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BONNER BEITRÄGE ZUR
ANGLISTIK
HERAUSGEGEBEN VON PROF. DR. M. TRAUTMANN.
HEFT XVIII.
A Grammar of the Dialect of West Somerset Descriptive and Historical
by E. Kruisinga, M.A., Ph. D.
Bonn
P. Hanstein, Publisher
1905
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Preface.
The object of the present work has been explained in the Introduction. But I
take this opportunity to correct a statement on p.1. After the first sheets
of this work had been printed my attention was drawn to a third historical
grammar of an English dialect, “The Dialect of Pewsey (Wiltshire) by Dr. John
Kjederqvisf (1903). To an exhaustive description of the sounds Dr.
Kjederqvist has, at the suggestion of Prof. Luick of Graz, added a complete
history of the phonology of that dialect. I received this valuable book only
when the ninth sheet was passing through the press, but have been able
frequently to refer to it in the Additions. Prof. Luick's new book, 'Studien
zur Englischen Lautgeschichte', treats of a problem also discussed here
(Chapter IV). The study of his work, however, required more time than I could
give to it while my book was being printed. But I hope to treat of the
question of the lengthening of ME. i and u in another place soon.
In judging the attempt made in the Glossary to distinguish what is genuinely
dialectal and what is due to or influenced by standard speech it should be
borne in mind that I have only marked those words which can with some degree
of certainty be shown to owe their pronunciation to standard English,
according to the criteria laid down in §§ 563 ff . No doubt there are more,
but we want proofs. A word like imitation, or voivel, or logic is probably
not in dialectal use, but we cannot be sure of that; logic may for all we
know be a genuine dialect-word. See also Glossary s. v. oration, pedigree\ to
rendez-vous Mr. Elworthy expressly adds: ^common'.
In conclusion it is a pleasant duty to acknowledge my indebtedness to Prof.
K. D. Bitlbring, whose teaching has enabled me to make what I hope will be
found a satisfactory use of the admirable materials which Mr. Elworthy has
put at our disposal.
Winters wijk, November 1904.
E. Kruisinga.
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Contents.
Page Introduction 1
Two methods of dialect-study. Materials. Value of Ellis's 5th volume. Choice
of the dialect of W. Somerset. Arrangement of this book. Value of
dialect-study.
Table of Phonetic Symbols 8
Sources and Works referred to 10
Chapter I. The Present Dialect of West Somerset 12
A. Sounds.
Quantity 12
Difference between long' and sliort sounds § 1. Long* vowels and murmur-diphthongs
§ 8.
I. Vowels. § 13 14
II. Diphthongs. § 46 18
III. Consonants. § 63 20
B. Accidence.
I. Verbs 22
Inflections: Infinitive § 73. Present tense § 74. Imperative § 75. Present
Part. § 76. Preterite § 77. Auxiliaries § 80.
II. Nouns 28
Gender § 88. Genitive § 91. Plural § 93. Nouns of measure § 105. Collectives
§ 109.
III. Adjectives 32
Degrees of comparison § 112. Material adj. § 117.
IV. Adverbs 32
Formation § 119. Comparison § 121.
V. Numerals 33
Cardinals and ordinals § 123. Fractions § 125.
VI. Articles § 126 34
VII. Pronouns 34
Demonstrative § 129. Personal § 134. Possessive § 139. Interrogative § 142.
Reflexive § 143. Relative § 145. Indefinite § 147.
Chapter II. The ME. Equivalents of the Present Vowels and
Diphthongs 39
Vowels §151 39
Diphthongs §174 50
Murmur-diphthongs § 182 51
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Contents. V
Page Chapter III. An Historical Grammar of tlie Dialect of W.Somerset 55
A. Sounds,
I. Vowels 55
General remarks §192. Short vowels: ME. a §197. ME. e § 210. ME. i § 218. ME.
o § 228. ME. u § 234. ME. 11 § 244. Long-vowels: ME. a § 249. ME. e § 258.
ME. e § 263. ME. i § 269. ME. o § 274. ME. o" § 280. ME. u § 286.
II. Diphthong's 74
ME. ai, ei § 289. ME. oi, ui § 298. ME. au § 302. ME. eu §308. ME. ou §311.
III. Consonants 78
1. Vowel-like consonants § 314. 2. Labials § 341.
3. Dental th § 356. 4. Alveolars § 363. 5. Velars § 379. Metathesis § 390.
IV. Unstressed syllables 95
Stress §396. (i^§401. (e) § 402. (^■)§404.
('e)§405.
Literary -ow § 406. Strong secondary stress § 414. Procope §415. Syncope §
415b. Apocope §416.
B. Accidence.
I. Verbs 101
Inflection § 418. Gradation § 419. New present
tenses § 446. Intransitives § 452. IL Nouns 110
Nouns of measure § 460. Collective nouns § 463. New
singulars § 466.
III. Pronouns §467 113
IV. Derivation 114
Suffixes (-«ns) §468. (-ish)§469. (-l9ik) §470. (-lis) §471. Prefixes (bi-) §
472b. (dis-) § 472c. (mss) § 472d. Substitution of Suffixes: (-^nt) § 473.
(-'Br) § 474. (-'Brd) § 477 a. (-uri) § 477 b. (--Bt, -Et) § 478. (-■et) § 479. (-idzh, -idzh) § 480a. (-iki?l) § 480b. (-j^l) §
480c. (-ii?r,-j«r) §480d. (-m^nt) §481. (-tri) §482 a. (-th) §482b.
Chapter IV. Some Problems of Historical Grammar .... 119
On dialectal and literairy (ii) for ME. i 119
On the diphthongization of ME. a 121
On the separation of ME. e and e 121
On (ii, ee) for ME. I 123
On the history of idd) for ME. u^ o 124
On (9a) for ME. Q 127
On dialectal and literary o-sounds for OE. -eaw, -eow 127
On the dialectal pronunciation of -ought 128
Etymologies . . 129
Ain § 525. Bleak, bleat § 526. Chives § 527. Cucumber §528. Drone §529. Eaves
§530. Haver §531 a.
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VI Contents.
Pag«
Hoe § 531 b. Lea, lay § 532. Pank § 533. Pebble § 534. Pent-house § 535.
Quoin, sleigh § 536. Spill § 537. On some words in -eak and on key § 538.
Chapter V. The Relation of the Dialect of West Somerset to
the Surrounding Dialects 134
The southwestern dialects compared §540. The dialect of W. Somerset and
Ellis's dialect 4 § 544. The dialects of W. Somerset and Devonshire § 551.
The dialect of W.Somerset and Standard English §561. Result of the
comparisons § 566. The dialect of W. Somerset during the ME. and the OE.
periods § 569.
Glossary 148
Additions • 176
Misprints.
On p. 21 line 2 from top, for lip-trill read tip-tr'Ul. On p. 146, note 1,
for N. E. read N, W,
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INTRODUCTION.
The great number of English county-periodicals bears witness to the general
interest in local history and customs. Amongst the papers published by them there
are scarcely any, however, that deal with local speech; and the few that do,
limit themselves to giving lists of 'dialect-words'.
The cause is, no doubt, that for the study of grammar much patience and
industry is required, which are all the more unlikely to be forthcoming
because the English public does not appreciate the result of such painstaking
work.
The formation of the English Dialect Society has, it is true, encouraged
dialect-work. Its publications supply valuable materials to the student of
English dialects^).
But these also are mostly useful only to the lexicographer of English
dialects 2); few give a full and clear account of the grammar of a dialect.
Of the older works on English dialect grammar Dr. Murray's book on the
dialects of the Southern Counties of Scotland was the first to combine the
descriptive and the historical treatment. This method was also applied by
prof. Wright to the dialect of Windhill. Here, however, the descriptive part
is only used as the basis for a history of the grammar of the dialect,
especially of its sounds. The hope expressed at the appearance of Wright's
book that many more grammars of the same thoroughness might be written, has
not been fulfilled. Not until this year (1904) has a second English dialect been
treated in the same way: the dialect of Adlington (Lancashire) by Alexander
Hargreaves, Apart from Ellis's
1) For a list of dialect-publications see prof. Wright's article 'Engluche
Mundarten, in Paul's Grundriss. In the second edition of the Grundriss the
article has not been brought up to date.
2) They are now being incorporated in Wright's great work 'The English
Dialect Dictionary'.
Bouner Beitr. z. Anglistik. Heft 18. 1
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2
Introduction.
remarks on the history oF the short vowels, we have a historical treatment of
the verbs in the dialect of West Somerset in Dr. Biilbring's book on the
'ablaut' in the strong verbs in Southern English i).
A different plan has been followed by prof. Luick, in hh ' Untersuchungen zur
englischen lautgeschichte\ and after Luick, by Horn, in his 'Beitrdge zur
geschichte der englischen gutturallaute\ Starting from the ME. long vowels,
Luick traces their development in all the English dialects down to the
present day. Luick's results seem to me not very definite, and the value of
his work, more than in its results, seems to lie in its suggestion of fresh
lines of inquiry^).
What we now want, is a number of historical grammars of characteristic
dialects. In this connection I mav be allowed to quote the words of Luick,
(Anglia 16, p. 491): "Wir milssen jeden dialekt in sich und fiir sich
studieren und einen einblick in seine lautentwicklung gewinnen: erst dann konnen
wir erkennen, was die vorhandenen formen eigentlich besagen".
Such grammars, however, should not only treat of the sounds, but include
accidence, word-formation and syntax.
The primary question is, whether w^e have the necessary materials for such
grammars. For, although the latter may be written equally well by foreigners
and Englishmen, it requires the native of a county to collect full and
trustworthy materials^).
Apart from Mr. Elworthy's books on the dialect of West Somerset there is
especially one work to be considered: Ellis's Early English Pronunciation,
vol. V.
Very widely diverging are the opinions of scholars on this book. It has been
praised by Kluge as "the magnificent crowning of a proud edifice which
will show new ways in the study of the English language".
Wright on the contrary says (Windhill p. 174): "the dialect test in
Ellis (viz. for Windhill) contains several strange mistakes
1) The chanter on the verbs in the modern dialects has been translated for
the English Dialect Society (nr. 63).
2) See the 'Vorwort\ p. VL
3) Prof. Wright is collecting phonographic specimens of English dialects for
the historical grammar which he has promised to publish as part of the last
volume of the Dialect Dictionar3\
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Introduction.
3
both ill the version and the notes to it. If his rendering of the dialect
test of other dialect-speakers is as inaccurate as that of the AVindhill dialect,
the value of these tests for phonetic or philological purposes is not very
great. The classified word-list (p. 391 — 4) also contains many
mistakes." And on p. 159f. Wright says that according to Dr. Murray some
of the Scotch dialects are not accurately represented either.
For Windhill Ellis had the help of a scholar with phonetic training; for many
other dialects he had to content himself with far less competent informants:
if then the Windhill dialect is not accurately rendered it is impossible to
expect that the others are.
Prof. Luickj whose Untersuchungeu are largely based on Ellis's 5*^ volume,
says that, although mistakes occur, they are not so serious for the historian
of a dialect because they will 'usually' concern the analysis of a sound, not
its identity with or difference from neighbouring sounds. And Luick remarks
with truth that the latter is more important for the historian than an
absolutely accurate analysis.
But it is not so certain that the mistakes are mostly of the kind indicated
by Luick.
Another objection to Ellis's book is the small number of words given for some
dialects. Luick has shown (Unters. § 194) that even the comparatively full
materials which Ellis gives for AY. Somerset lead to wrong conclusions.
I believe, therefore, that Ellis's materials, valuable as they are, can only
be used safely in connection with those of well-known dialects.
Such a well-known dialect is that of West Somerset. Probably no English
dialect has been treated so fully and accurately. Mr. Elworthy's books give
us complete information on the sounds and accidence with many interesting
notes on syntax, whilst he finished his task with a dictionary of the dialect
words in which the meanings are fully treated.
There can be no doubt that many of the pronunciations given by Mr. Elworthy
are adaptations of the standard language. Not all the words can be dialectal,
for no dialect-speaker uses as many as three thousand words. But of those
that are certainly used many have according to one book a pronunciation
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4 Introduction.
almost identical with standard English, according to another their
pronunciation deviates widely from it (1). For reckoning we find (raiknin)
and rEklin); for oration (orErshun) and (noorEwrshun); for ashes (aksn) and
(aarshəz).
The fullness of the word-lists often enables us to show where the standard
pronunciation has influenced dialectal speech. When end is given as (een) and
as (iin) we might hesitate to explain the first as due to the influence of
the standard pronunciation, if an exclusively dialectal word, 'tend'
pronounced (tiin) did not prove that (ii) is the dialectal sound (2). This
also shows the value of words not used in English, although on the other hand
the etymology of such words is often
doubtful or unknown.
The arrangement of the present work is shown in the detailed list of
Contents. I may here remark that the 1st Chapter, though based on the books
of Mr. Elworthy and Mr. Ellis, does not only present their materials
systematically, but also draws conclusions from them (e. g. on the mutual
relation of sounds in the dialect).
The paragraphs on Accidence (both in the first and third chapters)
include syntax. Elworthy's remarks on the latter concern the meaning of
grammatical forms only, and it would not have served any useful purpose to
separate them from accidence.
Following Wright's example I have traced, in the second chapter, the ME.
sounds to which the modern stressed vowels and diphthongs correspond. The
words are throughout given in their standard spelling; the pronunciation is
given in the Glossary. Where the spelling leads to an entirely false idea of
the pronunciation, and in the case of words showing a peculiar development, I
warn the reader by italic type to look the word up in the Glossary.
In the third chapter an attempt is made to give the history of the
late ME. forms down to the present time. The vowels and diphthongs are
treated fully, the consonants only
1) It may not be superfluous to add that both statements may be
correct. For wherever a standard pronunciation has arisen there is a tendency
among dialect-speakers to approach it.
2) See §214.
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Introduction.
5
^0 far as they deviate from the (leveh)pment in standard English. 8uch
changes as the h)ss of initial k, g in know, gnaw are not included,
therefore. If any doubt should arise whether the <lialect agrees in its
pronunciation of the consonants with the standard language, the Glossary can
solve it. In treating the history of the sounds I have not followed Wright's
example in separating the native and the French words. Their development is
in most cases the same and where it is not a separate paragraph is sufficient
to show it. It should be remembered that many French words are really
dialectal, not borrowed from modern standard English: they share, therefore,
the development of the native English words. Oration e. g. might be suspected
of being a literary word, but its pronunciation (with initial w), and
especially its meaning (disturbance) show that it is really dialectal.
Some critics will perhaps think that I might have made more use of the Early
MnE. grammars. But the information they supply is often unreliable, and,
above all, really applies only to the standard language. I venture to hope,
therefore, that my work has not lost much of its value by this omission.
The section on unstressed syllables includes a few remarks on stress; the
materials at our disposal do not specially concern themselves with stress so
that the information they supply is only accidental.
The chapter on the history of accidence discusses only those things which are
peculiar or remarkable, without repeating ivhat the dialect shares with
literary English.
The paragraphs on Derivation show how important this part of grammar is for
the correct explanation of what often seem to be sound-changes (compare
especially §§ 473, 481).
Although in the third chapter I have sometimes used the standard language for
comparison, it seemed most convenient to treat in a separate, fourth chapter
those points in the history of sounds which require a full discussion. In
many cases the abnormal development is shared by other dialects and by the
standard language. The digression these peculiarities require would have been
inconvenient breaks in the course of the third chapter. I have added the
etymology of some difficult words, again mostly words which have not been
satisfactorily explained in their standard forms either.
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6
Introduction.
The fifth chapter shows in some detail the rehition of the West Somerset
dialect to its neighbours, East and West. On the whole it is clear that it
may be fairly taken as a specimen of the modern southern dialects. In some
points, however, it differs from the surrounding dialects, especially from
those to the East. These differences must have partly existed in earlier
times; they show e. g. that the West Somerset dialect is not the descendant
of either Alfred's or Aelfric's language.
The Glossary gives the pronunciation of all the words in Mr. Elworthy 's
'Dialect of W. S.' and his ' W. S. grammar\ From the "W. S. Wordbook' I
have taken those words only which show interesting points, either in their
sound or with regard to accidence. In order not to increase the bulk of the
Glossary, I have omitted all words that are regular. I have also left
undiscussed the differences of meaning between dialect and standard speech
^), only noting them when necessary for the identification of the words. The
glossary gives references only where they are not evident, hence especially
to words that have been separately discussed. If, for instance, the reader
finds east transcribed with (ees) he does not need a reference to Chapter II
§ 155, i to find out that (ee) corresponds to ME. e, nor to Chapter III §
258, stating that ME. e has usually become (ee).
The Glossic transcription in Mr. Elworthy's books has been replaced by
Palaeotype, not because the latter is so practical, but because it is used in
Ellis's book and must therefore be familiar to all students of English
dialects. For the sake of convenience it is moreover explained below.
The value of dialect-study is now generally acknowledged 2). Prof. Behaghel
even declares (Literaturblatt, January 1904, col. 2) that ^nearly all
progress in our knowledge of the Middle High German sounds (in the last
quarter of the nineteenth century) is due to the study of the modern
dialects'. Although it is most unlikely that English dialects will ever become
so
1) For the meanings of dialect words see the English Dialect Dictionary.
2) Its latest advocate with regard to the English dialects is Dr. J. H. Kern:
De beoefening der nieuw -engelsche tongvallen.
Groningen 1901.
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Introduction.
7
important, there is no doubt that tlicy can often elucidate the older periods
of English. The loss of final d, t in the dialect of West Somerset e. g. shows
that the omission of d, t in OE. mss. is not due to a mistake, and that
editors are wrong in altering these readings. — The word reive, which does
not occur in Southern English in older texts and might therefore be taken for
a Norse loanword, is found in the modern W. Somerset dialect. This makes it
quite possible that it is a genuine English word.
The most interesting result of this study, how^ever, seems to be the proof it
affords of the artificiality of Living Standard English. For artificial
pronunciations compare the standard pronunciation of sovereign with the
dialectal (§ 234) ^). The dialect neither shares the differentiation of they
who and those who; see also the section on the verbs in the third chapter. In
syntax the dialect has preserved the singular of nouns of measure after
numerals, where the standard language uses a logical plural.
All this show^s how much more natural the development of the dialect has been
than that of the standard language.
1) See Koppel, Spelling-pronunciations (Quellen und Forschungen ur. 89).
1901.
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TABLE
OF PHONETIC SYMBOLS.
In Ellis V the following comparison is made of Palaeotype with the analysis
of vowel-sounds by Bell and Sweet:
Narrow Wide
•
1
%% V i
%% a
%% 8
%% c
%% a
%% ah
%% e
%% E
%% ae
%% Rounded Rounded
u
u
y
A
It may be convenient to compare the vowels of the dialect with those of
better-known languages; the sounds, of course, are hardly ever identical.
(i) = i in French si.
(i) = i in English bit.
(e) = ee in German see.
(e) = e in English men.
(E)= a in Swedish lara.
(8e)= a in English man.
(y) = u in French lune (but see § 39).
(d) = eu in French pen.
(3)= u in English but (but see § 40).
(a) = a, in German mann.
(u) = ou in French sou.
(u) = u. in English put.
(o) = in German so.
(A)== aw in English law (short);
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Table
of phonetic symbols. 9
in a few cases Mr. Elworthy gives the Glossic notation (o) which in
Palaeotype would be (o), Bell-Sweet's low — back — wide — round, but that is
probably an oversight. For (a) and (u) see §§ 33—40.
The symbols for the consonants can hardly be misunderstood, (dzh) and (tsh)
represent the pronunciation of g in age^ and of ch in child.
(dh) and (th) = th in this and thin. Instead of (q), Ellis's symbol for the
ng of sing I use (ng). On the pronunciation of (r), as on all other details
regarding the sounds I refer to the first chapter of this work.
The ME. vowel-quantities have been marked, as in Morsbach's grammar: —
denotes original (OE.) length; ^ denotes lengthening in open syllables; '
denotes lengthening before consonant-groups. Hence I assume ME. e in sleep^
leech'., ME. e in pea, even\ ME. e in end etc.
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SOURCES
AND WORKS REFERRED TO.
Adling'ton = A. Hargreaves A grammar of the dialect of AdliDgton
(Lancashire). Ang-listische ForscliuDgeHj heft 13. Heidelberg 1904.
Bulbring Ablaut = Bulbring Geschichte des Ablauts der starken Zeitworter
innerhalb des 8udenglischen. 1889.
Bulbring Element. = Bulbring Altenglisches Elementarbuch. 1902.
Cohn Diss. = Cohn Die Sprache in der mittelenglischen Predigt-sammlung der
Hs. Lambeth 487. Berlin 1880.
Ellis I etc. = Ellis On Early Pronunciation I etc.
-p * p ' =Exmoor Scolding and Courtship ed.Elworthy. 1879.
Gasner = Beitrage zum Entwickelungsgang der Neuenglischen Schriftsprache.
Gottinger Diss. 1891.
Hewett = Hewett Peasant Speech in Devonshire.
Horn Beitr. = Horn Beitrage zur geschichte der englischen gutturallaute.
Berlin 1901.
Kluge = Fr. Kluge Geschichte der englischen Sprache, in PauFs^ Grundriss,
2"^^ edition.
Koppel = E. Koppel Spelling -pronunciations. Quellen und Forschungen, Heft
89. Strassburg 1901.
Luick = K. Luick Untersuchungen zur englischen lautgeschichte. 1896.
Morsb. = L. Morsbach Mittelenglische grammatik. 1896.
NED. = A New English Dictionary, edited by Dr. Murray, Dr. Bradley and Mr. W.
A. Craigie.
Pabst Diss. = Pabst Die Sprache der mittelenglischen Reimchronik des Robert
von Gloucester. 1889.
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Sources
and works referred to. 11
Sievers Ags. gr. = E. 8ievers ADgelsilclisische grammatik, 3« aiifl. 1898.
Sweet H. E. S. = Sweet A History of English Sounds. 1888. Unters.: see Luick.
Wdb. = El worthy West -Somersetshire Wordbook. 1886. Windliill = J.Wright A
grammar of the dialect of Windhill. 1892. WSD. = El worthy The dialect of
West-Somerset. 1875. WSG. = Elworthy An outline of the grammar of the dialect
of West-Somerset. 1877.
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CHAPTER
I. The Present Dialect of West Somerset.
A. Sounds.
Quantity.
1. The difference between long and short vowels is often slight. Ellis's
introductory remarks to Elworthy's lists constantly refer to the difficulty
of distinguishing between them. Murray (WSG. p. 112) says that "in most
cases the distinction of quantity was not a marked one". Elworthy himself
often hesitated.
2. Words ending in a vowel especially are often given without the dot
denoting length, although they are inserted in the lists for long vowels.
In the list of words with (aa) all words ending in that vowel are transcribed
into Glossic without the dot i. e. with (a). The same for words ending in
(ii).
In other cases only one or two words have long final vowels. In the {oo) list
f. i. eleven words ending in that sound are given without a dot i. e. with
(o), and only one with the dot denoting (oo). In the list for (yy) hran-new
has a dot, but 7iew has not.
3. The omission of the dot after final vowels seems intentional. Perhaps
Elworthy considered it superfluous; but if so, it is not clear why the dot
should be used occasionally, unless it was to mark specially clear length.
The final vowels would thus, as a rule, be of medial length. This seems the
more likely because Ellis (V 154 ff.) has marked all the words that had (ii)
in Elworthy 's lists, with (i), as far as they occur in the Classified
Word-list (some 50).
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The
Present Dialect of West Somerset. 13t
4. In non-initial position we find the same hesitation. The same word is
given with a Um^ vowel in one place, with a short one in another. For
instances see the Glossary, passim.
5. No doubt stress also had often a good deal do with it. Thus we can
understand that should is pronounced with (93) when emphatic, with (9) or (a)
w^hen unemphatic.
6. The nature of the following consonant may also have made a difference. At
least we find (aa) for goose, tooth, booth, ending in a voiced consonant,
whilst foot and boot ending in a voiceless consonant have (a) by the side of
(aa).
7. The first part of the diphthongs (Eu, iu, ov., ui^ seemed rather long than
short. Elworthy always writes the first element double to show length, but
Ellis gives the short sound. They are printed here with single first element,
although the sound may really be rather medial.
8. On vowel-quantity Ellis remarks (IV 1273): "That there are
differences of length, no one can doubt. That those lengths are constant,
either relatively or absolutely, cannot be affirmed. There ist naturally a
great difficulty in prolonging^ a sound at the same pitch and with the same
quality of tone. Are vowel-qualities ever purely prolonged? Does not the
quality as well as confessedly the pitch of spoken vowels, alter on an
attempt to produce them? Are not all appreciably longer vowel-qualities
really gliding, that is insensibly altering qualities so that the commencing
and ending qualities are sensibly different? Such combinations as Mr.
Hallam's (ii, u\x} may possibly rather belong to this category than to that
of intentional diphthongs. If we were to examine carefully what is really
said, we should, I think have to augment the number of these phenomena
considerably"^).
9. This explains what Dr. Murray says with regard to West-Somerset (WSG. p.
112): that he could often hardly appreciate the difference between long
vowels and the corresponding murmur-diphthongs, e. g. between (ii) and (iu),
{00) and (0^) etc..
10. Before 1, r, especially, Murray heard only the vocal murmur of these
vowel-like consonants, and "there w^as na suggestion of another
syllable".
1) See also Sweet H. E. S. §6G: Diplithongs may arise from lowering the
second half of a long vowel. In North-Welsh all long high vowels are followed
b}" an obscure vowel-glide.
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The Present Dialect of West Somerset.
With this we may compare what Sweet says (HES. § 115) of the difficulty of
"distinguishing the vocality of the vowel from that of the following
vowel-like: (finnd) or (fiind) for instance having much the same effect on
the ear". And (finnd) <ian hardly be distinguished from (fii^nd).
11. These considerations will explain how it is that the same word is in one
place given with a long vowel; in another with the corresponding
murmur-diphthong.
12. Instances:
both (aa) and (ai?) in all, crawl,
both (AA) and (A'b) in all, lord, fault-, fawn.
both (se) and (Em) in hand.
both {ee) and (Ei3) in hlealc, bleat.
both (ee) and (iu) in head, clean, creep{er), sleep.
both (oo) and {ov) in for, furrow, no, stone.
both {dd) and (ye) in mule.
I. Vowels.
13. The (se) is the sound of a in literary had etc. Sometimes the sound was
(ah) i. e. mid-mixed-wide and
a few of these words were marked with an asterisk by Elworthy. See Glossary
i. v. aslc.
14. (aa) is frequently nasalized slightly, but not constantly. Like (se) it
occasionally approaches the mid-mixed-wide position (these cases are also
marked by an asterisk).
15. (a) is the short vowel corresponding with (aa) but according to Murray
(WSG. p. 113) the difference between (aa) and (a) is rather qualitative than
quantitative: "(^^) is much thinner, approaching the mid-mixed-wide
position".
16. The preceding paragraphs have shown that the difference between (a3),
(aa) and (a) is slight. That it was sometimes impossible to distinguish them
is shown by Elworthy's transcriptions. In some words he gives both (a) and
(se); see the Glossary i. v. Candlemas, Jcnot, marsh, morrow, rotted. Both
(aa) and (se) are found for stretch, wrestle, slate. For the relation of (se)
and (E) see § 18.
17. (E) is the same vowel as e in French bete. It occurs long (or medial)
only as the first part of (Eij).
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Vowels.
15
In a few words the followiii'i: consonant seemed to modify it, viz. ft, sf,
s, f, tit and in one word before iiJc and also once before I's. Before these
consonants the sound a])proached (3). The Ghiss. marks tliese words with an
asterisk.
18. (E) sometimes varies with (jc), cp. Nicholas, breakfast, eleven, seven,
said, make.
On the other hand we also find (e) by the side of (E), as in axe, flax; both
(i) and (E) in bigness, six. For (E) and (a) cp. § 35; for (E) and (3) cp. §
42.
19. (ee) is quite free from any tendency towards a diphthong. In Ellis the
sound is in all cases replaced by (ee), except in wreathe, drive, sight (=
large number).
20. (ii) like (ee) is always a pure vowel.
21. Occasionally (ii) is lowered to (ee). So both (ii) and (ee) are given for
the vowel in be, he, lief, yes.
22. (i) should be clearly distinguished from (i), which is the / in literary
tiii, knit. According to Ellis, however, final (i) often becomes (i). This
change is illustrated by the literary pronunciation of such a word as pity,
where y is also lower than i. Moreover Elworthy's own lists show that even
stressed (i) varies with (i): both sounds are given for alike, sheep, steel.
On the relation of (i) to (9) see § 37.
23. (AA) is the sound of aw in lit. law. In many cases Ellis found it
difficult to distinguish (AA) from (00), but Elworthy appreciated the
difference. In all the words with (00) the vowel is final or followed by an
r, except coal and loth, which are also inserted in the list for (AA). Most
likely the difference betw^een the two sounds, if real, depends on the
following consonant.
Moreover in his Wdb. Elworthy omits (00) altogether and gives (00) or (013)
instead.
24. Sometimes (AA) varies with (aa). Both sounds are given in all, ball,
call, cloth, fall, false, halter, loft, saw s., smaller.
In most of the words the following 1 may have rounded (aa). But in all of
them literary influence is possible. We also find both (AA) and (a) in bald,
malt.
25. Final (AA) seems occasionally to be raised to (00): blow, croio, flow,
ought, soul are given with both (AA) and (oo).
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The Present Dialect of West Somerset.
26. Tlie distinction between (AA) and (A) is not clear (see § 1); (A) like
(AA) varies with (oo) for which cp. § 23.
27. {oo) is always a pure vowel. It is not always clearly to be distinguished
from (o).
^8. (yy) was considered by Ellis and Murray to be a deep variety of French u.
In WSD. the sound is marked with 2, in Ellis with 1. I have omitted the
numbers in my transcription,
29. (da) sounds like French eii in pen. Just as for (yy), I have omitted the
diacritic numbers. Sometimes Elw. seems to have been unable to hear a clear
difference between (aa) and (uu), see § 43.
30. Some w^ords are transcribed with (yy) and (dd): abuse, enough, due, huge,
puss, slough, through, two, womb,, wood, you.
This points to (yy) being not quite so high as French u (see %2^),
31. (y) is only given in two words {duJce, sweep), and Ellis thought the real
sound was perhaps (a).
In his later works Elworthy gave (yy) for duJce, (o) and (i) for sweep.
32. In list 23 of his WSD. Elworthy gives a number of words with (a),
shortened from (dd). Before k and in sooner, future he thought he heard a
full long (aa), but Ellis considered the sound to be short (see § 1).
Before / the sound seems to be modified.
33. In WSD. several lists of words are given, the sounds of which seemed
slightly different, although neither Ellis nor Elworthy could analyse them.
These lists are 30 (Part I, II, III) and 28. Later examination convinced Dr.
Murray that the vowel in all the words was the same, viz. the natural vowel^
(a) in Ellis's palaeotype. A look at the instances (Chapter II, § 167) will
make it clear that the difference which Elworthy heard depended on the
following consonant. I have therefore transcribed all these words with (a).
34. The words in list 30 Part II (mostly with i + lip-consonant: bib, glib)
have the same Glossic sign as those in list 23. This Uia'vcs it doubtful
whether they have (9), see § 32, or (a) as explained in § 33.
In a later work however (WSG.) Elw. explains the words in list 30 as having
the 'natural vowel' i. e. (a).
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Vowels.
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That proves that the difference between {9) and (o) is hardly appreciable.
35. It is natural that (0), being the 'natural' or 'indifferent' vowel,
should vary with other vowels.
On its relation to (a) cp. § 34.
Both (a) and (E) are given in aslant, hetwixt, hitter, breast, fit, miss,
oats, slialt, sister, stiff, worst, worth, wreath.
In most of these cases it seems likelv that a velar or labial consonant has
obscured the (E). That the varying* transcriptions are intentional is almost
certain, for in Elworthy's edition of the Exmoor Scolding dedst is in one
passage transcribed with (a), and three lines further down (1.90) with (E).
36. The vowel in whip is given as (9) and {u); the latter is no doubt due to
the preceding labial.
The same explanation holds for (3) by the side of (0) in bellows, bulge,
chimney, christening, groats, shift \ perhaps also in shelter. Both sounds
are also given in yon, beyond.
37. For the relation of (g) and (i) the transcriptions of curds are very
instructive: in WSD. Elw. says: '(kridz) always so pronounced'; in Wdb.:
'(krodz) always so pronounced'.
A great many words which had (i) according to WSD., have (a) in the Wdb.,
except those w^here 7c follows.
38. (-b) occurs principally in unstressed syllables. In WSD. Ellis analysed
it as (a), but in EEPr, he gives (^) and the latter analysis is adopted here.
39. (13) also occurs in a few stressed syllables (see Ch. II § 169), but in
those Ellis hesitated between (3), (a), and the vowel of list 30 Part II, now
also (a), see § 33. In the Wdb. Elw. always gives (a). Both (a) and (-u) are
given in slimy both (3) and ('b) in beyond, shift, burying, affront.
All this shows the difficulty of distinguishing between (a), (^), and (3).
40. (3) is not exactly the same sound as u in lit. but. It often resembles
(0), from which it differs by being unrounded.
41 . Before the ending (-d^r) Ellis thought the sound was quite different.
The explanation is no doubt to be found in the coronal articulation of the r
which also affects the preceding d (see § 67).
Elw. in his Wdb. gives (3) in all the words. Only in gutter he gives both (3)
and the sign which Ellis had invented for the vowel in this combination.
Bonner Beitr. z. Anglistik. Heft 18. 2
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Tlie Present Dialect of West Somerset.
42. VariatioiiS like (/) and (3) in clutch, mellow hardly require a comment
after what has been said on the relation of {i) and (o), and (o) and (3)^ see
§§ 37, 36.).
The variation of (E) and (3) before I is also a well-known phenomenon (See
Gloss, i. v. dull and § 64).
43. (im) is high-baek-rouud. It is rare in this dialect, and in WSG. and Wdb.
Elworthy gives in all cases another sound: {dd) in above, crumb, gone, music\
(jj) in durable, (fluent is not given in either WSG. or Wdb.) See also §§
242, 248, 285, 288.
44. (u) is very rare: it is only heard in go, floor, tooth.
45. (u) is the vowel in lit. full. It occurs rarely, and where it is given it
nearly always varies with (a), see § 36.
II. Diphthongs.
46. All the diphthongs are falling, and the second part is invariably (i) or
(u), not (i) or (u). I have, however, not followed Ellis's example in marking
these pecularities, but state them here once for alP).
47. (aai) has its first element decidedly long (see however §49).
48. (ai) and (oi) were distinguished by Ellis in WSD. but the difference is
so small that not rarely the same word has both. And later in EEPr. V p. 146
Ellis says: "Mr. Elworthy originally appeared to me to make two forms
(ai) and (gi) but on the last examination I did not find the separation
certain, and .... I selected (ai). The first element is (a), approaching
(se)".
49. According to Ellis (ai) and (aai) are kept distinct. This is true on the
whole but there are a few words with both (aai) and (ai), (oi) viz. raise,
abide, bait, fle, good-bijey high, my, why. See §§ 62, 289.
50. The first element of (AAi) is usually long, longer than in the standard
pronunciation of boy.
1) In a few words a long vowel is followed by (i), not (i); the two sounds,
however, do not form a diphthong, but belong to different syllables:?^/i«t(;
v. (dhAA—i); for (— i) cp. § 73. mo5^ (muu— is); for —is) cp. §§ 27 5, 298.
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Diphthongs.
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(AAi) varies with (aai) in bait (see the Gloss, i. v. bait). Although the two
pronunciations have different meanings the origin of the vowels is the same
so that we may compare the variation with that of (AA) and (aa), see § 24.
51. (AAi) preceded by a labial becomes (3i) Sometimes there is a confusion
between (Si) and (AAi) which is easily accounted for by the pronunciation of
(3), as explained by Ellis (see § 40).
52. In WSD. Ellis distinguished (Eu) and (9u). (E) in (Eu) occasionally
approached to (se); (gu) was the same as the sound in the standard language.
But in the Wdb. Elw. often gives the same word with both (Eu) and (9u). And
in EEPr. V p. 146 Ellis gives only forms with (Eu). He adds that (Eu)
"did not fall into (sen)", a remark which directly contradicts what
he had said on the pronunciation of (Eu) in WSD.
Murmur-diphthongs.
53. On the character of the murmur-diphthongs and their relation to the
corresponding long vowels see §§ 8 — 13.
54. The first element of (ii?) is usually long. Where it is medial the Gloss,
marks it with an asterisk. The (i) is often lowered to {ii) or {i), see § 55.
55. The first element of (Et?) is often raised to {ee) or even (ii). Thus the
sound becomes identical with (i^). Dr. Murrays says (WSG. p. 113) that he
often heard no difference in words which according to Elw. had partly (E^),
partly (i^).
In accordance with this Ellis gives in EEPr. the transcription (ei3) instead
of (Ex?). And even Elw. himself was not always able to distinguish (Et?) and
(it?); at least in some words he gives both pronunciations. See the Gloss, i.
v. base, chair, heel, heal, shake. WSD. gives both (eu) and (Ei?) in fair,
bad^ lane. See Ch. Ill § 259, note on heal. WSG. p. 38 gives (peurz) 'pears\
56. Ellis thought (WSD.) that the words in list 21 (ou) had (o) for their
first element as well as those in list 14 (ou). Murray (WSG.) also heard only
one sound (ou). Elw. in his Wdb. gives (ou) exclusively.
Sometimes the first part is higher still and becomes (u). •See § 57.
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The Present Dialect of West Somerset.
On the other band the first element is sometimes even lower than (o), viz.
(A). See Gloss, i. v. roast.
bl, (ub) very often varies with (oo) and (ou). We find both (ub) and (oo) in
sull\ both (ui?) and (om) in abroad j boat, cord, more, foam, forge, forth,
moor, sort, toad.
This shows that the (u) of (ui?) often, if not always, approaches [u).
(u-b) like (ob) is occasionally lowered to (Ab); see Gloss. i. V. roast,
toast.
It is sometimes shortened: to (u) in soap; to (o) in ghost, rope; also in
above-board, but in this case the shortening is probably due to weak stress.
58. Before final Z and r the glide is so clear as to make a diphthong into a
distinct triphthong. But medial I has no such influence; see §61.
59. (9i) before I and r becomes (ai^).
60. (Eu) and (ou) before I become (Eub), (oub). Before r they seemed
'somewhat' different, viz. (aux?).
61. (aai) before I and r becomes (aalB): ail, rail, tail. But (aai) in
ailment, railing, tailor according to § 58.
62. Both (aai^) and (oil?) are occasionally given in one word; see § 49.
III. Oonsonants.
63. The pronunciation of the consonants differs little from standard English.
Only a few points require to be mentioned.
64. L is often velar; this explains the pronunciation of the vowels before Z;
see § 36 and § 42.
65. Initial r is often transcribed with (hr) but by no means regularly. The
difference between the two is no doubt hardly appreciable.
66. On the articulation of (r) Murray makes the following" interesting
observations (WSG. p. 112): "The most striking feature in the
pronunciation is the strongly pronounced 'cerebral' or reversed r, produced
by turning the tip of the tongue back as far as possible into the hollow of
the palate, and then imparting to the whole member as strong a vibration as
it is
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Consonants.
21
capable of in this position. The result is a dull, deep, vibrant sound, very
distinct from the li])-lrill of a Northern r on the one hand or the French
and German r grasseye on the other. It prevails all over the south of
England, becoming less and less vibratory as we come from west to east. I
heard it distinctly in the Isle of Wight from natives; and it is the
undoubted progenitor of the vocalized r of London and literary English, which
could never have arisen from the Northern tip-trill. In West-Somerset it is
not only pronounced w^here it is historically present, whether medial or
final as in (AArdur) order, but it is added to medial and final vowels in
many Avords with equal distinctness, as in (faarshin) fashion, (isr) he,
where it must be remembered that r is not a mere modification of the vowel
but a true consonant.
67. The reversed position of the r also affects the pronunciation of
consonants, chiefly t, d, I, and of the voweb that accompany it. The sound itself
has so much vocal quality, and tends to begin with so deep a guttural vowel,
that such words as red, rich, run are heard as (3rd, 3rtsh, 3rn), which ought
almost as truly to be written rd, rtsh, rn or r rd etc., the succeeding short
e, i, u being lost between the vibration of the r and the consonant"^).
68. Peculiar to the southern English dialects are the voiced initial open
consonants. In reality however the consonants are not completely voiced. The
on-glide is always voiceless, and thus it is often difficult, esp. in quick
speech to decide whether the sound is voiced or voiceless. On this question
Ellis has a note (WSD. p. 69): "So far as I could make out, the words
really began in all cases with (fv)" i. e. the on-glide was voiceless. Ellis
compares the English finals as in his, pronounced (hizs) i. e. with voiceless
off-glide. "But when much emphasis is laid on the word the hiss is
driven out so sharp as to predominate, and hence the buzz is not observed,
and (f, s, sh, th) alone are recognized."
69. These observations explain how Elw. could in one place transcribe a word
with (f), in another with (v). In the list of words with initial (f) he
includes fair, fine, flue, which
1) Cp. run (3rn) with tea-urn (teer3n); groats is pronounced (gr3ts) and
(ga^rts).
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The Present Dialect of West Somerset.
he declares to have both (f) and (v) on pp. 39, 62, 67 resp. of WSD. And flame^
flippant, front included in the same list have (v) according to pp. 38, 55,
65. In the list for initial (v) he includes fiUj friend, which he transcribed
with (f) on pp. 41, 47.
70. What has been said of /"also holds true of 5 and sh. Before voiceless
cons, (s) is usually kept^). Before I Elw. seems to hesitate between (s) and
(z).
71. On the pronunciation of Tc and g before palatal con-^ sonants, see Ch.
Ill § 379.
72. Initial Id is often pronounced (tl); see Ch. Ill §380.
B. Accidence.
I. Verbs. Inflections.
73. There are two classes of verbs: transitive and intransitive.
Any transitive verb may be made intransitive by adding (-i) to its stem. Thus
the transitive verb (dig) becomes intransitive (dzgi).
Not all intransitive verbs are given with the ending (-i). The Wdb. gives no
ending to 'batter 'slope inward', go, love 'be pleased', smoulder a. o. But
the verb to thaw, transcribed (dhAA) in WSD., is pronounced (dhAA-i)
according to Wdb. It is possible, therefore, that the omission of (-i) in the
case of the other verbs is due to an oversight.
74. The endings of the different forms of the verb mostly agree with those of
standard English.
The present tense ends in (s, z, ^z) e. g. dig trans, is in all persons
(d/gz), intrans. (d?g%'s). But very often the auxiliary to do is used (this
is not an emphatic form as in lit. Eng.): (aai d^ dig; aai d^ digi). '
1) But in the list of literary words used in the dialect (Wdb. p. 855 ff.)
words beginning with sc, sch- are transcribed (z-sk). According to WSD.
sketch had (zk-). Cp. also § 363.
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111 the Introduction to the Wdb. Elw. adds (p. XX and XXI) that the ending (-'bs\
used in all ])ersons except the 2"^ person sing., has a frequentative
meaning: Her eats (eet'Bs) too vast by half. They chairmakus (tshi^?rmEk^s)
nif they can get it i. e. work at chairmaking.
In N. W. Somerset and N. Devon the ending of the present tense is (-th\ This
is also used 'throughout West Somerset, especially by old people', although
there it is not the most usual form. And even in Devon and N. W. Somerset
(-th) is beginning to be dropped in the plural. All Elw/s examples are in the
3^^ p. sing.
75. The imperative is identical with the infin., also for the verbs in (-i).
Peculiar are the imperatives (in t^ guu)'^o in; (Eut tB gu) 'go ouf; (AAp iv
kAAm) 'come up') (Eut t^ kAAm) 'come ouf) (baak tu kAAm) 'come hacJc\
16. Both the present participle ^) (with which the gerund is identical) and
the past part, have the prefix (-13). Elw. says (WSG. p. 53) that the pref.
of the past part, is ''frequently omitted for euphony's sake after a short
vowel". But on p. 58 of that book we find {ms dhii j3rd ^t?) 'hast thou
hem^d of it?% where it is omitted after long (ii). Elw. adds in a note that
the pref. is dropped in rapid speech and that the sentence deliberately
uttered would sound (^s dhii ^j3rd vt?).
The latter rule seems more likely to be correct 2).
77. The preterite of all verbs is formed by adding (d) or (t), as in standard
English:
(lai — laid — 'elaid) 'to lie, to lai/. (E^ — E^d — 'e-Ei^d) 'to hcwe\
(kEtsh— kEtsht— i3kEtsht) 'to catch\
78. Verbs ending in (d) or (t) have no ending:
(w^d — wid — ^ydd) 'to weed\
79. After a consonant final d or t is lost in the dialect before words
beginning with a cons. See §§ 371, 377.
1) The ending is regularly (-in): for the cons, see § 339. Peculiar is the
pronunciation (gween) 'going'.
2) The pref. is naturally not used when the past part, has become an
adjective or is used as such. Cp. (t-WBz v d3n dzhAAb vAAr-n) 'it was a done
job for him\
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The Present Dialect of West Somerset.
Hence verbs ending in a cons, keep tlie ending of the pret. only before words
beginning with a voweP). The pret. and past part, of (kEtsh) e. g. are
(kEtsht — iikEtsht) if the following word begins with a vowel, but (kEtsh —
ukEtsh) before a cons. 2).
80. From the rule on final d and t (§ 78 f.) it follows that verbs ending in
a cons. + d or t have two forms, which serve equally for the pret. and the
present tense (but the present tense has its own ending, § 74).
(wAAnt, wAAn) e. g. is the preterite of want. The past part, is (i3wAAnt,
"BwAAn). Cp. (ii wAAn t-se b-m) 'he wa7ited to have him\ but
(dzhsen wAAnt AAl dh^ lAt) 'John wanted all the lof.
81. Verbs in (-n) occ. omit (d) before a vowel also: (iiv i^speen dvm vaardn
iiv i?gAt) lie has spent every farthing he has gof.
82. Verbs like (vr^sl, zsedl, rsekn, drictn, znaardl) are dissyllabic and
should always keep the ending, like the verbs in (-r), but in rapid speech
(d) is often dropped before cons.
83. According to Elw. all verbs ending in a cons, may have the ending (^t?d)
instead of (d) when they are used emphatically: (bEd^, bE^ki3d) 'to
ha'ke". The form is ''quite common in the Hill district of W. Som. for
verbs ending in
84. It is very difficult to account for this; there seems no reason why these
verbs should not have (d) or (t) in the pret. and past part., unless the
dialect of the Hill-district differs from that of the Vale.
Perhaps the forms are used because before consonants the ending (t, d) is
dropped.
The ending (i^d) seems to be specially used for intrans. verbs (which have -i
in the infin.)^). The trans, verb, weave e. g. has the forms (weev) pret.
(woovd); if intrans. the forms are (weevi), (woovud).
%% 1) (r) is not treated as a cons. Hence (j3rd, ■Bj3rd) before cons. as well
as before vowels.
2) Occ. the cons, seems to be lost even before vowels: at least WSG. p. 58
gives (i3w3rk aard nnAt) 'tvorked hard enough^-, p. 59: (dhee-d "bIAAs
AAl dhT?r t^lz) 'they had lost all their tools'.
3) Once (WSG. p. 25) another form occurs: (vAAlid) 'followed^
Verbs.
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25
85. Some verbs, in addition to their consonantal ending, have vowel-change e.
g.
(stEul — stoold — ustoold) 'to steaV. See Chapter III.
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86. The other
tenses are formed by means of the same auxiliary verbs as in standard
English.
TO BE. Present Tense.
Sing.
Sr ( wi
Plural jy
Affirmativelv fail) bi dhi aart, rt ee
dh(?
bi,
m
Sing.
Plural
Interrogatively: i bi ai ^rt dhi ez 'Br
I wi bi ,jy dhe
Affirmatively with not: ai bEun dhi aart-n e ] id-n Sr / Ed-n
wi I
jy . bEL'n dhe
Interrogatively with not: bE^n ai, is art-n dhi Ed-n i?r
wii, 3s bEi^n J jy
dhee, ^m
Past Tense.
Affirmatively: Affirmatively with not:
All persons: wAd-n except: dhi W9s-n
All persons: w^z
except: dhi wost
dhi w3z
Interrogatively; All persons: wi?z except: wBz dhi wSrt dhi Infinitive: bii,
bi.
Interrogatively with not: All persons: wAAd-n. except: wAs-n dhi w9s-n dhi
Past part, ^bin, L'bi^).
1) For the pronouns see §§ 134 ff.
2) (vhi) is used in the 'Hill district' of W. Som., which has naturally
preserved the dialect purer than the 'Vale district'.
2<)
The I'resent Dialect of West Somerset.
TO HAVE. Present Tense.
Affirmatively:
Affirmatively with not
Sing.
ai V
dhi s
* * X
11
ai a an dhi ses-n
Plural
ar
Wll
• db, V
dhee Interrogatively:
1, e Sr
wi
jy
dhe
aan, aath-n
aan
All persons: "bv except: -bs dhi
Interrogatively wit not:
All persons: aan except: ses-n
Past Tense.
Affirmatively: Affirmatively w4th not:
All persons: sed, d All persons: sed-n
except: dhi seds except: dhi a3ds-n dhi ds
Interrogatively:
All persons; ^d except: ^ds dhi Infinitive: E^, aav.
Interrogatively with not;
All persons: sed-n except: seds-n dhi Past part.: ^-End.
SHALL.
The use of shall and will agrees with standard English;. as spoken in the
South.
Present Tense.
Affirmatively: Affirmatively with not:
All persons: shaan except: dhi shEt-n
All persons: shaal, shl except: dhi shEt dhi shat
Interrogatively:
All persons: shaal, shl except: shEt dhi
Interrogatively with not:
All persons: shaan except: shEt-n dhi
Verbs.
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27
Past teusc.
Affirmatively: All persons: shf?c?d, shad except: dhi shods
Interrogatively: All persons: shdddy sli9d except: shods dhi
Affirniativelv with not: All persons: sh^d-n except: dhi sh^ds-n
Interrogatively with not: All persons: shad-n except: shc>ds-n dhi.
Present Tense.
Affirmatively: All persons: wwl, i?l, 1 except: dhi wat dhiBlt
Affirmatively with not: All persons: o-n except: dhi w9t-n
Interrogatively:
All persons: widj 31,
Bl except: vrot dhi
Past Tense.
Interrogatively with not
All persons: o-n except: w9t-n dhi
Affirmatively: All persons: d except: dhii t dhii ts
Interrogatively: All persons: wad except: wods dhi
Affirmatively with not: All persons: wad-n except: dhi wots-n
Interrogatively with not All persons: W9d-n except: w9ts-n dhi
TO DO.
Present Tense. Affirmatively^): Affirmatively with not:
All persons: du except: dhi d9s
Interrogatively: All persons: dyy, dB except: d9s dhi
All persons: dov.n except: dhi das-n
Interrogatively with not; All persons: doon except: d9s-n dhi
1) See § 74.
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The Present Dialect of West Somerset.
Past Tense.
Affirmatively: Affirmatively with not:
Not used as an auxiliary verb. All persons: dEd-n
except: dbi dEds-n
Interrogatively: Interrogatively with not:
All persons: dEd All persons: dEd-n
except: dEds dhi except: dEds-n
87. Sometimes the principal verb is inflected instead of the auxiliary verb.
Compare e. g. (aai Iset-n nood hAt i d vgXt t^ dyy) ^Ilet (pret.) him know
what he had got to do^; in the same manner: I let 'n zeed the house to once.
— I let her had 'n. Also with the auxiliary help: (dhn oo\ tAm aalweez
faadhi?r, jiJ noo, zBr, jllp drood mi) 'the old Tom Alway's father, you know,
sir, helped to throw (i. e. fell) if'^ also: 1 help loaded the cart, for I
helped to load the cart, (compare: I mind help loading the cart, for /
remember helping to load the cart).
IL Nouns.
Gender.
88. Words denoting persons have masc. or fem. gender (i. e. he or she is
used) according to sex. But see § 89. All other class-nouns are masculine:
(dhEi^r uDu dhi-s iJtord dhn potsh^r. No aai aant, i-z 3ni krEiiz) 'There now
thou (thee) hast broken the pitcher. No, I haven 't, he is only cracked\ Also
(w31 nif t-ez v z9u, i yil git AAn) 'well, if it is a sow, he icill get on
(i. e. fat)'^).
89. Occasionally the masc. pronoun is even used when referring to a woman:
(3r-z '\i maain g3rt strAAng maaid, ee eez) 'she is a very strong girl, he
is\
90. All abstract and material nouns are neuter.
Genitive.
91. The genitive is formed by adding (s, z, ez) ace. to the same rules as in
standard English.
1) But Wdb. s. v. barren: (wwl jy wAArn tJr baarin?) 'Will you warrant her
(i. e. the cow) barren?'.
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Kouns.
29
92. The i)eri})lirastic form with of is sometimes used for persons also. In
that case however it implies inferiority or disrespect: (dhu faadlnn* o ini).
Proper names cannot take the form with of. Always (dzhaaks eed) 'JaclSs
heacV.
Plural.
93. The plural is formed by adding (s, z, ez) to the sing.: (raat, raats)
Vr/f; (pee, peez) ""pea^ (rab, robz) 'rilf\ (fEiJs, fEiJsez)
'/rtce'.
94. Nouns ending in stressed (1) have (/): (vaal, va^lz) 'foor. But if the
(1) is unstressed the plur. takes (s): (renvoi, aenvols^ liandfur.
95. Nouns ending in a hissing-sound + f or 7c take (ez): (vrx\Ast, vrAAstez)
'frosf; (kaask, kaaskez) 'casJc\ The latter however also has a plur.
(kaasez), from the sing, (kaas), as the w^ord is pronounced before a cons.
96. Nouns in -f and -fe which in standard English have a plur. in -ves {calf
life etc.) have levelled their forms in the dialect: those in If under (-If),
the others under (v).
97. Nouns ending in a long vowel or a diphthong + (th) do not voice their
final cons, and have consequently (s). Only words in (-aath) have a plur.
(-aaz) by the side of (-aaths).
98. Nouns in st have sometimes a double plural ending:
(biust); plur. (biisstez, bivstezez) 'beasf; (brist); „ (bristez, brzstezez)
'breasf-, (krist); „ (kristez, kristezez) "crusf', (vaist); „ (voistez,
vaistezez) 'fist\
99. This double plural is also often used with collectives that have a plural
form:
(b31is); plur. (bSlisez) 'bellows''^ (brsendis); „ (brsendisez) ^brandees']
(tAngz); „ (tAngzez) Hongs'. Also (stEpsez) "pair of steps, step-ladder\
100. It seems that the double plural is specially used where the single
ending denotes a collective f. i. (bristez,, V9istez), perhaps also
(bix?stez).
Cp. (bebsoz, gabsoz, stepsaz) in the dialect ofWindhill (Wright § 338).
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The Present Dialect of West Somerset.
101. Of other plural-endings there are only a few remnants.
(-n) is still used in (AAksn) 'oxe^i'^)', (tshabrn) 'children''^ (vrEksn)
'rushes'. Moreover (tshikin) is considered as a plur.: hence the sing,
(tshik).
102. Obsolete are {'^m)' eyes'] (shyn) 's/ioes'; {oozn)'hose\ (aksn) 'aslies\
103. (-r) is only found in (tshobr), which is the pure dialect form;
(tsholern) is an adaptation of the standard form and used by "people of
some education".
104. Of the old mutation-plurals the following are left ^): mE^Jn, plur.
meen; Smi^n, plur. wwmin.
mouz^ „ mois; t^^dh, „ teedh.
bus ]
%% V9t, vit.
%% lEus
%% " 77
%% bis;
%% gaaz,
%% 77
7)
%% giiz
Nouns of measure.
105. Nouns denoting a measure are used in the sing, after numerals:
(wAAn tB neen pEun) 'one to nine pounds\
106. But if these nouns are used as "ordinary words" (i. e. not as
numerals) they take the plur. form:
(aai-v 'Bziid 3ndidz o-m) 'I have seen hundreds of theni,
(t-1 kAAs skoorz t? pEunz) 'It will cost scores of pounds'.
(^r Wxld-n 3ni b^ dri 'en tweenti j3r ool, hAn i daid; b^d
'Br ban maarid 'Bgi^n xjz j3rz) 'she was hut twenty-three years
old when he died] hut she has heen married again for years'.
107. According to WSG. 'nouns denoting a variable measure' have the plural
after numerals: hag means sometimes three bushels, but it is also a measure
of weight (a bag of potatoes = 160 lbs., a bag of apples = 120 lbs.); it is,
therefore, put in the plural after numerals. WSG. also instances firkin, but
from the Wdb. we learn that firkin is not a noun of measure at all, but the
name of 'a small keg in which labourers carry their daily allowance of
cider'; there are 'dree
1) Wdb. p. XLI gives oxens, not oxen as the plural, and also rexens.
2) The old plural kee 'cotvs\ which is still found in Exm. Sc. (1.110) has
become obsolete.
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Nouns.
31
quart, vower-quart virkius' according* to capacity. It is, therefore, likely
that also hag is put in the plural alter numerals, not because it denotes 'a
variable measure', but because it is not felt to be a name of a measure at
all.
Compounds in -ful also take the regular plur., no doubt for the same reason.
108. Inch and month have the plur. form (onshez, m3ns) after numerals:
(t-wuz tw31 m3ns ugAx\n val AAp) 'It was fully twelve months ago\
Collectives.
109. Any noun may be used in the plural without the plur. form, if the plur.
is taken in a collective sense, or even in a not-clearly-individual sense:
('B mani 31^m bi gwaain t^ dro?) ^How many elms are you going to fellT.
(dh^ vrAAs-1 dy g^^d, t-1 tshek dh^ b3d) 'The frost will do good, it icill
check the huds\
(bEud 1? fiiti p9ip) 'About fifty pipes'^).
(dh^r wcz a S9it 'b bi^s t'B fE^r) 'There icere a great many bullocks at the
fair'-^ but compare
(av i ziid dri bi^stez gwaain 'elAAng?) 'Have you seen three oxen going
alongT"^).
110. Elw. specially mentions (ship) '.s/ieep'; {^vev) ' deer* \ (grEus)
'grouse*'^ (pE^r) 'pair^-^ (psip) '' drawing-pipe' -^ (snaip) *snipe' as
having invariably the sing. form.
Pair is a noun of measure, see §§ 105 ff. On the others see Chapter III §§
464 f .
111. Broth has always a plur. verb.^) Cp. the dialect of Windhill where
porridge has always, broth frequently a plur. verb (Wright § 338).
1) (Ti) before numerals denotes indefiniteness. Cp. a few, a great many and
see NED. i. v. A. adj.^ 2.
2) Also (biL'stezez); see §§ 98 ff.
3) It is also preceded by few instead of little. Elw. Wdb. s. v. few says:
This use (of few before broth) seems wide-spread. See Brockett,
Northumberland Glossary.
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The Present Dialect of West Somerset.
III. Adjectives.
Degrees of Comparison.
112. All adjectives form their degrees of comparison by adding (-'cr, -ist).
Those ending in (-1, -m, -n) add (dur, dist).
113. Adj. ending in (-ng) have (-ng-gi3r, -ng-gist). When -ng is nnstressed
it becomes (-n) and these adj. compare regularly.
Cp. (lAAng, lAAng-g^r, lAAng-gist) 'long\
(kEtshin, kEtsh/nt^r, kEtsh/nist) 'catching\
114. Adj. in -nt form their superl. by changing -nt into (-ns;: (dhi3
SligTJns klooz) Hhe most elegant clothes'.
115. More and most (miitir, muis) are sometimes used, but only
pleonastically:
(mu\?r a?ndii?r) 'handier -^ (muis fc?alishis) 'inost foolish'.
116. Irregular are the degrees of comparison of (gaad, bsedr; b?est)-,
(bEi?d; wos, vv9si3r; W9st, wostist); (mAtsh, mon^ mui^r^ muiS; mAAs).
Material Adjectives.
117. Material adj. are ''almost invariably" formed from nouns by adding
(-n, -en):
(tami?rn ap) ^wooden hoop'\ (glaasen dzh^g) 'glass jug'\ (vreetn breed)
'wheaten hread\
118. Nouns in (-n, -m) have the suffix (-in):
(3lT?min kAAfin) 'elm coffin'-^ (gitn-nin beed-steed) 'iron bed-stead\
IV. Adverbs.
119. Adverbs are formed from adjectives by adding (-laik). Also lively forms
an adv.: (loivlibik). The same for
other adj. in -ly, see § 121.
120. Sometimes the suffix is separated from its stem by the verb which is
qualified by the adv.: (dhee-v l' p3rdi ni^r "Bdyyd bik) 'They have
pretty nearly done.
Comparison.
121. The suffixes are (-"Kr, -is), w^hich are added before the ending
(-loik):
(AArd^rlibik, AArd^rK^rloik, AArdt^rli-isbik^).
1) Compare (bS-ed oof loik) 'badly off\
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Numerals.
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122. Moi'e and most are often added pleonastically. See § 115.
V. Numerals.
123. The forms of the numerals are as follows: Cardinals. Ordinals.
vvAAn, wsen f3s(t;
ty S3eki?u
dri th^rd
vauiJr fau^rth
yee\, vaiv fiith
z/ks zEkst
zaebm zsebmt
aait ait-th
neew neenth
iee\i teenth
laebm Isebmth
tvvaiv twaith
dhartin dhartinth
vu^rtin vu^rtinth
viiftin viiftinth
zikstin zikstinth
zfebmtin zaebmtinth
aaitin aaitinth
neentin neentinth
tweenti tweenti^th;
21 (wAn ^n tweenti) etc. Never twenty-one. 30 (tharti); 40 farti, fAArti; 50
fiiti; 60 (sEksti); 70 (zaebmti); 80 (aaiti); 90 (neenti); 100 (andid); 101 (andid-n
wAAn) etc.; 1000 (thauzn, dhauzn); 1000000 (maiji?n).
The ordinals from 20 — 100 are formed by adding (-'Bth); from hundred to
million (-th) is added.
124. Remarkable are:
(lAAng and/d) = 120; and the use of (skoor) = 20. Cp. (skoor-n aaf) or
(skoor-n ieen) = 30; (ty skoor) = 40 etc.
125. P>actions:
^ = -B aaf; \ = {^ kwAArt^r). ^ = (wAn pEisrt Eut b dri). I = (ty pE-erts Eut
b dri).
Bonner Beltr. z. Anglistik. Heft 18. 3
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The Present Dialect of West Somerset.
^ = (wAn pEiJrt Eut v, vautJr).
J = (dri pEnrts Eut ^ vau^r), never (dri kwAArt^rz; which would mean three
quarters (of an apple etc.).
VI. Articles.
126. The indefinite article is (^j, also before vowels.
127. The definite article is (dhu) before cons., (dh) before vowels. Used
emphatically it is (dhee). 'To the' becomes (t) before a vowel, (t^) before a
cons.: (in t-Euz) Hnto the house'; (tB fE^r) 'at the fair'.
128. The def. art. is always used before proper names qualified by an adj.:
tha young Josy Heaf field (Exm. Scold, line 13); the young Dick Vrogwill (ib.
line 31); in a note to these lines Elworthy says that the art. is still used
here.
VII. Pronouns. Demonstrative Pronouns.
129. There are two classes of demonstrative pron. Elw. distinguishes them as
definite and indefinite. The def. forms are used before class-nouns, the
indef. forms before other nouns. But see § 133.
130. The forms of Hhis' are as follows:
Singular Plural
Definite Indefinite
Bz, z, Es ^z, z, s
dhi^z dh9s dheezjSr
dhi^zjUr dh8sj3r dh9azj3r
dhii3zhj3r dhashj^r
131. The forms of 'that\ai>Ye as follows:
Singular Plural
Definite Indefinite
dhtk, dhikdhE^r dhat dhee
dhiki, dhikidhE^r dhatdhEt?r dheedhE-er *).
1) WSD. p. 23 gives (dhu'Bz), which is probably a dialectal pronunciation of
literary those.
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Pronouns.
35
132. (bz) ^) is used before nouns denoting time, to show that the period
extends to the present. Hence it is used when the verb is in the perfect
tense: (aai aan i?ziid-n x?z wik) T have not seen him for a week"
literally 'this week' 2).
133. When 'fMs% Hhaf are used^ not as demonstratives but to refer to
something mentioned before, or to be mentioned in the same sentence (dhas,
dhat, dhat-dhEnr), are also used before class-nouns:
(aav i ziid dhatdhE«r weeY o main?) 'Have you seen that Icnife of mine?'
(yyz AAs ez dhat?) 'Whose horse is that?\
(yyz b^^ts ez dhat?) 'Whose hoots are thoseT.
(ez dhatdhEi?r join* tshalisrn?) 'Are those your childrenT.
Personal Pronouns.
134. The personal pronouns have varying forms. The nominative has four:
1. emphatic as the subject of a sentence.
2. unemphatic idem. '
3. in interrogative sentences^); when two forms are given, the second is used
in questions, repeating the subject (e.g. I am going, am I not?).
4. 'unconnected' i. e. absolute.
135. The objective has two forms:
1. unemphatic, the usual form.
2. emphatic, used after prepositions.
136. The forms are
FIRST PERSON. Singular Plural
1. aai, aa 1. wii
2. ai, a, t? 2. wi
3. Hr, is 3. i?s; «r, is
4. mi 4. as
Nomin.
1) The pronunciation (Es) occurs in WSD. p. 15.
2) ("Bz) is not used when 'this week% 'this year' etc. mean 'the current
week, year". Cp. (aai aan "Bziid-n dhiisz wi\^) 'I have not seen
him this toeek' i. e. since Sunday; (mE'BS bi tlKrbl pleenti di jBr) 'Acorns
are very plentiful this year'.
3) In interrogative sentences the forms under n° 2 may also be used.
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The Present Dialect of West Somerset.
Object.
1. mi, mi?
2. mi, aai
1. 'B8, 8
2. wi, 3s.
SECOND PERSON. Singular Plural
Nomiii.
1. dliii
2. dhi
3. dhi
4. dhii
1- JJ; j^, i
2. ijy.
3. i
^' jy
Object.
I 1. dhi, dhiJ ( 2. dhii
1.
'^' jy-
; 1, ^^
THIRD PERSON. Singular
.m^\m
Nomin.
Masc.
1. ii, ee
2. i, e, 13
3. ^, m'
4. ii
Fem. Sr
i?r, t3
Sr
Object.
1. ^n, n, m t'r
2. ii
shii
Neut. i?t
-0
Plural
dhe dh6 ■em dhe
^m, m dhe
137. Instances:
a) Nominative. 1. 2. (aal git-n vAAr-i, ai yvul) (T U get it for you, I wilV.
3. (aai kn seb-m, kaan is?) '/ can have it, cannot I.T\ (bi gwaain, bEvJn
is?). */ am going, am I notT]
(ka^d-n dy i?t, ka^d n "Br?) 'One could not do it, could not oneT
(shl m Y.een vAAr-n?) 'Shall 1 se^id for itT\ (mSsa'Br guu? 'Must not I goT
4. (t-wAAd-n mi, t-wez ii) 'It was not I, it was he\
b) Objective. 1. (gi i?n "bz m3ni) 'Give him his money,
2. (3r dedn ze no'^rt t^ ii) 'She did not say anything to Mm", (^r gid-n
tB shii) 'She gave it to her\
138. The objective (aai) is rarely used: (gi aai dbik) 'Give me that\
1) The emphasis is always thrown on the preposition or the verb.
Pronouns.
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Possessive Pronouns.
139. The possessive ])ronouns have two forms, one emphatic, the other
uneniphatic. The forms are
FIRST PERSON. Sinir. Plur.
emph.: mai unemph.: mi, mi
au^r
• • • •
SECOND PERSON.
Sing-. Phir.
dhai jour, jy
dhi, dhi jur, i.
Singular.
Masc. emph.: iz
THIRD PERSON.
Plural, fern.
Sr dhEur
unemph.: ez, s, z ^r dh^r.
140. In the Exmoor district (also in North-Devon) the unemphatic forms of the
first and second person are occasionally (m^, dh-B).
141. The absolute possessives are main; dhain; iz, 3rz; aui?rz; jourz;
dhEurz.
Interrogative Pronouns.
142. The interrogative pronouns are (y) 'who, whom''\ (witsh) 'whicK\ (wAAt,
hAt) 'what\
Reflexive Pronouns.
143. The reflexive pronouns are compounds of the possessives and (z31), plur.
(z3lz).
The forms are therefore
emph.: maiz31 ^, aui?rz31z
Plur. unemph.: miz31 ' urz31z
dhaiz31 „, io^rz31z
Plur. dhizSl ' jurz3Iz.
Plur.
dhEurz31z
dhurzSlz.
emph.: iizzSl 3rz31
unemph.: ezz31 urz31
144. Occasionally the plural ends in (z31).
Relative Pronouns.
145. The relative pronouns are (dhut), (wAt, hAt) i).
146. (wAt) is used for lit. who, which, that, (dh^t) may always be used for
(wAt), i. e. also in continuative clauses.
1) In 'I do not know which it is* {doono witsh t-eez) which is of course not
a rel. pron.
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The Present Dialect of West Somerset.
The possessive whose is never used and replaced by a different construction,
e. g*. the man whose house was burnt lives here: (dhu mEun wAt ^d i3gAi3t ez
Euz L^bSrnd d^ liiv j3r)»
Indefinite Pronouns.
147. None is (numi).
No is (nSdhtM-j before sing, class-nouns, (no) in all other cases.
148. In the same way any is (3dh^r) before sing, class-nouns, in all other
cases (9ni).
149. Instances: (nSdh^r ko^t; n3dhi3r beed), but (no wAAdr; no zaalt; no
shyyz). (ses i^ziid Sdhur kEu kAAmin A An?) "Have you seen any cow
coming onT. (deds mit oni ship?) v^ould refer to the plur., (3dh^r ship) to
the sing.
150. Enough is (isnSf, v,Vidd), The latter form is used when following the
word it qualifies, e. g. (meet nnaa) and when used substantively.
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CHAPTER
II.
The ME. equivalents of the present vowels
and diphthongs.
(8e)
151. (se) is found for
1. ME. Si: Ahner^), cabbage navigate, navvy, savage, fathom^ raarsb, hast,
cat, slate, scad, addle, saddle, barrow, marrow, can, fan, van, wan, swan,
hand, sand, land, brand, stand, strand, plant, want, brandise, Candlemas,
handle, flannel, spaniel, scandal, jportmanteau, haunch, plank, stanch, danger,
(arch)angel, flange, stranger, fancical, flag, hawthorn, baggage, angry,
fang, hang, thank, pant, handkerchief, flank, angle, new-fangled, jangle,
mangle, tangle.
Also in makel, wrestlel
2. ME. e: except, September, left, eleven, seven, seventy, fether, earth,
weather, methodist, bless, guess, less, mess, yes, dress, press, distress,
cess, princess, assess, lesson, present, best, nest, west, rest, test,
{in)digestion, vest, fester, inquest, edge,^ hedge, hedger, ledge, sedge,
sledge, dredge, stretch, fetch, settle, setter, better, bet, let, wet, whet,
indebted, letter, retinue, lettuce, reticule, already, Frederick, drench,
French, stench, trench, wrench, celery, neck, peck, wreck, freckle,
speculate, necklace, reckon, second, affected, correct, breakfast, election,
lecture, next, text, vex, beg(gar), keg, peg.
3. ME. e, later 6: leave, breath, death, breadth, threat(en), spread, thread.
4. ME. e varying with i: sprinJcle, spit.
5. ME. i in Nicholas, thistle.
1) The italic type refers to the Glossary (see Introduction p. 4).
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(delwedd B8397)
(tudalen 040)
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40
The ME. equivalents
6. ME. ai in says, said.
7. ME. 0, which may have resulted from older o: stop, km)t(ted), ph)t, rob,
robin, rod.
8. ME. u?: scud, amongst.
9. In one.
(aa).
152. (aa) is found for
1. ME. a: ah, baa, cap, captain, capital, rapid, flap-dock, hoard-apples,
champ, lamb, shambling, ambergris, damn, amen, champion, staff, lath, after,
carpentry, snaffle, have, slaver, cravat, traverse, clavel, bathe, father,
clash, dash, gash, lash, sash, smash, trash, harsh, gas, passage, past, fast,
vast, blast, last, mast, ghastly, cast, pasture, flask, task, bat, fat, hat,
latter-end, mat. rat, sprat, mattrass, anatomy, aunt, chance, dance, lance,
cannot, have not (has not), advantage, all, ball, fall, small, wall, crawl,
squall, scrawl, Alfred, bald, malt, maltster, Salter, halter, calf, half,
valve, cavalry, parlour, hazel, false, ballot, palace, salad, mallow,
shallow, tallow, valet, value, gallopers, mallard, car, snarl, warm, hard,
armpit, arch, fashionable, architect, massacred, parcel, parsnip, arsenic,
art, article, card, guard, cart, dart, marble, market, artist, carcase,
character, carraway-seed, carry, arable, parable, harvest, arrow, farrow,
sparrow, back, clack, crack, slack, track, tract, pack, sack, contract,
active, actually, hackney, bracket, jacket, racket, fag, faggot. Also in
farewell, slate, wrestle-^ stretcher?
2. ME. e before r + cons.: herb, verb, superb, serpent, vermin, farmer, barm,
sermon, serve, servant, nerve, reserve, starve, observe, ash, nesh, flesh,
serge, verge, clergy, mercy, parson, mercer, search, certain, partridge,
open-hearted, spectacles, heart, fart, yard, verdigris, farthing, farther,
far, concerning, yearling, errand, harrow; also in earnest, learn(ing).
3. ME. e: fresh, refreshment, ejectment; also in beetle? see 4.
4. ME. i: hit, auricula, beetle 'mallet', (slaat) 'strike' i).
5. ME.: loft, cloth, plot, rot, trot, clod, plod, knock.
6. ME. u in furrow.
1) See the Glossary s. v. slat.
of (aa, a, E). 41
7. ME. an: saw, sawpit, sawyer, safe, safety, drawed (pret. of draw),
jaundice, sance, saucy, tea-saucer.
8. ME. on: brought, daughter.
9. In faith, claw.
(a).
153. (a) is found for ^
1. ME. a: hap, happen, flap, flap-dock, rap, clap, snap, slap, scrap, trap,
wrap, gap, perbaps, clasp, hasp, ramble, emmet, scramble, family, damage,
chamois, camel, scaffold, snaffle, navigate, gravel, travel, thatch, clat,
catkins, Saturday, Candlemas, ancient, angel, call, gall, gallow, sallow,
balance, baliard, aloes, guarantee, farrier, paddock, farrow, marriage,
argue, attack, fact, factory, quacJc, ask, ashes, traction, attraction,
fraction, fractious, cackle, tackle, sacrament, maggot, bayonet, waggon,
entanglement. Also in navel, gape.
2. ME. a, varying with e: step, wretched, vetches, threshold.
3. ME. e: digested.
4. ME. i: Jcnitch, spittle.
5. ME.: crop, drop, strop, clot, plot, rotted, Molly, morrow, forty.
6. In claw.
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(delwedd B8398)
(tudalen 041)
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(E).
154. (E) is found for
1. ME. i: drift, sift, shifter, stiff, difference, pith, hither, thither,
whither, miss, amiss, lithesome, cistern, list, mist, mistrust, sister,
fidgit, fit, teat, bitter, litter, victuals, width, midst, did, 't is not,
flint, hint, mint, lint, stint, clench, pyramid, wilt, prick, pickle,
prickle, trickle, Nicholas, liquid, fix, mix, betwixt, sixth, ping.
2. ME. e or shortened e: deceptive, heifer, clefted, eleven, heaven, devil,
seven, empty, temperance, hearth, heath, worth, wreath, molest, cess, hearse,
worst, fledged, fret, heat, sweat, meddle, forehead, tenant, tenon, yolk,
eel, forbear, breakfast, object, project. Also in touchy.
3. ME. e or a: gather, catch, aslant, shalt, axe, wax, flax.
4. ME. a: rafter', a or a? in make, patient, plaster \ ME. au in draught.
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(delwedd B8399)
(tudalen 042)
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42
The ME. (niuivalents
5. ME. ai: says, said.
6. ME.: clot, dot; ME. o in oats.
7. ME. u or ti: dull, dowlas, skulk, sultry, multitude, vulgar.
8. In sleft.
The Wdb. gives (e) in eft.
(ee).
155. {ee) is found for
1. ME. e
a) where all OE. dialects had 8e or ea: flea, leap, dream, scream, stream,
steam, seaman, leave, wreath, tease, east, least, each, bleach, reach, teach,
neatherd, seat, wheat, bread, head, dead, lead, mislead, mean, means.
b) where in OE. the westsaxon dialects had sb, the non-ws. usually e: sleep,
evening*, cleave, breathe, leech, speech, street, dread, read, bleak 'to
bleat'.
2. ME. e, corresponding with OE. e and with French e^ ei and ai: idea, pea,
plea, tea, cream, ream, even, heave, weave, receive, cease, decease, feast,
decency, decent, grease, lease, peace, ease, please, seize, reason, season, treason,
desert s., leash, seizure, breach, peach, preach, feature, alledge, eat,
meat, neat, complete, cheat, meter, deceit, receipt, bead, inohedienty
bedstead, tread, glean, wean, mean adj., hyena, ceiling, speak, equal,
secret, eager, agreeable.
For {ee) in prefixes see Ch. Ill § 397.
3. ME. e: bee, flee, he, fever, believe, teeth, priest, beseech, heedless,
forbid, reel.
4. ME. e
a) before -n, -nd, -nt, -ns: den, men, bend, spend, sent, spent, fence,
sense. Also in end.
b) in hem, hemp, tempt, bed(ding), wed(ding), present, t^^j crease.
5. ME. i or e: evil, these.
6. ME. i
a) in the combination -ight: light, night, fight, sight, slight, benighted,
lightning.
b) in with, is, china, blind, pig.
7. ME. I in dive, drive, five, knife, ambergris, verdigris, nice, lies, size,
bite, lining, nine.
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(delwedd B8400)
(tudalen 043)
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of
(fe, ii, i, AA). 43
8. ME. ai, ei in day, lay, say, way, away, runaway, they, plaintiff.
9. In lea J sleigh, havers key, quoin, weak, reap s.
(ii).
156. (ii) is found for
1. ME. e (OE. e, eo, also where ws. had le, y): be, fee, free, gee, he, me,
see, three, fly s. and v., depth, agreement, thou hast (i. e. thee 'st),
fleece, beestings, freeze, geese, reed, aiireed, bid, forbid, smeech.
2. ME. e or e: sheaf, sheath.
3. ME. e: deaf, leaf, beam, shred, snead, steen, ME. e: instead,
4. ME. e: teen, end, butt-end, latter-end, cresses.
5. ME. i: hip, hymn, implement, if, stiffen, gifted, cliff, forgive, live,
sieve, fifth, dish, fish, wish, kiss, grist, his, bitch, ditch, itch, rich,
pitch, pitchy, stitch, couch, witch, kit, skit, wit, writ, splitter,
acquittance, cud, eyelid, little, widow, thin, kin, sin, bin, chin, fin,
shin, skin, pin, spiu, tin, twin, into, wind, kindred, hinder, window,
inland, hinge, hill.
6. ME. 1: stifle, oblige, shine, nice.
(i).
157. (i) is found for
1. ME. e: be, ye, keep(er), deep, sweep, neap, thief, peace, feet, fleet,
sweet, sheet, speed. Also smeech.
2. ME. e or e: sheep, cheap.
3. ME. e: heap.
4. ME. i: winter, screech, which, knitch, grist, impudent, impudence,
inkling. Also in night, meecher.
5. ME. I: white, kite, alike, peep.
(AA).
158. (AA) is found for
1. ME.: pop, prop, slop, sop, top, gob, job, mob, knob, fob. Bob, slobber,
from, comical, compass, compound, comfort, doff, coffee, oft'al, office,
coffin, unprofitable, moth, broth, dross, lose, lost, toss, cross, gloss,
gross, frost, post, lodge, cot, dot, spot, scot, blot, slot, snot, pot, rot,
nod, God, odd, pod, bond, pond, honest, con- (in contract, contrary etc.),
loll, noddle,
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(delwedd B8401)
(tudalen 044)
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44
The ME. equivalents
follow, hollow, choller '^jaw', collar, scholar, solid, frolick, or, for,
fork, horse, former, hornet, torture, morsel, orchard, organ, borrow, sorry,
horrid, forrage, oracle, crock, flock, smock, locket, pocket, rocket, socket,
fox, dog-, frog, long, song, prong, wrong. Also in bottle, (^vAAt) 'fetched'.
2. ME. o, shortened to o: soft, mother, blossom, rod, shot.
3. ME. 0, o, which in many cases were clearly first shortened to o: lo, no,
blow, crow, flow, low, owe, eaves, proper, loth, froth, most, almost,
poach(er), roast, groat, hot, inroad, only, ago, coal, lord, borer. Also in
once, one.
4. ME. o or ou: though, ought, sloth, forty, fortnight.
5. ME. a: hurrah, swap, wasp, chaps, slab, squab, wamlocks, wamble, wash,
was, gas, tassel, squat, wad, water, mange(r), mangy, all, wind-fall, false,
hazel, alder, always, Albert, balk, wallet, wallow, swarm, almanac, sward,
reward, ward, lard, quarry.
x\lso ME. a in wedge, wench, bennet, quarrel, wart; prong, persuade.
6. ME. au: raw, strew, thaw, awful, awl, navel, gravel, hauler, faucet,
fawn(ing), laurel, awkward.
7. ME. u: up-, upper -hand, puppet, corruption, come, some, encumbrance, un-,
unto, scrunch.
(A).
159. (A) is found for
1. ME.: propagate, pebble, though, noddle, uonplush, bottom, follow, Polly,
volume, abear, model, sorrel, fork, northward, ornament, fortune, hogshead
^), occupy, thong, wrong, rank.
2. ME.: rode; ME. o: other, must.
3. ME. a: 't was not, quart, when.
4. ME u: supper, comes, rummage, some-, nummit, much.
(oo).
160. {oo) represents N
1. ME. 0, o and 6: go, wo, foe, creep, open, opening, open-hearted, nobody j
comb, clomb, homestead, loaf, cloven, oven, woven, oval, Shrovetide, most,
notice, encroachment, odious, stone, whole, fole, stole, sole, old, bold,
cold, fold,
1) For (o) in hogshead see p. 9.
I
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(delwedd B8402)
(tudalen 045)
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of
(A, 00, o, oo, yy). 45
bold, freehold, smoulder, mold, uphold, scold, sold, told, bolus,
police, toker.
Also in know, snow, low, throw, blown, bow, elbow;
and in tJie7i.
2. ME.: off, soldier, folk, yolk, lock. Also in trough, coulter.
3. ME. o: moory, stir.
4. ME. au: straw, soul.
5. ME. eu: ewe, hew, sew.
6. In hoe.
(o).
161. (o) is found for
1. ME. o and o: then, rope. Pope, hope, mope, creep, slope, clothes, mote,
whole.
2. ME.: folks.
In the Wdb. hope and mope do not occur; all the others are there transcribed
with [oo), except mote (mu'Bt, mo^t), clothes (tlaadh^rz). See § 27.
(oo).
162. (oo) is found for
1. ME. land ^: snow, know, no, loth, coal, tore, before, foreland, sycamore,
story.
2. ME. u: furrow.
On this sound see § 23. The Glossary gives the transcription used in the Wdb.
(yy)-
163. (yy) is found for
1. ME. u: view, glue, pew, spue, crew, Sue, stew, stupid, cube, tube,
dubious, spruce, produce, nuisance, use, abuse, refuse, amuse, usual,
dispute, suit, flute, fruit, cruel, ruin.
2. ME. eu: blew, Jew, new, few, row s., shrew, cue, lee (lew), lewth, deuce,
Tuesday.
3. ME.: do, doment, shoe, to, too, into, row v., roof, ruse. Also two, who,
whose.
ME. from older eo in moss.
4. ME. u: through, tune, court.
5. Early ME oh, u(h): enough, slough.
6. In driveller.
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(delwedd B8403)
(tudalen 046)
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46
The ME, equivalents
(a9).
164. (dd) is found for
1. ME. o: hoop, hoobV; loom, bloom, groom, broom, proof, prove, booth, tooth,
ooze, goose, choose, boot, foot, moot, root, mood, shod, brood, stood, goods,
forenoon, moon, soon, spoon. Also in womb, zvhose, sicoon; both, comb, those.
2. ME. ou: you.
3. ME. ti: coop, droop, stoop, room, crumb, boose, moult.
4. ME. u or u: loop, troop, whoop, loo, rendez-vous, cuckoo, push, bushel,
couch, gouge, butchery, could, dragoon, course, coarse. Also in enough,
slough.
5. JME. u: above, youth, puss, wood, woolly, hurrah, would, should. ME. -u or
-uh in through.
6. ME. li: due, abuse, huge, pure, stupid.
7. ME. -wi-: dwindle, twinge.
8. In azew; beau.
(}')■
165. (y) is found for
1. ME.: sweep.
2. ME. ii: duke.
See § 31.
[9).
166. (9) is found for
1. ME.: sooner, tool, pool, school, spool, stool, tool, book, cook, look,
took, hook(ed), crook(ed), rook^).
2. ME. u: bull, full, -ful, pull, wool, suck.
3. ME. u: future. Also in rule, mule,
(a).
167. (a) is the sign for the different symbols used by Elworthy in his lists
28, 30 Part I, 30 Part II, 30 Part III (WSD. p. 57—60). See also Ch. I §§
32—35.
(9) represents
1. ME. i: chip, sip, ship, driblet, nimble, thimble, timber, simper^ simple,
timid (list 30 P. I); lip, dip, clip, rip, strip, drip, nip, pip, slip, snip,
tip, trip, scripture, nipple, cripple, crisp, bib, glib, nib, rib, crib, tib,
squib, scribble, swim, lim,
1) To these WSG. adds cool, foot, hoop.
of (99, y. 9. 0, i). 47
slinij rim, prim, trim, grim, brim, winnoic, whim, climb, limp, crimp,
slirimp, limber (30 P. II); winnowing^ whip, wimple, wimble, women (30 P.
HI); dimvief, giver, sliiver, skewer, liver, quiver, deliver (list 28);
shrivel, swivel, civil (30 P. II), smith (30 P. II); mist, miss (28);
whisper, whist (30 P. 1); fit, pit, teat, titter, spit(ter), squint, plinth,
aslant (28); pitch, spitter, middle, finch, inch, pinch, finish (30 P. II);
frill, shrill, sill, jilt, miller, billet, billow (30 P.I); gilt, milt, hilt,
spilt, quilt, filter, guilty, built, guilt, tilt, tilth, gild, filth, milch,
pilchard, silver, film, shilling, billiards, pillage, pillar, pillowed (30 P.
11); will, silk, milk, pilgrimage, filbert, village, willow, pyramid (30 P.
Ill), pit-hole.
2. ME. e, occasionally i?; (the vowel may originally have been long):
bramble, chimney, tremble, February (30 P. I); depth, limp, pepper, stem,
seem, member, September, November, remembrance, limp, blemish (30 P. II);
ever, however, never, sever, heat (28); cellar (3U P.I); pilfer (30 P. II);
field-fare, (30 P. Ill), wreath, instead.
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(delwedd B8404)
(tudalen 047)
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3. ME. a:
chamber (30 P. I), ashamed, (3U P. II).
4. ME.: doth, good-now, coolly (30 P. II). WSG. gives cool with (9).
5. xME. o: soap (30 P. I).
6. ME. 0, earlier I: poplar (30 P. II).
7. ME. u: crupper (30 P. II); worthless, trust (28); flush, trowel (30 P. I).
(i).
168. {i) is found for
1. ME. i: give, flip, flippant, imot, deliverance, withe, enlist, scissors,
business, sit, 't is not, beetle, fiddle, guinea, minnow, cinder, since,
sinew, filmy, birthday, thick, shriek, quickness, strict, fixed, tweak, week,
creek, wickedness, liquorice, vicarage, liquor, thicket, wicket, beaker,
brittle, dig, fig, rig, ignorance, figure, cling, sling, sing, thing, wring,
ping, wince, winch, shingles, ringlet, jingle, single, singular, finger.
2. ME. i or e: fledged, get, forget, sell, shell.
3. ME. I: alike, strike,
4. ME. e: leper, leopard, sceptre, treble, lemon, ever, reverence, chest,
desk, vegetables, jet, net, set; nettle, kettle, settle, Fred, pedlar,
treadle, pedigree, sediment, steady, bench,
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(delwedd B8405)
(tudalen 048)
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48
The ME. equivalents
pension, fennel, penitent, many, geld, seldom, shelf, jelly, eellar, mellow,
kersey. See 7.
5. ME. e: believe, breast, beech, smeech, bleed, been, wheel, meek, seek,
sick. In some words the ME. sound may have been shortened.
6. ME. " or e: sheep, shepherd, seeding, riddle, steel, cheek, beacon.
7. ME. e, (occasionally shortened): treasure, measurement, heat, lead s.,
instead, meadow, jealous, zealous, beak, freak, leek. Leisure, pleasure (like
measure) probably had ME. e.
8. ME. ": brother, dost, blood(y), stud.
9. ME. u: worse, dozen, worsted, crust, dust, trust, blush, thrush, brush,
rush, touch, crutch, clutch, nut, flutter, curds, run, tun, stun, son, sun.
Also rust.
10. ME. it: overplus, justice, just, judge, study.
11. In against, Q\oi, joint, occasion, sleek, onion.
(^).
169. («) is chiefly found in unstressed syllables, see §§ 38, 39 and Ch. Ill
§ 405.
WSD. also gives the sound in cliff, cleft, drift, draft, draught, shift,
slim, stiff.
(3).
170. (3) is found for
1. ME. u: shrub, double, rubbish, thumb, hung, pump, suffocate, sovereign,
covet, cover, covert, rusty, crusty, husband, buskin, cushion, put, but, bud,
pudding, bundle, fundament, hundred, dull, cull, bullet, bullock, pullet,
pulley, poultry, bulge, buldery^), pulpit, fuller, fur, attorney, Thursday,
furthest, curve, turnip, furnace, wort, furlong, furlough, cursed, turf,
scurf, thoroughbred, urn, decoy-duck, destructive, bucket, druggist, donkey,
drunkard, tongue, uncle', and in drag^).
Also in butter, cutter, gutter, mutter, shutter, sputter, see Ch. I §41.
1) Cp. bolderen, bulderen in Dutch; see Franck, Etyraologisch Wdb. s. V.
balderen.
2) ME. druggen; see NED. s. v. drug v.
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(delwedd B8406)
(tudalen 049)
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of
(3, uu, u, u). 49
2. ME. o: hoof, roof, move, other, must, bosom, boot, shoot, Monday,
niimniit, word, hoard-apples. Also in tough, hough.
3. ME.: doug-b, only, choke.
4. ME.: rob, jobs, yon, beyond, foreign, forwards, orange.
5. ME. a: potato^ apron.
6. ME. e: ebb, web, rebel, temper, well, belle, bell, smell, knell, spell,
fell, tell, dwell, swell, elm, helmet, realm, overwhelm, self, help, belch,
shelter, twelfth, felt, spelter, welter, smelter, welter, health, wealth,
else, twelve, twelfth-day, elders, belly, bellows, felloe, fellow, mellow,
felon, skeleton, dregs, hers, very; also fallow, halm^), harrow 'mount', bark
v. and s.
7. ME. a: apart ^ square, thwart.
8. ME. i: tippet, shift, lily, chilly, villain(y), girth, burying, muxy
Mirty'.
9. ME. ii: humour, funeral, sugar.
10. ME. e, i, u, before r^); (the number of these has become very large
through ^-transposition). Cp. terrible, ferry, chirp, spirit, curse, world;
also for originally long e: ear, hear, year, here, and where. Instances of
^-transposition: red, bread, great, rich, fringe, creditor, brush, bankrupt.
11. In (n)either', embers:, sJcur.
(uu).
171. (uu) is in WSD. given for
1. ME. ii: music, fluent, durable.
2. ME. u: crumb; ME. u: above.
3. ME.: go.
The Wdb. gives (uu) only in above and go; crumb and music have (aa), whilst
durable and fluent do not occur. On (u) see Ch. I § 44.
(u).
172. For (u) see § 44.
(u).
173. (u) is found for ME. e, i, o, u in pepper; whip; yolky yoke, suck
respectively.
1) See NED. s. v. helm, s. 3.
2) There are so many instances that I give only a few. For more see the
Glossary, passim.
Bonner Beitr. z. Anglistik. Heft 18. 4
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(delwedd B8407)
(tudalen 050)
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50
The ME. equivalents
For other pronunciations of suck, yoke, yolk, see the Glossary.
(aai).
174. (aai) is found for
1. ME. ei, ai: aye, bay, lay, faith, gay, flay, clay, play, slay, mislay,
splay, display, May, pay, ray, dray, array, fray, gray, pray, stray, way,
away, sway, aim, claim, faith, raise, praise, stays, bait, aid, laid, maid,
paid, staid, chain, deign, feign, plain, complain, main, pain, grain, rain,
reign, fain, train, strain, distrain, vain, vein, drain, sprain, rains,
reins, brains, grains, pains, faint, plaint, complaint, paint, saint, taint,
quaint, acquaint, acquaintance, dainty, plaintiff, bailiff, railing, tailor.
Also in mail.
Also ME. ei before -ht: eight, straight; ME. ai from ei: hay.
2. ME. a: plague, paling.
3. ME. T: by and bye, spry, why, sigh, my; also high.
4. In going, quoin,
(ai).
175. (ai) is found for
1. ME. I: buy, bye, fie, my, pie, why, size, prize, smite, cider.
Late ME. I from eh, ej: high, thigh, eyes, lie s. and v.
2. ME. a before sh: dash, gash, lash, clash, rash, sash, smash, trash.
3. ME. e before sh: 7iesh,
(9i).
176. (oi) is found for
1. ME. I: lie, violet, violent, lion, fry, ripe, tripe, scribe, bribe, tribe,
rime, diamond, cipher, fife, five, life, reive, knife, alive, strive, tithe,
ice, entice, mice, license, fist, thistle, advise, fives-hall, assizes, site,
writer, bronchitis, writing, abide, ride, slide, stride, hide, bridle, twine,
spine, pint, finery, island, tiling, (be)like, sigh. Also in peony.
Also ME. I from earlier eh, ej: height, highland, eye, die, dye, fly,
drought.
2. ME. i in the comb, -iht: right, wright, fright, mighty.
of (aai, ai, oi, AAi, Ai, 31, Eu, 9u). 51
3. ME. i: uiiud, behind, find, bind, bind, kind, rind, tind, wind,
(QRtt\e-)pen.
4. ME. i: beetle.
5. ME. e: beggar, begging.
6. ME. oi: hoisty joist, point. Also (Ei) in cow,
(AAi).
177. (AAi) is found for
1. ME. oi: coy, decoy, annoy, annoyance, voice, invoice, choice, rejoice,
void, joint, point, anointed, oil, trefoil^). Also: convey, survey.
2. ME. ei, ai after labials: bait, wait, weigh(er), weight,
(Ai).
178. (Ai) occasionally occurs instead of (AAi). WSD. gives it in bait, wait,
weigh, weight.
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Sometimes the
Wdb. gives (Ai), where WSD. had transcribed the word with (AAi). See §§ 1 ff.
Oi).
179. (3i) is found for ME. oi preceded by a labial: boy, poison, boil, spoil.
Also in good-bye.
(Eu).
180. (Eu) is found for ME. ti: allow, cow, how, somehow, droughty about,
without, go out, rut, strout, loud, cloud, shroud, crowd, proud, down, brown,
crown, bound, hound, pound, compound, round, around, ground, (un)sound,
found, wound, count, encounter.
Also ME. u from older oh in plough,
(9U).
181. (9u) is found for
1. ME. u: bow, allow, mouth, south, house (-hold), mouse, thousand, dust (-house),
vouch, clout, stout, foundation, fountain.
Also ti from earlier ug-: sow; from earlier oh: plough.
2. In chew, claw.
1) Moist is pronounced (moois). See Glossary.
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52
The ME. e(iuivalents
(iu).
182. (in) is found for
1. ME. e: feel, field, yield, beer, dear, perseverance. Also wliere in OE.
the ws. dialects had y: shield, steely
steer, dearth.
2. ME. e (in OE. the ws. dialects had ^, the nonws» usually e): needle, fear,
at'eard (Gloss, i. v. afraid), clear, abler, near, sleep, seed.
3. ME. ^ or e: tear, shear, spear, leery, beard, fern, pert; also ME. e in
seam, beast, feast, feast, beat, leat (see Gloss, i. V. leak), bead, mead,
bean, clean, snead.
4. ME. i: ill. Bill, hill, gill, guild, kill, mill, pill, spill, till, still,
fill, will, Will, quill, swill, chill, wild, child; also in build(ing), this,
little,
5. ME. a: cane, cape, escape, case, cave, arcade, cage, cable, cake, care,
casement, gable, engagement, chafe, chase^ change, shade, shame, shake,
shape, share, shave. Also in scarce, again.
6. In fast J last\ (stiur) 'steep', skeer; skur.
(E^).
183. (E^) is found for
1. ME. a: April, paper, rape, scrape, apricot, babe, baby, labour, able,
ablish, ability, fable, table, fame, lame, blame, flame, frame, tame, name
(less), amen, hame, safe, Davy, favour, Saviour, crave, save, wave v., rathey
hathe, lathe, ace, base, dace, face, lace, place, displace, mace, pace,
space, brace, grace, disgrace, trace, facia, blaze, braze, craze, crazy,
daze, lazy, haste, waist, bast, mast, taste, waste, page, rage, sage, stage,
aged, date, fate, hate, late, plate, state, mate, pate, gait, rate, grate,
prate, creator, nature, hatred, fade, lade, made, spade, trade, wade, potato,
shady, lady, cradle, ladle, lane, plane, vane, ale, bale, gale, male, tale,
stale, vale, whale, sale, bare, blare, dare, flare, glare, hare, mare, rare,
stare, tare, aware, -ation (relation, situation etc.), bake(r), ache, shake,
lake, make(r), rake, brake, "stake, namesake, wake, quake(r), naked,
label, bacon, taker, acre.
Also in grape, tape, have, master, slate, range, grange, fracas.
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of
(iv, Ew, uu, ovt, ov). 53
2. ME. a: sap(py), sapling, balm, palm, vat, bad, ban, man, pan, hand, Anne,
part, apart.
3. ME. e: heel, drearv, rare ^raw'.
4. ME. e or o; steal, bear, swear, tear, wear; bleat, appeal, deal, heal,
meal, seal, stale s., veal, hair, queer, there, were, where and earth. Also
in icheflier.
5. ME. ei, ai: bail, jail, veil, air, fair, pair, stair.
6. In real^ idea] steak, creak, sneak, streak.
(U'B).
184. (ui?) is found for
1. ME. 0, o and 6: rope, soap, foam, both, suppose, ghost, coach, roach,
boat, vote, devote, load, road, toad, abroad, bone, stone, pole, gold, oar,
boar, bore, more, sore, store, stoiy.
Also o in boast, coast, post, roast, toast, force, sort, sport, transport,
board, sword, afford, forge.
2. ME.: ore.
3. ME. u: sull, court; also in cure, secure.
For many of these words the Wdb. gives other sounds, viz. {oo) in golden,
pole, bore, story;
(ot?) in load, abroad, coach, sore, sort, both (013) and (u^) in rope, more,
forth, board, both (oi?) and (A^) in road, both (yy) and (u^) in court. Toad,
bone, sw^ord, sport have (ui?) only; the rest of the words is not mentioned
in the Wdb.
(ot?).
185. (o^) is found for
1. ME. 0,: loath, clothes, soce, close, oast, hoarse, post, host, dose, nose,
rose, broach, brooch, poach{er), coat, goat, moat, note, throat, notice,
goad, toad, trod, alone, stone, tone, throne, for, before, more, shore.
Also in blowed, knowed, showed, sowe, throwxd. ME. 6: ford, hoard, cord,
shord, port, sort.
2. ME.: growed.
3. ME. o: got, forgot, trod, vagabond.
4. In your\ (n)aught; doze; sure.
(o«).
186. (ob) does not occur in the Wdb. In the list in
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54
The ME. equivalents.
W8D. it is given, for knowed, blovved, crowed, score, sear. See §§ 2^, 56.
Tlie Wdb. gives {Am) in vase, shordj reached.
(aaii3).
187. (aai^j is found before 1 and r, representing ME. ei^ ai: ail, fail,
flail, frail, hail, nail, pail, rail, sail, tail, veil, wail, quail, aisle,
prayers, stairs. Also in mail?
188. (oi^) occurs before 1 and r, representing ME. I, i (also I from older
ig): pile, viol, phial, mile, file, while; mild, wild; tile; iron, hire,
fire, admire, entire, friar, desire, require.
Perhaps also in aisle (through confusion with isle; see NED.); cp. the
preceding paragraph.
(EU18).
189. (Eu^) is found before 1, representing ME. H: owl^ bowl, growl, prowl.
Also in shovel. See § 191.
(au^).
190. (auu) is found before r, representing ME. u: our, hour, sour, flour,
flower, tour, devour. Also in burly (ME. u)y four and pour.
(oub).
191. (eu^) is found before 1, representing ME. u: foul^ fowl, vowel, and in
shovel. See § 189.
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CHAPTER III.
An Historical Grammar of the Dialect of
West Somerset.
A. Sounds.
I. Vowels. General Remarks.
192. The dialect shares with the literary language most of the quantitative
and qualitative chauges that took place in Late OE. and in ME. But see the
following paragraphs.
193. Before -nd the sounds point to -ind, imd, but and, ond, just as in the
standard language. But (ii) in end, teen 'kindle' (ME. tenden) shows that
-end had e in ME. native words. For {ee) in end see § 214.
194. Before -nge the vowel seems to have been long in ME.; cp. hinge (§217).
It is true that some French words in -ange are given with a short (se), but
that does not prove a ME. short a; see § 202.
195. The present sounds also point to long vowels in ME. before -ld\ cp. (i^)
in field, yield', (ai^) in wild, mild, see § 272. The pronunciation (gu^l)
'gold' may point to ME. g'dd, but see §274.
195b. {ddm, yym) 'womb' points to ME. 6 (see § 277), but in (wAAmlAAks) the
vowel must have been shortened.
195 c. Before r + consonant we find some traces of long ME. vowels which the
standard language does not share, viz. (i^) in fern, pert. We find (u^) in
hoard, a. o. (§ 184), but (ub) is not a sure proof of ME. o (see § 274). That
ME. o is possible in these words is shown by other dialects e. g. that of
Adlington (cp. Adl. §§ 20,2 and 40,3).
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56
History of the Sounds.
196. The dialect shows several traces of ME. loug vowels before -st:
(E'b) in haste, haste, mast, taste, waste, master (§ 256), plaster (§ 251),
waist ^).
(ai) in fist, thistle (see also § 225).
(8u, Eu) in dust, fusty.
(ws) in boast, coast, post, roast, toast.
The pronunciation (kriistez) ^cresses' also points to ME. e. See, moreover, §
209.
Many pronunciations which correspond to ME. short vowels are probably due to
literary influence, e. g. (aa) in hlast, cast, mast [always (mEi?s)
"acorn'] (i) in crust, trust, dust [but (Eu) in the exclusively
dialectal word dusthousel], see § 235; (i) in breast. But some of these
pronunciations may be genuinely dialectal, for instance (AA), corresponding
to ME. in most (but see §§ 275, 298), almost, roast (also ws).
ME. a.
197. ME. a has usually become (aa): back, tallow etc. Before nasals, however,
the sound seemed to Elworthy
to be (se): can, thank etc.
In a few words (aa) occurs before nasals, see Ch. II; in nearly all of them
we may assume literary influence.
On the other hand (ae) is sometimes spoken before non-nasals. Other words
have both (aa) and (se) assigned to them. On these variations see § 16.
198. (aa) in wrestle (see also § 204), (a) in step, threshold ^ wretch seem
to point to ME. a The variation of se and e in step, wrestle, wretched is
well-known in OE. For threshold stretcher, also, ME. forms with a are
possible ^). But the verb stretch has (se). Cp. §211.
199. The Late ME. change of e before r to a accounts for (aa) in herb, errand
etc.; also in spectacles and nesh where r was inserted. On nesh cp. § 208.
1) (wE^s) may be a dialectal adaptation of the standard pronunciation, for
the genuinely dialectal word is middle.
2) Compare standard English hatchel, for which only forms with e occur in ME.
texts. (Morsb. § 108 Anm. 1.)
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r.
Vowels. ME. a. 57
20U. Apron has (3), rafter (E). Both deviations are due to the foHowiiig
eons.; rafter is marked with an asterisk^ on the meaning of which see § 17.
Cp. (3) iu potato (§251), and in apart, square, thwart etc. (§ 213).
201. Sap{2'>f/), sapling, halm, palm, vat, bad, ban, hand, Anne, pan, man,
part, apart have (E^), which usually represents ME. a. In words like bad, ban
etc., however, the vowel in standard English is never short; the voiced
consonant that follows makes it half long ^). And as the dialect makes a very
small difference between long and short vowels (§§ 1 — 7), (se) in bad etc.
might easily be taken for a long vowel. The dialect, however, does not know
(se se) or (EE); hence Elworthy heard (En). See also §§ 8 — 12, especially
the two transcriptions of had, with (se) and (Et?), and § 202,
This explanation does not account for sap with its derivations, nor for vat.
Is (Ee) in vat due to a in the inflected forms? In the Wdb. s. v. vat
Elworthy quotes ""fate, vesselle* from the Prompt. Parv., also
'vat, or vate' from Sherwood. Compare also standard English dale (OE. dsel).
This explanation is also possible for some of the other words e. g. ban (in
ME. banes occurs).
202. Some French words whose standard pronunciation points to ME. a have (se)
in this dialect: angel, danger, stranger, change (Wdb.), range (Wdb.); but
WSD. gives (En) for range, grange, (in) for change; (se) in flange agrees
with the standard pronunciation. We may compare this with the variation of
(se) and (En) in hand (see § 201). In both cases the cause is to be found in
the voiced consonant that follows.
203. Three native English words which in standard English have (ei) are
pronounced with (a) in the dialect: navel, gape, slate.
Navel on account of its ending may have a as well as a in ME.
For the pronunciation (gap) we may assume a ME form *gappen'^), identical
with dialectal Dutch (gapon; gapm). But
1) Hence the dialect pronounces (E«) in pan^ but (se) m pancake (psengkiuk):
in the latter word the voiceless (k) prevents the lengthening of the
preceding vowel (and consonant). Cp. standard English build, built.
2) Does Walker's pronunciation (g'aap) point to such a form? Cp. his
pronunciation (baad) for bade. (Storm Engl. phil. p. 370).
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58
History of the Sounds.
it is also possible that the verb has adopted a through association with the
noun gap.
Slate with (se, aa) points to ME. slat.
The pronunciations (slE^t) and (gi^p); the latter given by Ellis, are
probably dialectal adaptations of standard (sleit, geip).
204. ME. a has been rounded by preceding labial m and w, also by a following
labial: mange, wash, slab etc., also in when M.
Late ME. a before r, from earlier e (see § 199), accordingly, has become (AA)
in quarrel, wart.
(AA) in wench, wedge, hennet is also a development of a (cp. § 198 and Morsb.
§ 108 Anm. 1). The rounded vowel of wrestle (rAAsl) may be compared with (AA)
in standard wrath: in both (A A) is due to the labial articulation of r'^).
The absence of rounding in swan, wan, want, all three pronounced with (se),
seems to be due to the following nasal.
205. ME. a followed by I is often represented by (A A): all, false etc.
(AA) in these words really represents Late ME. au. But in a great many words
(aaj is given in spite of a following Z. See §§ 24, 207, 302, 304.
206. For ME. a, influenced by a following r, see § 213.
207. (A A) also occurs in gas, hurrah, lard, tassel; (Ab) in vase. (lAArd)
may be explained as derived from ME. laurd (NED. gives such a spelling), but
no such explanation is possible for (AA) in gas, hurrah and tassel. It is
most probable, therefore, that (A A) represents earlier a; see §§ 24, 205.
(Ab) in vase is, no doubt, the dialectal form of the standard pronunciation
(vAAz), which is now obsolete.
208. The combination -ash is pronounced (-aarsh) and (aish). The Wdb. gives
(aarsh) only.
1) (A A) in standard Marlborough is also due to the initial m.
2) This pronunciation of r, which also explains the Alfredian ryht etc. (see
Biilbring Eleni. § 470), is by no means rare in educated southern English.
(While preparing this for the press I find that prof. Biilbring has shown
that r caused rounding in some Early ME. texts (Ancren Riwle and the Southern
legends); see Bonner Beitrage 15 p. 111).
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I.
Vowels. ME. e. 59
The same double pioninieiatioii is given for nesh^), (naarsh) cannot be due
to literary influence. But (aish), also, may be dialectal. The ME. forms
fleischj neisy threische (Morsb. § 109 Anm. 8), also later forms (see aishe,
waishe in Gasner p. 101, 107) show that sh often gives rise to diphthongs
(see also Adlington §§ 21, 22, 28).
It is possible, however, that the pronunciation (aish) is a dialectal
adaptation of the standard pronunciation.
209. Fast s., last v., and scai'ce are pronounced with (iB). But the adjectives
fast, last have (aa). This difference is probably due to a difference of
origin. Last adj. from latost had a in ME. But the verb was Icestan in OE.,
lesten in ME.
Fast adj. is derived from ME. fast. The literary pronunciation of fast s.
represents ME. fast, a loan-word (see NED. s. V. fast s. ^). But the native
OE. form was fcesteriy which would become feste in ME., which moreover knew
the verb festen (see NED. s. v. fasten s. and v.).
(i'B) in fast, last may therefore represent ME. e (cp. beast, feast, and §
169).
On scarce see § 255.
ME. e.
210. ME. e has usually become (se): edge, except, neck, guess, weather etc.
211. Instead of (3e) we often find other sounds: (aa)^ (a), (E), (i), (0).
In some cases we may assume a ME. form different from that which produced the
present standard form. See § 198. That such deviating ME. forms not only may
but must be the correspondents of some modern pronunciations is proved by
(AA) in wench etc. See § 204. But in other cases a difference of origin is
unlikely, (aa), for instance, in fresh, refreshment, ejectment cannot be
supposed to represent ME. a. Neither is ME. i the probable correspondent of
modern (E; in deceptive, eleven, empty etc. What is even more convincing, one
word, digested, is in one place (WSD) transcribed with (a), in another (Wdb)
with (E).
1) Nesh may have had a in ME. (cp. Gothic hnasqus), but the W. Som. forms do
not prove that.
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60
History of the Sounds.
It is clear, therefore, that we are not justified in drawing what I may call
"historical" conclusions from all these deviations; they are mostly
differences of appreciation, as explained in § 16.
212. In some cases this difference seems due to a neighbouring consonant,
(i), for instance, occurs for ME. e, not exclusively but still in by far the
greater number of words where a labial follows or precedes. The same applies
to (o) and (3). See also §§ 36, 37.
Also before / we find both (a) and (3): jelly etc.; helmet , halm, fallow
etc.
213. Before r ME. e, as well as ME. i and ME. u, have become (3): terrible,
chirp, spirit, curse etc. etc.
(3) in harrow 'tumulus', hark v., smart adj., also in apart, thwart, square
shows that the W. Som. dialect in Late ME. had e in these words ^).
214. Before -n and -?^ + cons, the vowel has been lengthened to {ee): den,
hen, hend etc.
This lengthening also took place in some other words, where the following consonant
is in all cases final. We find {ee) in hem, hemp, tempt '^ but (E) in empty,
temperance. Also (ee) in hed{ding), wed{ding), but (se) in better, setter,
reticule etc. .Egg has {ee), but also (se) and even (9i)^).
(ee) in end is a dialectal adaptation of the standard pronunciation (cp. ee
in bend, defend, amend, spend etc.). See § 193.
215. Early shortening of ME. e, e has produced (se) in breath, death, spread,
thread, threat, breadth, leave^), pet; earth'., (E) in sweath, wreath; (i) in
many words e. g. lead, treasure. See § 264.
216. (E) in gather, aslant, catch, flax, axe, wax probably represents ME. e
though ME. a is possible. Other dialects also
1) Wheel-barrow, barrow 'pig', bark s. have (aa) in the dialect.
2) (9i) in beg and eyg is perhaps due to the following cons. See § 71, (9i)
in (cattle-)pe7i is the regular equivalent of ME. i: ME. *pind, OE. *pynd,
the result of the blending of OE. *pund (MnE. pound) with OE. pyndan.
3) For the short vowel of leave cp. §§ 446 f. Earth is also pronounced
(E-eth).
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I.
Vowels. MK. i. 61
point to ME. ^-forins (cp. Windliill § 38, and also Chaucer gr. §11)^). For aslant
a form with e is found as early as the thirteenth century (NED.). (E) in
gather, however, may be a shortening^ of the diphthong, due to ME. a; see §
251. Also a form with ME. i is possible (cp. togidre, Morsb. § 104 Anm. 2).
217. Sprinkle has (?e), pointing to ME. e. It is more likely, therefore, that
(ii) in hinge represents ME. e (for ^lE. hc7ige see Kluge, Grundriss p. 1025
Anm.) than ME. i. See also § 194.
ME. i.
218. ME. i has developed into (ii, i) and (E).
On the whole we may say that (ii, i) are found before alveolars (tsh, sh, t,
d, n): itch, meecher, dish, wit, eyelid, Mn, Before other consonants the
sound is (E): pith, drift, mixture,
219. The rules given in § 218 do not invariably hold true: (E) is given in
many words before s: miss, lithesome, cistern a. o., and before -d, -t, -nt:
see § 154. Many of these deviations are certainly due to the influence of
standard English. This can be proved for (dEd), a literary form by the side
of the genuinely dialectal (dyyd). See § 444. Litter is marked with an
asterisk, see §§ 17, 220.
On (ii) in if, forgive, gifted, live, cliff (see the Glossary)^ sieve compare
Chapter 4, §§ 483 ff .
220. Final I usually develops a vocal murmur, which turns the preceding vowel
into a diphthong (iis): hill, ill, chilli Also in huild, child (see § 272).
In frill, shrill, will, sill the vowel is (a); in the first three it is
perhaps due to the preceding labial, but see the end of this paragraph.
Labials and medial I often turn (E), (i) into {i, 9): flippant, business,
fiddle\ liver, fit, pit etc. Instead of (o) we occasionally find (3): chilly,
tippet, see § 36.
It is almost certain, however, that in many of these words, if not in all,
{i, a) are due to the standard pronunciation. Thus pit is transcribed both
with (ii) and (o); ior pitchy, also both these vowels are given, but pitch v.
is only transcribed
1) The pronunciation (e) in Burns also points to ME. e, for ME. a in that
dialect regularly remains (a).
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^2
History of the Sounds.
with (d). The verb till is pronounced (ti^l) and {td\), but the noun is
transcribed (t9l) only. These variations cannot be the results of a regular
development; it is clear that (ii), or, before final Z, (i^) is the dialectal
sound, whilst {i, a) is the dialectal adaptation of standard short i. In
fiHll, shrill, willy sill the (a) is also raost likely due to standard
English.
221. For ME. i before r see § 213.
222. In twinge, dwindle the labial has disappeared before
long {99).
223. The ME. comi). iht has become feet): night, slight etc. night, wright,
fright s., frighten, mighty, with (ai) are probably loanwords from the
literary language. Height may have been influenced by high (see § 482 b).
224. A few other words have (ee): is, these, pig, evil, with. In is, these,
(ee) may be a lengthening due to the following voiced cons, (th is lost in
with). Pig is also spoken with (E) and (e). On evil see Ch. 4.
225. In a few words ME. i is represented by an a-sound: (se) in thistle (see
§ 196); (a) in spittle-., (aa) in hit, slat, auricula; (a) and (se) in spit,
(a) and (i) in Jcnitch.
These a-sounds do not necessarily point to a different ME. vowel; (a3, a, aa)
may be variations of (E), which is the modern sound often corresponding to
ME. ^; see §§ 16, 18, 211, 215, 218. Rut we can only expect (E) in auricula
[cp. (krakit) 'cricket' in Windhill], not before alveolars, where the regular
sound would be (ii).
It is possible, however, to assume ME. forms with another vowel than i for
spit, hit, slit and spittle.
226. Standard spit is the modern form of OE. spittan, spittian; but OE. also
had a verb spcetan. In ME. the latter has a preterite spatte, spette. Such preterites
might easily give rise to present tenses ^spatten or *spette7i, which would
regularly become (spat), (spset) in W.-Somerset. These forms of the present
tense do not, as far as I know, occur in ME. texts, but the formation of new
present tenses from the preterites is very common in this dialect (see §§ 446
ff.) As to the verb speten and its preterite spette, spatte, it is often used
in southern texts by the side of spitten (see Biilbring Ablaut p. 113 and §
340). Cp. also the standard preterite spat (from ME. spatte) by the side of
the present ^pit (from ME. spitten).
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I.
Vowels. ME. o. 63
The ME. pret. of hit is usually hitte. Only for Scotch NED. gives a preterite
hatf. A form *hatfe, which can he exphiined as due to preterites like had,
saf of bid, sit is therefore possible in southern English. And from a pret.
*hatte a present tense *1iatten could be formed (like spetten from the pret. spette),
A similar explanation would account for (slaat)'), which, of course, must be
derived from the ME. weak verb slitteriy not from the strong sliten^).
227. The present dialectal pronunciation (spatl) may represent ME. spittel (§
225). But in ME. texts we also meet with spettel and with spattel (shortened
from OE. spatl); both these forms might have produced the present (spatl).
ME. 0.
228. ME. has usually become (AA), (A): Tcnohj frosty nod, wrong, sock, fork
etc.
229. Some words have ioo): off, soldier, yolk, folk. Although {oo) usually
represents ME. q, it is hardly likely that these words have had long q in ME.
As the sound agrees with the standard pronunciation of the last three words,
there is the possibility of literary influence, and this explanation is
almost certain in the case of (jook) ^yolk', for this word is also pronounced
(jElk); the latter is, no doubt, the true dialectal pronunciation.
230. The influence of labials is seen in foreign, form, rob, jobs, forward
with (3). The same pronunciation is given for yon, beyond, thorn{en), orange.
In the two last (3) may be due to the labial articulation of r (§ 204). See
also § 233.
231. In some cases o has been unrounded; to (a) in in drop, crop, rotted a.
o., to (aa) in loft, cloth, knock a. o., to [sd) in stop v., rob, robin, rod,
knod, plot.
1) In Hartlaud (Devon) both slit and slat are pronounced: the latter is no
doubt the true dialectal form.
2) In the same way we can explain the ME. pres. tense splatten. The regular
present is spllten, from OE. splltan, but, as in the case of slit, there must
also have been a weak verb splitten, which is supported by the forms splitted
for the past part, in the trans., split in the intrans. sense, both in
Shakespeare. Cp. also Dii. splitten, a weak verb. ME. spletten, however,
cannot be thus explained, but may be derived from splitten (see Morsb. §
114).
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64
History of the Sounds.
This unrounding' is also known in ME. texts fcp. Kluge, Grundriss p. 1044)
and in some other modern dialects, but the change seems to be occasional
everywhere, i. e. no rule is apparent.
232. Many words have two pronunciations: one with an o-sound agreeing with
standard speech, and another which is probably (at least in most cases) the
real dialectal sound. See the Gloss, i. v. notch, rod, rot-, for^ johs, jot,
only, other, some. Cp. also the double transcription of moss.
233. Rob has (3) and (je). It is quite possible that (3) in roh (and equally
so in the words in § 230) is a dialectal adaptation of the literary sound
(see § 40 on the o-quality of 3).
Me. u.
234. ME. u has been unrounded just as in the standard language; the resulting
sound is (3): young, turf, also in bullet, pudding, pulley etc.: and in
sovereign, drag.
For the pronunciation of u in butter, gutter etc., see § 41.
235. Several words are given with (i)^); the Wdb. in those cases often gives
(9), which hardly differs from (3); see §42.
In some words (i) seems to be the dialectal pronunciation of the literary
sound: run, dust are transcribed (rin) and (dis) although the genuine forms
are (3rn) and (dEust). See § 196.
This helps us to account for the two pronunciations, given for touchy:
(titshi) in WSD., (tEtshi) in the Wdb. The former is, no doubt, due to the
standard pronunciation, the latter corresponds to a form with e in ME. (Cp.
ME. tecche s. and the 18^^ Century spelling tetchy, quoted by Mr. Elworthy
from the Spectator; see also Skeat Etym. Diet. s. v. tetchy).
On ("b) in ugly, puncheon see § 39.
236. Before I some words have (E): dull, dowlas, shulk, sultry \ see § 42.
237. For ME. u before r see § 213.
238. In closed as well as in open syllables ME. u has sometimes become (dd)
or (9): wood, could, bull, bush etc.
1) Several other dialects have i for short u. Compare also vulgar English
kiver 'cover' (Pickwick), kipple 'couple" (Thackeray), quoted by Storm,
Engl. phil. (p. 819), also jist 'just', sich 'such', ib. p. 821.
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T.
Vowels. iME. u. «5
Cota-Ji-grass is pronounced both (k^i^tsh-) .'ind (twiitBh-). The former
ag-rees with the usual southern form, and may therefore be a loanword from
another dialect. But (twiitsh) seems to be a genuine W.-Somerset
pronunciation; cp. also (kwiid) 'cud', and, for the change of A- into t, §
380.
(aa) in dragoofl, groom is in accordance with the standard pronunciation:
both seem to point to ME. g. The question whether these (^a)-forms really
prove the existence of ME. o is discussed in Ch. IV.
239. In some words i^dd) is occasionally raised to (yy): court J pussy, wood.
See § 30.
For (yi?) in court, wool see § 10.
240. In a few words ME. tc has become (A A), (A): comey some, rummage,
bottle, U7i-, up- etc.
In all the words (AA) is followed by a labial, except in much, bottle, uii-,
unto, scrunch. In U7i-, unto the vowel has not the full stress. In much,
bottle a labial precedes. For scrunch Swift writes craunch (Skeat, Et. Diet.
s. v. crunch).
It seems, therefore, that the lowering of (3) to (A A) is due to the
neighbouring labial (cp. §§ 40, 283 and Ch. IV, but also §§ 230, 233).
07ie is transcribed (uun) and (wAAn); also (wAAns) 'once'. As (uun) must be
dialectal we may assume the influence of standard English to account for
(wAAn), in which a preceding labial seems to have had the same lowering
effect^).
241. Scud, among, amongst have (se), furrow (a). The Wdb. adds that only in
the meaning 'shower' scud has this pronunciation; scud ("over a wound)
is (sk3d).
(se) in among(st) may be due to ME. a.
Furrow is also pronounced (vo^r), which seems to point to a ME. o-sound. (a)
in furrow may be an unrounded o (see § 231).
242. In a few words ME. u seems to have been preserved; as (uu) in above\ as
(u^j in court, sull. All three words, however, are also pronounced
differently: {dd) m above, courf^), (oo) in sull. See § 515.
On (uu) see § 43.
1) Is (A) ill standard bottle also due to the preceding labial?
2) Court has also (y^), see § 239.
Bonner Beitr z. Anglistik. Heft 18. 5
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History of the Sounds,
248. Coulter has both {oo) and (A). The former m.'iy be a literary
pronunciation, the latter can hardly be other than dialectal.
ME. ii.
244. The words with ME. il arc all of French origin, w4iich increases the
difficulty of distinguishing between ME. long and short.
The long il has resulted in the same sound as ME. eu, see §308.
(yy) is pronounced in tiihe, tune etc.; (y) in duke; {dd) in due, huge,
abuse, pure. See § 30.
245. In closed syllables il has been treated like u. Hence we find (?*) or
(a) in judge, judgment, just, justice^ study, overplus.
246. (3) is found in sugar, funeral, humour-, (o) in mule, future, trowel.
The Wdb., however, gives {dd), (y^) for mule, probably due to standard
English, which also accounts for (trEutJl) 'trowel' by the side of (tral)i}.
247. Multitude and vulgar with (E) show the same development as ME. u before
I in dull etc. (§ 236).
248. A few words have (uu): music, durable, fluent \ (we) in cure, secure;
(ov,) in sm^e. See §43; 242; and compare (ou) in fjour (§ 313).
ME. a.
249. ME. a has become (Ei?): able, babe, fable etc.
250. If preceded by c, g, ch, sh the diphthong is (its): case, gable, chafe,
shame etc.
This is easily explained by considering
1. that c and g, if followed by a palatal vowel, i. e. (Eis), are palatal as
well as ch and sh (see § 379).
2. that the first element of (Ei?) is not always clearly (E) but sometimes
rather an i-sound (see § 55), even apart from the influence of a preceding
consonant.
251. (E) in make, patient, plaster is probably a shortening of (Ei3). On long
a in ME. plaster see Kluge Grundriss p. 1036. The modern Adlington
pronunciation {ee) in plaster also requires ME. long a (Adlington § 50, 2,
c).
1) Elworthy notes (tral) as the 'common pronunciation*.
1. Vowels. ME. ii, a, e. 67
Perhaps (3) in potato is also a devcIo])uient of (Ei;)> -svliich after its
shortening to (E) became (3), through the influence of the consonant tliat
foUows (see § 372).
2b2. Occasion with (i), ashamed, chamber' with (a) show sliortenings of an
earlier (iu).
253. Althongh grape, tape would seem to be derived from French forms with
short a, the modern pronunciation in lit. English as well as W.-Sora. (Ei.')
shows that long a must have existed. Cp. (Ex?) in sap (§ 201), and also (a)
by the side of [ee) in paper in the modern Adl. dialect (Adlington § 50, 1, a
and 2, a). (Ek) in have may represent ME. a but short a is equally possible
(see § 201).
254. Both (Ef) and (aa) are given for bathe, amen, (bEndh) is always
intransitive; (baadh, bath) transitive. The latter is probably a derivation
of the noun; see NED. s. v. bath V.
The double pronunciation in amen also agrees with literary usage.
255. {v&) in scarce seems to point to ME. a, as in standard English.
256. (E^) in master and (i^) in again point to ME. a, a: a^an occurs in
Lajamon; for master see §§ 196, 251.
For steah cp. Ch. IV.
257. Plague and paling with (aai) seem very difficult to explain. v
ME. e.
258. ME. e has been raised to {ee): leap, steam, bread etc.
259. In the neighbourhood of I and r the sound is often (Eb): meal, heaV),
steal, swear, tear etc. Also in whether (ME. wher).
In real, idea (E'b) probably corresponds, not to ME. q, but to ME. e + a
(followed by I, r).
1) To heal 'make whole' is pronounced (Ei?l), but to heal "conceal'
(c'bI).
Although (El?) and (ev) cannot always be clearly distinguished from (i^), see
§ 55, it is possible that the two pronunciations of heal are founded on
different ME. vowels.
The dialect shows no difference between ME. % (OE. helan or helian) and ME. e
(OE. hcelan), but {ev.1) may represent ME. hillen 'conceal*. • See NED. i. v.
hill.
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History of tlio Sounds.
260. Some words which in ME. we should expect to liave had e, are spoken with
(ii), (i^), which seem to prove ME. forms with e. See Ch. IV §§493ff.
261. Initial (j) in hear, here, ear, heat, heath, hearth, eel, heifer,
embers, herring, emmet represents the first part of a diphthong', originally
heginning with i, which became a consonant, when the dipthong turned into a
rising diphthong^ (cp. § 310 and Ch. IV §§ 516 ff.).
The same process explains literary (ju) for older (iu)^). Many words with
initial e have no (j) e. g. heal, heave, head. But according to ^Devoniensis'
(see Elworthy's edition of the Exm. Sc. p. 64) head was then (18^^ cent.)
pronounced like yead; he also transcribes evening by yeaveling, eyes by yees.
This shows that the absence of initial (j) may be due to literary influence,
which becomes still more likely by the additional instances of initial (j)
given in the Wdb.: yapril (jE^prol) 'April'; yapurd (jap^rd)
^halfpennyworth'; yarhing (jarbin) 'gathering herbs', yarnest (jarnis)
'earnest'. All these words were in the two preceding books transcribed
without (j).
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Emmet
(jam'ut) represents ME. emete with long e, for short e would not have
produced a diphthong. The same e explains the spelling yewmors (Devoniensis),
representing ME. eemer (cp. NED. i. v. ember), which is, in the modern
dialect, pronounced (j3m^rz).
Long ME. e in herring is also proved by the Windhill pronunciation (io),
which corresponds to ME. e or e (not to |).
(jSrgraas) 'eargrass' is explained by Elworthy as year-grass, either
originally or at least by popular etymology. For the word means 'annual or
biennial grasses sown upon arable land'. NED. s. v. ee-grass connects this
with ear-grass, but ee-grass means 'eddish', stubble-field, aftermath, and
the insertion of (r) would have to be explained.
1) As early as the 13th Century we find such spellings as yend (NED.).
For the change of a falling into a rising diphthong we may compare the
standard pronunciation (jy) for (io) in year, here, dear etc., also not
rarely in ear-ache. According to Bearder (j3) is pronounced even medially in
serious, nearer etc. (quoted by Western, Englisclie lautlehre, 2e aufl. 1902.
§ U, p. 12).
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Vowels. ME. e. 69
262. These is pronounced (dbeez), but also db^^z). The latter pronunciation,
bowovcr, although really meaning
^these', is formally identical with those. On tiiis use of those, that for
these, this see Dean Alford, The Queen's English, who gives 'those houses to
let', 'that house for sale' from placards in front of the very bouses, in
Devonshire (Storm Engl. Phil. II p. 702, also the note, in which analogical
French expressions are compared).
ME. e.
263. ME. e has become (ii), or (before I and r) ^) has turned into the
murmur-diphthong (iu): fee, be, freeze-^ feel, Meer\ also ME. e: end, teen (§
193).
Sometimes, almost exclusively before voiceless consonants, the sound is (i):
Jceep, feet, thief etc. For initial e see § 261.
264. Occasionally the sound is lowered: (^) in breast, bleed, beech, wheel a.
o.; (9) in seern, depth, field-fare.
In most of these words the literary language has a long-vowel, but the
dialectal sound most probably represents a ME. short vowel; see also §§ 196,
215.
265. {ee) is spoken in forbid, bee, he, flee, reel, beseech, beetroot, teeth,
heedless, believe, priest, fever.
Some of these words are also given with (ii): forbid, bee, he, flee v. The
Wdb. gives (tleen) and (tli^n) for clean, (kriip) and (kreep) for creep.
The most probable explanation seems to be that (ii) is sometimes lowered to
(ee). See § 21.
266. In heel, rare 'underdone', drear, queer the pronunciation is (Eb)
according to WSD. but the Wdb. gives (ii^ for heel. Cp. § 55.
267. Beetle 'mallet' is pronounced (baatl, b^itl). It is improbable that both
pronunciations are genuine W. Somerset forms. The (di) would seem to point to
ME. i, which represented OE. le. We also have (oi) in hear; but Elworthy said
he had rarely heard it so pronounced, and that he considered it 'obsolete'.
But this conclusion is not necessarily correct: it may be heard rarely, not
because it is obsolete, but because
1) Also (iB) in (bi^s) 'beestings'; see §§ 8 ff.
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History of the Sounds.
it is uot really a W. Somerset form. Thus (oi) in beetle, heaVy may be
])orrowed from a neighbouring dialect, probably from the speech of the
counties south-east of Somerset (the home of Alfred's language). This view is
supported by (sraitsh, smitsh) Must, smoke', OE. smlc (westsaxon), smec
(non-ws.). The modern form corresponds to ME. smeche; it would not be
impossible to derive (smitsh, smitsh) from ME. smtche, by assuming that the
vowel was shortened, (as in ditch), but there is no evidence that such a
shortening really took place.
It is most likely, therefore, that the W. Somerset forms correspond to
e-forms (for Oldgermanic au + i)-
The genuine dialectal form for beetle would then be (baatl). It may be
derived from ME. bettle (a form occurring in the Ancren Riwie), which may be
a shortening of betel.
268. Early ME. -ej, -eh (OE. -eog, eag,- eoh, -eah) became I in ME. already.
Hence we have (ai, 9i) in lie, eye^ thigh, high etc. See § 273.
ME. 1.
269. ME. I has been diphthongized; (9i, ai): ripe, life, ride\ high, die,
fli/ S^olare'. Before I and r the sound is (si's): pile, hire, desire.
Also (paini) 'peony' ME. pione\ see § 415b.
270. A preceding labial turns (oi) into (w3i): good-bye', but most words do
not show this change, see § 300.
271. A few words seem to have preserved the ME. sound: (ii) is spoken in
stifle, oblige, shine; [ee) in dive, five, drive, kyiife, china, nine^ line,
lining, size, nice, ambergris, verdigris, bite v.; moreover the Wdb. gives
both [ee) and (8i) for line, cider, hnife, five; but only (oi) in size.
It seems probable that (ai) in these words is a literary pronunciation.
Some words have (i): peep, white, kite, aliJce; {i) in alike, sleek, strike,
dyke.
On all these see Ch. IV §§ 498 ff .
272. The combinations -ild, -ind have (ai): mild, kindj mind etc. (cp. §§
193, 194).
Build, child with (itj), blind with (ee) point to ME. ^, with early
shortening. Also the standard language knows exceptions: build, wind s.
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I.
Vowels. ME. i, 6. 71
lu one word, wildy Elvvorthy gives both (iiJ) aud (aiB). The former is, no
doubt, the dialectal pronunciation.
273. Just as for the combinations -ild, -iiid, there are exceptions for the
ending -eoQy which usually has forms pointing to ME. I (see § 2idS): fly s.,
lies have (ii, ee). It is remarkable that the sing, lie has (ai, ai). This
points to the plural being a different word from the sing. And this leads us
to the explanation of ([ee?.) as representing ME. Use (OE. leas)'^ cp. NED.
i. V. lease, a. and sb. ^ The ME. form would regularly have iinal (s), but if
the word was taken for the plural of lie the ending would necessarily become
(z). See §§ 530, 466. This explanation seems to be supported by the confusion
between lease and the plural lees, which occurs in Northern dialects (see
NED. i. v. lie sb. ^).
ME. 0.
c
274. ME. q has become (oo, o, ot?, u\j): opening, loaf, most\ then (ME. thq),
rope, whole; coat, dose, tone', rope, load, abroad^).
Some words are given with two of these sounds; stone even w^ith three {oo,
ob, ub). This shows convincingly that the difference between them is small
(cp. §§ 9, 27, 57). It is not likely that the variations are due to the
standard pronunciation; at least an exclusively dialectal word, shord, is
pronounced with (o^) and even (A^). See §§ 57, 195.
275. The ME. sound seems occasionally to have been shortened: hence (AA) in
inroad, froth, loth, most a. o. (see § 283). For (AAfis) 'eaves' see Ch. IV,
§ 530.
Some of these words, however, have also other, regular sounds: {oo) in loth,
horer, story, hlow\ (u'b) in post, roast', (ui) in almost, most^).
1) To long ME. 6 seem to point (uv) and (o'b) in cord, forge, transport,
sort, force, vagabond. But it is not impossible that the diphthongs are
developments of ME. o, modified, by the following consonant (r and n, see §
10).
2) (muu-is) seems to be a superlative of *(muu), which might be supposed to
be the positive, belonging to (mu'er); see also § 46, note 1. I may remark
that such is probably also the explanation for Adlington (muist), used by the
side of (muest), and for OE. mdtst (instead of *mast). See § 298, note.
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History of the Sounds.
Of these double pronunciations one may sometimes be due to literary
influence. Post e. g. is pronounced with (uu) wlien it means letter-post,
with (AAj when it means post for a gate. Of these the former pronunciation
seems literary, the latter the real dialectal sound.
276. Also later shortenings (i. e. after q had been raised) occur: to (3) in
onlyy choke', (a) in soap (see § 284).
277. (99) in hoth, comb, womb, whose, those points to ME. 0. In womb, whose g
is explained by the influence of the preceding w, which also shows itself in
the standard pronunciation of these words.
For the other words see Ch. IV §§ 512 ff. (zyp) 'sweep' corresponds to ME.
sopen < swqpen < OE. swdpan^).
278. In a few words initial 6 has developed into w + vowel: hoard, whole,
oats.
In ME. we find such spellings as whole, ichome 'home', ichot 'hot'. These
forms would explain the pronunciations (woisrd), (wol). But oats is
pronounced (wEts, wats), which is perhaps a development of earlier (uu). Cp.
(jE) in heat etc. (§261).
It seems that initial has not always resulted in this sound. For {00) is
found in most words with initial q, not only where literary influence is
possible, but also in oast, which can hardly be other than dialectal. Cp.
also one, § 240.
Cp. also the development of inital (w) in Adlington §63, Note.
279. The {00) of hoe shows that, like the literary word, it is not to be
derived from a ME. form with u (French houe) but with q, for which see NED.
i. v. hoe sb.^
ME. 0.
280. ME. o has been fronted becoming {dd), or (yy): mood, root, stood, hoop,
loom, bloom, proof; do, shoe', also in moss^). Before k and I the vowel is
shortened to (a): hook etc.;
1) (zwip) is, of course, due to standard English; (zip) seems to be a
blending of dialectal (zyp) and standard (zwip).
2) (myyz) points to ME. mose (see Stratmann-Bradley s. v. mos sA), which
would be due to the inflected forms of OE. meos. Tlie change of eo into a
rising diphthong may be compared with the same development of eo in OE.
feower, MnE. four.
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I.
Vowels. M.E. 0, u. 73
cool etc.; also in doth, sooner. Cp. the short vowel in standard hook, crook
etc.
281. Words in ME. -oh have (99, yy): slough, enough, (an, Eu) in hough,
plough', (3) in tough, slough are possibly due to literary influence. See §
389.
282. Medial ow- has become identical with ME. oio- (OE. aw-, before g and h).
See § 312.
283. ME. o has been shortened to 0, hence modern (AA) in rod, shot, soft,
blossom, mother, flow, no; (A) in other. See § 275. But nummit 'luncheon' has
both (3) and (A), so that (A), at least before or after labials (§ 240), may
be the result of earlier u (§ 284).
284. A later shortening, when o had abready become u, resulted in (3), (i)
through u: soot, Monday etc.; blood, brother etc. See § 276.
(3dhm') 'either' corresponds to ME. ouder, (eedher) in eitherways represents
ME. either (see NED. s. v. either).
285. Go has the rare (uu), see § 43. The past part, is transcribed as
(^g^ad). Both sounds probably represent ME. o. For ME. in go see Luick
(references in the 'Wortregister'). Ore with (\\v) may be derived from a ME.
form with (cp. uu in go) or also ME. (OE. ar). (stoor) 'stir' corresponds to
ME. storien, which Bradley compares with MHG. storen. The same lowering
effect of r is seen in (moori) 'moory'. Cp. §§ 242, 248.
ME. u.
286. ME. u has become a diphthong (ou, Eu): mouth, south, stout. Before I and
r the vocal murmur causes a diphthong to become a triphthong: (au^, Eu^)
before I, (au^) before r e. g. foul; owl, bowl V. and s. (cp. NED. i. v.
boicl sb.^); flour etc. ^).
(drEuth) 'drought', being analysed as (drEu) + the suffix (-th), see §482b,
gave rise to a verb (drEu) 2), intransitive (drEui). On the other hand
(draith) is, of course, a new formation from the adj. dry.
1) (aut?) in four points to ME. u (see Luick, Anglia 14, p. 286). Cp. also
(ou) in rotu v., cla2v, chew (§§ 307, 312, 519).
2) In' the Hartland (Devon) Glossary drow is given as a verb.
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History of the Sounds.
287. ME. u was sometimes shortened to w, hence (3) in hut, husband, mourn\
(9, u) in suck, see §288.
288. Before labials, where literary English has preserved (uu), as in hlooniy
coop etc., the dialect pronounces {dd)\ also {dd) by the side of (uu) in
crumb. Also {dd) in boose, (ma^tBri) 'moult' (ME. mouten, OE. -ynutian),
where a labial precedes. Suck is also spoken with (99); (zok, zuk) are
perhaps due to literary influence. See Chapter IV.
II. Diphthongs.
ME. ai, ei.
289. ME. ai, ei has remained a diphthong; its modern sound is (aai): clay,
laid, aid, bay, gay etc.
Before / and r the sound is (aaii?): ail, fail\ stairs, prayers.
For (oi) in raise see § 49. But (raiz) may represent ME. risen, used as a
causative (cp. the causative use of grow, stand, walk etc.) ^).
290. (E'e) is spoken in bail, bailiff', jail, sailor, veil\ air, fair, pair
and stair.
It should be noted that veil and stair are also pronounced with (aai^),
bailiff" with (aai) and that sail has (aai-e) only.
The (aai, aaia?)-forms are almost certainly dialectal, so that we are led to
assume borrowing from the standard language for the pronunciation (Ek). This
borrowing must be partly direct (as in air, fair, pair, stair); but partly
indirect: in veil, bailiff eta. the literary (ei) has been translated into
the dialectal (Eb)^):
291. (aaii?) in mail agrees with the standard spelling: both point to ME. ai.
292. (ee) is found in aim, bay, day, chain, lay, plain, plaintiff', say,
survey, they, away, way, goings key, lea, sleigh, quoin, weak.
On the last five words see Ch. IV. Of the others some are also pronounced
with (aai): aim, bay, chain, lay, plain, plaintiff, iioay, away, going.
1) In tiie Wdb. s. v. raise Eiwortbv" savs: 'Tliere is no distinction
between raise and rise'.
2) Compare tlie explanation of (gii^p), § 203.
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II.
Diphthongs. ME. ai, ei. 75
Some of the (6<j)-t'orius are perhaps borrowed from standard English. But
it is not quite clear why such every-day words as daif and icaif should have
borrowed the literary pronunciation. It can be proved, however, that
borrowing does take place occasionally: chain is pronounced with {ee) in its
teclinical sense (a weaver's term), but with (aai) in its other meaning^). So
also way might be a literary borrowing; at least the dialect uses (raailroudz)
for railways. See also § 295 and note 3.
For the French words a ME. form with e is possible. The Adlington (ia) in
reins, chain, chair corresponds to ME. e (Adl. § 58, 2). Compare also
(riiz9n), a now obsolete standard pronunciation of raisin (see NED. s. v.
raisin). See § 293.
293. For (zee) a derivation from the preterite (zeed) representing ME. sede,
OE. scede is also possible. Lay with {ee) could be explained in the same way.
294. Ehvorthy in the introduction to the Wdb. lays down the rule that ^in
Teutonic words ay has the lit. sound-, in French and imported words the sound
is much wider (i. e. aai) as in pay, play, May, ray\ But the list for (aai),
Ch. II § 174, shows that also "Teutonic' words have (aai), e. g. lay,
clay, rain^).
{ee) for ME. al, ei is exceptional, but it occurs in native as well as in
French words.
295. A preceding labial has rounded (aai) into (AAi) or (Aij: hait, loait,
weigh, weight.
But we find (aai) in bailiff, hait 'torment'; (aai^) in fail, veil', {ee) in
hay\ both {ee) and (aai) in way, away, both {ee) and (A Aij in survey.
The double pronunciation of survey strengthens the theory that [ee] for ME.
ai, ei is due to literary influence (§ 292) ^).
1) Cp. Ehvorthy 's remark (Wdb. i. v. doth) that 'technical terms are less
broad than the same word in every-day language'.
2) Ellis in the note to list 5(aai) in WSD. p. 34 f. says that "most of
the words are French, though some as aye, lay, slay, dray, gray, icay, sway,
eight are Anglosaxon'.
3) It should never be forgotten that the words which form the basis of our
rules are scattered through Elw.'s books. If in one book he transcribes
bailiff 'with (aai) and in another bait with (AAi), is does not eertainly
follow that the dialect makes adifference. For it is possible that at one
timeElworthy did, at another did not perceive the slight difference between
(aai) and AAi) after a labial. It may also be significant that Elworthy in
WSD., where he treats of the sounds, gives (aai)
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History of the Sounds.
(aai) and (aai«) for (AAi) cannot be literary but the difference between (aa)
and (AA^ is not always clear (§ 24).
Weight from ME. wiht^) shows the influence of weigh, just as in the literary
pronunciation (see also Windhill § 93).
296. Says and said show the same shortening as is found in the standard
language.
297. Faith has both (aa) and (aai).
ME. oi, ui.
298. Nearly all the words with ME. ui as well as oi are pronounced with
(AAi)^): void, voice, oil, anointed etc. But see § 299.
299. Join, joirit, point have oi); it seems^ therefore, that ME. (or Early
MnE.) ui became (ai) in the present dialect, but that in nearly all the words
(AAi) has been substituted for (oi) by the influence of standard speech^).
Even in ^oinf, joint (AAi) is more usual, and join has (AAi), at least
occasionally. For joint we also find transcriptions with (i) and (d).
300. In hoy, boil, spoil the sound is (w3i). This can hardly be anything but
the labial modification of (9i) ^). See § 270.
We also have (w3i) in good-bye. But in other cases Elworthy gives (oi) for
ME. i preceded by a labial, as in wife, bide etc.
301. In bushel^ crush, cushion, pmicheon ME. ui has been monophthongised, as
in standard English^).
in many words which have (ee) in the Wdb.. which specially treats of the
meanings of the words.
1) Also (welt) in Adlington, for whicli Hargreaves assumes Scandinavian influence
(Adl. § 45, i, e), can be thus explained.
2) Moist is pronounced (moo-is^; see §§46, note {whevQ moist may be added to
most, thaw); 275, note.
3) Hoist and joist also have (9i), but in these words (oi) may correspond to
ME. l; in Early MnE., however, joist is found in the list of words with (ui)
in Butler. (Luick, Anglia 14, p. 301).
4) The pronunciation of buoy with (w) in Early MnE. may therefore be
dialectal, not a spelling-pronunciation (Koppel, p. 50).
5) Not in all dialects; as stated in the first thesis appended to my
dissertation: "The Windhill pronunciation (wishin) 'cushion' is probably
due to the analysis of *(twishin) into the def. art. (t) -f (wishin);
*(twishin) might be a development of *(kwishin) [cp. Wright, Dialect of Windhill,
§ 324], which regularly corresponds to cuisshin (see NED. s. V.
cushion)".
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II.
Diphthong's. ME. oi, ui; eu; ou. 77
ME. an.
302. ME. (fu has become (AA): raw, awe, awl, laurel, spraicl.
303. In a few cases (aa) is given: saw s., laugh, draught, draft, sauce.
For saic also (A A) is given; draio with (aa) may be a literary pronunciation
(see § 319), for the word is also pronounced (drE^j. Laugh and sauce have
^'-insertion. On safe, draught, draft see § 304.
304. Before (f) and (v). ME. au seems to have become a monophthong, or Mod.
Somerset (AA) has been unrounded; the result is (aa): calf, half, draught,
draft, safe, safety ^), also in laugh, with r-insertion.
We should also expect (aa), not (Eb), in halm, palm, as a labial follows, and
in save.
305. Straw and soul have {oo), aught, naught have (o^). On this deviation see
§ 25.
306. (AA) in fetched may represent ME. faht, fauht; but the form fot is also
found in ME.
307. Claw has a plural (klaaz). In the Wdb. claii) i& given as (klau) in
the meaning ^dung-fork'. It is not clear, however, that this is the same
word, as literary claw. In ME. texts we find clowe, which may mean (kluu),
especially when we compare ME. chowe, Modern (tshau) for 'chew'. See §§ 286,
312, 519.
ME. eu.
308. ME. eu has become (yy): blew, few, Jew, Tuesday etc. See § 244. Also
(ryy) 'row s.' represents ME. reu\ cp. Ancren Riwle: a rewe and In reawe (OE.
rcew).
309. Rule has {d), which is probably due to the following consonant (see §
166). (dd) in heau may represent ME. eu, but (hdd) is probably a dialectal
rendering of standard heau,
310. For {oo) in hew, ewe, sew., (AA) in strew see Ch. IV §§5l6ff.
ME. ou.
311. ME. ou (from older o before A) has the same sound as ME. au viz. (AA):
ought, though.
1) Safety-match (a modern invention!) is pronounced with (E«). This, and also
the pronunciation (sEi3f), by the side of the regular (saaf) 'safe', are due
to standard English (see § 290).
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78
History of the Sounds.
Brought has (aa). On the ending -ought see Ch. I V § 522 ff.
312. ME. -ow- as well as -qw- has become (AA): hlow^ crow, owe, know. Flow
has both (AA) and {oo)\ the latter may be due to literary influence, but see
§ 2b. (ob) in 'crowed, Mowed, groived, Icnowed^ may stand for (A'k), a sound
for which Elvvorthy had no symbol in WSD., although later on in the Wdb. he
used one.
(au) in row v., row-boat seems to correspond to ME. w. Cp. four (§ 286), claw
(§ 307), chew (§ 519). For (ryy) ^oic s.' see § 308.
313. You with (9a) may be the development of ME. 5, but equally well of ME.
u.
III. Consonants.
1. Yowel-like consonants. ME. w.
314. Initial w has been lost in wood(y), wool{ly), ivould, sweep, swoon,
womb, woman, wort, who, what, when. Cp. literary ooze from ME. wose; this
makes it likely that the w has been lost before rounded back-consonants ^).
In woody etc. it must have disappeared in that case before the vowel was
fronted; in woman, wort probably before it was unrounded. But see § 317, note
1. Of the same nature (not of the same time) is the loss of w in whaf^^),
when^).
For the loss of initial w in without see § 317.
315. On initial (w) m hoard, whole, oats ^ee §278; cp. also (w3rAA) and
(a^rAA) ^hurrah'.
For (wAAn, wsen, wan) 'one', and (wAAns) 'once' see § 240.
Whoop is pronounced (a^p) and (wt^p); the latter may be a mistaken attempt at
a literary pronunciation: just as dialectal (ddd) was literary (wud),
dialectal (aap) might be literary (*wup).
1) Compare the loss of (w) in OE. hu, tu from older *hicu, *twuetv..
(Elementarbuch §464); also in Flemish oeker, oelen, Oensdag, veroed,
antoorden for Dutch woeker, woelen, Woensdag, verwoed, antwoorden (oe = u).
2) In Exm. So. (line 149) what is spelt hot.
3) (hAn) is used only in the Hill district of W. Somerset and in Exmoor; in
the Vale district (ween) is spoken, clearly an adaptation of the literary
pronunciation. See p. 25, note 2.
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III.
Consonants. MK. w, j. 79
316. Initial wr- is pronounced (vr): wreck, wrestle etc. Occasionally (r) is given^
but always by the side of (vr-), so that (r) is probably literary. Cp. right
and wright, both transcribed with (vr-) and (r-), and § 329. When pronounced
emphatically, (vr-^ often becomes (fr), see § 68.
317. Medial w is lost in thwart, athwart^), Probably the w was swallowed by
the following vowel. See § 314.
Loss of w in awlcioard, consequence, equal, frequent, somewhat, northward,
upward is no doubt due to want of stress (cp. the standard pronunciation of
towards, answer, SouthwarJc, Norwich etc.)^).
In inwardly iv is not lost; if this is not an oversight the w is perhaps due
to literary influence.
318. After I and r medial (w) seems to have become (v): (A Avis) 'always',
with subsequent loss of I, (kaarvi-zi^d) 'carro way-seed', (baivi) 'bellow',
(wAAlvi) Vallow'. See §§ 406 ff.
319. Although the words in -aio are usually pronounced (A A), draw is given
as (drE^), showing loss of w, or of OE. g.
(drE^) is certainly genuine, for the same pronunciation is to be inferred
from the spelling drade in Exm. Sc. line 135. Cp. the loss of k in the
preterite made. On back-formations from the preterite see §§ 446 ff.
ME. j.
320. Initial (j) has been lost in ye, yes, yet, yield i. e. before an
i-sound^). Cp. the similar loss of w (§ 314).
321. On initial (j) in words with initial e in ME. see § 261.
322. On initial (j) in ewe, humour etc., see §§516ff.
323. (bsegBUBt) for bayonet seems due to some popular etymology. The form
with ^ is found as early as the 17*^ cent. (NED. i. V. bayonet).
1) Compare also the spelling athert in Exm. C. line 512. This word would seem
to show that the loss of w was not due to the back articulation of the
following vowel (cp. OE. nces<C*ni wees, nyle<i*ni wile, Element § 464,
hut these words are usually unstressed).
2) Cp. vrommart in the Ancren Riwle. In Adlington w is lost in -ward, always,
pennytvorth (see here Gloss, s. v. halfpennyworth), somewhat (Adl. § 63).
3) Exm. Sc. line 90 spells 'Isterday; cp. standard itch, ME. ^icchen, and
Kluge, Grundriss p. 1001.
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History of the Sounds.
324. Medial (j) is inserted in laurel^ horer. In these words
suffix-substitution is possible; see §§ 473 ff .
ME. 1.
325. Medial I ist lost in folli, yolk, soldier, shalt, wilt, almost, already,
always, yelp.
In most of these I has been vocalized. In shalt, wilt, almost, already, the
loss of I is due to (and also dependent on) want of stress, for (1) is heard in
shalt, loilt when these words are emphatic, (jap) ^yelp' may be a different
word from literary yelp.
326. The combinations -alf, -aim have lost their l^), agreeing" with the
standard language. Only halm is pronounced (31^m); it is most probable, however,
that (Sli^m) represents ME. helm (see NED. i. v. helm sb. ^).
327. (1) is also lost in fluent, April, bridle, sprinkle, trefoil.
Of these (braid) "bridle' may be the regular descendant of ME. bride:
(sprsengk) of ME. "^sprenken, a blending of ME. sprenkelen and sprengen.
The absence of I in dialectal moult, fault is no doubt original^).
Pump is transcribed (pMmp), both in WSD. and in the Wdb., so that it is no
mistake.
328» (1) and (r) sometimes interchange; (1) has become (r) in almanac, alphabet.
Cp. (ormarik) 'almanac' in Adlington (§ 50, 4) and literary barrister <
baluster. See Gloss, s. v. hairy-palmer and § 330.
ME. r.
329. In three words initial r has been replaced by (vr): reckon, right,
rushes. The latter, however, is also pronounced with (hr). See § 316.
330. Medial r has been changed to I in caravan, guarantee. Compare paltridge
'partridge' in Hartland (Devon), and standard dol{ly), Sally, Hal from
Dorothy, Sarah, Harry.
1) Or rather their u; cp. § 304.
2) Other dialects also show forms without i; see Windhill §256; Adlington §
65, Note.
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ME.
1, r, 11. 81
For instances in jME. see Kliige, Grundriss p. 1015, to which ME. oliprance
(also in modern dialects) from Old French orpraiice may be added. In some of
the instances, as in paltridge, oliprance the change of r > I may be a
dissimilation on account of the second r. For instances in other languages
see PassV; Chaiigements phonetiques §331, and cp. Old French materas, Mn. Fr.
matelas.
For the change of >• > rf see § 373.
331 . (r) is often inserted, especially before (sh); see the Gloss, i. V.
ash, clash, dash, flesh, smash etc.; also all words in -ation.
(r) is moreover heard in laugh, aught, naught, daughter, sauce, spectacles,
loft, jaundice. See §§ 332 f.
Poach is pronounced (pAAtsh) and (pro^tsh); the latter is probably the same
word as approach, or, at least, poach has been influenced by it; but compare
also vulgar English procession for possession (Storm Engl. phil. p. 773).
332. (r) is, on the other hand, often lost; especially before s and sh, e. g.
in nurse, purse, worse, furze, hearse, worsted, mercy, parcel, harsh, marshy
also in carpentry, earth, partridge, lard, parlour and in Fred(e7'ick),
Fehruai'y, prythee^). See §§331, 333.
333. The insertion and loss of (r) are clearly due to neighbouring sounds. It
is often added before (sh), when preceded by (aa)^), and after a
lip-consonant. For instances in the standard language cp. Koppel H. A. 104 p.
46 f., p. 282. To those may be added l^aslc. It is true that a dialectal
Norwegian form without (r) exists (NED.), but the usual form Jca7*sJc may
have become Jcaslc on English ground with at least as much probability^).
334. Final (r) in facia, hyena, idea is perhaps owing to the ending being
taken for the suffix (^r). See § 476.
1) Note that in hoarse the present dialect (also Adlington, see § 66) has
preserved the original form without r.
2) Yov jaundiceW^D. gives (dzhaarndis), the Wdb. (dzhaand'erz). (dzhaarndis)
shows that the difference between (aa) and (aar) is slight, for it is no
doubt the dialectal form of the standard pronunciation.
3) The insertion ofris also common in Dutch dialects, especially before s, z,
e. g'. stoorsion for station, Early Modern Dutch hersch for e.ich, birzen for
hijzen.
Bonner Beitr. z. Anglistik. Heft 18. 6
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History of the Sounds.
ME. n.
335. The (n-) oi awl, egg, wood^), oration, unde is the remnant of the
article, (niif) 'if regularly corresponds to ME. nif (Gothic niha), or
possibly represents 'and if.
(a3g) is explained by El worthy as 'nag'; but meaning as well as sound (see §
210) allow of derivation from eggen (cp. MnE. to egg on). But n has really
been lost in (^az) 'noose'.
336. After lip- and lip-teeth-consonants n becomes (m): foiirpenny,
halfpenny^ even, evening a. o.
Before (k) the consonant has also been assimilated, to (ng): (pjengkii?k)
'pancake'^).
In a few^ words n has become I: chimney, reckoning, omnibus^).
337. Final unstressed n was lost in ME. Hence (oi^r) *iron', (oop) 'open',
(brook) 'broken'^). Also sto7ie is sometimes pronounced without a final (n);
see § 466.
On the insertion of (n), as in W. Som. immediately, see Logeman, Taal en
Letteren May 1904, and E. Stud. 34. Cp. also (sosindzhi^z) 'sausages' in the
Adlington dialect (Adl. § 68, where a reference is given to a note on
this?z-insertion by Jespersen, E. Stud. 31).
ME. ng.
338. Medial ng, pronounced (ng-g) in ME., has always become (ng) between
vowels: angle, mangle, finger etc.
Before consonants the sound has remained (ng-g): angry etc. Hence (ng-k) in
amongst.
Unstressed ng has been lost in (w31itun) 'Wellington'.
339. Final ng has become (n) in unstressed syllables: reckoning^ standing,
farthing etc.
1) (n99cl, m'vtl) is only used in the phrase (thik i?z u naad) 'so thick as a
wood'. On the form of the article see § 126.
2) Compare also standard English concubine, conglomerate and some more
con-words, also to encase. As a rule, however, standard English shows no
assimilation; most words have (kon-, en-), not (kong-, eng-), at least in
careful speaking. The assimilation is probably more usual in the dialect, but
there are no con- words in the Glossary and the words with en- lose their
first syllable.
3) Cp. also yeavellng 'evening-' in the 18*^ century Glossary by
Devoiiiensis, published in the Exm. Sc. (§ 261); on the same change in vulgar
English see Storm Engl. Philol. p. 82o.
4) See Glossary s. v. broken-hearted, broken victuals.
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ME.
no-, p, h, r. 83
340. (bwlni) is not the same word as literary hung', compare horn in Dutch
(see NED.).
2. Labials. ME. I).
341. Apricot with (b) for jj is not a case of medial p being voiced (see §§
369^ 382), for h is the original consonant.
342. (tiedlook) cannot be the same word as padlock. But this transcription
may be due to a mistake. At least in the Wdb. p. 868 Elworthy gives the
pronunciation (psedlook). In the body of the Wdb. s. v. padlock, however, he
explains the word as ^the short piece of wood used in forming a builder's
scaffold; one end rests on the wall, and the other upon the ledger or
horizontal piece of the scaffold'. As the Wdb. gives those words only, which
differ in some respect from the standard language, it may be that (psedlook)
has also its literary meaning in the dialect, in which case (tsedlook) might
be regarded as a printers error.
ME. b.
343. No (b) is spoken in thimhle, fumble etc.; see § 374. It is doubtful if
(v3stld Ap) is the same word as bustled up, for it means 'huddled up'. See §
349.
344. B has become (v) in marble, disturb{ance)\ see § 348. Note (Aml/g\?s)
for omnibus, (lE^gl) for label.
ME. f.
345. As a general rule initial (f) has been kept only in foreign words. Hence
pie s. is pronounced (voi'el), when the word means a smith's instrument, but
to file bills on a file is (foinl).
There are exceptions however: f occurs in the native words fain, fair, fare,
ferry, fee, filth; (v) in flank (see § 349). With regard to flank it is to be
noted that three more foreign words are occasionally or invariably given with
(vl): flame, flippayit, flue.
Probably fl has become (vl) in foreign words as well as native (see § 363).
Moreover, according to § 68, any word usually beginning with (v) may be
pronounced with (f) when spoken emphatically: "Tidn a town, 'tis a
fillage, I tell 'ee.'
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llistorv of the Sounds.
346. Medial /"bas been replaced by p in heautiful (batipc^l /. Note also
(tMru) ^tiirf. Loss of f in fiftli^ Pfty\ fifteen is transcribed with f:
(viiftin), but that is probably due to the influence of standard English.
347. Words originally ending in final f have levelled their pronunciation
under the inflected forms; hence (v) in calf, half, staff, Jcnife, life,
wife, leaf, sheaf, loaf, in which standard English still has the double
forms, and also in roof, cliff. See § 365.
348. Final (f) has become (p) in Joseph (see Wdb. s. v. proud).
Unstressed final f has been lost in mischief, plaintiff, handkerchief (but
see § 405), — self^), of. In one word f has been lost in a stressed syllable;
{\ee) Hief; see § 354.
(bE^li) ^bailiff corresponds to ME. hailli, a French variant of bailiff (see
NED. s. v. bailie).
ME. V.
349. Initial ME. v (from French v-, and OE. f-) has usually been preserved.
Elworthy gives initial (b) in view, flank 'spark of fire'^ see § 355.
On initial (dh) in veryy vouch, veal, vetches see § 357»
350. Medial v has often turned to (w), which when vocalized formed a
diphthong with the preceding vowel. Hence (AA) in navel, gravel, awkward. See
also zewnteen § 351. For literary instances cp. awkward, cowl, hawk, auger,
newt^). Shovel has (ou), where v has become (w); and (9b1), where V has been
lost (but it seems to have raised ME. o to o; cp. literary oi)en, and
Windhill (zvu) 'ever', (ivrz) 'every', (nuvl) 'novel', (nuvis) 'novice'). See
Add.
Navel, clavel, gravel are sometimes pronounced with (-a^l), which points to
loss of v^). See also § 352.
(dryyl^r) 'driveller' may also be an instance of vocalisation of V, but
perhaps the word should be connected with Dutch druilen.
1) Exm. Sc. line 73 spells tliyzell.
2) For ME instances see Kluge, Grundriss, p. 1050. The modern Northern
dialects also show this development. Compare doul 'devil'^ dow, doo 'dove'
(see NED. s. v. devil, dove).
3) Exm. Sc. line 136 spells na'el.
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MK.
V, th. 85
351. In eleveUj seven, heaven, navvji, 7iavigate, savage, eft V, f are
pronounced (b). The form zeumieen (Exm. Sc. line 28) makes it probable that
these forms are dialectal modifications of the literary sounds^).
Note (eendiloop) ^envelope'.
352. Medial v is also lost in harvest, marvel, even as, fives. Cp. the
spelling* harest in Exni. Sc. line 31; also her{r)ust in ME. (see NED. s. v.
harvest).
353. For (f) in cleave, heave, leave see §§ 446 ff.
354. (v) has also disappeared in give, forgive, have^^), lieve, above, serve,
-ive (see Gloss, i. v. almsive, expensive etc.).
Cp. the standard forms has, had, head, neer, o'er, where, however, v is not
final.
355. Curve, valve have (b).
The former may represent ME. courben (found in Langland); cp. also
curb-chain.
3. ME. Dental: tb.
356. According- to the rule for initial open consonants initial th is
pronounced (dh).
In WSD. thicJc, thief, thin, thirst, thirsty, thirty, though have (th), but
of these thin is in WSG. (p. 19) transcribed with both (dh) and (th).
Thirsty is most probably a literary loan-word, for the proper dialectal word
is dry. Thirty, also, may have been influenced by standard English; at least
third is transcribed with (th) in W8G., with (dh) in WSD. Here again WSD.,
which treats of the sounds only, seems to give the pure dialectal
pronunciation, (thif) may also be suspected for in this dialect we should
expect a final (v) cp. § 347. Thin is not a dialectal
1) Probably the sound is neither (v) nor (b), but a labial instead of a
labiodental v, as a labial consonant (in) follows in all cases. (§ 336.)
In standard English 7n in nymph in the same way often becomes labiodental on
account of the labiodental (f) that follows (pointed out by Sweet, Primer of
Phonetics § 222).
2) Before a vowel the pronunciation is sometimes (aav); or, before m, n
(aab), see § 351. It is most likely, however, that these pronunciations (aav,
aab) are dialectal adaptations of the standard sounds.
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History of the Sounds.
word, but borrowed from literary English, wliicli adopted it from Old Norse.
357. On (th, dh) Ehvortliy remarks (W8D. p. 17): "f\v and th, dh seem to
be interchangeable sounds". This is a well-known phenomenon, in many
English dialects and also in children's English. The interchange is
especially easy when (th, dh) are pronounced interdentally. When they are
post-dentals the sounds are apt to become hisses (see § 366 on moss), or (in
the case of voiced th), a (d). Horn, Beitr. p. 92 f . has collected most of
the instances of (f) for (th), and (th) for (f) in the modern English
dialects. He does not distinctly say, however, that th in the Southern
dialects means (dh), when initial. I shall complete the West Somerset
examples (§§ 358 ff.), and add a few here that I have met with from earlier
texts: 7iathe 'nave of a wheel' in Fitzherbert's Husbandry ed. Skeat (EDS.)
p. 14 1. 9 (quoted by Elworthy, Wdb. s. v. ratheripe), siethe 'cive, chive'
in Tusser (in the South of Scotland also V is pronounced dh in cive: NED.).
See Kluge, Grundriss p. 1008. On the phonetic nature of the change Horn,
Beitrage p. 93 says: 'Dass in reiner mundart cine solche gclegentliclie
vertauschung zweier lautc (viz. th and f) ausgeschlossen ist, liegt auf der
hand.' The position of the vocal organs in pronouncing interdental (th) and
/", however, and also the acoustic effect are so nearly the same that
there is no reason to doubt the possibility of an interchange of the two
sounds, not only in the same dialect, but even in the same person. I remember
hearing a preacher pronounce (f) in through, but not in any other word. See
also § 358 on (d) in thistle etc.
358. Initial th i. e. (dh) is pronounced (v) in thatch. Elworthy gives
initial (f) in thatch, thirsty, something, but the voicelessness of the
initial consonant is almost certainly due to standard English: for thatch a
pronunciation with (dh) is also given, thirsty is probably not dialectal (§
356).
We also find (dh) for (v): very, vouch, veal, vetches.
In thistle, thatch and in the art. the some dialect-speakers use an initial
(d); see § 357, and compare datch in Devonshire (Hewett p. 70).
359. Initial th has been lust in than, these, that^), them (ME. him'}) .
1) That, as a pronoun, never loses its initial consonant.
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ME.
s. 87
(AAf) 'tli(>ii«:!:li' probably represents OE. of. It seems to be specially
used in the combination us though e. g. (tid-n sEum-z AAf onibAAdi k^ul giui
dhurzSl) 'It is not the same as though one could go oneself.'
Initial thr- is pronounced (dr-): fhi'ee, threshold etc.
360. Medial th is pronounced (v) in lathe; both (v) and (dh) in breathe adj.,
rathe.
After r it has become (d): farther, farthing. Also (d) in fiddle (ME. fthel).
361. Final th is pronounced (f) in cloth, moth, sheath, tooth, teeth, health,
lath, mouth and ''other words which in lit. English have a sing, (th), plur.
(dhz)".
In tooth, teeth, mouth the final consonant is also given as (dh) and (th).
South and youth have (dh).
Clothes is pronounced (klo^z, kloz) and (tlaadh^?rz). The former is probably
due to standard English, which often omits (dh) in clothes (see Storm Engl.
phil. p. 384).
362. Final th is pronounced (t) in filth, girth, seventh, plinth', perhaps
also in (leent) 'loan' (cp. lenth in Hartland, but see NED. s. v. lent s. ^).
For filth forms with final t occur from the 16*^ century. This form is
perhaps due to substitution of a different suffix. Such forms as ME. pefte
{<pefpe) might give rise to a new suffix -te (Kluge p. 1008). This
explanation is also possible for seventh (cp. fifte in ME.), and le^it. See
Add.
Plinth from French plinthe has a (t) regularly.
(th) is lost in northward, with, mouths. For with (wee) cp. wi\ wey in Exm.
Sc. lines 19, 32. For (m3ns) 'months', a pronunciation not unknown in
standard English, cp. OE. weorscipe for weordscipe etc. (Mod. Lang. Notes
vol. 18 p. 241). The loss of a consonant between two others is common in Old
English (Element § 533); for (nArnd) 'northward' cp. also the standard
pronunciation of southwesfer without th,
4. Alveolars. ME. s.
363. Initial s before vowels has been preserved only in foreign words, but
even those often have (z). Before voiceless consonants (s) or (z-s) are
pronounced but in one case Elworthy gives (zk) viz. sketch; both (z-s) and
(zk) can only mean that the
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History of the Sounds.
on-glide is voiced^). Before I,???, n both (z) and (s) are given, usually the
former.
The present dialect shows several instances of initial s^ where the literary
language does not pronounce it: scrawl j snotcli, snip, splat, squiiisy, sprong,
for literary crawl, notchy nip, plait etc., also (skwak^ti) ^quack' v.,
(mooldur) ^smoulder'. This is a variation well-known in the Indogermanic
languages; see NED. s. v. craunch, and, for some new instances in English,
Holthausen in H. A. CXI and Idg. Forschungen 14.
364. Medial s has been voiced in husMn, hence (b^zgin). It has been stopped
to (d) in is not, was not.
In 7*eason the Wdb. (List of common literary words p. 869) gives (reesn), but
perhaps this is a misprint, for in the WSD. Elworthy had given (z).
(maslEsj ^molest' is of course due to the first syllable being replaced by
the prefix mis-.
Medial s seems to have become (sh) in nuisance, license by substitution of a
suffix (-sh^ns) for the original ending.
365. This, fleece, goose, geese, hoarse, house, mouse, moss (see § 366),
noose, price s., puss[y), since have a final (z). Other words have both (z)
and (s): dose, pace, case\ mouse has (z), mice has (s) and (z).
In some of these words, e. g. this, house, goose, mouse (z) may be due to the
inflected forms; see § 347. On unstressed .9 compare § 530.
366. Overplus, nonplus, liquorice have a final (-sh); perhaps (-ish) is a
suffix (§ 469). For (idzh) in notice see § 480. Moss is pronounced (myyz);
the other transcriptions (mAAs, mAAth) are clearly literary pronunciations;
for the interchange of (th) and (s) see § 357, and compare Windhill (sidh^z)
'scissors' and the change of p to s in Old Northumbrian (Element. § 569).
367. (s) has been lost in tusJc, after it had become final (§ 395) and could
be taken for the plural ending (§ 466).
ME. sh.
368. Like the other initial open consonants sh has usually become (zh), but a
few words are given with both (sh) and
1) In Ellis V p. 40 Elworthy states that before k, I, w, n, w the pronunciation
is (z). To (zkektsh) he remarks 'almost two syllables'.
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ME.
sh, t, d. 89
(zh). Initial (zli) is liable to become (z); it always does so in shrug; see
also the Glossary s. v. shriek^ shrinlc. On ch see §§ 383 f .
ME. t.
369. As a rule t has remained unchanged. Only between vowels and vowel-like
consonants it has occasionally become voiced. Hence (d) in heifer^ bottle,
little, Saturday , reticule y mattoclx, water. About has (d) before a vowel.
After, cutter, potato have both (t) and (d); their (t) is perhaps due to
literary influence. On potato see § 373.
On this development see § 382; cp. also the ME. spellings edhalde, geade in the
Lambeth ms. (Cohn diss. p. 26).
(bAdi?m) ^bottom' may correspond to ME. boddom.
Note that medial t is not affected by a following u: (nE^tt'r)
""nature'.
For (kaapikt?!) 'capital' see § 480 b.
370. Some words have final (t) added; on the nouns see §§ 473. 481; on the
verbs §§ 446 ff.
371. (t) is lost after (p, f, k, s): co7'rect, fact, except, tempt, drift,
cast: also in unstressed syllables: collect, architect, bankrupt, artist etc.
After other (i. e. vowel-like) consonants (t) has usually been preserved
-.joint, part, the suffixes (-'Bnt), (-m'snt). Covert has no (t), perhaps
through the influence of cover.
Cannot is pronounced (kaan), before vowels as well as before consonants.
This loss of final t was not unknown to earlv standard English; cp. the
pronunciation of bankrupt without t given by Jones (Koppel p. lij) and van
Dam and Stoffel Chapters on English Printing etc.
Mist, misty are transcribed (raEs), (niEsti) in WSD., but the pronunciations
given by the Wdb.: (mosk)^ (moski) are no doubt the genuine dialectal ones.
ME. d.
372. Medial d has been opened in the group der just as in literary English,
(e.g. father, mother, loeather). In mead both (d) and (dh) are pronounced;
methe is found as early as Chaucer.
373. Medial d between vowels has in some words become (r): nobody, impudent
impudence, model, eddish^ also in get
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90
Historv of the Sounds.
aicay (g-jl'lriiwge). On (tEiuli; ^potato' Dr. Murray remarks (WSG. p. 112):
the d sounded exactly like "a dental or true Northern r"; this (r)
also accounts for the vowel in the transcription (t3ti), witli which we may
compare (gj^lr'Bwee).
The change of d to r occurs in other English dialects: (porei?ts) ^potatoes'
(Windhill § 286), and the rule in Windhill §290: "The t in all verbal
forms ending in t preceded by a short vowel, appears as r when the next word
begins with a vowel. We regularly say: (amit im ivri deo) ^I meet him every
day'; but (amer im ivri dea) 'I met him every day';" in Adlington
(preett'z) 'potatoes' (§ 74, 7), ger up etc., also (anibri) 'anybody' (§
75,4); finally in standard porridge (from pottage).
Passy (Changements Phonetiques § 327) gives instances from the dialect of
Copenhagen, Old French {mire from rnedicum), and Maori {Rawiri = David). Dr.
Biilbring kindly informs me that the change is ^'common in certain Low-German
dialects, f. i., of Voerde, Kreis vSchwelm: arolf 'Adolf, piere Tferde', here
'Bett', icere 'Wette';" also in the closely related dialect of N.
Groningen (Holland), where bed, e. g., is pronounced (bEEr). In South African
Dutch the plural of meit 'servant' is both meide, metre.
That the transition is easy, is also shown by the change of medial r to d:
standard English paddock (OE. pearroc),. where the ^V'. Somerset dialect has
preserved the original r (parik); also Italian ratZo from raro, and South
African Dutch nesJHedig (also nesMerig) from Dutch nieuwsgierig.
Medial d, followed by (j) becomes (dzh): immediately, ohedieiit, odious. This
change is also heard in standard English, at least from fast speakers.
Loss of d occurs in little.
The absence of (d) in noddle, meddle points to forms witliout d: OE. Jinoll,
French meler (cp. also Windhill 7nel).
374. In the combinations -rl-, -Ir-, -mr-, -nr-, where the second sound is a
vowel-like cons, (if not a vowel: r), (d) is inserted; see marl, snarl,
tailor etc.^j.
(Akr) 'alder' has kept its original form without d. Quarreling is transcribed
without (d), but that is probably an oversight, for quarrel is (kwAArdl).
1) Hence adj. in -?, -m, -n form their degrees of comparison by adding {dvr,
-dis) instead of (-nr, -is).
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Velars.
91
In -ndJe \(\.) is lost, or what comes to tlie same tiling; assimilated to
tlie prcccdini;' (n): caudle, handle etc. See § 34o.
375. In breadth, width the final consonant unvoices d: hence (t-tli).
(gour) 'goad' shows no change of (d) to (r) but represents ME. gar.
376. Unstressed final d after a vowel has often become (t): ballad, salad,
pur amid, orchard ^), taiikard^)^ also errand (§378).
Compare ballats (Milton), balad and balet (Cooper in Ellis IV p. 1029),
sallets (in Shakespeare, quoted by Storm, Eng. pliil. p. S22). ME. instances
in Cohu diss. p. 24 f. (Iiefet 'head', meidenhat, pasent etc.). For OE.
instances see Element. § 566.
(tlaat) 'clod' corresponds to ME. clotfe.
377. After consonants final d disappears, if the following word begins with a
consonant, in bald, sea/fold, lajid'^) etc., also in compounds like
bald-faced, landlord'., and in unstressed syllables: mangold, threshold.
On the loss of final d in OE. anweal, geon a. o. see Klaeber, Mod. Lang.
Notes, 18 p. 244.
378. (d) is added after mile, foal, fond. The last word may be literary, and
perhaps the two others are mistaken attempts at the literary pronunciation.
Cp.
dial. (l?en) = lit. land dial, (baal) = lit. bald hence (moil) = lit.
"^mild. This explanation is supported by the pronunciation of mild adj.
without (d).
In a similar way (t) in errand may be the dialectal pronunciation of the
standard sound, but also another explanation is possible (see § 473).
5. Velars.
379. Before front-vowels the velar consonants are palatalized. It seems,
however, that the accoustic difference is small, for the same word is
occasionally given with both (k, kj), (^' g'j)' 6- g- c((^^fj call, cart,
cat, gas, ghastly.
1) Note that orchard, tankard end in (Et). See § 478.
2) Beard, beardless etc., and the suffix (iJrd) keep their (d) as the dialect
treats r as a vowel (see p. 24, note 1).
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History of the Sounds.
On this pronunciation cp. Ellis I p. 206. It is still given by Walker (Storm,
Eng-. Phil. p. 370).
ME. k.
380. The combination (kl) is in tlie Wdb. regularly replaced by (tl); it is
evident that the peculiar pronunciation was not remarked by Mr. Ehvorthy when
compiling WSD. EUis (EEP. 4 p. 1325) considered it "very general even
among educated people". The sound is given for many dialects in Ellis
and may occur much oftener (for the peculiarity is not marked enough always
to be heard by untrained informants, and from such most of Ellis's materials
are drawn ^).
Medial (kl) remains in W. Somerset; see the Glossary s. V. inJding, Jcickle.
Cp. standard bricMe, brittle; cracMing, cratling (but cratling may be derived
from critling). The W. Somerset pronunciation (brEuntQitis, bSrntoitis)
^bronchitis' is most probably due to some popular etymology.
The change of (k) to (t) occurs also in other combinations however; compare
(twiitsh) ^couch'; and for the Windhill dialect see Wright § 324, and also
bere § 301 note.
Even single Jc and t sometimes interchange; Ehvorthy gives (tik vin* tak)
'tit for tat', (tadli wingk, kidli wingk) 'tiddly-wink, an unlicensed
public-house'.
These last instances are, of course, onomatopoetic, and show that the
acoustic difference between (k) and (t) is often small ^).
It is curious thas (gl) does not become (dl) in W. Somerset, although many
other dialects have both changes from M > tl and gl > dl.
381. Initial (sk) occurs in words that are almost certainly dialectal:
(skiit) 'skit' (cp. OE. scitta), (sk^r) 'skur', (ski^r) ^skeer' (cp. Dutch
langs liet water scJieren and Hartlaud skerry 'to glide upon the ice';
perhaps also (skivi?r) 'skewer'.
1) That the transcriptions with (1^1) cannot always be correct seems fairly
certain from a collection of the evidence in Ellis (Horn Beitr.), according
to which (1^1) and (tl) would be scattered over the country in the most
haphazard fashion.
2) Compare the change of (tju) >- (kju) in the Ulster dialect (H. C. Hart,
Transactions of the Piiilological Society 1899—1901, p. 90): skeward, skeiv^
cube, kune, kutor for literary steward, stew, tube, tune, tutor.
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ME.
k, g, h. 93
382. ^[cdial Ji is pronounced (k) and (g*) in poclcetj equaL Probably the
former pronunciation is due to standard English. See also § 31)9. Llkej
before a vowel, is (1/g), by ^satzphonetik'. Unstressed (k; has been lost in
character.
383. The dialect pronounces (tsh) in archangel, architect, plank, cackle.
In archangel the (tsh) is, of course, due to the pronunciation of the prefix
in all other words: also in architect, which was analysed as arch + itect.
(pliensh) corresponds to French planche', (tshakl) points to an Old English
verb with initial c.
Note 1 tshAl^r) 'jaw', which has become jole in standard English.
384. Some nouns have final (k) for standard ch: stench, hunch, icinch'^ also
the verbs helcli and wince.
(st/ngk) may be due to the verb; for hunch, to helch variant forms with A'
occur (see NED.), also for ivince v. (see Skeat, Concise Et. Diet.).
On final t in leak, bleat see § 526.
ME. g.
385. On initial g see § 379; on gl see § 380.
Initial (g) in (g^^k^^) "cuckoo' may be due to the old word for cuckoo
(OE. geac), but {^ddkdd) is of course imi~ tative.
386. In faggot, spigot g has become (k), but (g) is pronounced in wagon,
maggot. Cp. § 382.
On OE. medial g in words like follow see § 406 ff.
For (gj in hawthorn cp. Wyld, Transactions of the Philological Society, 1899
— 1901 p. 247ff.; also (eeg) in Adlington (§ 35, 1 Note).
ME. h.
387. As a rule initial h is not pronounced in the dialect. In a few cases
both pronunciations, with and without h, are given (but in cliff ereyit
books)\ in a few others h only: handkerchief, heave, hazel, harsh] hail, hay,
hope. In most of these the transcription with (h) is probably due to the
spelling or the standard pronunciation.
Initial h is not impossible in the dialect, however. It is quite common when
a word is pronounced emphatically. In
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}[istorv of tlio. SoundK.
,siicli circumstances it is also lieard wlien a word usually begins with a
vowel; hence we find (h) in active, ignorance, ngltj, odious; also in article,
artist where the emphasis may be due to the word being* unfamiliar to
dialect-speakers. Cp. Elworthy's remark, quoted in § 397.
388. The cond)ination -ht is pronounced (ft) in 02ight, draught. On brought,
daughter, thoiigt, {n)aught, without (f) see Ch. IV §§522ff.
389. Final ME, h has occasionally become 'f), sometimes it is entirely lost.
(f) is pronounced in cough, dough, slough, though, tough, laugh. In cough,
sloughy tough literary influence is possible. But (f) in dough, though cannot
be suspected (cp. moreover the spelling tJiofe, quoted by Gasner p. 111).
Also (f) in sigh V.
The consonant has disappeared in hough, enough, plough, slough, trough,
through. These forms are probably genuine dialectal pronunciations. As to
(plEu)^ note that the w^ord means ^team'; for literary plough see the
Glossary s. v. sull. And (jedzh-tro, -trA) 'ditch or drain at the side of a
hedge' shows that trough also is dialectal.
There is a third pronunciation, with ( -k): hoch, agreeing in its final
consonant with the standard pronunciation.
The forms in other dialects and the remarks of the Early MnE. grammarians on
final -h have been collected by Horn, Beitrage. It is difficult, however, to
account for the threefold development. Koppel (H. A. 104 p. 36ff.) explains
the forms without loss of h from the inflected forms, but that does not
account for through', through, however, may have lost its h before vowels
first, afterwards in all positions. HocTc is explained by the NED. from the
compound hohsinu\ but (k) occurs in other forms also, e. g. fieck, fleak
'flea' (Horn, Beitr. p. 73),
Metathesis.
R.
390. Transposition of praevocalic r is very common, j^ee § 66.
Some words keep r in the same position as standard English: risk, Christmas,
grid-iron, grill, prince etc. Occasi-
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Metathesis.
Stress. 05
or.ally prouimciations with ami without transposition are given: hr indie,
crush, crust, fringe, rich a. o.
It seems most likely that the words without r-transposition arc influenced by
the standard pronunciation,
391. Postvocalic r has become pracvocalic in m'n, birthday. Elworthy points
out that the word 'tay-rim' is probably a mistaken attempt at standard
English; note that a tea-urn is a 'mark of gentility'.
L.
392. Needle, world have their I transposed: (niul)? (wardl). Cp. the ME.
forms neld, wordle (Kliige Grundr. p. 1016).
S.
393. Sk, sp have become Jcs, ps in (aksn) 'ashes', askj aspen J clasp, gasp,
hasp, ivasp, crisp. Also transposition in (haals, bAAls) 'hazel'. Cp. the
transposition of s in OE. (Elem. § 520).
394. In some words (k) seems lost after s: taslc, desk and also usually
(invariably before consonants) in cask, flask etc. These forms are perhaps
due to the standard pronunciation.
395. In rasp, tusk, wisp the s is lost. (rE^p) shows that the present dialect
had the form rapen (see NED. s. v. rape v.^, and rape s.^). Tusk would
regularly be tuks (cp. OE. tuxas), which, if taken for a plural (see § 466),
would become (tSk). (w9ip) is clearly a different word from literary wisp]
(see Glossary).
IV. Unstressed Syllables. Stress.
396. Elworthy does not specially treat of stress. As far as can be gathered
from his materials, however, the dialect agrees on the whole with the
standard language.
397. Compounds often have level stress, e.g. newfangled, open-hearted J
sweetheart, malt-house, dust-house, hoard-apples, skew-fashion (Gloss, i. v.
askew), well-hred, thoroughbred, dead-alive, fourfoot^).
1) Level stress in portmanteau (pAs'msen'l) and dragoon (draeg'gaan*) is
clearly due to popular etymology 5 (pAs'mseu"!) suggests 'post-mantle'.
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96
History of the Sounds.
Words with the prefix re- have level stress: reserve j repeat, retire, resign
etc. Elworthy (Wdb. s. v. re-) remarks:
"The vocabulary is very small in these words, and that, coupled with the
fact that the speakers feel them to be 'fine' words, causes them always to be
emphasized on both syllables." See also § 401.
Words with other prefixes are also given with level stress, e. g. indebted,
mistrust, survey v. s., contract v. s.; see also Glossary s. v. digested.
398. But sometimes compounds seem to have uneven stress: not only French-nut,
overplus, decoy-duck, home-stead, saw-pit, cock-light, forehead, where
Elworthy omits the stress-mark^) but also fortnight, where the vowel proves
weak stress 2).
399. The prefixes mis , con- are not marked with stress in mislead, mislay,
conduct v. and s. (cp. §§ 397, 401 ff.).
The prefix in- must have been unstressed in some words, for it is lost in
inquest (kwses) etc. (see § 415).
400. In the following words the dialect deviates from standard English
stress: a'cademy, a'ccept, adverti'sement, po'lice, almo'st, di'gestion.
On the shifting of stress in diphthongs, see §§516ff.
(i).
401. (i) is pronounced
in the prefixes be-, de-, dis-, pre-, re-. in the suffixes -ed (blessed,
hatred, massacred), -ing^), -less, -et, ness.
It is also heard in timid, splendid, rubbish, merit, spirit,
lesson, jealous, necklace, Nicholas, mattrass, traverse, justice,
value, retinue, lettuce, auriculus (see § 408), suffocate, -day,
chamois, ornament, propagate, sacrament, situation, occupy.
Occasionally the sound is lower: (e) or [i), see §§ 402 ff.
1) These cases are not quite certain, for Elworthy as he did not pay special
attention to stress, may occasionally have omitted the dot denoting strong
stress.
2) For pent-Jiouse see Ch. IV § 535.
3) Especially in the pres. part. But farthing, pudding are pron. (vaardn),
(pSdn); in these words -ing had no independent function, hence it had weaker
stress-
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Unstressed
(i, e, i v). 97
The prefix de- is pronounced (dii) in depend, decease (WSD.); 1)nt also,
according to the 'List of common literary words' (Wdb.), in deceit, deceive,
defend, default, degree. Of these last words WSD. gives only deceit (with
dee) and defend (feen). The Wdb. gives {dee) in decrease, deliberate,
deliver, deserted, deserve.
There is no doubt tliat (dii, dee), and probably also (di), are due to
standard English; the genuine dialectal words have lost the prefix: compare
deceit, deceive with (dii, dee) and deceptive with loss of prefix (§ 415).
Cp. § 397.
(e).
402. (e) is heard in the suffix -ness (higness), fifteen sixteen [in WSD.,
but WSG. gives (i)].
403. The plural of nouns ending in a hissing sound is formed by adding (ez).
Only two words, assizes, fists, are transcribed with (i) ^). This shows that
the plural ending has a decidedly weak stress, for the other forms, where (e)
is occasionally given, have oftener (i).
(i).
404. By the side of (i) we also find (i) in the prefix 7nis-: mislay.
in the endings -ec^ {fixed, enlisted etc.), -ect {collect s., object s.,
perfect), -ing {concerning, shambling a. o.), -Ii7ig, {seedling), -{i)on
{beacon, flagon, pension), -ock {bullock, hassock, mattock), -age {damage,
passage etc.); also in convict, verdict, stomach, carcase, palace, verjuice,
dubious, article, multitude, situation, apricot.
(^).
405. (^) is the natural vowel. Many words with (i, e, i) are pronounced with
(^), when spoken with the weakest stress. (^) is given in the ending -ed
{knotted, indebted, planted a. o.), -on {tenon, tenant), -ture {scripture,
nature, venture)^)'., also in already, amid, lissom, handkerchief'^).
1) WSD. p. 17 gives (saizez); p. 6 (vaistez).
2) (tsh'er) instead of -(t'er) in lecture, feature^ future, torture shows
that these words are borrowed from literary English.
3) Tlie other words in -ief have (i): ("Br) in handkerchief ought,
therefore, to be explained as representing kercher (occurring since the 15th
cent.; see NED.).
Bonner Beitr. z. Anglistik. Heft 18. 7
_. .^^**^^^^ __ _ CAMPBELl^_ _____
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98
Historv of the Sounds.
Literary -ow.
406. Literary -ow (OE. -g-^ -w-) is usually {-v.x): harrow, bellow v.,
hillow, fallow, felloe, fellow, harrow, hollow, marrow, meadoic, mellow,
morroic, pillow (see §413), sallow, shadow, shallow, sparrow, swallow,
tallow, widow, willow, window.
The literary pronunciation represents the inflected forms; the dialectal -er
may be an independent development of the same forms {-er occurs as early as
the 17*^ century) but it may also be due to the older standard
pronunciation^). See §§ 407 ff.
407. A few words end in (-1): aloes, bellows, borrow, farrow v., follow, furrow,
gallows, minnow, sinew, wallow v.
For bellow v. both (b^li^r' and (bSlvi) are given fsee § 413), for mallows
(maalis).
408. (is) in aloes, belloivs, gallows, and (zs) in mallows may be compared
with (raaklis) 'auricula', formerly also in literary English called
auriculus, (boolis) 'bolus' a. o. (see § 401). Another explanation, however,
is also possible, at least for some of these words; see § 409.
For minnotc there is a ME. form nienuse, menuce\ this might become (minis)
according to § 408, or if taken for a plural, (miniz), see § 530; (mmiz)
might give rise to a new sing. (mini). In the same way we can account for
(zini) 'sinew'. See § 466.
409. Some of the w^ords with (i) had an i already in OE.: bellows, willow
were in OE. bel{i)g, byl{i)g, wel{i)g, wyl{i)g. Thus the W. Somerset (b31is)
and Cumberland willy may be accounted for.
A later (ME.) palatalisation of j may explain (-i) in furrow, gallows; also
some forms given for other dialects, such as sally 'sallow' (Worcester,
Gloucester). On this palatalisation see Kluge, Grundriss p. 999; cp. also ME.
dweri, OE. dweorg.
410. The explanation given in § 409 cannot account for final (-i) in all the
nouns mentioned in § 407. Aloes, mallow, minnow^ sinew are not recorded with
a final -i, either in OE. or in ME., and such an ending from older w would
also be difficult to explain.
V) The present standard pronunciation {■on) is no doubt duo to the spelling -ow. The regular
standard sound would be {-v); cp. (-B) in thorough, -borough. See Add.
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Literary
-ow. Strong' Secondary stress. 09
•»
Tlie t'urui feUij 'fellow' used in Yorkshire is also more likely to be a modern
developmeut (as explained in § 408) than the result of an OE. or ME. form
with i.
411. <-i) in folloio corresponds to the ending of ME. folieUj which may
l)e a blending of OE. fylgan and folglan.
For far roic palatalisation of the final consonant {OE.fearh) is possible (§
4u9).
It is difficult to explain (bAAri) 'borrow' thus, for palatalisation with a
back vowel in the preceding syllable does not occur. Moreover, (gjali)
^gallow' from OE. agcelwan requires a different explanation. Perhaps these
forms are new- formations from the forms without w, e. g. from the preterites
(cp. Sievers Ags. gr. § 408, and Anm. 3, 4, 5 and here §§ 446 ff .).
In two verbs OE. g has regularly become w^ which subsequently turned into c
(§318): (baivi) 'to bellow', (wAAlvi) 'to wallow' (for the ending i see §
To).
412. To explain i^vaarth) 'farrow' it should be noted that the Wdb. s, v.
cmili explains its meaning as 'a litter of pigs'. This shows that (th) is a
suffix (see § 482 b) and that farrow has really become (vaar), just as furrow
has become (vo^r).
413. Three nouns in -ow show no trace of the ending: furrow ^vov?r), pillow
(piv?l) and winnow (worn); see also §412. For (vom-) cp. ME. fore, vore (OE.
furh).
(pi'ul) corresponds with ME. pile /^OE. pyle).
(w9m) seems to be another word than winnow.
The inflected forms are represented by (palBr). Cp. the two dialectal forms
for shade and shadow. It is, therefore, possible that both p9li?i) and (piBl)
are genuine. But it seems more likely that (poK'r) is a dialectal adaptation
of the older standard pronunciation, especially because the double form is
not supported by a difference of meaning^ as in the case of shade (shind),
shadow (shaed^). Besides, (shit^d) and (shj^d^) also, may be borrowings from
Standard English. Compare also the double prommciation of bellow v. (§ 407).
Strong Secondary Stress.
414. The history of vow^els with strong secondary stress iloes not differ
from tliat of the stressed vowels. Cp. (ae) in €irchffect; (E) in orchard,
tanlard, expense\ (AAj in apricot \
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