Many v.n.'s formed from nouns and adjectives with
the sumx -(h)a 127; as cardota, to beg , pysgota ' to
fish ', blotu ' to beg meal '
(blawd ' meal '),
cneua ' to 00
nutting ', Iloffa to Olean ', adara to 00 bird-catching ', etc.
(3) caentach, etc.8
345 (3) ; gernain, etc., do. (6) ;
myngkal do. (15),
(4) ymldcld to tire one-self', as yr tog/ wedi gmlddd.
The vb. gmladdaf belongs only to 'mladd
' to fight '
74
VERBAL A%JECTIVES.
349. (1) Verbal adjectives are formed from the stems of
verbs either without a suffix or with the suffxes -edic or
-adwg. Those consisting of the bare stem are comparatively
rare ; some are passive, some active, in meaning. The
suffix -edic is usually past passive, in rare cases active ;
-adwy is future passive or gerundive, corresponding to
' -able ' or -ible ' in English, rarely active ' -ing
(2) Suffxless : plän E.P. PS. i 3 ' planted ', vb. plannaf;
prin bought' (as opposed to home-made '), vb. prynaf;
cwsg, in bardd ceveeg ' sleeping bard ', vb. cysgg/; 11089, in
martvor 11089 'burning embers', vb. tlosggf; tawdd ' melting
Ps. Iviii 8, ' molten ' Lev, xix 4, VI). toddaf; bwlch, etc.
200 ; bytv, marw 348 (1).
(3) Suff. -edig : darparedig ' prepared ', Zladdedig ' killed '
gweledig 'seen ', bendigedig ' blessed ', caredic weM. 37 ' loved ',
now caredig ' kind ', crwydredig ' wandering
(4) Suff. -adwy : credad,wg ' to be believed, credible
' terrible ', vb. ofnaf'l fear ' ; cyraeddadwg attain-
able ', vb. cyø•/zaeddaf ' I reach ' ; sq/adwy stable ', vb. sa/af
' I stand ' ; tyfadzvy Marc iv 8
growing ' ; Th,uadwy Pse
xxii 13 ' roaring
350. Most regular transitive verbs. have v.a.'s in -edig or
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ACCIDENCE
351, 352
-ad,wg ; but for some verbs other suffxes are preferred.
Thus :
(1) -01, added to a-stems, as parhaol, etc., 292 (7) ; to
some i-stems : derbyniol, diffygiol, bygythiol ; and some
others: d,gmunol, canlynol, dewigol, andwgol, arferol usual '
beside arferedig used '.
(2) -us, added to a few a- and 0-stems ; sarhåus,
cyffr6u&, gma,rh6us 292 (7) ; .10 some other stems: med,ras,
ad-, cgd-nabyddues 316, 318, gevybgddas known ' ; to some
v.n.'s: guybodus learned ', cwyæfannue9, llamsachus, chwaréug.
(3) -og, added to v.n.'s : rhedegog, (e)hedegog, 345 (12) ;
chwerthinog D.G. 48 (9), 347 (2) ; galluog; to one or two
stems : sefgdlog, brath.og ' biting
(4) -ed in agored ' open ', vb. agora/ 339 (3) ; -ad in
caead ' shut ', vb. caeaji 294 ; crwgdrad ' wandering .
only verbal adjs. used participially are byw,
marw, which form periphrastic tenses with b- parts of the verb
as byddfY?1' Ezec. xvi 6 ' live! •
a fudd marw xviii 4
bu fyw Gen. v 7 'lived ', bu farw do. 8 'died
will die '
Both the v.n.'s and v.a,'s are also used in the ordinary way
yr wyf byw ' I am living'; yr wgf gn .fyw ' I am alive ',
364 (3),
COMPOUND VERBS.
351. Most of the prefixes which form compounds with
228, are also compounded with
nouns and adjectives,
verbs, Some of them form loose compounds, 80, as C'ld
lawenhdnt ' they rejoice together ', g6r ddywédir
IS over-
stated ', dohiriais 'I was greatly grieved ', etc.
352. A noun or an adjective may be compounded with
a verb. The verb forms the second element, and has its
initial softened like the second element of a noun-compound,
2.25. The initial of the first element becomes that of the
compound verb, and undergoes the mutations proper to
a verb, e. g. it is softened after the relative a, remains
radical after the rel. y, etc. Some of these compounds are
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VERBS
165
strict, as pengMmant f,hey bow the head ' ; but most are
loose, and the elements are sometimes hyphened, but
generally written separately, 79.
efe a lwyr lanhå ei lawr dyrnu Matt. iii 12 ; ac ni'th lwyr-
adawaf chwaith Heb. xiii 5 ; pethau a rad-roddwyd 1 Cor.
llafar Ps. v 11, llafar do. xlvii 1,
llafar ganaf do. lix 16 (so in 1620 ; more hyphens in late
edns.). Mi ryw synnof ar rai oriau W ms. 370 ' I incline to
marvel some times
Fel y niwl o afael nant
Y dison ymadawsant.—R.G.D. 149.
' Like the mist from the grasp of the valley have they [the
years] silently passed away.'
An. adjective is often thus compounded with a finite
verb as the most terse way of giving it the force of an
adverb. But the part most commonly used of compound
verbs is the verbal noun, either in participial phpases or in
periphrastic conjugation.
nes eu llwyr ddifa 2 Cron. xxxi •
i'ch llwyr-fwytta
2 Cor. xi 20 ; gan ddwys ocheneidio Marc viii 12. Wedi
llwyrflino B.CW. 25 ; o hir graffü do. 6 ; Ar ddwfn ystyried
do. 73 ; fg mod llwyr gredu Gr.O. 272 ; yr wyfwedi hen
gynefino ' I have long been accustomed ', hen flino, etc. ; yr
coyf yn taer erfyn arnoch 1 earnestly beseech you
bum i'n
syn-fyfyrio P.T. 106; y maerd yn son, A minnau'n cyson
wrando do. 137 ' they talk, and I always listen.'
NotE.---newydd compounded with a v.n. forms a compound
verbal adjective used to qualify a noun; as rhai bychain
newydd eni 1 Pet. ii 2 ; Il,enUiain wen newydd olchi A.L.
i 98 (in modern spelling) ' a newly-washed white sheet '
car-
charorion newydd ddyfod B.CW. 66 ' newly-arrived prisoners '
But the compound is used, like others, as a v.n. after wedij
forming with it a participial phrase, as wedi eu newydd osod
Barn. vii 19. (In N.W. dial. wedi is omitted in periphrastic
conjugation; this' has led to newydd being taken as a prep. like
wedi, as newydd ei weld, an evident neologism.)
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PREPOSITIONS.
CONJUGATED PREPOSITIONS.
::353. Personal
pronouns following prepositions as their objects came early to be joined to
them in the Keltic languages, and ultimately became mere inflexions. The
conjugation so formed was very similar in Welsh to that of the verb and was
influenced by it in its later development.
RHANNAU HEB
EU HYCHWANEGU ETO ::354 ::355
::356 ::357 ::358
::359 ::360 ::361
::362 ::363 ::364
::365 ::366 ::367
::368 ::369
354, (1) Inflected prepositions have two forms, m.
and f. ,
for the 3rd sg., and one for each of the other persons, sg.
and pl. Many have in addition an adverbial form ; and
all preserve their uninflected forms, which are used when
the object is other than a personal pronoun.
(2) The simple form of every conjugable preposition
causes the soft initial mutation of nouns and pronominalia,
with the following exceptions : er, rhag, and rhwng cause
the radical ; gn causes the nasal, rad. or soft according to
its function, 364 ; and uwch, is cause the rad. except in
uwchldw, isldw, uwchbén, 83
355. (1) There are three conjugations of prepositions,
distinguished by the vowel of the 1st; and 2nd sg. endings
thus the 1st, sg. of the first conjugation is -af, of the second
-of, of the third -yr.
(2) The 2nd sg. now ends in -t, but the consonant was
formerly -d, as arnad D.G. 2, gennyd do. 3, atad do. 42. The
modern -t is due to the same cause as that of the 2nd sg. impf.
of the verb, see 284 (1).
(3) The 3rd pl. in all conjugations ends in -unt, which is
now almost always misspelt -unt (G.J. spells it correctly,
cf. 326 (6)). The final -t is often dropped in poetry, as in
the dialects, cf. 283, (In Ml. W. the ending is rarely -u
or -ub).
(4) Auxiliary affxed pronouns are frequently added to the
personal forms, 237 (3). In the 1620 Bible the 1st sg. i was
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356-%8
PREPOSITIONS
167
joined to the personal form, thus erofi Ps. cix 21, for erofi (now
written ero
f j); but the others are separated. They are either
enclitic or emphatic, 72
-First Conjugation.
356. To this conjugation belong ar ' upon ' (stem of
inflected forms arn-) ; o dän or din, tin qmder' ; at ' to '
(in motion ' to ') ;
am ' about, for '
(stem amddn-) ;
o ' from
(stem oh6n-).
357. (1) ar ' upon ' may be taken as an example of the
conj ugation :
Sg. 1. ørngf ' on me
Pl. 1. arnom
2. arna-t (old -d)
3. m. arn-o (old -aw)
f. arni
2. arnoch
3. arn-unt, -ynt
adv. arnodd
(2) In addition to the older forms given in the table,
which are used in poetry even in the late period, two other
Ml. suffxes (peculiar to this conjugation) are met with in
the Early Mn. period, and rarely later ; viz. 3rd sg. f. -ai,
3rd pl. -addunt; e.g. arnai D.G. '85, atai do. 195, ohonai
I.G. 390 ; arnaddynt Neh. ix 1
onaddunt see 360 (2).
(3) In periphrastic conjugation ar forms an imminent
future, as Yr wgf innau ar fyned D.N. ' I too am on the
point of going' ; yr oeddwn ar gychwyn ' I was just going
ar redr [rad.] forms a future of purpose, e: g.
to start '
In participial phrases ar has the value of Eng.
B.CW. 71.
on, as Ar d,dwf2Ö Y8tyried B.CW. 73. Special phrases : arfarw
at the point of death ', ar gerdded ' in progress.' , ar redeg
apace ', ar gad ' to be had, extant
In Ml. W. the vowel of the 1st and 2nd pl. ending, like that
of the sg., was a, thus arnam, arnawch; but aw became o,
116 (3), giving arnoch ; and arnom followed.
358. (1) o din, dän or tän is inflected thus: o danaf,
(lanaf or tanaf, etc., 110, exc. (1).
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ACCIDENCE
S 359, 960
(2) ar and tan are the only prepositions of this con-
jugation that have adverbial forms : arnodd is used only in
the phrase oddi arnodd 1 Bren. Vli 3, Job xviii 16 ; but
tanodd occurs not only in oddi tanodd Jos. vi 20, Job l.c.
oddi danawdd D.G. 306, but often by itself, e. g. tanodd
Gr.O. 57 ' underneath
(3) The radical initial of dan is t-, which becomes th-
after a ' and ', na ' nor
na ' than ', d ' as
as a thanun
D.G. (41) ' and under them '. The rad. is often used, some-
times where the soft would be expected, as after oddi in the
Bible.
(4) dan with a v.n. forms a present participial phrase :
Ef a aeth gmeit,h .
. dan wglaw S.G. 40 ' He went away
weeping ' ; tan tvylo Phil. iii 18 ; gorweddais .
. tan syn-
fgfyrio B.CW. 5 'I lay down
... meditating .
Dwyn ei
geiniog dan gwynaw D. W. 109. It does not form periphrastic
tenses.
359. (1) at is regular: ataf, atat, ago, ati, etc.
(2) am is also regular with the stem andan- (MI, W.
ymdan-) :
amdånaf, amdånat, etc.,
in the late period usually
divided am dangf, etc., owing to a strong secondary accent
having developed on the am. The stem is used without
a suffx instead of am when dress is spoken of, as a gwi&C
ymdan y gwr o pali coch R.M. 148 ' and a dress on [lit.
about] the man of red satin ' ; gwiscaw ,
. ymdan W.M. 162,
etc, ; amdan do. 99. This use is rare in the later written
language, but common in the speech of Gwynedd, pro-
nounced amddn or 6m ddn.
(3) am forms a periphrastic mature of purpose : yr wd am
efyned ' I mean to go
but ordinarily before' a von. it
expresses cause : am vyned ' because of my going
cf. Marc vi 17.
360. (1) o seems to have belonged originally to the first
conjugation entirely ; but in Mn. W. , and often in Ml. W.
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S 361, 362
PREPOSITIONS
169
it is inflected in the 1st and 2nd persons with the o of the
second, thus ohonof, ohonot (for ohonaf, ohonat). But the
3rd pers., sg. and pl., retains the inflexion of the first
conjugation, thus ohono, ohoni, ohonunt, without the -dd- of
the second conjugation, 362 (2)..
, (2) The old 3rd 'pl. with the suffx -addunt was onaddunt
(never ohonaddunt) ; this survived even in the late period
as a poetical form, e.g. onaddun Gr.O. 27, 94. The suffx
is peculiar to the first conjugation, 357 (2).
(3) In the 16th cent. ohon- was often contracted to on- or
hon-, as cyn adnabod dim honä G,R. xiv ' before knowing any-
thing of it', cf. E.P. ps. cv IQ; onynt D.FF. 59 ; later, onot ti
W ms. 438 (printed ohonot, but the metre requires onot). Analogy
has restored the full form, and the contraction survives only in
monof, monot, mono, etc. for ddim ohonof, etc. 266 (6).
(4) ohon- is usually divided o hon- in the late period, but
without justification, as the first o is not accented.
Second Conjugation.
361. To the second conjugation belong rhag ' before,
against ' ; heb ' without ' ; yn in '; trwy ' through '; trog
er ' for'
rhwng ' between ' ; uwch ' above '
is
over
' below
862, (1) rhag is inflected as follows :
Sg. 1. rhagof ' before me
Pl. 1. rhagom
2. rhagot (old -d)
2. rhagoch
3. m. rhagddo (old -aw)
3. rhag-ddunt
f. rhagddi
-ddynt
adv. rhaco, acw ' yonder '
(2) In this conjugation the 3rd person, sg. and pl., has
a dental, -dd-, infixed before the ending, as seen in the
table. The -dd- is liable to be hardened to -t-, as in trosto,
and to -d- and -th- in some forms, in which, however, -dd-
is generally restored in the written language.
(3) The adverbial form varies for different prepositions,
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170
ACCIDENCE
363, 364
and some lack it. For rhag the form was rhaco, with
a variant rhacw, which survives without its initial as the
adverb dcw ' yonder
363. heb is regular: hebof, hebot, hebddo, etc. The
adverbial form is heibio (Ml. W. heibyaw, heibaw) past '.
heb generally means ' without ', as heb Dduw heb ddim ' with-
out God, without anythin"' ; hebof i loan xv 5 without me '
hebom ni 1 Cor. iv 8 (incorrectly hebddom in late edné.) without
us ' ; hebddo loan i 3 ; heb ei chad hi ' without finding her '
238 (4). In periphrastic conjugation heb forms a negative
perfect, 270. In Ml. W. heb also expresses 'past ' (of place),
as A cherBet heb gorr S.G. 257 ' and walk[ed] past a dwarf '
it is
this is the meaning in the adverbial form heibio ' past '
found rarely in personal forms in Mn. W., as mi a ddeuaf heboch
Rhuf. xv 28 (changed to heibioch in late edns. In Mn. W.
past ' as a prep. is usually expressed by either heb law, as
myned heb eich Itaw 2 Cor. i 16, or heibio i as a heibio i mi Job
ix 11. In the recent period heibio is sometimes wrongly treated
as a prep., thus heibio'r tj instead of heibio i'r ty past the
house '.
364. (1) in is regular: ynof, ynot, ynom, ynoch 110,
exc. (1), ynddo, ynddi, ynddunt. But in Early Mn. W. the
dental is usually -d- in the 3rd pers., as Llundaitl, ni chair
Ile yndi G.T. London—there is no room in it' ; yn,di
L.G.C. F. 34 ; but L.G.C. 231 has also ynddo answering
Wenddydd.
(2) The uninflected form gn causes the nasal initial
mutation of nouns of place or time, and becomes gm before
mh-, m- (including radical 1/1-), and yng before ngh-, ng- ;
thus gn Nhytvyn (rad. IL), yn nydd 3.' Farn (rad. d-), ym
Mhenial (rad. P-), um Mangor (rad. mig Mai (rad.
n-), yng Nghaer (rad. yng Ngonedd (rad. G-) ; yn NefYi&
(rad. 125.
yn causing this mutation is joined to its noun in pre-
positional and adverbial phrases gmhén, gmlaen, ynghyd, etc.
83
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365-367
171
(3) gn before a v.n. in participial phrases or periphrastic
conjugation remains unchanged and is followed by the
radical: yr toy/ un meddwt ' I am thinking ', gn canu
singing ', etc.,
268. Also in the expressions 'n V
( = Bret. enn ti) Marc ii 1, tdn Matt. iii 10.
(4) yn before an' adj. forming an adverb causes the soft
mutation, as .yn dda ' well gn fawr ' greatly ', etc. ; also gn
introducirig a noun or adj. complement: yr Arglwydd a
eistedd frenin Ps. xxix 10, y mae'r 'ü)br un goch Matt.
xvi 3. But, 11-, rh- are not mutated : gn llawen ' gladly gn
rhad Matt. x 8 ; hwn a. anf#dd Duw yn llywydd Act. vii 35,
A phan oeüd Galio yn rhaglåw do. xviii 12 ; cf. 225 (2).
365. trwy ' through ': the stem- of the 1st and 2nd
persons is trü-, of the 3rd trø@dd- ; thus : trb?f, trbot, trbom,
t,rüyoch ; tr@ddo, tr@ddi, tre@ddunt ; adv, trbodd ' through '
The initial is often softened, drwy, (Irwof, etc. ; after a
and ', etc. 358 (3), it becomes th-: a thrwy, etc.
Darfu 'mron drwof am wres .
Mae'r 20'n treiddiaw 'mron trwyddi.—T.A.
My breast, throughout me has failed of warmth
. The frost
penetrates my breast through ' [lit. through it (fem.)].
The forms are generally written correctly: trwof-i 2 Tim.
iv 17, trwodd Mic. v 8; but the 3rd pers. stem sometimes
intrudes into the other persons even in Late Ml. W. : drwybot
m,A. 49, trwyddom 2 Cor. v 20 (1620).-
thus :
3rd perse stem tr08t- ;
366. tros ' over, across
trosof, trosot, trosom, trosoch ; trosto, trosti, trostunt; adv.
trogodd Matt. ix 1. The initial is frequently softened, and
after a, etc., becomes th- ; cf. trwg above.
367. er ' for ', regular : erof Ps. cix 21, erom Rhuf. xvi 6,
erddo Col. i 16, etc, ; no adv. er means 'for (the sake of)'
and ' (in exchange) for ' ; and the personal forms generally
have one of these meanings. The simple form also means
in spite of', as in er hynny ' nevertheless '
and ' since
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172
ACCIDENCE
S 368, 369
a particular date; as er Calan; with gn [soft] :
er gn
fachgen Marc ix 21 since [he was] a child'. With a v.n.
er is ambiguous : er gweled may mean for the sake of
seeing' or 'in spite of seeing'. er'8 375 (5).
368. (1) rhwng between ' is inflected regularly (v
mutated 114) in late written W., thus rhyngof, rhyngot,
rhyngddo, etc. (no adv.) ; but the 3rd pers. stem had -th- or
-t- in the earlier periods, as rhyngthaw, rhyngthi, rhyngti,
etc.; the substitution of -dd- is artificial, as the spoken
lang. still preserves -th- or
(2) But there is an older inflexion of rhwng, with ng
lost; thus rhöf ' between me '5 rhöt, rhön, rhöch; these
occur in the Early Mn. period, as well as the newer forms,
thus :
Amodau, rhwymau oedd rhöm,
Eithr angau a aeth rhyngom.—T.A. F.N. 154.
Between us were covenants and bonds, but death went be-
tween us.'
The prep. had originally an initial y-, which is usually
written in Ml. W. as yrwng, etc. ; also in the shorter forms
yrof yrh6j" etc. ;
hence sometimes y rhöm I).G. 201 (22).
The old phrase yröf(i) a Duw ' between me and God ', by loss
of f (S 20) became rhö a Duw, contracted to rhö Duw D.G. 227.
The 3rd sg. rybaw, ryöi, pl. ryöunt are obsolete in Mn. W.
(3) Forms without yr- of the 1st and 2nd sg. are used as
adverbs; 1st yngo (for yngof) D.G. 52 (51);
2nd yngod I).G.
88 (79); G. 142 ; both mean 'hard by'. Cf. iso, isod below.
is below' were once inflected
369. uwch ' above ,
throughout ; the 1st and 2nd sg. survive as adverbs : ucho
(for uchoj) G. 234 ' above ', 180 (for isof) L.G.C. 125 ' below '
uchod, isod Ex. xx 4.
Only uchod and isod survive in the late period, and these are
not recognized at all as personal forms. When pronominal
objects are required composite prepositions such as uwchbén,
islåw, etc. are used; as uwch fy mhen Gr.O. 10 ' above me
is fy Itaw W ms. 359 ' beneath me
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:
370, 371
PREPOSITIONS
Third Conjugation.
173
:370. To the third conjugation belong gan ‘with, by’ and wrth ‘over against’. These
prepositions have no adverbial form.
RHANNAU HEB
EU HYCHWANEGU ETO ::372 ::373
::374 ::375 ::376
::377 ::378 ::379
::380 ::381
371. (1) gan is ,conjugated as follows :
Sg, I. gennyf
2. genngt
3. m. gan-tho, -ddo
f. genthi, ganddi
Pl. 1. genngm
2, gennych,
3. .qan/,hunt
-ddgnt
Also fbrmerly 3. m. gantaw, f. genti, pl. gantunt,.
The -dd- in the 3rd pers. ii artificial, but became general
in writing in the late period owing to its adoption in the
Bible.
The -y- of the 1st and 2nd sg. was assimilated to the i of
the affxed pron. in the mid Mn. period, thus gennyf i became
gennifi; and the 1620 Bible has gennif, gennit. By loss of -j
the former became genni, and genni i became colloquially gen i,
sometimes written in the late period.
(2) The Old Welsh form is cant ; the radical initial is
rarely found in Mn. W. : cenngd D.G. 329 ' with thee '
cenngm, T.A. G. 252. The spirant, mutation ch- of the
original initial is preserved after a, d, na (see 358 (3)) ;
as a chan Dat. ix 18; a chennyj•• D.G. 148 (49), Matt.
viii 9 ; etc.
(3) Mn. W. gan stands for both Ml. gan with ' and gan
' from (with) ' after verbs of ' receiving ', etc. ; the y of the
latter began to disappear in Ml. W. , as attep ny chavas ef
genthi hi W.M. 10 ' he got no reply from her '.
(4) gan with the verb to be ' expresses have ' as y mae
gennyf 'I have' (lit. there is with me'), mae genngt ' thou
hast ' ; oedd genngf I had [at that time] ', bu gennyf
'I had [once] .
(5) gan is used idiomatically after an adj. which is the
complement of an implied or expressed verb ' to be thus :
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174
ACCIDENCE
372, 373
da gen.nyf ,4ynng I am glad of that ' (lit. good with me
[is] that ' ) ; da gennyf glgwed 'I am glad to hear '
gennuf or 3/ mae'n ddrwg genngf I am sorry ' ; rhgfedd
gennyj' I am surprised ', bu syn gennyf' I was surprised ', etc.
(6) gan with a v.n. forms a present participial phrase, as
gan dd.gwedyd Matt. v 2, etc. ,
it also expresses motive (' as,
since, in consideration of as gan ddarfod i chwi dato wrth
338 (2), It does not form periphrastic tenses,
372. (1) wrth is similarly inflected: wrthyf, wrthyt,
wrtho (earlier wrthaw), wrthi, wrthym, wrthych, wrthunt (late
-pet).
In this the -dd- of the 3rd pers. is merged in the
-th of the prep., and lost.
In the 1620 Bible the 1st and 2nd sg. are written wrthij;
wrthit, see 371 (1).
(2) Ml. W. g wrth from beside ' has become oddi wrth
or in Mn. W. ; but when it means ' compared
with ', as in W.M. 11, it is now simply wrth, B.CW. 5.
(3) wrth with a v.n. forms participial phrases expressing
while etc., as wrth, fyned ' while going', It does not
form periphrastic tenses.
Anomalous Conjugation.
873. (1) The preposition i ' to ' is inflected anomalously,
the forms of the 1st and 2nd persons being monosyllables,
to which the affxed pronouns are often added, 355 (4) ;
thus im or Imi ' to me '. The inflexion is as follows ,
sg. 1. im, imi
2, it, iti
3. m. iddo
pl. 1 e in, inni
2. iwch, ichwi
3, uddunt, late
iddynt •
(2) In Ml. W. the preposition was usually written y (sounded
q); and in Early Mn. verse q appears instead of i in the 1Bt
and 2nd pers. forms, thus : um, umu, urni; so for the others.
The 2nd sg. was id or yd, cf. 355 (2) ; but with the aMxed
pron. iti, yty or yti (for id+ di, etc., 127).
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PREPOSITIONS
175
(3) The 3rd sg. mas. was formerly iddaw. The 3 rd pl. was
until the late period written ubunt or uddunt. The affxed
pron. is written separately after the 3rd pers. : iddo ef or iddo
fo, iddi hi, iddynt hwy.
(4) The affixed pronoun is often accented, thus imi•, this
is now written i •mi as if the m belonged to the affixed
pron. ; similarly i ti to thee ', i ni, i chwi.
i mf gout' 'mMwyd
Na chan boen nychu'n V byd.—T.A.
Better for me to lose my life than in pain to pine in the world.'
The use of reduplicated affixed pronouns i my/, etc. is rare,
and is perhaps due to the anügy of a my/, etc. 374 (1).
(5) The' old 2nd sg. yd thee ' and 2nd pl. ywch ' to you
were contracted with da in the phrases dydd da, nos da; thus
dydd da yd became dydd dayd, generally written dydd daed
(as is spelt ae, 34);
and dydd da ywch became dydd
daywch, with a triphthong ayw, further simplified to dydd
däwch. The form däwch is in common use, especially after nos ;
but daed is not now heard.
Breiniawl wyt O'r baråmwaed ;
Barwn Y stepltum, nos daed.—L.G.C. 141.
' Noble art thou of the blood of barons; Baron of Stepleton,
good night to thee.' See also L.G.C. 127, 480.
(6) Note the difference between im ' to me ' and 'i')zn ' to my
236 (2). Note also i'w ' to his, to her, to their '
236
UNINFLECTED PREPOSITIONS.
374. (1) The preposition å [spirant], ag ' with ' is not
conjugated, but may govern independent pronouns, 232
(b) ; thus d mi, d thi, ag ej; ag efo, d hi, d ni, d chwi, d hwy ;
d my$, d (contracted to d m'fi, d th'di, 233, Note 3),
d nt1?D, etc. ; d minnau, d thithau, etc.
(2) wedi was similarly used in Early Mn., and Ml. W.
its form then was gwedy or wed'.
Ac ni bydd oherwydd hyn
Gwedy ef gwiw dy ofyn.—I.G. 312 (m. D.G.).
And therefore it will be of no avail after him to ask for thee
(i. e. for a cywydd). Cf. wedy hwy L.G.C, 463 ' after them 's
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176
ACCIDENCE
This use became obsolete in the late period, after me ' being
now expressed by ar fy 01, etc. But wedi is frequently used
with demonstratives : wedi hynng ' after that ', etc.
(3) The radical initial is get,'-
after a, etc., a gwedy now
written ac wedi ; rarely a chwedi, etc.
(4) 19 periphrastic conjugation wedi forms a perfect
270. Without the verb to be ', wedi with the v.n, forms
the equivalent of a perfect participle, as llaw wedi gwywo
Marc iii 1, Ac wedi iddo eu gahv hwy do. 23.
(5) d and wedi are the only simple uninflected preposi-
tions which may govern personal pronouns, except jit,
meg", 381.
375. Other uninflected prepositions not obviously of
substantival or adjectival origin are the following :
(1) ger [rad.] 'l near ', formerly also gar, and in Ml. W
her, geir, g,qr, etc., is used before a noun of place, but occurs
chiefly in gerllåw, ger llaw ' at hand ' and gerbr6n, ger bron
before Both these expressions are either adverbial or
prepositional ; the former is used to express ' near' With
a pers. pron. object, thus ger fy llaw near me ', etc. The
radical initial is c-, which becomes ch- after a, etc., as a cher
bron Date iii 5.
(2) tra is used only in drachefn 'backwards, again
which is adverbial ; but with infixed pronouns it may be
prepositional, as drathgejyn c.M. 41 ( = dra'/,h .qefn) ' behind
{hee '
in Mn. W. it is in these cases wrongly divided,
thus drach 'y nghefn D,G. 274 ' behind me ', drach ei chefn
Gen. xix 26.
(3) PW is used only in the expression bw'i gi(ydd,
254
(4) eithr [rad.] without, except
eithyr mob c.M. 2
' beyond measure '
e'ithr Morfudd D.G. 51 ' except Mor-
fudd ' ; eithr hgnny ' except that This use is compara-
tively rare in Mn. W„ eithr having been replaced for this
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376, 377
PREPOSITIONS
177
purpose by oddieithr (for which the dialeetal corruption
oddtgerth is often written). The simple eithr is now
generally used as a conjunction ' but ' 404,
(5) ys, es [rad.] ' for .
past' used before a noun
denoting a period of time : ys gwere9 W.M. 487 'for some
time past
Ofnus futh fu 'r fynwes fau
Es deuJis hyd nos DiJfau.—G.Gl.
My heart was constantly afraid for two months till Thursday
night.'
More commonly er 38, as Br yes mis ac er mwy W. IL,
G. 293 ' for month past, andlfor more '
this is contracted
to er'&,
N0TE.—There is a recent, tendency to confuse er and er'8 ;
the former means ' since ' and governs a noun denoting a point
of time in the past, 367 ; the latter means for' and governs
a noun denoting a period of time in the past,
(6) myn [rad.] 'by' in oaths; in N.W. sounded mynn .
myn vyf3/ö c.M. 57 'by my faith ! ' • myn Duw R.M. 115, myn
f'enaid D. E, 50.
(7) ym [rad.] 'by' in oaths ; gn Padric Rap. 1277 'by
Patrick ! ' gn lem T. A. G, 229.
Nominal Prepositions,
376. A noun or adjective in an oblique case is the
equivalent of a preposition if it has a noun depending on
it. Such words are called nominal prepositions,
377. The following prepositions represent a particular
use of two comparative adjectives ; the object stands in an
oblique case of comparison :
(1) cyn [rad.] ' before ' in time ; pronounced cunn : thus
cyn toriad dJdd ' before daybreak ', cyn hynny ' before that
In Ml. W. it was followed by no 'than ' before pronouns, perse
and demonst. ; but in Mn. W. it is not used before personal
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178
ACCIDENCE
378, 379
pronouns, and comes directly, as above, before demonstratives.
It is the cpv. adj. cynt, 210, 3, with the final -t mutated,
126. (For ' before me ' etc., o'm blaen etc. are now used.)
(2) nes [rad.] ' until ',
used before verbal nouns : anes ei
orfedd T. A. G. 237 ' until his lying (low) ', i. e. 'until he
la (low)
Cab" am ddyfod diodydd,
Cwyliaw tan nes gu•eled dydd.—L.G.C. 430.
' Calling for drinks to be brought, watching the fire till day be
seen.'
This construction survives in Late Mn. W. : nes i mi
ddyTod Esa. xxxvi 17 ' until my coming ', cf. B.CW. 83, 115 ;
but a new use of nes with a noun-clause beginning with y
arose, as nes yr 61 S.T. G. R. 375 ' until he goes (becomes)
and in the dialects the y is omitted, so that nes becomes a
conjunction, But the original use of nes with v.n. is still
in common use.
nes is the cpv. adj. 'nearer' 210, 1 ; but as a prep, it is
usually sounded nä8,
100, though formerly sometimes
marked long, as nA• G. 237.
378. A nominal prep. from a noun is either (a) simple,
consisting of the noun alone in an oblique case, as cylch
about ' ; or (b) composite, consisting of the noun governed
by a preposition, as o gulch 'about'. All the simple ones
have one or more corresponding composite forms, as above.
When a pers. pron. is required to be the object it must take
the form of an infixed (or pref.) pron. in the composite
prep., as o'th gylch ' about thee ' .
379. The simple nominal preps., with their composites,
are the following, all followed by the [rad.] excel)t hyd :
(1) achos 'because of': ach08 gwenfun I.MSS. 239 ' because
of the fair maid Composite : o achos, as o'm hach08 i, o'ch
ach08 chwi loan xii 30, The simple form is more usual as
a conj. ' because ', than as a prep.
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PREPOSITIONS
179
(2) cylch, åmgylch ' about, ': cylch dot!/dd DwyIai8 L.G.C.
202, gylch y Dd61 G. 91 ; amgylch pryt gosper S.G. 371 about
vesper time'. Composite: gnghjlch, o gytch„ o amgylch, o
amwlch 6gylch, ; thus ynghylch y prud hwn yfory 2 Bren. vii 1,
eu kglch R.M. 133 'ebout them' ; ogylch y Tir Gr.O. 60, o' m
cutch, etc. ; hamgylch hi Ps. xlviii 12 ; o amgy/ch 6gylch
Dew. 34.
eisieu canu dychan i'm
(3) eisiau ' for want of, without '
-Brenin B.CW. 7 ' for want of singing [i. e. because I would
not sing] a lampoon on my King', ei8ieu arian, F. 42.
Compos
o. eigiau, as o'th ei&i u 'for want of thee ', etc.
(4) erbyn by' (a certain time 01' event), as erbyn cinio
' by dinner time'. Compos. : yn erbgn ' against ', as
erbgn Matt. xii 30 ' against me'; also i'm herbyn do, xviii 21
aoainst me .
(5) herwydd ' according to, in the manner of', and ' by'
(in leading ' by ' the hand, taking ' by ' the ear, etc.) ; for
the latter meaning the variant gerfydd is mostly used in
Mn, W., B.CW. 104, 118 ; pa herwydd ' why ? Composite :
o herwydd ' on account of', o'fn herwydd 'on my account ',
adv. O'r herwydd ' on that
etc., yn herwydd ' according to
account ', yn 01 yr heruydd ' on the average
(6) hyd [soft] ' the length of', in two senses (a) as far
as', as hyd Ddafydd Matt. i 17 ; (b) ' along', as lyd lawr
along the floor Compos. : ar hyd [rad.] along ', as ar
hyd Ps. xxiii 4, ar hyd y nos ' all night' ; ar hyd,
either ' along me ', or '[lying] at my fidl length The.
dialects have developed inflected forms such as hid-ddo,
hid-ddi, sometimes written in the late period, as ar hyd-ddi
Gen. xxviii 12, for ar ei hyd hi ' along it'
cf. B,CW. 66.
(7) llwrv ' in the direction of, after, with ', chiefly in
mhen, dy ben, etc. head foremost', Compos, : gn
llwrw or ar llwrzv, obsolete in Mn. W.
(8) parth, parthed ' as regards ' ; the latter is the usual
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180
ACCIDENCE
380
form, older partlu•et. Compos..
o barm and in Ml. W.
o barthret G.c. 108 as regards
380. Many composite nominal preps. have no correspond.
ing simple forms (i. e. the noun alone is not used as
a prep.). All are followed by the [rad.]. The most
im ortant are—
(I) mewn 'in ', older i mewn (Ml. W. gmywn, myzvn).
Though in appearance simple, meton is a mere phonetic
reduction of i-méwn. It is now used for in ' before an
indefinite noun only, as meu;n t) ' in a house ', beside gn
t' in the house' ; but formerly metony (j was used also.
With infixed prong. it means 'into ', as i'w mewn hi Num.
v 24 into her '
c
in' + prone is gnof, etc.). The form
i mewn is still used, but as an adv. only ; also oddiméwn
inside or from within For into' before a noun,
i meton i is used ; more rarely i fewn Marc xv J 6.—0 fewn
within as o fewn llathen within a yard '
o'ch mewn
chwi Luc xvii 21 within you
(2) er mwyn for the sake of, on account of, in order
to ' ; erfy mtcyn for my sake ', etc.
(3) ymysg (ymtfsg) 'in the midst of' ; gn eu mysg in
their midst ' ; i fygg into the midst of', i'w mysg into
their midst ' ; o fysg from the midst of', O'n mysg out of
our midst ', etc.
(4) ymhlfth 'in the midst of', gn eu plith ' in their
midst '
i blith into the midst of'
i'ch p?ith ' into your
midst '; o blith from the midst of, O'n plith out of our
midst ', etc. The simple plith is very rare, and perhaps an
artificial poetical form, though it occurs in the phrase blith
dråphlith ' higgledy-piggledy '.
(5) yn wysg 'in the track of, after ', in the phrases
gn wyef9 mhen after my head i. e. head foremost, gn
wysg (ly drwyn, gn c.ysg (e); gefn, etc. In Ml. W. also with
pref. pron. : gn eu hwyeyc w.M. 86 after them
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380
PREPOSITIONS
181
(6) o ethryb because of' J.D.R. [xiv] ; earlier also
ethryb ' because of'.
(7) yn 61 ' after ', yn dy 01 after thee ' ; ar 61 'after ',
ar . fy d after me ar eu hdl or ar eu ho/au after them '
o'm hot 'behind me.', o'i 61 B.CW. 21 'after him' ; eth 61
after thee etc. (DI seldom circumflexed, 98).
(8) yngWydd or yng ngöydd in the presence of', yn fy
i Wydd 'into the presence of',
ngöydd in my presence
i'm göydd, i'th tiydd, etc. ; o Wydd ' from the presence of ',
O'n giydd, etc. ; see 53.
(9) o blegid 'on account if'; O'n plegid i Luc xxiii 28
on my account, ', etc.
6
(10) or gyfair (now misspelt ar gyfer) opposit,e ', ar
nghyfair opposite me' ; ynghyfair id., nghyfair, etc.
(11) o flaen ' in front of', O'n blaen 'before me ', etc.
ymlaen before ' in ymlaen llaw before-hand ', and with
pref. prons., gn dy fluen in front of thee ', etc., after verbs of
motion ; otherwise gmlaen is now an adv. forward ' only.
(12) heblåw or heb law Matt. xv. 38 ' besides ', rarely
with pref. prone heb i llaw D.G. 148 beside her ', heb eich
Itaw, 363 ; ger llaw 375 (1), cer llaw, etc.
(13) ar gyfyl near' (mostly after negatives), ar fy
æghyfJl, etc. ; more rarely ynghgfyl.
(14) gerbr6n or ger bron 375 (1) 'in front of', ger fy
mron, etc. ymr6n c.c. 34 on the point of, nearly ' before
(O'r bron is an
a v.n. ; in the Late period often bron.
adverb, wholly
(15) o ran ' on account of' W.IL. 173 ; o'm rhan i 'for
ar draws ' across ar
o waith because of'.
my part '.
is oil behind ' (on horseback),
eu traws across them .
J' gil R.M. 151 'behind him ymhen 'at the eud of',
as ymhen 3/ mis 'in a month's time ' (often thus with
idiomatic def. art. y or yr).
(16) Many of the above expressions are written as single
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182
ACCIDENCE
381-383
words owing to the prep. in them having become a proclitic,
as yrnysg, gmhli(h, gerbron, etc.,
83 (3), 364 Also
oherwydd, oblegid,
381. (1) fel [rad.] 'like older fad, mal, and megis [rad.]
' like ', older mews, are followed by nouns in an oblique case
of comparison, as mynd fel g gwynt ' to go like the wind '.
But as adjectives they may qualify nouns, as grudd fal rh08
a cheek like roses They are frequently used before
noun-clauses beginning with y as fel y gwdont Matt. v 16,
meyi8 g cywi/yddio 2 Thes. iii 14.
(2) fel and megi8 may be followed by personal pronouns,
as fel my/ 'like me , meci8 yntau ' like him ' ; also by
demonstrative pronouns as . fel hyn, fel hynny, etc—el
became fell hyn,fetlyn, and ultimately felly ' so ' ; fel g .
felly y ' as
• so •
.
Compound
Prepositions..
::382. Compound
prepositions are expressions in which the last element is a preposition. They
fall into two classes :
(1) preposition + preposition;
(2) noun, adverb or pronoun + preposition.
::383.
(1) oddi + preposition;
oddi am ‘from about’,
oddi ar ‘from on’,
oddi wrth or oddiẃrth ‘from by, from (a person)’,
oddíeithr, Section ::375 (4),
oddi gan = Medieval y gan
Section ::371 (3).
In Middle Welsh y is mostly found, oddi having spread in Modern
Welsh.
(2) er ys, er’s Section ::375 (5);
gorúwch, gorís {gor IIS} (more
rarely góruwch Gr.O. 34) {= Goronwy Owen
(Anglesey), 1723-69; reference to Gwaith y Parch. Goronwy Owen...,
Llanrwst 1860.}
(3) yn anad ‘before, rather than’;
yn anad neb D.G. 35, 107
{= Dafydd ap Gwilym (North Cardiganshire.), floruit
1350-80; reference to Barddoniaeth Dafydd ab Gwilym.... Llundain,
1789; bracketed numbers refer to Cywyddau Dafydd ap Gwilym a’i Gyfoeswyr .
. ., editor Ifor Williams a T. Roberts, Bangor 1914; thus D.G. 70 (66)
means that the words will be found in p. 70 of the former, and p. 66 of the
latter.}
Megis y rhyfeddod llawer wrthyt (mor llygredig oedd ei wedd yn anad neb,
a’i bryd yn anad meibion dynion) Esaia lii 14
{As many
were astonied at thee; his visage was so marred more than any man, and his
form more than the sons of men Isaiah 52:14}
In Middle Welsh annat, generally without yn.
(4) The combinations a chan ‘having’, heb gan ‘without having’
are not compound prepositions, because each preposition has its own object;
thus, in heb ganddynt fugail Matt. ix 36 the object of heb is fugail,
and the object of gan is the suffix ‘them’, so that the phrase may
take the form heb fugail ganddynt.
{A phan
welodd efe y torfeydd, efe a dosturiodd wrthynt, am eu bod wedi blino, a’u
gwasgaru, fel defaid heb ganddynt fugail
Sant Mathew 9:36; But when he saw the multitudes, he was moved with
compassion on them, because they fainted, and were scattered abroad, as sheep
having no shepherd. Matthew 9:36}
Similarly cyn i {before}, wedi i {after},
er i {though}, etc. before
verb-nouns; the first preposiiton governs the verb-noun and i governs
the agent, e.g. wedi i mi ddyfod {‘after to
me coming’ = after I came}.
RHANNAU HEB EU HYCHWANEGU ETO::384 ::385
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384, 385
PREPOSITIONS
183
384. Noun, etc. + prep. : (1) hyd YD, hyd ar, lyd at as
far as, up to, till, to '.
hyd gn oed even ' e.g. Luc ix 5.
(2) tu d, tua (before a vowel tu ag, tuag) towards
parth 4 parth ag at towards ' ; wd d, gydu (gyd ag, gydag),
yughyd d, gnghyda together with ' ; gyferbype d, gyfarwyneb
d opposite ' ; yngljn d in connexion with ' ; tu ag at am
as for, as regards ', Ps. xvii 4.—tua, gyda are now usually
written so, but the y in the latter keeps its monosyllabic
form V, thus grda, 118 (2), though sometimes mispro-
nounced cycla in S.W.
(3) fi d, ti d, ef d, éfo 4 hi d, etc. with, together with ',
literally 'I with ', etc. An the late period only éfo a(g)
survives contracted to éfo or Éfog ' with
Yr oedd Esyllt urddasvuwr
Draw hi a'i mab Rhodri Mawr.—L.G.C. 463.
Esyl]t the noble was there with her son Rhodri Mawr.' In
N. W. dialects éfo would be used, because it is no lonüer
. remembered that this is a contraction of efo a he with '.
(4) tu
. i forms a numerous class of prepositional
expressions, as tu yma i this side of', tu draw i, tu hwnt ;
' beyond tu cern i behind tu uchafi above etc. So
leibio i 363, allan o Barn. xiv 14, etc.
ADVERBS
NEGATIVE PARTICLES.
385. The forms of negative particles are as follows :
(1) Before verbs: in a direct sentence, ni, nid ; in an
indirect sentence na, nad ; in a relative sentence usually
the first form, sometimes the second, 241 ; in commands,
nag, see 402 (1) ) ;
in answering a question na,
na, nac
( nag). The forms nid, nad, nac are used before
nac
radical initial vowels ; the forms ni, na before consonants,
and a mutated g, as fel na allent Ps. Ixxviii 44; na ad
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184
ACCIDENCE
386
300 infixed pronouns : ni'm, na'm, ni'th, ni'&,
ni'n, ni'ch, ni'8.
The initial mutation after ni, na is p-, t-, c- spirant,
other consonants soft ; thus ni pherthyn Diar. xxvi 17, na
phecha loan v 14, ni thdl, ni chdn, etc. ; ni flinant Esa. xl 3 r,
ni ddav, ni all, ni fyn, etc. But in Ml. W. b- was not
mutated, and m-, ll- might be rad. ; the rad. b- survives in
forms of the VI). 'to be ', as ni bydd, ni bu, etc. ; and in
Early Mn.W. m- was sometimes rad., see ex. below; but
after na in commands and in answering questions they are
always softened.
Ni mynnaffgth—mi an fud—
wadu tra fwy'n dwedud.—I.F.
'I will never—I will become mute [first]—repudiate thee while
I am able to speak.'
(2) Before a noun, adj., prom, adv. or prep., the form is
nid [rad.]
it is not ', before consonants as well as vowels ;
indirect, nad. Thus Nid gweddaidd Diar. xxxi• 4 ; cawn
wybod nad ei law ef a'n tarawodd 1 Sam. vi 9.
::386.
(1) Na may stand alone as a negative adverb in answering a question
introduced by a or ai; but it is generally followed by a
negative particle with a verb, or noun, pronoun, etc.; as Na, nid hynny
‘No, not that’.
(2) A question introduced by a is answered by Na, Nac
with the verb, A ddaw ef? Na ddaw ‘Will he come? No.’
But if the verb is in the aorist (or perfect) tense the answer is Ná ddo
{ [naa] }for all verbs; this is sometimes
written Naddo, but wrongly, for the a is long, not medium as in
a penult; thus A aeth ef? Na ddo ‘Did he go? No.’
(3) A question introduced by ai is answered in the negative by nág
e { [naag] } (often wrongly written nage)
‘not so’, as Ai tydi a’i gwnaeth? Nág e ‘Is it thou that didst it?
No.’
More rarely by repeating the adjective: Ai da gennyf hynny? Na dda.
‘Dost thou like that? No.’
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387. A negative particle is often supplemented by ddim Section
::266, (6), (7).
RHANNAU HEB
EU HYCHWANEGU ETO ::388 ::389
::390 ::391 ::392
::393 ::394 ::395
::396 ::397 ::398
::399 ::400
387-389
ADVERBS
185
387. A neg. particle is often supplemented by ddim,
266, (6),
INTERROGATIVE PARTICLES.
388, The interrogative particles are (1) before verbs,
a [soft], as A ddace ef.? 'Will he come?' before nouns,
etc., ai [rad. l, as Ai l/waid o cnawd eeyd,d i ti? Job x 4,
(2) When a positive answer is expected : before verbs :
oni, onid, more rarely ond, as Oni cheir dievedd ar eiTiau
ofer ? Job xvi 3 ; Ond yd,yw gn Thgfeddod ? C.F. 364 ' Is it
not a wonder? ' Onid oedd .
. ? ac oni allagech .
B.CW. 119. . The initial mut\tion after oni is the same as
after ni 385 (1). Before nouns, etc. onid, more rarely ond
[rad. l, as Onid hwn saer? Marc vi 3 ; Ond rhaid
i trdd "w? B.CW. 119 ' Must not trade live? ' (Late ai
ni B.CW. 119, a; nid 98.)
In Ml. W. , forms with p- are used, and these survive in poetry
in the Mn. period ; thus, poni, pani, ponid, panid, pond, pand,
as Pand gwirair y gair ? Gr.O. 88 'Is not the word true
word ? '
(3) Interrogative adverbs: ai 6? ' is it so?' onid 6? ond 6?
is it not so ? '
389. (1) The interr. particles have the same forms in
indirect questions, as edrychwn a ddaw Elias Matt. xxvii 49,
ddywedyd .
ai t,ydi gw'r Crist xxvi 60
this usage points
to ' whether as the original meaning.
(2) ai .
. ai ' whether , .
or Pgvy a bechodd, ai htcn ai
ei rieni? loan ix 2. The first term may be expanded in a
statement to nail/ ai, an ai, pa un bynnag ai ; the second may
be ai ynteu ; if negative ai nid, as profi ai morwyn ai nid
morwyn A.L. i 100 (in modern spelling) to prove whether
[she bel a virgin or not
a ' whether ' with a verb may
be followed by a; with a v.n. ; if the alternative is neg., by
ai ni with the verb repeated, Marc xii 14, more idiomatically,
by ai peidio ; if the verb is aor, or perf., by ai nid do.
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186
ACCIDENCE
AFFIRMATIVE PARTICLES.
390, 391
390. (I) In a direct positive statement the 1st and 2nd
sg. and pl. of the first present, and all persons of the first
impf. of the verb 'to be ' are preceded by the affirmative
particle yr, as yr u•yf yn myned ' I am going ', so yr yclwyf,
yr tvyt, yr ydym etc., yr oeddwn, yr oedd, etc.
(2) In Mn. W., chiefly in verse, the old form ydd occurs, as
ydd oeddud I.G. 312 'thou wast'; ydd wyf G. i 62. The yd-
in ydwyf, etc., is an old variant of the affirm. part., which has
attached itself to the verb so that the combination is treated as
a single word. The y of y nzae is probably different, and
belongs to the m-; it is separated in writing because the accent
is on the syllable mae. Though y mae is the full form, mae
often occurs in direct statements, and always in questions,
e. g. Gen. iv 9. Similarly y maent, maent.
391. (1) Before other verbs personal pronouns are used ;
in this connexion they have lost their pronominal force
and have become affirm. particles. Thus e/, e, re, fo,f' are
used before verbs in the 3rd sg., whether the subjcct be m.
or f., and before the impersonal ; as Ef(lyftb dreic llu P.M.
R.P. J 419 The dragon of the host came' ; Efaeth ei threw,
(fem.) D.G. 374 ' Her glance has gone E gaeodd Mai
162 (4) ; e lawenychaify nchalon (fem.) G. R. 4 ; fo cl,daw D.G.
175 ; go/hid yr hen /yfreu Y.L.H. [8] ' the old books would
be lost'; F'aeth P. 42.
(2) In Early Ml. W. ef is found before the 1st sg. also,
and may have been used more widely ; in S. W. dialects*
is used before all persons, while in the N. NV. mi is simi-
larly generalized. But in the literary language Q pronoun
of the same person as the verb is preferreA, as A mi öysco-
ganaf B.B. 48, 49 And I predict '
ti öisgynnut B.A. 31
' thou descendedst ; Mi weltvn T.A. G. 238 I could see '
mi aduuenvu rai B.CW. 6, cf. 55 ' I knew some' ; Ti wyclc108t
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392
ADVERBS
187
W ms. 239 'thou knowest Ni ganwn do. 449 'we sing ,
Ili chwardd ... Hi Cdn
... do. 930 ' She laughs
She
sings ' (hi is not used when a fem. noun subject is expressed,
but e, re, see (1)).
(3) In Late Ml. W. a is written between the pron. and
the verb, and mi a, era, etc. are common in Mn. Lit. W.,
as Mi a euraf D.G. 281 'I will gild' ; L'/ a bor(hes yr lesu
D.N. P.N. 94 Jesus fed [the multitude]' ; Mi a dybiaig
D. FF. vi, etc. In the Bible mi a etc. are used, and fe
becomes ere a, rarely fe a I Bren. xviii 27 ; fe Gen. xvi 2,
fo Dior. xxii 13,
As the is not written in?the old periods and not heard in
the spoken lang., it was perhaps artificial here. But it may
have arisen naturally before infixed pronouns, as Mi ae dywedaf
yt L.A. 4 'I will tell it thee Ti a'm gwelaist G. 294 for Ti'm
gwelaist. There may also be a confusion between mi wn I know '
and mi a 'tyr ' [it is] I that know'. The a is often written in
Ml. W. where the metre shows that the author did not use it,
as in hi a vu many times in R. P. 1365 for hi cu.
NOTE.—In the spoken lang. an affirm. part. is always used
before a verb at the beginning of a direct positive statement, ex-
cept in answering questions; it takes the formsfe, mi, and in some
parts fo, i (for/ and pronouns agreeing with the verb. But
in the written lang. any sentence may begin with the verb with
its rad. initial, as Codaf yn awr, ac åf . ..
ceisiaf yr hwn
a hoffa fy enaid; ceisiais ef. . . Can. iii 2 ; Sefais ennyd ..
. . . B.CW. 6, 7, 9. This is rare in
dechreuais . . . Gwelwn
Ml. prose, but common in poetry at all periods, and has spread
from verse to prose in Mn. W.
392. Positive answers : to questions introduced by a {Jhe
answer is the verb repeated, with the necessary change of
person, as A ddoi di? Dof Wilt thou come? Yes '
or
another appropiate verb, such as Gwnaf I will do (so)
except when the verb in the question is aor. or perf„ in
which case the answer is do yes ', cf. 386 To questions
introduced by ai, the answer is ie yes (Ml. W. if) ; in
indirect speech mai 6' that it is so .
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188
ACCIDENCE
393, 394
ADVERBS OF TIME, PLACE, MANNER AND MEASURE.
393. The following adverbs represent old adverbial
formations: doe yesterday' ; yrhdwg, rhawg 'in future
nowß for a long time to come' ; hunt hence, yonder ; gno
there, thither, then ', gna c then, there (near you) '
eto
again ' (earlier ettco, etwa, etc.) ; hefyd also, besides '; wedi
afterwards'; draw yender' ; gnu here' (older 'man in
verse) ; atlan cout'; Ml. W. moch soon Compounded :
oddiyno (earlier oddyno) ' thence ' ; odd(i)yma, oddi allan, etc.
held is now only used in positive statements; formerly it
was also used for either ' after a neg., for which chwaith alone
is now used.—wedi is the same word as u•edi prep. : as an
adverb it occurs in Matt. xxvi 73, Act. iii 24, B.CW. 21 1. 10,
gwedi l. 22, cynt na chwedy L.G.C. 66. For wedi adv. the form
wedyn is used in the recent period, a contraction of wedi hyn.—
The' old yman in the following couplet is misprinted unz man
in D.T. 28 and in the 1860 and later edns. of Gr.O..
Chwilio yman amdani,
Chwilio hunt heb ei chaet hi.—Gr.O. 32.
Searching here for it, searching yonder without finding it.'
394. The following adverbs are oblique cases of nouns
and adjectives :
(1) up' (obli case of bre 'hill ; orig for a little
while ennyd, encycl id., ennyd awr id. ; gartref at home
011, 257 laver 260 (I) ; beth 5262; ddim 266 (7) ;
syrn a great deal ', obl. case of8tvrn•, agog ' nearly ' ; nemawr,
fawr in neg. clauses much ' ; braidd rather', with neg.
hardly ; and perhaps ach?" wholly
(2) After an adj. : iatvn very as da iavn very good '
odiaeth very ' ; arut,hr amazingly, very ' B.CW. 9 ; efnadtcg
terribly ', ddigon suffciently etc.
(3) Before an adj. with rad. initial : llatcer before a cpv.
260 (1) ; mtcy, 216 ; so llai, Ileiaf; digon, as digon
da good enough .
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395-397
ADVERBS
189
(4) gynt ' formerly ' ; cynt ' previously ' ; gynneu 'a short
time (few hours) ago '; mtvy, mwyach henceforth '; weithiau
sometimes', unwaith once etc. ; chtvaith, ychwåith ' either'
393, as na Herod chwaith Luc xxiii 15 ; byth ' ever
wellwell, waethwacth, etc. ,
(5) mwy (na) ' more (than) '
oreu ' best ',
haeach with a neg." not much, hardly at all
gyntaf ' first ', etc. ; cystal ' as well ', etc.
(6) modd, pryd„ Ile followed by the oblique rel. g, yr or
neg. na, nad (after Ile, ni, mid); da g [it is] well that '
braidd g ' [it is] hardly
hawdd 3.' ' [it is] with ease that '
[the case] that '
odid y, odi8 na 264 ; etc.
395. TKe following adv4bs are formed of nouns in obl.
cases with a demonstrative or similar adjective :
(1) hé-ddyw, older he-dclizo ' to-day IV-no 'to-night
e-leni ' this year beu-nydd every day ', beu-noeth ' every
night
(2) gn 'wr now' (gn here is an old form of the def.
248 ; gmannos ' the other
article); yr awron, weithion,
night' D.G. 82, 158, 200.
(3) pa le ' where?' pa bryd when?' etc., 244 ;
ryzvbryd sometime ', rywfodd somehow ', etc.
396. Adverbs formed of a noun or adj. preceded by ond
or nid :
(1) ond + noun or prone ond odid ' perhaps ' 264 ; ond
antur ' peradventure ', Gen. xxxii 20 ; oncl hynng ' any more'
in neg. clauses IL.M. 94, 96, T. ii 176 ; onid t' otherwise
Gr.O. 246.
(2) nid + cpv, adj. nid hwyrach perhaps' 1 Cor. xvi 6
(sometimes wrongly written hwyrach) ; nid gwaeth even '
D.G. 410 ; nid amgen namely ' (lit. 'not otherwise
397. Adverbs formed of nouns governed by preps,
(1) The prep, and noun compounded: ech-doe ' the day
before yesterday ', ech-nos ' the night before last ', tran-noeth
' the following day ', tren-nydd ' the day after to-morrow
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190
ACCIDENCE
398
y-fory, earlier a-forg to-morrow ; yr-Wynedd„ er-ltynedd,
y-l/ynedd last year'; 0-bry 'down '; eigoeg, ei8ioe8 already •
cor-mod, earlier gor-modd excessively adref homewards'.
(2) The prep. and noun uncompounded ; or forming
improper compounds accented on the ultima : ifyny ' up ,
earlier also more fully i fynydd ;
i lawr down' ; i waered
down'; i maes out '; gn 61 back', ar 61 'behind' ; ar
hynt immediately oddi fyny from above
oddi lawr
' from below '; ymlden 380 (J 1); ynghjd together i gyd
' wholly' ; ar led, earlier ar Iled abroad ' ; arfrys hastily' •
rhac I(aw henceforth'; dra-chéfn 375 . (2) ; 'maith (for
older i ymdaith) away iffwrd,d away .
(3) With the article: O'r blaen ' formerly' ; O'r neilltu
on one side '
, o'r heruydd 379 (5) ; O'r bron 380 (14).
(4) With an infixed pron. : o'i fron, fem. o'i bron L.G.C.
J 22 ' throughout'
eri6ed ever' (for er i oed ' during his
time ', used of all persons; but earlier also ermoed L.G.C.
194 'in my time
398. Adverbs formed of adjectives governed by preps, :
(1) arfyr B.CW. 18 in short ', ar hir D.G. 352 'for a long
while ' ; ar iawn D.G. 5 straight ', trwy deg fairly ', trtvy
deg neu hagr by fair [means] or foul ' ;
trzoy iawn by
right ; tcrth wir truly ' ; ofraidd scarcely
(2) ANY adj. following 3m, as dda well ', gn wetl
better ', etc. The adj. has the soft initial except when it
begins with ll- or Th-•, e. g. yn llawn, rhad ; see 364
(4). But in many expressions forming improper com-
pounds, it has the nasal, as sooner ', gmhétl ' far ',
ynghdm ' wrongly', ynghådd 'secretly', etc., 83 (3)..Special
cases ofcpvs. afteryn: gn hytrach rather', gn chwaethach 'not
to speak of, let alone ', now generally chwaethach B.CW. 14.
(3) Superlatives with the article : O'r goreu very well ! '
O'r rhwyddaf Gr.O. 31 most readily'; i'r eithqf' extremely
ar y cyutaf at first ', etc.
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399-402
ADVERBS
191
399. (1) The prefixes rhy-, go- and tra-, by being
accented separately before adjectives have come to be
regarded as adverbs, rhtl, co and tra ;
228.
(2) Iled and pur forming loose compounds with adjectives
have come to be regarded as adverbs, 227. So prin in
prin ddau Gr.O. 58 ' scarcely two ', etc.
400. Many adverbs are improper compounds formed of
sentences fused into words. The following are examples :
(1) ysywaeth the more the pity ' (for waeth which
; cwaethiroedd cluw woe worth the day
IS worse
yswaetheroedd L.G.C. 38.
(2) agatfyd,d Gr.O. 262 ' perhaps' (for ag a a/fgdd) ;
agatoedd ' possibly' referring to the past ; gsgatfyd,d ' per-
haps' 1 Cor. xv 37 ; efallai ' perhaps ' (for ef allai).
(3) geygu:$r, '*gunr L.G.C, 444 ' truly ' (for gwir ' it is
gef ' that is, namely' (for
malpei ' as it were
(4) dyma ( = Fr. voici), more fully weldgma B.CW. 24 (for
wet! d' yma W.M. 80 ' seest thou here ? So dyna ' voilå ',
also ducho ' see up ', diso, weldi80 D. G.
dacw ' see yonder '
113 ' see down ', etc.
(5) Ilyma ' voici ' (perhaps for 83/11 gma) ; llyna voili
CONJUNCTIONS
::401. In the following sections the Welsh
conjunctions are classified according to meaning. Some conjunctions, like a
‘and’, may connect two nouns, adjectives, adverbs, etc., or two sentences;
others, like pan ‘when’, can only indicate the relation of a dependent
to the principal sentence. The latter are preverbs; only negative particles
and infixed pronouns can separate them from the verb of the clause
402. Annexive: a, ac ' and '.
(1) The -c of ac is a survival of medieval spelling, in
.
RHANNAU HEB EU HYCHWANEGU ETO ::402 ::403 ::404 ::405 ::406 ::407
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192
ACCIDENCE
403-405
which final -g was written -c. The word should be read
ag. In the spoken lang. it is sounded äg when unaccented,
tic when emphatic. In all standard cynghanedd its -c
always corresponds to C, as shown in the following examples
from the first few pages of Gr.O. :
Ac odid (mae mor gadarn) 5 ; garw gur ac od 6 ; Goffrom
rhv;ng cwsg ac effro 7 ; Ac i'rffon y gorffennaf 8 ; Ac odid na
chaiff guyedi J 3 ; Ac O'r dawn had gyzvrain hit 15; Ac euraid
wyt bob goror 15 ; Ac yno'n llafar gamu 18 ; Ac aflwydd O'r
goJew 21 ; etc. The treatment of the word as a/c in late 19th
cent. cynghanedd is due to ignorance of the history of Welsh
orthography.—The same remarks apply to nac, sounded nag.
(2) The form ac
( zag) is used before vowels ; a [spir.]
before consonants, including h, as bara a chaws, dir a halen.
Formerly a was usual before ; now ac, as byw ac iach.
But ac is u-sed before ni, na not ', mor as ', . fel, felly, meci8,
mwyach, mai, meddaf, and the preverbsfe, mi.
403. Disjunctive : (1) neu [soft] or '.
(2) ai ... ai whether or; either
or' 389
(3) na, nac ' nor ' ; na(c) na(c) neither . . .
nor ', in
conditional clauses 'either
or'.—na [spir.] before a cons.,
including h (and formerly i) ; nac ( = nag 402 (1)) before
a vowel, and before mor, fel,fellg, etc.
404. Adversative: (1) The old word for 'but' was a, ac;
see example in ac ngt atwen 317, 2. But as this also
meant and ', other words for but ' came into use. These
are : oncl [rad.] older onid„ originally 'if not ' ;-—eithr [rad. l,
e. g. Act. iv 4, 15, etc. : this is the prep., 375 (4) ;—
namyn, rarely namn 86.
(2) hagen however ' ; now obsolete.
405. Causal: (T) canys [rad.] 'since, for in verse also
cans ach08, 379 (I) —
. (3) o ran 'for' W .11]. 73.—
(4) Other composite preps. are used as conjs. in the Late
period o blecid Act. i 5, ii 34; o ,åerwyüd 1 Cor. xv 53 ;
o ecaith, S.W. dial. an g, gam y, etc. 412.
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406, 407
CONJUNCTIONS
193
406. Conditional: (1) o, od if' ;
08 'if it is' before
a noun; O'n 'if .. . me'
o'th, if
. . . t,hee
os before
a verb ' if
him (her, them)'. In Early Mn.W. o and
od were used before verbs, o before initial consonants, od
before vowels ; 08 was only used before a verb to indicate
'if...
him etc.,' as above, the -8 being the inf. pron.
Before a noun was used then, as now, the -8 being the
vb. to be' (y)8. In the Late period, beginning in the
16th cent. 08 ousted o, od for simple ' if' before verbs.—
o was followed by the spire (sometimes the rad.) of p-, t-, c-,
the rad. of other mutables. ;
Two recent solecisms are the insertion of y after ole before
a Verb, and of mai after 08 before a noun.
(2) oni, onid 'if .
not, unless
oni'm 'unless .
me
onis (oni'8) ' unless ... him ', etc.
(3) pe, ped, earlier pei y, pei yd ' were it that, ', 307 (3).
The lost in pe is the citative conj. 411. Before a noun,
pe for pei were it '.
(4) o, od, 08 are used before the pres., impf. and aor.
indicative, but before the impf. suki. in o bai, on; bai ; pe,
ped before the impf. subj. or plup. only.
407. Temporal: (1) pan [soft] ' when ; sometimes bam
in poetry, e.g. T.A. G. 234. The use of Ø' after pan, except
as an inf. pron., is a late blunder ;
236,
(2) tra ' w.hilst
In the good periods it is followed by
a soft initial, as tra brytwyf L.G.C. 91 while I sing' ; slill
used in tra $0, tra .fu, etc. ; but now the rad. is more used
(more rarely the spir. Gr.O. 12).
(3) yni [soft] until ' e.g. 210, now bn;, onid (by
confusion with oni ' unless
) e. g. onid oedd yr haul .
B.CW. 5 until the sun was ' ; expanded Co hyd oni Matt.
ii 9.
(4) cyn [rad.] before ; cyn elych oöyma S.G. 269 ' before
thou goest hence , cyn byth L.M. 104 ' before I ever
1657
o
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194
ACCIDENCE
408-412
come b, cyn canaf jarwel do. 86 before I bid farewell '.
The late insertion of g after it comes from taking it for the
prep. 377 (1). Before a von. it is of course the prep.,
e.g. cyn myned ' before going ', etc.
(5) wedi y, hyd g, etc, , see 412.
::408. Concessive:
(1) cyd [radical] ‘though’;
Cyd byddai nifer... Rhufeniaid ix 27;
{Hefyd y mae Eseias yn llefain am yr Israel, Cyd
byddai nifer meibion Israel fel tywod y môr, gweddill a achubir
Esaias also crieth concerning Israel,
Though the number of the children of Israel be as the sand of the sea, a
remnant shall be saved: Romans 9:27}
Cyd byddai hirfaith Gr.O. 116
{= Goronwy Owen (Anglesey), 1723-69; reference to Gwaith
y Parch. Goronwy Owen..., Llanrwst 1860.}
‘Though it would be long’.
(2) er y {although}, er na {although... not}Section ::412 (4).
::409. Comparative:
(1) cyn ‘as’ before the equative;
cyn wynned â’r eira ‘as white as snow’.
It softens initials, except ll, rh, as
cyn llonned â’r gog ‘as merry as the cuckoo’.
(2) â [spirant mutation], ag ‘as’ after the equative. This is
the same
as a, ag ‘with’ Section ::374 (i). It is often found before pe
{if} and pan {when}:
â phe ‘as if’, â phan ‘as when’.
(3) na [spirant mutation], nag ‘than’ after the comparative,
earlier no, nog.
Na phe ‘than if’, na phan ‘than when’, na chynt ‘than
previously’.
::410. Illative: yntau,
ynteu ‘then, in that case’;
pwy ynteu? ‘who, then?’
It is usually misspelt ynte in the late period. It always comes after
the first word or words in the sentence.
RHANNAU HEB
EU HYCHWANEGU ETO ::411 ::412
::413 ::414 ::415
::416 ::417 ::418
411. Citative :
(1) before verbs, y [rad.], yr (earlier ydd)
that '.
It is used to make a sentence into a noun equivalent,
not only after verbs of saying, believing, etc., os gum y dam
e/ 'I know that he will come', but generally where a noun-
clause is needed, as diau y daw ef ' that he will come [is]
certain
It has the same form as the oblique relative, but
has no antecedent of any kind. The neg. form is na, nad.
(2) •Before nouns, mai (earlier and more strictly correct,
mae) ' that it is '
303 (5), Negative nad. A common
recent solecism is to write mai nid for the neg. nad.
412. A preposition may govern a noun elause introduced
by g (neg. na)
in that case the prep. with the y (or na
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CONJUNCTIONS
413,
195
forms the cquivalent of a conjunction. The y (or na) may
be the oblique relative, as in wedi y 'after [the time] when
or the citative particle that ', as in er y in spite of [the
fact] that The common cases are :
(1) wedi y or wedi 'after' Marc iv 32; usually reducgd
to tedi or wedi 'r 239 (2), as wedi deltvyf L.G.C. 432
after I come wedi (18 do. F. 41, gwedy delych R.P. 1256
after thou comest'. So wed'; na after ... not
(2) hyd 3/ 'as far as ' D.G. 2 ; hgd na 'so that . .. not
(3) gydag as soon as
(4) er g, see above ; as er cwyddwn ' alt,hough I knew '
. not The conj. cycl 'though' with
er na though
a verb is generally replaced in the late period by er with
v.n. or er 3.' with vb.
(5) am ' because ' ; with the subjunctive ' so long as,
provided that ', as any bo du 'so long as it is good '; am na
.. . not
because
(6) gan y ' because, since ', gan na since
Ni funnwn yn hwy f'einioes,
Gan na chaid arngenach oes.—D.N. (F.N. 91)
'I would not [that] my life [should be] longer, since a better
life was not spared.'
(7) fel y, megi8 y ' as, how, so that, ' ; fel Y' felly y ' as
... so ' ; fel na 'so that not ' ; y as, while .
413. A prep. may also govern the implied antecedent of
pan, as erpan ' since [the time] when ' Marc ix 21 ; hyd pan
' until ' do. ix 9; erbyn pan by [the time] when
414. A noun in an oblique case followed by the obl. rel.
g (neg. no) also forms the equivalent of a conj., as pryd y,
tley (reduced to Ile), modd y, etc. 242, 394 (6).
The recent misuse of y after the conjunctions pan and 08 iB
due to a blundering imitation of its correct use after the adverbs
pryd, modd, etc.
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196
ACCIDENCE
INTERJECTIONS.
S 415-418
415. The following interjections are in use in Mn,W.
a, o, och, gwae, ha ; hush ', frei ' fie (earlier ji, whence
the adj. ffiaidd ' loathsome'); hwt, hwtan, used to lull a baby
to sleep (earlier hu, huw) ; ' pooh ', PW, dwt ' pshaw !
ach, Ich ' ugh ! ' hai, wchw ; ow 'oh'; wi expressing delight .
wÖ, wban, wbwb, etc.
416, An interjection is a natural cry, and forms no part
of the sentence before or into which it is interjected. But
an interj. may become a noun, used like any other noun
this happens when it is employed as the— name of the cry,
or of the emotion or condition associated with it. Thus,
canu huw to sing a lullaby ', e. g. D.G. (30) ; Mae oer och
a maw" achwyn R.G.D. 114 'There is sad wailing and great
mourning ' ; etc. gwae, like its English cognate woe, has
become an ordinary noun, pl. gwaeau ' woes
417. But an interjection may be combined with other
words in interjectional expressions, which, like simple
interjs., form no part of the sentence, Thus—
(1) gwae and och are followed directly by prons. and
nouns in the dative, as gwae Jf ' vae mihi ', ochJi id., gwae
chwi, etc., cwae Wynedd, etc.
(2) och is also followed by i with its object, as Och imi
R.N. 90 ; by i, as pfft 'iddo ; and fei by o as ffei (o)houo,
S 360 _
(3) Any interj. may be followed by a noun in the
vocative, as Och I)duw G. 255, ha fab !
(4) An interj. my..y be preceded by a numeral, now-och
R.P, 1306, coy/,h wae junau G. 229, can' och, naw wfft i(ldo !
418. As in other languages, utterances of an inter-
jectional character are made from other parts of speech, and
from phrases and sentences, often mutilated. Thus—
(1) Nouns, with or without adjuncts ; (a) nouns in the
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INTERJECTIONS
197
;—(b) names invoked as Duv W .L 232,1 Duw
vocative
annwgl Gr.O. 39 ;—(c) dydd da I nos da !—(d) hawdd amor
good luck ', gwyn ,fyd! didch !—(e) rhad arno ! 'a blessing
upon him ' (usually sarcastic), yr achlod iddynt Gr.O. 200
fie upon them ! '
(2) Adjs. used adverbially and other adverbial expressions :
truan 'alas ! ' yn iach ' fare-
da ' good ! ' purion 'very well !
well ! ' yn, llawen ' gladly ! ' rhodd B.CW. 80 ' pray !
yma;th ' away l.' adref ' home ! ' hwnt ' avaunt ! '
Mair
' for Mary's sake ! ' er Duw ! ar f'enaid L.G.C. 223 ' by my
soul !
myn
(3) Verbs in the impv. mood : dro ' stop ! ' adolwg ' pray !
For the latter the v.n. adolwyn is sometimes found, I.MSS. 291,
315 Con-
henjych well ' hail !
(4) Sentences
ttacted into single words : (liöer! (perhaps for Duw a "yr
wele ' behold ! ' for a wely ' dost thou see .
' God knows ! ') ;
400 (4) ; llgma, etc., do.
also wd; dyna ' voici
etc.,
(5) ; ysywaet,h, etc., do. (1) ; ysgwir, do. (3).
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