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 (delwedd B2580) (tudalen 64)
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REVUE CELTIQUE TOME IX 1888
NOTES ON WELSH CONSONANTS
BY DR. M. NETTLAU
(Vienna, III, Rennweg, 2. May 28, 1887)
Introductory Remarks.
As to information about the manuscripts and books quoted in the following
notes I refer the reader to the introduction of my “Beiträge zur cymrischen
grammatik. I (einleitung und vocalismus). Leipzig, März-April 1887, 79 pp.
8°” (p. 4-33). The following abbreviations are used for some of the more
frequently cited sources:
Manuscripts: A: the oldest Ms. of the Venedotian Law-code, printed in “Ancient
Laws and Institutes of Wales... ed. by Aneurin Owen” London, 1841, fol.
(“Beitr.”, p. 11).
B: Ms. Cott. Tit. D 2, Venedotian Code (1. c, p. 12).
Cleop. B 5: a Gwentian 15 th. cent. Ms. (1. c, p. 16).
E: Addit. Ms. 14931, Venedotian Code (1. c, p. 12).
B. of Herg.: the Red Book of Hergest; the parts of this Ms. edited by John
Rhy^s and J. Gwenogfryn Evans (Oxford, 1887, vol. I) have been principally
quoted; on other edited and not edited parts see 1. c, p. 13-15.
Hgt. 202: a I4th. cent. Ms. edited by E. B. PhilHmore in YC, vol. VII.
Ies. Coll. 141: a late 15th. cent. Ms. (1. c, p. 14).
L: Cott., Tit. D 9, printed in Owen's Ancient Laws (Dimetian Code).
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 (delwedd B2581) (tudalen 65)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 65.
Lew. Dwnn: the autograph of a part of L. D.'s heraldic visitations, printed
in the first volume of “Heraldic Visitations of Wales and the Marches in the
time of Queen Elisabeth and James I by Lewis Dwnn, ed. by Sir Samuel Rush Meyrick,
1846 » (1. c, p. 21).
Ll. Achau: Llyfr Achau, printed in the Ilnd volume of the Heraldic
Visitations; cf. p. 58: « by me Hopkin ab Eignon of Breknock in }■ Countie of Breknock, painter, finished y ffirst of
November Anno Dni 1602 » (1. c, p. 21).
Ll. &iu. Rh.: Llyfr Gwyn Rhydderch, parts of which are edited in the Ilnd
volume of Robert Williams' Selections from 'Heng\\Tt Manuscripts (1. c. p.
16).
S: Add. Ms. 22356, a Cardiganshire-manuscript of the Di~ metian Code (1. c,
p. 13).
Tit. D 22: a Cottonian manuscript, parts of which are printed in Rees « Lifes
of the Cambro-British Saints, » 1853 and in YC. vol. HI and VIII (ed. by
Powel) (1. c, p. 16).
Y S. Gr.: Y Seint Greal, ed. by R. Williams, 1876 (1. c, p. 16).
Addit. Ms. 14013: a 16th. and 17th. cent. Southwelsh Ms., containing medical
tracts, etc.
14^21: a i6th. cent. Gv^^entian Ms., containing a translation of John
Maundeville's travels (fragment) (1. c, p. 33).
I4P7J: a Southwelsh Ms. (about 1640), in which amongst many other texts poems
of Rees Prichard (author of Cannwyll y Cymry) occur (1. c, p. 20).
14^86: a i6th. cent. Ms., containing two religions Interludes (1. c, p.
19-20).
i<)']0<): a i4-i5th. cent. historicalMs. (Gwentian dialect) (1. c. p.
16).
Add. Mss. 14909, 14923, 14944, 14945 and others: grammatical and lexical
collections by Lewis Morris and his brothers (1. c, p. 29-30).
Several other manuscripts are referred to occasionally; ail quotations giving
the folio of the Ms. I hâve seen myself.
BooKS: C. fzu. T.: Caban fewythr Tomos gan William Rees, 1853 (Merionethsh.
dialect).
C. y. C.: Cannwyll y Cymry, 1672 (1. c, p. 20). Revue Celtique, IX
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 (delwedd B2582) (tudalen 66)
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66 Nettlau.
D, S. Evans, llythr.: Llythyraeth yr iaeth Gymraeg gan D. S. Evans, 1861.
Hom. 1606: Pregethau a osodwyd allan tnvy awdurdod... (translated by) Edward
James (1. c, p. 24).
Hughes, 1S22: An essay on the ancient and present state ot the Welsh
language, with particular reference to its dialects, being the s abject
proposed by the Cambrian Society for the year 1822 (1. c, p. 26).
Gl. Gîu. G.: Llyfr Gweddi Gyffredin, the book of Common Frayer in Welsh,
extracts of which are reprinted in Y TraetL (1. c, p. 24).
Ll. y Rcs.: LMV y Resolution (Parson's Christian Resolutions) (translated by)
J. D. (se. John Davies), "1684,
containing in the appendix a dialectal glossary (1. c, p. 28).
Sal lex., N. T., prou.: William Salesbury's Welsh dictionary (1547, reprinted
1877), Testament Newydd, 1567 and on english pronunciation (reprinted in
EUis' Early Engl. Pron.).
Sp.: William Spurrell's Welsh dictionaries (1859, 186 1).
Szveet: Sweet's Spoken Korthwelsh in Transactions ot the Philological
Society, 1882-4.
Y drych Christ.: Y drych Christianogawl. Ed. by Rosier Smith, 1585 (1. c, p.
23-24).
Periodicals: Yr Ariu.: Yr Arweinydd sef Newyddiadur wythnosol, PwhheU, 1856-9
(1. c, p. 32).
Y Bed.: Y Bedyddiwr, Caerdydd 1849 sqq.
Y Gen.: Y Geninen, Caernarfon (vol. III, 1884-3).
- Y. C.: Y Cymmrodor, the Magazine of the Hon. Society of Cymmrodorion.
London, 1877 sqq.
Y Guyl.: Y Gwyliedydd, Bala, vol. VI, 1828 containing a dialectal glossary
(1. c, p. 31).
S. C.: Seren Cymru,, Newyddiadur Teuluaidd Pythefnosol, Caerfyrddin, 1856-60.
Y Traeth.: Y Traethodydd, Dinbych, Treifynnon, 1845, etc.
Y T. a'r G.: Y Tywysydd a'r Gymraes, Llanelli, 1852, etc^
I . The weekiy \Velsh periodicals not being enter ed in the General Catalogue
of the British Museum (Yr Arweinydd however is)^ I stated in
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 (delwedd B2583) (tudalen 67)
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Notes on Welsh Consonanîs. 67
I. — r AXD W (j AND ^•), CHW.
I . J is of most frequent occurence in ail the Brythonic languages before a
number of suffixes (Welsh -iaeth, -ion, -iad, etc.); in most of the cases it
is of no etymological value but only spread by analogy. I hâve not to discuss
here whence this analogy lirst sprang from, as this is a pre-Cymric question.
The dialects of North- and Southwales greatly differ as to the pronunciation
of this secondary j; it is said to suffer from the North to the South a
constant loss in strength of Sound, culminating in its dropping in the
southern dialects, in which it is very often not expressed in writing. No details
of the description and delimitation of the intermediate sounds hâve as yet
been given, and so it isvery difficulttoform a proper opinion on these
Southwelsh orthographies. J mayeither hâve never been transferred into these
forms or owing to its pronunciation being very feeble and perhaps only
palatalising the consonant upon which it folio ws it was not written. For a number
of j's before suffixes existed certainly, as is shown by the Dimetian plural
sgidshe, the Eastern-g^ventian scitshia (so occuring in popular texts, see §
5) = esgid-iau; also unstressed u and y before vowels are becoming j , and t
is palatalised into sh by them, cf. sha = tu a; so the phonetic alterations
on which Zeuss, gr. C.^, p. 1 69-1 71 (de zetacismo) treats with recrard to
the Cornish and Breton lans:uao;es are not absent in Welsh. J is said to be
inserted in Northwelsh dialects in « wrong » places by improper extension of
his usage. In medieval southern Mss. too, such extraordinary insertions of j occur
as in eidyaw^ tr6ydya6, d6ylya6, idia6, etc.; it is
a Beitr. » p. 31, that they were mostly not kept in this library. Thisis a mistake,
since they are entered in the special Catalogue of British Newspapers,
received at the Museum. If I had known this before, I might hâve spared much
time which I spent in looking over nearly the bulk of the monthly papers,
characterised 1. c. and might hâve found much information about dialects. I
am now going to use this source of information too. Cf. The Periodical
Literature of Wales during the Present Century, in Trans. of the Cardif
Eisteddf. (held 1883), pp. 214-236. [30.11.87.]
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 (delwedd B2584) (tudalen 68)
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68 Neîtlaii.
probable to me that these js were only inserted in writing by the Southwelsh
scribes, who themselves pronounced theletter very feebly or not at ail and
inserted it therefore sometimes where it had no place. In the contrary in the
Venedotian Ms. A ot the Howelian La\vs, doython occurs besides doythyon; this
must be compared with the }rd sing.-ws and with onadunt etc. in this text, these
being later only Southwelsh too and want a special examination; on onadunt
see YC. VIII, p. 135 squ.
2. The following references illustrate the above said. D. S. Evans,
llythyriaeth, § 189 has: Northw. tewion — Southw. tewon, etc. Some
Middle\velsh forms differing from the modem Hterary language are: L p. 176,
offeirat, p. 178 keinnaec, kyureitheu a breinheu; U p. 336 keissa6, p. 337 affeitheu,
p. 342 keina6c, p. 348 eidon, etc., but y (j) is also written very oiften in
the same Mss. A careful scribe denotes still an indistinctly pronounced j,
which another omits altogether. Each Ms. must be separately examined on this
point, as single examples cannot decide the question where j is due to the
'dialect and where to the scribe.
3 . Rlws points out in his Welsh loanwords (Arch. Cambr.), s. V. cera^^ium, that
the insertion of j before terminations commencino; with a vowel is « carried
to an extensive extent in some of the dialects of Northwales » and gives
jachjau, hirjaethu, ceirjos ^ — Southw. ceiros (cerasium), etc.; effieithio
is mentioned Y Traeth II, p. 34 (Th. Charles).
4. From Mss. cf.. ynyal6ch a difficith6cb didram6yeit, Red B. otHerg., col.
655 (Mab.); eidyawis of frequent occurence, cf. my article on the Welsh
jpronouns in Y Cymmrodor VIII, p. 140, where also tr6ydya6 and even d6ylya6,
occuring several times in Didrefn Casgliad are quoted. I add from S (Addit.
Ms. 2235 e): A g6edy hynny dyfod atty neb x benn-
I. Besides ceirios (the literan- form given by Spurrell, dict.) exists the later
surian, pi. suriahi (Sp.) from engl. cherry. Cf. sirianen a chery, Salesbury,
lex. 1547; E. Lhuyd, Arch. Brit. 1706 s. v. cerasum: Southw. Keiroesen (pron.
keirosen?) — Northw. sirianen; Hughes essay 1822: Northw. sirion — Southw.
ceirios (i from the Ut. form). Breton qeresen, qirisen (Rostr.); Corn, not in
Jago; gael. sirist; manx. shillish; ir. shih'n, Lluyd, silin (Begley, Foley).
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 (delwedd B2585) (tudalen 69)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 69
ffvmaed ida6 acheissiae orantae dvfod v 6rantu y march tdîa6 neu dalv v da yr
benftvgi6r f. 100 a; a oes vn anifieil f. 82 b (enifeil, anefeil f. "89
b); idiav Ms. T, Medd. Myddfai, I, § 129. Y Seint Greal: aelyodeu § 2,
twrneimyeint § 20, 21 (see Zeuss-, p. 86), mi a wasanaethyeis § 19, haedveist
§15, etc.; it is just this manuscript in which forms like oedy^vn, aethyost,
wydyem, doethyant occur oftener than in any other published hitherto; on these
forms see Rhj^s, Rev. Celt., VI, p. 47 n., \\\\o compares corn, wothyen to
cymr. wydywn, gwyddyat, etc.; at any rate the pleonastic use of y in this
text discredits somewhat this comparison as flir as regards to this text, the
other reasons in its favour and against it remaining of course unaltered by
this fact. — en er eidial, Cleop. B 5, f 3 b, 4 a, tu ar eidial f. 2 b;
Addit. Ms. 12 193 (15 10), translation of a work of Rolewinck: i wladychv yr Eidial
f. 13 b, Eidial f. 35 b (Eidal f. 38 b, 40 b, etc.): ynyd5^vyssyo^Taeth, E,
Addit. Ms. 1493 1, f. la, etc.; lyth cent.: Jachiawdwr, Add. Ms. 15005, f. G^
a.
5 . As to the Southwelsh alteration of t + j before vowels intosh, cf. Lewis
Morris, Addit. Ms. 14^2^, f. 134a: Southw. sïwnti beyond = Northw. tuhwnt i;
he intends to denote sh by sï as is proved by Southw. issïel = isel (ib. f.
133 b), cf. gwishgo in modem dialects, s before and after slender vowels and
j becoming sh in Southw^ales; shwnti from * tj-wnti, *ti-wnti, u and i being
nearly identical in Southw. pronunciation, see « Beitr. » § 67, 70. Cf. S. C.
(dimet.) ac fe a'th shag adre I, p. 292; pwy newy sy sha Llunden yna 'nawr I,
p. 232; gai ffordd glir i fyned shag adre I, p. 271, mynd sha gadre I, p.
332, etc. (= tu ag adref); sgidshe I, p. 449, etc. (= esgidiau), from
*sgidje. Y Gen. (gwent.) sha'r Rendra III, p. 19 in Eastern Glamorganshire =
tu a'r Hendref, sha'r Bont, scitsha (= esgidiau). S. C. be 'sharnati I, p.
272, be sharnat ti I, p. 291 (=pa beth sydd arnat ti); sharnat from *sj-drnat,
*sy-drnat. — R. Williams, lex. Cornubr. remarks to modem corn, jawl, jowl (E.
Lhuyd: dzhiawl) = cymr. diawl, that of this pronunciation of dj « are traces
in colloquial Welsh » (p. 102 b), but he gives no further particulars.
6. In Middlewelsh Mss., even in those written in Southw%
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 (delwedd B2586) (tudalen 70)
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70 Neîtlau.
dialects e is not seldom used to denote y (j); see Rh}^s, lect. 2, p. 234. It
is not clear to me whether e is the orthograph of a dialect in which j was
distinctly pronounced and of nearly syllabic value or whether, e being used
in northern Mss. for the obscure sound of y (henny = hynny, etc.) it wasalso
written by transcribers for y =j. In S = Addit. Ms. 2235e also u is used for
j: dydueu, f. 17 a (dydieu ib.), since inthis Ms. u and iasvowels are nearly
identical, cf. « Beitr. » § 67, bigel f. 54 b, r6ùmedic f. 7 b, etc.
7. Cf. B = Tit. D 2 deneon f. 30 b, kynedeon f . 5 a (ib. canes f. 19 b, ene
f. 26 a, etc.); Hgt Ms. 406 (B. Gruif. ap. Cyn.), Arch. Cambr. 1866:
weitheon, p. 34, meibeon, p. 36, deneon, p. 42 (ib. yd adeihvs, y kerdus,
emchuelus, arannwt, a dothoedent, urth, etc., Southwelsh forms and very old
orthographs, cf. u for w; on the text see « Beitr. » p. 15, 7). B. of Herg.
tri hualogeon, hualogyon col. 595 (Y Cymmr. III). Ll. Gw. Rh. Keinneadaeth p.
10. Y S.Gr. redeat § 12, ot oedewch § 68. Tit. D 22 medeant f. i b. Cleop. B
5 weitheon, y eithaueoed f. 98 a, medeant f 103 a, ymplith y reiduseon f. 104
a, areant f. 106 a, tAvyssogeon f. 108 a, etc.
In Sal. lex., 1547 arean and anean occur; here e certainly tends to express the
thick syllabic sound of j in a northern dialect.
8. Initial j before e, i, u and w before u in English loanwords and in the
vulgar English spoken by native Welshmen are not pronounced; et = yet, ood =
wood, etc. Cf. Rhys in Report of the schools inspected, etc. (Academy, 9, 9.,
1876): ood, ooman, ee (wood, woman, ye) in Carnarvonshire. In the English of
Llanidloes in Powys, on which see Collections... relating to Montgomerys.,
vol. X, 'et, 'ee, 'u, 'eeld (yet, ye, you, yield) p. 311 and 'ool, 'ood, 'ooman
(wool, etc.) p. 309 are used. For Southwales cf. The Red Dragon, vol. II, p.
38-40; also Ellis, Early. E. Pron. in a note to Sal. pron., 1547: ye-, woo-
becomes, ï, û.
9. This pecuharity dates from Middlewelsh. Cf. Red B. of Herg. acwt\vardy6
ar3^koet h6nn6, col. 630. wdward = woodward is given in the index of English
loanwords in Dafydd ab Gwilym's Poems (Llundain, 1789). In the often edited
I5th
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 (delwedd B2587) (tudalen 71)
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Notes on Welsh Consonnanîs. 71
cent. English Poem in Welsh orthography ^ printed by Ellis, Trans. Phil. Soc.
1880 from a Hengwrt Ms. wld occurs 1. 60 besides ei would 1. 15, wi wowld 1.
67. — In Lewis Dwnn's Herald. Visitât. (Eg. Ms. 2585) occur: off Wlffsdal
(Wolfsdale) I p. 163 (ed. Meyrick), oft'Wdstok p. 163, off Wdstock p. 146,
v(erch) Robart off The Wd ap Gibon Wd p. 126, etc.
V.
10. Pre-Cymric v in inlaut between vowels is altered in Welsh in two different
ways, on which see Zeuss-, p. 106, 128; the resuit of v and the vowel before
it is au, ou or aw, ew (av, ev); also besides final -eu in historie welsh
(keneu) -aw- occurs in inlaut (kenawon), see Zeuss-, p. 129. This difference
is of difficult explanation. I shall give here the materials I collected
towards its illustration and a few suggestions as to conditions etc. of these
doublets, skr. yuvaças = in- doeurop. juvnkôs, lat. juvencus (gaul.
Jovincillus etc., Zeuss 2, p. 128) becomes in Welsh *jovanc- jouanc, jeuanc
and *je- Vv^anc, hence *iwanc, iflmc.
1 1 . The following forms of this word and its derivâtes are worthof
attention: Cleop. B 5 gwas ieuwanc f. 60 a (ieuang f. 68 b); this form is
supported by deuwei etc. in ony deu- wei f. 75 a, n}^ deuwei ib., o deuwant
f. 61 a; beuwyd f . 3 a for b3^wyd looks very strange, but also deuheu occurs
in this Ms., on which see « Beitr. » § 84, where o Ddeuheubarth, Her. Visit.
II, p. 246 (1685) may be added; eu seems written for e, as final — eu was
pronounced — e; so beuwyd is for bewyd, bawyd ? then ieuwanc would be =
*iewanc. Ll. Gw. Rh. gwreic yangk dec. p. 139 Y S. Gr. ieueyngtid § 30; S
iegtid, Owen p. 296; Jes. Coll. 141 plur. jeueink f. 60 b.
I. Cf. Cambrian Register II, p. 299-304; The Cambro Briton; Hynation Cymreig
p. 13-16; Arch. Cambr. II, i, p. 304-7; Trans. Phil. Soc. (reprintedin Arch.
Cambr.); Wilkins, lit. ofWalesp. 106 squ. — InAddit, Ms. 14866, f. 25a is a
copy of it, beginning: o meichti ladi owr leding t\v haf, at hefn owr
abeiding, whilst" Ellis' Ms. (Hgt. Nr. 294) runs thus: michdi ladi our
leding to haf at hefn owr abeiding etc., so that an edition from the Addit.
Ms. would be of interest. It is said there, f 25 a; Jeuan ap hywel Swrdwal ai
cant. medd eraill Jevan ap Rytherch ap Joan Lloyd.
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 (delwedd B2588) (tudalen 72)
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72. Nettlau.
12. Sal., N. T. ieunctit f. 310 b, ieuntit f. 319 a, ifieugtit f. 314 a; (R.
Davies) ieuanc f. 313 a, plur. ievainc f. 314 a. Addit. Ms. 14913, i6th.
cent., southw. yviengtit f. 53 a; Addit. Ms. 14986, i6th. cent, iyfangc f . 8
a; Addit. Ms. 14973, 1640 iengtid f. 73 a, ientit f. 69 a; Addit. Ms. 14987 (Powys)
om hienctd L 81 b; Add. Ms. 15005 gwr ifengc f. 74 a, yr ifengc f. 132 a;
Jfieintid f. 40 b, Jfieintid f. 53 a, jfieintid f. 79 b; Addit. Ms. 15059, 18
th. cent, ifiengtyd f. 212 a, ifiengedd f. 225 a. Ll. Dwnn, Her. Vis. I,
iengctyd p. 9, iangaf p. 113, 134, 135, etc. (more than 14 times), ianngafp.
170; (iengav vol. II p. 123, 1685); jevank p. 21, ievank p. 171; jevaf p. 157;
ifank p. 153, 190. Llyfr Achau, 1602, Breconsh. ieyangk p. 57, ieanck p. 36,
yeia p. 47, ivank p. 16, ifank p. 11, 57, ifanck p. 26. Davies, lex. 1621 (and
Richards lex. 1753) gives ieuangc — iau, ieuangach — ieuat, passim ifaf; E.
Lhiivd, Arch. Brit. uses ivangc (dimet. dial.).
In modem dialects: S.C. (dimet.) yn ifenc (plur.) I, p. 373, ie'nctyd
I, p. 292, 331. Carnarvonsh. ifangk, jengach (Sweet). Merionethsh. i'r bobol
iiinc, Cab. f’ew. T. p. 258, hogenod ifinc p. 290, plurals like bychin,
erill, llygid being used in the northern dialects.
13. The w== v in *iewanc, the doublet of ieuanc became f, like w in cenafon
besides cenawon etc., see below. *iefanc became ifanc like Ithel from Judhael
etc. jenctyd seems to come from jeuenc-tyd by dropping the first unstressed
vowel: j(eu)enctyd, like cyfodi, *cfodi, codi, see below. jang is perhaps a
secondary abstraction from iengtyd, forms like gwan and gwendid etc. being
the model. — The loanword Johannes Ἰωάννης
(= Iōánnēs),exhibits the same double alteration of a form *Jovan-,
vic. Jeuan, Jouan, Jevan, Jfan, Jwan, as the forms are given in the pref. to
Ll. Gw. G., 1586. See also Rhy^s, Arch. Cambr., loanwords s. v.: Jowan (L.
Land. Jouhan), Jeuan (now only used as a bardic name), Ifan (engl. Evan), Jefan
(in common use until a recent time); Ifan and Jwan in Cardiganshire.
14. Cf. further peues and powys (state of rest), Zeuss (2), p. 128; deuaf, 3.
sing. daw and Southwelsh dawaf want a
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 (delwedd B2589) (tudalen 73)
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Notes on Welsh Consonnanîs. 73
specia^ inquiry; see my article on the verb (YC, vol. IX). In the oldest
texts deuaf, 3 . sing. daw and doaf are the only forms used; in Cleop. B 5
deuwei etc. occurs, see § 11. Dawaf is frequent in Southwelsh texts since
Sal. N. T. (dawaf, dewi, daw, dawn, dewch, dawant). I think, dawaf is a new
form, based on the 3rd sing. daw; the older forms, showing the proper treatment
of an aw in pretonic syllables (tlawd, tlodion) are doaf etc. So deuaf and
daw only rest and appear to be the exact counterparts of trawaf, 3. sing.
tereu (Ll. Gw. Rh. p. 53), adawaf, ef a edeu ib. p. 87, gwrandawaf, y
gwerendeu p. 38 etc., see Zeuss -, p. 129. The forms of the other Brythonic
languages prove the composition of a verb with do- in deuaf to be preCymric.
In older Welsh forms of the verb subst. with do- in the sense of « to come »
are frequent; cf. dybu; a dyui Tal. 205; Richards lex. 1753 says, that ië
dybi, « it is to be sure » is still used in Glamorganshire. deuaf, daw would
permit to be brought from * dov-, * dob-; the form of the verb subst. can not
be ascertained, since the ordinary termination -af has been introduced. Deuaf
could also possibly come from *do(a)gaf, cf. doeth, see below; but daw would
then rest unexplained, eu from *og not being elsewhere treated like eu from
*ov.
15. Ceneu and cenaw, cub whelp (Zeuss-, p. 129): plur. kynawon, a chynawon B.
ofHerg., col. 722; cenawon, imperite cenafon (cynghanedd: cynfyn) Davies lex.;
kena, Sw^eer p. 425. — In « Beitr. » § 93 I gave examples of gewyn: geuyn,
llysewyn: Llyseuyn and of eisieu: eisio, to which may be added: giewyn, B. of
Herg. col. 760; this is said by Rh}^s (Y C. VU, p. 19) to be still used in a
part of North- wales, cf. gï-en gi-au. Llessewyn, Ll. Gw. Rh. p. 244,
llysewyn p. 73; llyseuoed p. 50. The Northwelsh eisio I think now to be like
taro, gaddo (Sweet p.- 425) identical with an older eisiaw, the doublet of eisieu,
Hke *giaw (giewyn): gieu. Of this obscure word note also eissev, eissV^wed B.
of Garni . p. 45, eissiwet B. of Herg. col. 819, 830, eissywedic col. 820; Ll.
Gw. Rh. eissywedigyon p. iio, eissydedic p. 223 (?; d= dd, ffrom w ?)
diessiwau, dieissiwau Ms. A, p. 66. — Cf. also clowed, clvwed and cigleu,
*clov-.
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 (delwedd B2590) (tudalen 74)
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74 Nettlau.
i6. Ceiri is said by Rhj^s to be the plural of cavsT (giant) in the
Carnarvonshire dialect; rhiw geiri o ddynion occurs in a local newspaper, cf.
the references in « Beitr. » § loo. On cawr see Zeuss 2, p. 129 and of late,
H. d'Arbois de Jub. in Mem. de la Soc. de Ling. de Paris, V, p. 121-123,
where the respective Gaul. names are fully given. I think ceiri can be
explained thus: * cavarois to be compared in structure with trigaranus
(lyspav:;), Welsh taradr (: TepETpov) etc.; *cava- cf. skr. çâvï-ra- and
cura-, * KevA- and *KvA (de Saussure, Mem. p. 260). * cavaro- resulted in
Welsh into the doublets *cawar- and *cauar-, who lost the a probably by an
earher stress-shift in the dechnation. ceiri then is *ceuri from * caur, the
doublet of cawr.
17. Pre-Cymric b and m between vowels became either f or with the preceding
vowel eu, cf. neuadd, hall, Old-Welsh nouodou (M. Cap.), ir. nemed, vsij.stcv;
y newad occurs B. of Herg., col. 689, a strange form, as w for u (ù) is not used
in this Ms. (cf. neAV = neu, Calig. A 13 etc.), if it is no error; cf.
*iewanc etc. — Goreu, best seems to be a superlative and -eu: -af is to be
explained like edeu: edaf, Old-W. etem, Zeuss^, p. 821.
18. To ir. claidhebh correspond Welsh cleddyf and cleddeu, given both bv
Spurrell. Cf. B. of Herg. ae gledeu col. 559; Ll. Gw. Rh.dedeu p. 136(3),
138, 148, 264, 282; Sal. N. T. cleddey (marg. cleddyf), f. 388 a (Huet).
Other forms of this Word are: plur. clefydeu: B. of Herg. a thynnu clefydeu ac
ymfFust col. 644, moess6ch attaii a6ch clefydeu col. 644, 645; in Yst. de
Car. M. clefydeu col. 420, clevydeu col. 423, klevydeu col. 450; Ll. Gw.. Rh.
cleuydeu p. 70, torof a chleuydeu p. 253. Cleddyddeu: Llyfr. Huw Llyn
(written it is said by Guttyn Owain, the herald bard of the abbeys of Basingwerk
and Ystrad Flur, late I5th cent.): kleddyddav f. 129 b i; Jes. Coll. 141
kleddyddav. f. 40 b, cleddyddeu f. 61 a(kleddeff. 40 b). Cf. Peredur
penwetic, B. of Garni, p. 30 and Pwyll bendeddig Dyved, Ll. Achau, 1602, p.
64, and see below.
19. I think the suffix denoting the instrument and the agent of any thing,
the modem form of which is -ai (cf. arwyddai
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 (delwedd B2591) (tudalen 75)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 75
ensign, cymhellai spur, nofiii, clepai, cecrai, meddalai etc.) is an old
m-suffix, the doublet of which is -yf, cf. oldcorn. ne- dim, gl. ascia, Zeuss
-, p. 821 and W. neddai et neddyf dola- bella; naddu asciare, dolare (Davies);
neddei i naddy, an addys (adze), Sal. lex. Spurrell has also ulai hydrogen
and ulyf, the remains of anything burnt; carbon. — (Atter this had been
written in November 1886 I first saw in Mardi 1887 the article of E. Ernault
in Revue Celt. VII, 4, p. 311, who notes similar doublets in Breton. They
want fuUer consideration, than I can bestow upon them in this article
restricted to the Welsh language).
20. Some w between vowels are dialectically changed into f. Cf. Northw. Ihfo,
brifo = lliwo, briwo, D. S. Evans, llythr., index; llitio = lliwio colorare
(lliw), Davies; brifo Sw.^et p. 429 to break (briwo). Southw. kawad
=:=Northw. kafod, E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br. s. v. imber, see « Beitr. )) § 60 and ga[e]af
kawada 6c Hgt 202, f. 25 bi. cenafon see § 15. Davies: ber}'\von =
barcuttanod milvi; beryfon; (bery, -on kite, Sp.). dw}^vol, dwyfol, ib. (cf.
Devardoeu Dubr duiu, meuddwyetc, Rhys Lect-. p. 407-412). byfolieth,
biography C. f'ew. T. p. 106; gorflidd = gorwedd, Sweet p. 429. On ifanc and
Ifan see § 12, 13. — cyrafol, cyrafon serviceberries; cyrawol the same,
cyrawel, -en berries Sp.; ib. rhafon servi- cetreeberries, rhavvol cluster,
bunch; cerddin, id. quod criafol, opulus arbor Davies; criafol and cyriafol;
criafonllwyn cwrf vnlliw, Gutto 'r Glynn, ib.; E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br.: Southw. pen
.crawel; L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14923 Southw. crawol, white thorn berries =
Northw. ogfien, f. 133 b.
W. Salesbur}^, pron. 1547 (in Ehis Early Engl. Pron.) says s. ht. w.: Northw.
tavlu or taflu (iacio). — Southw. tavvly; in Southwelsh « they resolve v into
their wonted vowel vv )); the reverse was the case in Southw. devnydd or dcfnydd,
substantia, « and some corrupters denvydd » = Northw. deunydd; s. ht. f: in
Southw. « they use rather v, Northw. writers commonly occupye f)). Davies
lex. gives defnydd et deunydd materia, passim denfydd; Y Traeth. Il,
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 (delwedd B2592)
(tudalen 76)
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y 6 Nettlau.
p. 34 denfydd is also mentioned. On tawlu, towlu = taflu, see « Beitr. » §
97.
21. Sometimes w between vowels is omitted in Mss., especially in n. pr.;
particulars from the living dialects must be expected, before the phonetic
value of these orthographs can be discussed. Cf. Loarch hen, Vesp. A 14, f.
11 a (de situ Bircb.); na6 niarnod S (Addit. Ms. 22356), f. 73 b, deesbeyd f.
70 a (d6esb6yd often); Hoell, Hoel, Ll. Achau (nearly always). Rhj's, Y
Traeth. 1884, 479 connects the n. 1. LHfon, LHon, Lliwon or LUwan with lUf,
Ui and Llyn LHon (triades), ffrydiau Lliw or Llyw (Mab. K. ac 01.).
22. On initial gw + r, 1 see Zeuss 2, p. 130. Initial gw + r, 1, n are
pronounced in Northw. grw, glw, gnw (« rw: the two conss. being uttered
simultaneously » Swet, p. 418, grwaig), in Southw. gr, gl, gn.
Cf. ghvâd, gnwico, grwaig in Carnarvonsh., Sweet, p. 410. Such orthographs
occur in the Venedot. Ms. A: grueic p. 40, grueyc p. 38 (thrice), gruaget p.
48 besides greyc p. 38 (twice), eny greickao p. 38, guedy e greycaho p. 38, graget
p. 49; gluat^p. 59, o gluad arall p. 125 besides gladoet p. 50, gleduchu p.
4, gluan (fleece) - p. 132.
In the I7th cent. Battledoor (1660) nwithur, a mvaid (= wnaeth), nwithir,
grwaig, ir gwr ac ir rwaig occur p. 3, 4, 6; but otherwise this text is
Gwentian. In Southw. texts cf. gl6b6r, Tit. D 22 (see YC. III), — gwlybwr,
dial. glybwr (Powel). In modem dialects: graig, grando (Hughes, 1822); y
gneith etc., S. C. — gnythyr often in Addit. Ms. 14921 (16 cent.).
(A suivre). Nettlau.
1. Rhys remarks in Pennants Jour II, p. 215, that gwlad had now only the sense
of rus; g^vledig rusticus. In Hanes y fïH'dd, 1677 Northwelsh gwladaidd is
explained in the glossary bycvwilyddus (scandalous).
2. Fiannel is held by Thurnevsen also Wedgwood etc., to be of Cehic origin;
on this point see also Schuchardt. Lit. blatt f. g. u. rom. Phil., 188), p.
118. It is curious to note flannen, which is given in Byegones, 1880-81, p.
160 from the English of Towyn, Merionethsh. of 1678 and said to be still used;
it is not a hybrid form between flannel and gwlanen to ail apparence, as it
is said to occur in older English generally. Remembering graget in Ms. A *gl.
and not ffl would be expected in an English loanword.
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 (delwedd B2626) (tudalen 105)
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REVUE CELTIQUE TOME X 1889 NOTES ON WELSH
CONSONANTS BY DR. M. NETTLAU 105-121
(Suite 1 )
CHW.
23. Chw arose mostly from *sv. In the loanwords chwefror, gwefror (leon. c
nouevrer) and chwysigen, gwysigen (leon. c'houezigell, vessie) chw sprung
from *ghw, in which g as in g\v for v was put before an aspirated v (vh). Cf.
Addit. Ms. 31060 gwefrol f. 153 a, mis gweflrol f. 210 a; L. Morris, Addit.
Ms. 14944, f. 62 a: chwefror « in Anglesey chwefrol »; the same mentions chefrol
in South \v. poems (in a letter, printed in Y Cymmr., II, p. 145). — Chw — gw
occur both in chware, damchwein, chwedy; cf. Add. Ms. 14869 y warae oreu pan
waraer, f. 23 a; B. of Herg. gwaryaf col. 563, a chwaryy di 563, ch6aryaf
660, a \vharya6d 688, yn g6are 564, 565, 566, y g6are h6nn6 564(2), 565(2), y
g6ary\vyt 720 etc. — damchweinio, damweinio Sp.; B. of Herg. damwheinae col.
709, damwheineu 800, 801; LJ. G:c. Rh. damwein p. 9, damhweinaw p. 153; Ms.
Cleop B 5 damchweynws f. 34 a; S = Addit. Ms. 22356 y lie y damcheino f. 65
a, damchein f. 110 b, na damcheinaôd f. 69 a; or damch6eina f. 61 a, ac or
damhôeina f. 64 a, or dam6eina f. 74 b; or dameina (sic) ryfel f. 64 b; S in
Owen's Laivs: damch6ei-
1 Voir le commencement de cet article t. IX, p. 64.
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 (delwedd B2627) (tudalen 106)
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io6 Ncttlau.
neu p. 558, damheeinieuib., damcheineip. 616; Gr. Roberts, gramm. damwain p.
84, etc. — It is probable that these doublets represent an earlier status
durus and status mollis (cf. Rcv. Cflt., VI, 314, n. 5); also the South Welsh
wh, hw wants some consideration in tins regard, see 24.
24. hw, wh are the South Welsh representants of chw. They are perhaps due to
an initial mutation of the group in an earlier period of the language;
compare the change of initial *s in Welsh into h, which is not without
exceptions, since it occurred first only in words closely following a word
ending in a vowel. Hw and wh, later even w are found in many South- W r elsh
Mss., but chw always occurs besides them; whether this is due in the oldest
Mss. to the more common Northern orthography or whether chw and hw existed in
different syntactic positions still both at the time of these Mss. cannot be decided
without a special study of the details. In the Venedotian Ms. A occur e. g.
chue byu p. 12, chuehet p. 27, kechuin, kecuyn p. 45, koquinyat p. 61,
kecuuin p. 62, mystacuet p. 18; o damguenya p. 53, etc.; as to ch and c cf. decret!
p. 2, hûcc p. 32, mocch p. 36, kesçho (cysgo, c-h like t-h in rotho, etc.),
mecni p. 55, etc. But p. 14: huechet and p. 55 i guadu wecni (mechni) wec
guir ac euo ehun seithuet (perhaps an error caused by wec of wecni).
25. B. of Cann. chuetlev a giklev, hwetil (17), chuetil (18), chuetyl.
BofTal. whegach (14). T=Harl. Ms. 958 a hweugein mu f. 4 a; F== Harl. Ms.
4353 whech, whefra6r f. 29 a. S — Addit. Ms. 22356 6heg6yr f. 4 a, 6he bu f.
12 b; on 6h6thu see my Beitr. § 107, in Neath wthu, fe wthiff; B. of Herg. dy
whaer col. 728, a wharya6d col. 688, ni an whech col. 723, etc.; Ll. Gic. Rh.
hwechet p. 215, hwimwth p. 155; cf. pp. 226, 234, 240; hwythu p. 237; cwrnu (chwyrnu)
p. 130; dnvy wherwder p. 237; y varwgywedyl efp. 151 (cychwedl, Sp.). Tit. D
22 wimmwth, y wethel (th for dd; chweddl for chwedl is South W., see below),
weched, etc. (YC. III). Addit. Ms. 19709 whemil f. 68 a. Clcop. B 5 hwiliaw
(chwilio) f. 102 b, etc. Add. Ms. 149 12, mis \vhefra6r, hwer6 f. 16 b,
chechet f. 26 b, etc.
26. In later texts: Addit. Ms. 1492 1, i6th cent (Gwentian
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 (delwedd B2628) (tudalen 107)
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iXotes on Welsh Consonahts. 1 07
dialect): whechant f. 46 a, wheddel f. 44 b, fo ddiwheloedd f. 8 a; hwssy f.
37 b = chwysu, etc.; Stowe Ms. 672, û wherddir f. 26 b, ci. û ddwad f. 26 a,
ûlainw; Addit Ms.
149 13 hweched f. 72 a; Llyfr Achau 1602: ab Harri weched p. 12, Edward y
weched ib., y wheched p. 35 (2), ai waer hithav p. 43, h waer p. 57, etc.;
Addit. Ms. 14973 na whenvehech f. 81 a;March. Crwydr. hwantau, yn hwennychu,
etc. — In the modem South W. dialects wh or w are commonly written. — W. Salesbury,
prou., 1547 s. lit. eh gives hwech, hvvaer as South W. which corresponds with
the modem pronunciation (Ellis, l.'c). — On the Northern chw Sweet p. 417
savs: (w) does not round the (ch).
27. Some clumsy orthographs are: chwhefrin, B. of'Tal. (15); Sal. N. T.
cwhedlea f. 377 b, cwherwa f. 384 b, cwhenvoedd ib. (Huet); also Cann y C.
1672: cwharieu, cwhario p. 233, chwhenychu, chwhareu p. 226, chwhare p. 159;
(ib. camweddle p. 419). Here Salesbury and Stephen Hughes combined in print
the Northern chw and the Southern wh to satisty the eyes of the readers of
ail dialects; Huet and Prichardwrote of course wh as their Gwentian dialects
require and the respective editors added the Northern ch. In the older Welsh
prints such accomodations to different dialects are not seldom met with.
The forms of anghwanegu also illustrate early orthographv. Cf. B.oJ Herg.
aghwanegu col. 779, yn achôanec Sk. p. 203; LL Glu. Rb. yn yghwanec p. 119,
yn angehwanec p. 120, heb arveu yghwanec p. 125, ygwanee pp. 124, 133, etc.
28. Ch for chw occurs so often in several Mss. that it seems to express some
really altered pronunciation in which ch prevailed; also chi for chwi is
common to ail dialects. Cf. Ms. A: Chewraur p. 68 (twice), cuefraur p. 10, kanydemehel
p. 46, eny emehelo p. 392, nyt hemehuel p. 159. Ms. S: damehein, etc., see
23. Ms. A (Owen, Lau ) am chevgain, ac o chevgain p. 542; Addit. Ms. 14986 (i6th
cent.) yr eilchaith f. 6 a; LL Achau, 1602: a chedy (twice) and ach wedy p.
61; chefrol, see 23. — In Beitr. p. 79 I quoted from Ms. Cleop. B j dychelut
f. 152 a, ymehelut t. 138 b; in thisMs. ymchweilant, etc., occur often; on
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 (delwedd B2629) (tudalen 108)
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108 Nettlau.
ymchwelyd: ymhoelyd see my article in Y Cymmr. IX, pp. 84-88, where many
forms are collected; on chi see ib., VIII, pp. 1 19-120.
29. An unique example, as far as I know, is chwadan (from *ch\vjaden), the
Carnarvonshire form of hwyaden (duck), given by Sweet p. 428; cf. Yr Arw.
chwiadan, 24, 2, 1859; chwiad, Yr A inserait, 31, 12, 46; chwyied 22, 4, 47.
In Y Traeth. III, p. 7. South W. giàr a chwiaden, pi. geir a chwied = NorthW.
iar a hwyaden, ieir a hwyeid; giàr is South W., but what is said on chwiaden
is a mistakc or this form is known ail over Wales. Cf. Ms. Cleop. B 5 hwiedid
f. 174 b, hwyedic f. 175 a; Ms. S h6yedyd f. 38 a. Perhaps, like the r of the
article yr is sometimes wrongly transposed to the following word commencing
with a vowel or h and causes an initial rh in it, the c of ac (and) caused
chwjàden for hwjâden; a more probable explanation is that when y in hwyâdan became
j the group *hwj + vowel could not longer be pronounced in Northwales (in
South W. h\v, wh is a common sound); so *hwj became chwj, every following
consonant modifying the preceding (j > w > h). In Glamorganshire gwialen
becomes gjelan, lor *gwjelan, which shows the tendency to evade the
combination cons. + w (v) + j.
30. Engl. qu becomes chw in North W., cw in South W. (Powel, dimet. loanwords
p. 16). Cf. maes kwarterog, Ll. Achau p. 18; ym mhob cwarter (marg. cwrr o'r
wlad), Cann. v C. p. 585; L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14944: chwart a quart, Anglesey
— cwart, a quarter, Cardigansh, f. 56 a: cwart, a quarter, Cardigansh., f. 62
a; also f. 56 a: cwart, a quarter of any measure, Cardigansh. Chwaral, Yr
Arw. ij, 7, 1856. — (B. of Herg. col. 774 a ch6artha6r eidon ieuanc).
II. — M, N, NG.
21. Initial m, n, w are in the spoken language aspirated after the words
causing aspiration of the tenues; these m h, nh, wh are said to be South
Welsh, butthey are also given by Sweet from Carnarvonshire. Cf. Sal. N. T.
ary whynebey f. 385 b
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 (delwedd B2630) (tudalen 109)
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Notes on Welsh Consonnants. 109
(Huet); Gambold, gramm. 1727: South W. mh, nh p. 5; William Morris, Addit.
Ms. 14947: mh, nh in Southwales and sometimes in Northwales as in Holyhead
(where he lived), i. 38 a. Y Tractb., III, p. 7, Rowlands gramm. 4 p. 9: South
W. ci mhab, ei nhai, ei nhatur; cf. am ei nhatur, Y T. a'rG. I, p. 95, etc.;
mh, nh occur also in the literary language ofbooks printed in Southwales.
Sweet, p. 442: i tâd ai mham, i thâd ai mham; nhp.432, i whatshi p. 419
(herwatch). — Ellis, Early E. Pron. p. 748 says on the pronunciation of
initial mh, nh, ngh in the colloquial language: in the case of no vowel
preceding « a murmur is inserted, as niH, 'nH, 'qH ».
3 3 . Initial rh and n seem to hâve been dropped occasionallv; this was
caused bythe close connection of these words with the preceding article or
with yn, etc., such a group (under one accent) being afterwards wrongly separated;
thus South Welsh hoeth == noeth. Cf. Add. Ms. I49i2yn hoeth f. 41 a, 41 b;
Sal. N. T. yn hoyth, hoeth (marg. noeth), f. 391 a, 392 b (Huet); Y drych
christ, yr oedh y corph yn hoeth, f. 21 b; also f. 23 b, 27 a, etc.; Addit.
Ms. 1492 1 (Gwent. dialect) yn hoython f. 57 b, ar bobol hoython f. 61 b; 14986:
yn hoeth f. 23 a; Hom., 1606 yn hoeth, II, p. 142; Addit. Ms. 14973 yn hoefh
f. 90 a; March. Cryiudr. yn nesaf idd y croen hoeth, Y Brython Y., p. 257,
etc.; noeth: demet. et antiqui hoeth'and hoeth v. noeth, Davies dict.
33. By a wrong separation n sometimes is prefixed to an initial vowel or h.
Cf. nol and hol, to fetch Sp.; Y Tracth., III, p. 14: Gwentian dos i hôl dwr
(=: dos i geisio, ymofyn d.) = North W. dos i nôl dwr. I think nol, hol contain
ol (mark, trace, track), yn ol ('n-ol) according to; ago; back, past, after,
Sp.; hence nol for yn ol. In Neath areusede. g. fy hôla i, fe holiff a, fe
gâs i hôl (it was feteled), fe holwd, etc. — Sweet p. 430 mentions neplas for
eples (Sp.), leaven. Salesbury uses the cngl. llefen and sur-dots (toes); cf.
surdoes (marg. llefen) f. 21 a, llefen (marg. surdoes) f. 26 a; lleven f.
282, etc. — Sa'mt aco E/ien; a Sai/z/ ko/as, Lew. Gl. C, poems, p. 340
(Nicolas; here saint being pronounced sain was the reason af the apparent
dropping of n).
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 (delwedd B2631) (tudalen 110)
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i io Nettlau.
34. Ng in the interior of words between vowels becamc w in ewin, Old W. eguin
(Oxon. I), leon: ivin; llewa: ir. longaim; llvsvwcn; rhewydd, Old Bret.
rogedou (Lux.); ffrewyll a scourge, *frangellum, see Rhys, Arch. Cambr. 1874,
p. 56; the same change occurs before n in pythewnos and in the loanword
llawethair, engl. long fetter. Pythewnos offers also other points of interest
requiring some remarks.
35. Cf. petheunos A p. 69; V = Harl. Ms. 4353 pytheônos f. 40 b; B. of Heg. a
phe»e6nos a mis y buant yno col. 806 (?); Cleop. B 5 pethewnos f. 147 b;
Davies dict. pythefnos, passim pythewnos; Addit. Ms. 31056, f. 17 a my fym
yno buthefnos (ibe cungor, miewn, fo); bob thefnos, Yr Ams. 23, 11, 48, ib
byfolieth; S. C. (dimet.) pethewnos and pvthownos ? I, p. 372, where the e in
a southern dialect is not expected but- if pronounced at ail lias its
counterpart in bennag for bynnagin the same texts; North Welsh pythelnos, Rev.
Celt., II, p. 192. Sp. gives also pymthegnos, of course a modem composite; in
the Gwladgarwr, 23, 2, 1861 even pymthefnosol occurs in literary language.
Pythew- arose from *pytheng-; deng for deg, is common, cf. Barddas, I, p. 96;
ib. unneng, deunneng, trineng, pedryneng, pumneng, chweneng, seitheng etc.;
wythneng neu wyneng, seithneng neu seitheng p. 100, am bob lliosneng.arall
(lliosgant, lliosmil) ib. — Davies, gramm. dengmab o feibion 1 . In the
middle Welsh Mss. using g for ng too degcan be deg or deng; it nasalizes not
always the following consonant, cf. Ll. Gui. Rh. deg mydin p. 104 and y deg
bydin ib.; deng mil pp. 29, 44. Deng seems to be due to an assimilation
before nasalized consonants. Deng is still common in the spoken language
before initial nasals: deng munud, deng mab. — On fin bythelnos, see 20. —
The loss of m and the origin of th in pythew-, *pytheng are unexplained; I
would suggest that either *pum- ddeg became *pu-ddeng or more probably that
*pum-ddcng-
1 . He gives: trigwr, tmvyr, tri o wyr, even trywyr o wyr, dengmab o feibion,
cliwegwyr o farchogion, etc. E. Lhuyd, Arch. Brit., p. 244 a says that
numerals are constructed in South W. with the « gen. plur. » (form of the
sing.), in North W. with prepositions and the plural: saith o veibion, etc.
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 (delwedd B2632) (tudalen 111)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 1 1 i
nos was dissimilated into *puddeng -nos and th for dd was caused by the
accent being on the following syllable, as in bytho, rotho, etc.
36. On llowethirsee Beitr. p. 44; Rhys, Y C, IV, p. 197
remarks that it denotes in Carnarvonsh. also a cord tying the two feet (of
the horse) together = huai in Cardigansh; cf. o bop march auo huai neu
la6hethyr arnae (a shackle or fetter) L (dimet.) p. 274; Ms. Cleop. B j laffetheir,
f. 195 a; Add. Ms. 14869, f. 224 b (Cynddelw); llawethair, llywethyr, 11a- wethyrDavies
rf/W.;Xorth W. gefynn, -au = South W. llyfe- thvr, -iau, Davies Ll. v Rcs. —
Ir. langfiter Corm. translat. p. 101, langpeiter, langphetir Corm. B.
37. Ng in inlaut and auslaut is often written n in popular texts, which mav
point to a change in pronunciation. Cf. da- nos 1 Yr. Anv. 30, 10, 1859, C.
f'czu. T. p. 32, 56, 78; dynoswch, Yr Amserau 12, 11, 185 1, mi ddynosa ib.;
gillwn Yr Anv. 17, 7, 56, cnebrwn 30, 10, 59, cnebrwyn 2 and cnebrwn 20, 1,
59; gwllwn, gystwn Sweet p. 430; rhwn, golhvn C. f'eiv. T. p. 258. Powel
(dimet. loanev.) gives also bredin (engl. braiding), etc. — Ng is written m
in Y Bed., VIII, p. 106: vn brudd ac vn deihvm (teihvng); teihvn in Neath;
cf. the next §. — In Neath: gillwn, gellwn; gishtwn, like ishta.
38. Final n becomes m in many words, especially in words of English origin,
but even in Welsh terminations, e. g. llatwm, rheswm, cottwm, botwm, sarîrwm
and saffrwn Sp. dict.; Addit. Ms. 14986, i6th cent, megis ffelwn wr f. 10 b
and dav ffel-
1 . Gangos, either an error or the resuit of an assimilation occurs in two texts:
Hengwrt Ms. 202, f. 28 b 1, 1. 33 (YCymr., VII, p. 147) and Ms. H p. 726
(Owen, Lazvs, i6th cent.); in the Hengwrt Ms. (i4th cent ) the popular amdler
for amlder is also found. It is impossible to decide as to the authenticity
of gangos, except if it happens to exist still in a living dialect.
2 . Cnebrwyn for canhebrwng (heprwn, Xeath), if genuine, is to be explained
like bygwyth, see Beitr. 1 108. In the sense of burial in which it is used here
it isNorth Welsh, cf. L. Morris (in Addit. Ms. 14923. f. 134 a) South W.
angladd, burial = Xorth W. canhebrwng (so in Angleseyj, claddedigaeth; Addit
Ms. 14944, t. 46 a: claddedigaeth funus, Denbighsh; Hughes 1822, YGnyl. 1828:
South W. angladd, NorthW. claddedigaeth. — Angladd is the Neath word for
burial. pron anglodd plur. angladda; andadd in Monmouthshire.
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 (delwedd B2633) (tudalen 112)
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i 12 Nettlau.
wmwr (felons) f. 15 b; patrwm (patron), in booktitles, D. S. Evans, llyfr.
1679, 2, 1723, 4. B.of Herg. col. 566 olatt6m yr yspaen; LI. Gw. Rh. p. 126
actwn (acketon)but p. 127 bwrkwm (burkun). Of Welsh words cf. cwthwn and
chwythwm, Sp., cwthwm Addit. Ms. 14944. f. 53 a (L. Morris), a hurricane or
spirt of bad weather, Cardigansh. E. Lhuyd, Arch. Brit. p. 235: ellyn a
razor, not elhym as commonly pronounced; gwialem for gwialen is given by W.
Williams, called Caledfryn inhis grammar, written in Welsh, 2nd edit., p. 58,
114.
39. Another change of final n, vie. into ng seems peculiar to the dialects of
Cardiganshire; Rhys lect. 2 p. 120 gives fyng enw and pring from North
Cardigansh. In S. C. III, p. 306 and Serai Gainer XXXVI, p. 362 (both dimet.)
pring occurs (yn bring iawn, pring); pringder, Stowe Ms. 672, f. 117 b, pring
vydd f. 195 a. — L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14944 bas: criafonllwyn, pen criafon
neu criafol, ornus vel fraxinus sylvestris, the quickentree or wild ash, in
Cardigansh. cerdinen and cerdingen, f. 61 b where ng is imported from the
plur. cerding; this word is ordinarely written cerddin; on rd and rdd see
below and cf. Ed. Lhuyd, Arch. Brit. s. v. ornus South W. kerdynen; cerdin
(S. W.) = cerddin Sp.; W. Lleyn's Vocab.: cerddin = criafol. — Ng in llading,
Katring seems to be noteonfined to this local dialect, but occurs also in the
literary language. W. Salesbury, pron. 1547 s. lit. g mentions llating,
Katering, pring; cf. owdyl Katring, Addit. Ms. 14986, f. 6 b. Rhuddin and
rhudding, Davies dict. — In loanwords: coffing (coffin), Powel; dwsing
(dozen) Y Gen. Gymreig (Caernarfon) 20. 5. 1885. — Fr euffreding, Yr Ams. 17,
12, 46 (S. W.).
40. Halsing is a curious word. In Llyfr. y Cymry, s. a. 1781, 7 the following
title is printed: Halsing neu Gân newydd ar Ddydd Natolic. Gan John Williams
o St. Alban ym Morganwg; the editor adds: South W. halsing = North W. carol
nadolig and quotes alseiniau a charolau (Jolo Mss. p. 175) and canu alsain
mewn drain draw (William Edward i'r Eos). L. Morris (Addit. Ms. 14944, f. 104
a): halsingod a certain kind of barbarous verses used in South about
Carmarthen.
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 (delwedd B2634) (tudalen 113)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. i 1 5
Other terms are: cwndid = cân, W. Llcvn; caroi ne cwndid, Gr. Roberts, gramm.;
cwndid is said in YGeninen, III, p. 19, to be a Glamorgansh. idiotism,
meaning siarad yn bruddglwyfus a digalon.
41. Final n is dropped occasionallv in the colloquial language, owing
certainly to the close connection of the word çontaining it with the following
one. The same occurs to final m, c, d, etc., mostly in prepositions, etc.
which arc nearly proclitics. In the Ms. 1492 1 (i6th cent., Gwent. dialect)
this peculiarity of the spoken language is more conspicuous than in any other
text I know; as to n I counted 15 n dropped before vowels, 10 before c, 8
before t (8 + t), 4 + h, 6 + g, 9 + d, 6 + b, 3 + w (y), 1 + gw, 1 + dd, 3 +
f, 1 + ff, 4 + r, 1 -f 11, 2 + m, 3 -f s, 1 4- sh, cf. e. g. mew cerric f. 25
a, mew tri f. 38 b, y(n) hir 1. 27 b, y(n) gorwedd f. 35 a, mew byrf. 38 a,
mew braw(d) f. 49 b, etc.; ci. also pe elwir f. 39 a (peth a elwir), mo
newvddol f. 31a (mor); n: vr h\v a, ar hw y, arià, nâssiw, tri fferso, nâmy, dà
arglwydd, kvfiaw, er mwv kyrf, dwv(n) tal, postolio (pi.), etc. In other texts:
mew dwr Addit. Ms. 149 13, f. 78 a; wragedd mew tafarndv 31056 f. 197 a;
Sweet p. 430 mew mvnvd r . In loanwords: crimsi, shespi, shespin (crimosin, shespin,
Powel).
42. In some groups of consonants, especiallv in those çontaining liquids and
nasals, assimilations of two or more consonants, transpositions, etc., are of
not infrequent occurrence in spoken Welsh. Now, manv laws of these changes
cannot be established as yet, though some evidently exist, since most of the
forms which I am going to cite occur only occasionallv in various different
texts. [The groups çontaining dentals see . below.]
43. nm: os camola S. C. III, p. 466 (canmol); camol, Yr Amserau 27, 8, 185 1.
E. Lhuyd, Arch. Brit. p. 235, kalan mai, vulgo klamme.
1 . In the Ms. les Coll. 141 and Iess frequently in others also consonants in
inlaut are sometimes omitted in writiug, cf. amdavnt f. 142, gwnwyic f. 14s
b, etiveion (etiveddion) f. 5 a. a wnaepwyt 10 a; in this Ms. also vowels are
omitted in tywysgion. marchgyon, etc., cf. Beilr. § 28.
Revue Celtique, X 8
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 (delwedd B2635) (tudalen 114)
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ii4 Nettlau.
mn: plvmnwyd struggle, conflict Sp.; plymlwyd in Iolo Goch's poems, seeR.
Jones' edition (1877), p. 45; W. Lleyn's vocab. plymlwyd = plvmnwyd, rhyfel.
— shimie, pi. shimneie (chimney), Powel; simdde and simnai Sp.; simdda, simddaya
and simna Sweet, p. 435; cf. perhaps *mangnel aries bellicus, machina
bellica, phalangae Davies Jict., to which L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, - I2 ^ a
adds: « I also read it mangddel »; (mangonel, manganel, mangnel; manganello;
mangonum, jj.xyyâvov); also magnel, see4).
44. mr: cymyd for cymryd (*com-ber-) in NorthWelsh texts, cf. Yr Arw. cymud
lie 17, 7, 56, cym gyngor gini rwan 18, 12, 56, a cym ditha dy siawns (engl.
chance) bellach ib., na chymwn i 21, 5, 57; ipt. cymad 20, 1, 59; Y Gai. G.
na chyman nhw 6, 5, 1885, p. 73; Cab. F'ezu. T. mi gymist dy (— fe gymmeraist
dy) p. 137, ni chymse p. 479, etc. Cymryd like diffryd (-ber-, Rev. Cclt.,
VI, p. 24) is interesting on account oi its accentuation. Soin Breton kemener
(* com-ben-âr-) is stressed on the first syllable in Llanvollon, Ploulia,
etc., cf. Ernault, de l'urgence, etc., 1877; but I know nothing more on the
accentuation of this Breton subdialect. InWelsh the notion of the stem *ber
was lost and cymmer, cymmerth (cymmyrth), dihyrth had their accentuation
generalized.
rm: L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14944 f. 13 a gives as South Welshforms (15059, f.
146 a: used in Cardiganshire): gomrod, onfi, clasgu for gormod, ofni, casglu.
;//: calvn for canlvn is not seldom met with since the i6th cent.; cf.
calynant, Z (Gwentian Code), p. 304 (1480); Sal. N. T. a chalyn ar v'ol i f.
16 a; Gr. Roberts, gramm. yn i galyn p. 75, sy n calyn, Ydrych Christ, f. 62
a; yn kalyn Stowe Ms. 785; Ll. Achau, 1602 ag a galyn p. 64; Addit. Ms. 14973
i galyn f. 105 b; 14936 fal y calyn f. 8 a; 31058 kalyn 3 sing., f. 71a;
Davies dict. calyn corrupte pro canlyn; Yr Ane. calun 21, 5, 37; calyn in G.
f'tiv. T., Yr Aviserait 12, 11, 185 1; v enigiad cylynol, 18, 5, 48, ib.
Ca;///yn id. quod canlvn, calyn, Davies dict.
mld: Hgt. Ms. 202 (14r.l1 cent.) amylder, amdler f. 25 b, amdler f. 26
a(thrice); Addit. Ms. 31057 amdyler f. 109 a;
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 (delwedd B2636) (tudalen 115)
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Notes on Wclsh Consonnants. 1 1 5
S. Evans, llythr. andler, ci. diandlawd for diamdlawd, L. Morris, 14909, f.
55 b; andler is frequent in modem dialects.
45. nf: dafnon for danfon, YrAms. 25, 1, 49; 8, 3 ôv 24, 5, 49; Cab. feiv.
T., p. 91, 172; ib. danwon like angenwil (mil); danon, Yr Ams. 8, 2, 49 (S.
W.). Cyfnas for cynfas (Sp.), engl. canvas is given bv Sweet, p. 431. —
Penfar idem quod pennor; pennor capistrum, iiscella; penfar, pennawr, penwar
id., Davies dict., cf. mirwor, etc.
fn: f before n and 1 is frequently lost, cf. South W. eôl for cofl, Hughes
1822. Cofn: South W. echon(Rhys); Gwentian ewn; vnon corrupte pro unofn,
Davies dicl.; see sorac quotadons in Beitr. \ 63. — Or f and n are
transposed: South W. onii, see 5 44 (rra); Y Traeth., II, p. 34: cenfu,
llynfu (cetnu, llvfnu); III, p. S: onti, cenri, llynti; cf. Y T. a'r G. onii,
I, p. 117(1836), in i onii fe, Y Gwron Gymreig , 20, 5, 1852; onfu, 18, 11,
52. Denfydd for defnydd, W. Sal., 1547, see 20. — Fn before consonants
becomes n: kender (cetnder), Ll. Achau, p. 10, 46; deifniog (fnj), vulgo
deiniog et deiniol, Davies dict.; cyndedyn (cefndedvn, mesentery), L. Morris,
Addit. Ms. 14909, f. 55 b; eenfor (cefnfor) Y Traeth. II, p. 34; Ms. S y gael
drachen neu daly dros y gybtzuid (c later inserted), f. 70 a.
Cf. also tyrpeg (turnpike), magnel (mangonel), given by Powel, loamvords.
46. Other alterations of nasalsdue to assimilation and dissimilation are:
matcyn ==■ engl. napkin (Powel); gwymed given bv Spurrell, gramm. 2
99 tor gwvneb; gwymeb was the intermediate fonu; 6rth6v/;/ebedigvon in ?vls.
B. oîBrudy Tywysogyon, p. 194 (ed. Williams) may contain tins form (it it is no
error or misprint), for as early as in the i6th cent. Addit. Ms. 1492 1 v
hwymede occurs (f. 61 a, y hwynebe f. 57 b); S. C. wmed, I, p. 331, 337;
gwymad in Neath. The XorthWelshmaip, turnipsarosefrom*naip, ci. Ir. neipt.
(O'Reilly), Gael. neup, neip, sneup (Mac Alpine); Manx. napin (Cr.). Sp.
lias: maip X. W. =r erfin S. W. (Bret. irvin, navets); ci. also L. Morris,
Addit. Ms. 14944, f. 98 a: gwinllan faip, a field (properly a vineyard) of
turnips, Anglesey; lie compares to this use of gwinllan the proper meaning of
which
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 (delwedd B2637) (tudalen 116)
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n6 Nettlau.
must hâve faded away in this connection, the use of bûches (locus mulgcndi
vaccas, Davies, dictî) in bûches o ddefaid, a fold of sheep, C ardiganshire
(f. 38 a); E. Lhuyd Arch. Br. s. v. ovile: deveidty, — korlan devajd — kaid
devψ; S. W.
lhok dewd; Cornish bowdzhe devaz. — Add. Ms. 149 12 (medic.): sepadiu///
ervin; spadiuw eruin f. 92 a; had eruin f. 77 b.
r, l; ll.
47. Down 'from the end of the 1 5 th cent, rris often written in Mss. for
initial rh, cf. les. Coll. Ms. 141 rryngvnt f. 54 b, etc.; Sal. N. T. rrwn
(yr hwn), rrai, etc.; Y C, VII, p. 176 (Ms. B 2), p. 178 '(Ms. B 5), etc.; E.
Lhuyd, A. Br., p. 229 a says: rr occurs since about 1500 « in several NorthW.
Mss. ».
48. Sweet p. 418 describing the sound of rh remarks, h « seems to belong
almost as much to the following vowel »; he gives p. 431 the plur. ogla
(rhogl scent, odour, smcll Sp. and arogl). Initial rh with the article y is
often written in Mss.: y-r h-, cf. yr hwymon Addit. Ms. 14986 (i6th cent), f.
14 b; also ir hof i f. 15 a, arhwymo f. 14 b (a r(h)wymo). On the other side
r of the article yr is often transported before the following initial vowel,
cf. y r-wythnos, Ms. A p. 498, y r-ynat p. 499; les. Coll. Ms. 141 yr
r-eiddvnt f. 55 b, etc. These orthographs illustrate the pronunciation and
make it clear how in some words botli initial rh and h occur; cf. also noeth
and hoeth, 32, 33.
E. Lhuyd, A. Br. gives heddig, radish (from H. S.); L. Morris (Addit. Ms.
14944, f. 105 a) remarks: recte rhuddigl; Davies âict. has rhuddygl vide
huddygl; huddigl Mawrth, potius Rhuddygl, raphanus vulgaris sine agrestis,
radix, cheria; rhuddygl Sp., hiddig Sweet p. 415. — L. Morris, 1. c.: rhuddgwn
or hyddgwn and rhuddwernen, birds cherry tree f. 144 b. — Ib. yr wyll in
Anglesey f. 155 b; rhwyll gumphus, etc. (Davies). — Plur. ogl-a Sweet
(arogl). — Yngaser i (my razor), 'r hysbant fwristband), Powel, loanwords p.
29. — In Y C, VII, p. 235 rhwyddel is said to be « the regular Breconshire
form » of hwyddel, hwyfel (salmon). —
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 (delwedd B2638) (tudalen 117)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 1 1 7
Canetyra6c B. ofHerg., ed. Skene, p. 256; yrhawc Y S. Gr.
p. 280, 427, na deuynt y rawc dracheuyn § 5, etc.; L. Morris, Addit. Ms.
14944: rhawg or y rhawg or yr hawg, a good while to corne or after, not used
in Cardiganshire, [f. 144 a; NorthW. yr hawg — South W. eriydoamser, YTraeth.,ll\,
p. 13, etc., a North Welsh word. — Eminiog, hiniog; rhiniog (not in Sp.,
dict."), Davies (doorpost); L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14944: amminiog q.
Limen, Hypothyrum = South W. trothwy; mehiniog, vid. rhiniog, ib., f. 123 b
(like mysang: ymsang ?).
49. I cannot say whether similar relations exist between the Xorth W. hogvn
and the South W. rhoevn, for c in rhocyn could hâve been caused by the
peculiar Gwentian pronunciation of the mediae, see below; but I do not know
whether it is only a Gwentian word. However the dialectal distribution ol
tins and other words of similar meaning affords some interest. L. Morris,
Addit. Ms. 14923 says: South W. rhoccyn m., rhocces f. — North W. hog, hogvn
m., hogen f .; hoglangc; South W. bras roccyn m., llodes f. = North W. llangc
m., llodes and vulgo llangces f., f. 133 a; South W. crwtt, crwttyn m. (cf.
crut, a youth, in Pembrokeshire English, Cambr. Journ., II, p. 305), crottes
f. = NorthW. plentyn, bachgen m., geneth f. (ib.); Addit. Ms. 14944: NorthW. llangc
a lad, a lass; llangces a ladess, f. 114 b; Addit. Ms. 14923 1. c. South W.
bachgen m., benyw f. — NorthW. llangc, dyn m., merch f., Addit. Ms. 14944, f.
34 a: « bun, benyw common for a young woman in North W.; to call a woman
menyw or benyw is a slighting word in Cardiganshire and thei 'H answer menyw
ydyw caseg ». Cf. also Y Gwyl. 1828: South W. crwttyn m., crotten f. =
NorthW. hogvn m., hogen f .; W. Lleyn's vocabulary has rhoccas = liane, thus
giving words of different dialects as often, see Beitr. p. 28; 5. C. crotesi
plur. I, p. 374; pan own I (= oeddwn i) 'n grwt bach yn shirgar yma, Punch
Cymraeg, 18, 2, 1860; 'mhoylwr go lew w'i o grwt, dimet. dialect, given in
Powel's notes to the text printed in Y C, III, from Ms. Tit. D 22; y llancie
ar myrynion, 'Rhen ffaninvr, 9, 10, 49; am i lancesi tynta; morwun ib.
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 (delwedd B2639) (tudalen 118)
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1 1 S Nettlau.
50. The irrational vowels, ihserted between r, 1 and consonants and other
groups of consonants, (commonly called svarabhakti) arc widely spread in
Welsh; butsome orthographs prevailing in later Mss. which contain apparently svarabhakti
want further consideration and a previous examinatton of the different
dialectal forms of svarabhakti. The ordinarv literarv form is v with the
sound of the syllables previous to the last, i. e. a, cf. gwddaf, cwbâl
Davies, gramm. p. 42, who uses different types for the two y. Rhys, Arch.
Cambr., loanwordss. v. autor(and lectures 2 , p. 243) says, the svarabhakti
develôped in South W. into a fa 11 vowel, the quality of which is dependent
from the neighbouring vowels: eafan, dwfwn, dofon, lleidir — Northw. Ueidar
(Yr Amserau, 19, 3, 1851), from Ueidar. Also in Y Traelh, III, p. 9, South W.
cefen, drachefan (?), llester, llyfyr, Uyfur, ofan, ochor, temel, trefen,
svmyl, ystorom are given. — In Lewis' Glyn Cothi poems -er of broder rhymes
with genuine -er, cl. p. 42 v tri broder, lie gosoder, | Yr aur doder ar wyr
dedwvdd; p. 43 yn rhanau'r tri broder: Rhosser; p. 433: Dan vroder, ryw
amsër, oedd | a wnaeth Ruvain a' i threvoedd; bat tins er is more likelv to
be a rest of the old declension of this r-stem, showing an other degree of
stammabstufung than *brodr (brodvr). — In Neath: Uwtwn, llydynod; gweddal,
gweddelod (chwedl); the plurals show thesyllabic value of the svarabhakti vowels.
51. Ofan is currous, bat its existence cannot be doabted. Cf. i\Is. Tit. D 22
ouan f. 11 b; Addit. Ms. 14973, 1640 (Rees Prichard) ofan in rhyme with v
hynan; Addit. Ms. 1492 1 ofori f. 9 a, 11 a, diofon f. 3 b, diofyn f. 11 a,
eon f 4 and ofan f. 4 b; ofan Ms. B 3, Jerwerth Vynglwyd's poems, Y C. MI, p.
177; C. y C. ofan and chwarian (an asaal infinitive form in this text) rhyme;
ofan, Punch Cymraeg 21, 1, 1859 (from Ebbw-Vale, Monmouthsh.). The onlvwav in
which I could accoant for this a is to sappose an old *afan 3 of winch I hâve
no examples, bat the following forms of ofnadwv are not unlikely to support
it: T Traeth. III, p. 12: olnadwy, ofnaswy; in Ardudwy (a part ol
Carnarvonsh.) rtfnadsan; Yr Ane. ofnadsan, ofnatsan, ofnedsan, alnadsan
(thrice);
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 (delwedd B2640) (tudalen 119)
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Notes on Welsh Consonanis. 1 19
Y Bed. (Monmouthsh.) wyt ti 'n depyg afhatyw i dy dad, YIII, p. 106; YGwron
Gymreig: gwaith afnatsen, 20, 4, 52; yn afnatsen, afhadwu 3, 6, 52; afnatw,
ofan ewn in Xeath; afnadsen in Carmarthenshire; see on -san and on other
dialectal forms my article on the adverbs, v C. IX, p. 277 and Bcitr. § 55,
63. — Afn exists but lias a somewhat different meaning though a connection of
both is not altogether excluded.
52. In middle Welsh Mss. the svarabhakti is mostly written v, but in some
South Welsh Mss. the now prevailing full vowels are found as earlv as at that
time. Ct. B. of Herg. t6r6f col. 558, 667, 683, 772, kynn6r6f 571, ac a dogon
o arueu g6r a march 648, dogon o gynnut 650 (dogyn 650, 651), vst6ff6l
664(5), na chorofna chyfr6y 742, hoedel 699, 702, 824, lloeger 555, 745, (y
holl gyfaranc 714, amylach 741). Ll. Gw. Rb. torof p. 253. S. gobor p. 608
(Owen), lleidir, lleidyr f. 8 b, gidleidir 1. 9 b; Ms. Cleop. B 5 dynnyon diwala
heb wybor dim, 1. 52 a; kenedil f, 33 a, 65 b; o genedyl f. 44 b; cf. gwabar,
gwabor Addit. Ms. 14973, t. 86 b vulgo gwabar, gwobor, L. Morris, Addit. Ms.
14944, f. 94 b; S. ymeystelleist p. 599, y 6ystoloryaeth f. 59 a, ganteref p.
195, berenhin p. 586, ran o deref eu tadeu f. 74 b-; kyreuyd f, 108 a,
datyleuoed f. 68 a, datyl6ryaeth, f. 68 b, 69 a; Cleop. B 5, dechereu f. 109
a, dioloehas f. 143 b. Ms. Tit. D 22 angheredigyreyth f. 7 a, llifdvuuvreth
f. ri, llifdyuuyreth, dvuereth (dvfredd) 1. 8, etc.
L. Morris in a letter (1762) printed in T C. II mentions cafan,*dafan,
trwscwl in South W. pocms. S. C. ofon I, p. 231, 233, sobor p. 373, cefen,
n-\vnc\vl II, p. 382, etc.
In Addit. Ms. 1492 1 (i6th cent.) cf. chweddel f. 46 b, drechefen f. 35 a, 37
b, karregel f. 26 a, llester f. 24 a, 30 b (even lleste f. 21 a, final r is
often omitted, and llestair which proves the pronunciation e for ai in final
syllables), lhvdwn f. 61 a, etc. — Add. Ms. 149 13: dwvwr f. 65 b, 60 b, 77
a; y kylart f. 51 a, gwlvb/tfroc f. 53 a, dwffyr f. 53 a, dwr and dyfwr, etc.
The NorthW. talwra (er ystahvm, ystalwm, 'stalwm — in South W". er vs
llawer dydd, ys dyddie, etc., are used in the
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120. Nettlau.
same sense) is a rare example of a svarabhakti becomiing syllabic w; cf. yr
ystalym, B. of Herg. col. 714.
5 1 . A svarabhakti exists also in groups containing liquids or nasals
in the commencement of a stressed syllable, e. g. tylawd, kynawd, etc. The r
and l in groups like vowel + r, l + cons. or r, l + vowel + cons. are not
seldom transposed and orthographs containing a vowel before and after the r, l
appear as the intermediate forms. But here real metatheses like plygain for pylgain
must be separated from the frequent apparent metatheses in pretonic syllables
besides whom also vowels + r, l + vowels, vowels alone (r, l apparently
dropped) and neither vowels nor r, l (the whole syllable lost) are written.
These orthographs have nothing to do with the svarabhakti; the unstressed
syllable was reduced here to an irrational vowel or, if the surrounding
consonants permitted it, was totally lost.
54. Cf. the following examples of the alterations of initial cons. + r, 1, n
(cons. + m never occurs). Latin Laves, 1 3th cent, cherechvt ardea, Owen p.
775 (see Beitr. § 111), deressaur p. 771, 773 (drysor). Addit. Ms. 19709 ac y
bu reit vdunt yna o âoloâi b6yt a dia6t mynet yr tir oc eu llogeu f. 14 a;
ib. in the fragment of the Welsh Dares Phrygius always goroec for groec. Kanaed
Tit. D 22, f. 1 b. Talodionsee Beitr. § 3, n. 14. Gr. Roberts, gramm. taramwy
and tramwy, tylawd and tlawd (p. 68 of the part on poetics; talodi Ms. S, f.
73 a. Addit. Ms. 14913 (i6th cent.), kynawd f. 13 a, 16 b, kylaff f. 51 a
(clafj. Addit. Ms. 14986 (i6th cent.) cyroes f. 19 b, ynghyroc f. 20 a
(croc), kvredwch f. 26 a, kyriawdyr f. 20 a; deng myrenin f. 44 a,
bvlvnvddoedd f. 10 b (dcebyre f. 48 b, kythereiliaid f. 19 a), Addit. Ms.
14938 (iyth cent.) pyriodi f. 68 a (cf. fe brodes, Add. Ms. 1492 1, f. 22 b; North
W. prodi, Sweet p. 428). In a prose text in the iyth cent. Ms. Add. Ms. 31060
such orthographs are regularlv used, cf. a byriodes f. 216 b, kylyddaddodd f.
217 a (he buried, leg. kylyddodd, the error was caused probably by claddodd
in the original text; as I hâve not the context of tins passage now before me
I must concede that kylyddaddodd can be ail right, as magaddoedd, etc. with
dd where d is expected, occur also) f. 217 a; ynys byrydain f. 214 b,
byrytaen, bvrv-
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. i 2 1
tainf. 215 a, byrytain, byritain f. 215 b, 217 a, brydain, brudain f. 216 b,
byritanied f. 217 a, byrtaniëd f. 214 a; ap Vyrytus Darian las, ap byrutus,
ap byrtus ib. f. 214 b, 215 a; krvlon f. 216 b, kyrvlon f. 214 b, 216 b;
mylynedd f. 215 b; byryddewyd f. 226 a (breuddwyd); (ib. vsydd, dowad for
dyfod). Addit. Ms. 31057 dyrygioni, y kylowir (clywir) chwedlav, f. 108 b,
107 b, ffylowr ddylis (fleur de lis) f. 118 a, oi bylegid, Arrangee, etc.;
Stozue Ms. 672, f. 320 a pyrgethwr.
55. These forms are proved by the following modem torms to be merely
orthographs trying to represent anearly vanished unstressed syllable. Cf. C.
f'civ. T.: es bylnydde lawer, bvlnyddoedd p. 475, sgyrfena di p. 269, pyrffesswr
p. 146, yn bylserus iawn p. 258, pyrgethu pp. 42, 73, cyrfyddol p. 56; cryadur
p. 9, cyradur p. 57, cradur pp. 21, 34, 96; pi. cryduried p. 9, eyrduried p.
^4 etc.; o syr Gynarfon p. 62, dyehgefn p. 60 (so also in Add. Ms. 14921:
dechefn f. 3 a, dechefen f. 24 b, skifeny 1. 35 a, yn skefenedic 1. 41 b,
etc.); myrwymo, Yr Aviserait 1, 7, 47 (i byrtoi 4, 11, 47, ryferyd 18, n, 47;
anffredin 16, 12, 47), etc. Yr Arzv. pygethu 20, 1, 1859, yn sgwenud, sgwenu
17, 7, 56 (also syfenu, sytenodd = ysgrifenu, etc.), sgwenwr 31,7, 55; Y
Cyfaill difyr (Ruthin) pygethwrs, o gethu; Y Traeth. 1864, p. ni: cydwried,
etc. — Yn rvwinol iawn, 'R Hen Ffarmwr, 9, 10 1849; yn ryswydus, 29, n, 1849.
{A suivre). Nettlau.
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 (delwedd B2643) (tudalen320)
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320-329 REVUE CELTIQUE TOME IX 1888 NOTES ON
WELSH CONSONANTS BY DR. M. NETTLAU (Suite i)
56. Irrational syllables containing m
are: yn 'myddangos, C. j'civ. T., p. 56, mae' myddangos, yn rhwbeth mygenach p.
258 (yn mgenach p. 309; amgen), yn myddanos p. 481 (ymddangos). Cf. mysangu
to trample, a standing metathese for ymsangu (but what is maesing ?); on this
word and other synonyms see Y Cymiiir., IX, p. 81, n. 1.
57. Real metatheses of r and 1 seem to exist in the following words, a part
of winch is peculiar to certain dialects.
I. vowel + l, r + cons. : Latin pullicantus becomes pylgain in SouthW.,
plygain in NorthW., as stated by D. S. Evans, Jlythr., Rhys, Arch. Cambr.,
loanwordss. v. pullicantus, Spurrell, gramme 99;pylgainin Glamorgansh.,
YGcnincn III, p. 19; cf. pilgeint B. of Cann., p. 8, 35, 37. — Hughes 1822 :
NorthW. crybwyll — SouthW. coffhau; Sp. : cyrcor- crycre-bwyll; B. ofCarm.
Sk. 28 kirpuill, B. ofTal. kyrb6ylletor Sk. 45, kyrbeylleis, a gyrb6yllei B.
of Herg. col. 633; nyscrybwyllir yno Ll. Gw. Rh. p. 31, a rygyrbwyllassei p.
2, etc. — dyrchafael and drychafael occur both in Middlewelsh manuscripts;
certain SW. texts seem to prefer drychafael, but in most of the greater texts
both are used so indiscriminately that statistics of the frequency of their
occurence seem to be the only means to trace some rules in this
1. Voir t. IX, p. 164; t. X, p. 105.
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 32 f
matter. Cf. arderchaucl ^ p. 15; a dirchafuy B. of Carm., Nr. 18; L. p. 167
dyrchauel — R dyrehauael — I, 0, P, O, S dryehafel; L p. 215 drychauel; S p.
544 drychafael; T = Harl. Ms. 958 has dvrchauel f. 4 b, but drychauel nearly always
besides this case, as also V (Harl. Ms. 4353); LL Gw. Rb. dyrchauawd p. 247,
dyrchafyssant p. 123, etc., darchauel p. 246. Sal. N. T. derchafael f. 400 b,
darchefwch f. 123 a; drvchafyssant f. 382 a, drychafont, drychafasant (Huet).
Add. Ms. 14986 drvchef f. 27 b, ac yn ychel drchefwch f. 29 a (cf. 14974, f.
75 a i brnhawnfwvd : f . 78 b dan byrnhawnvwvd); Add. Ms. 14973 (Re es
Prichard) ymddrachafo f. 85 b, pan drachafer f. 89 b; CyC, 1672 : derchefwch
p. 513, derchafiad etc., gan eu drycha tu ar mynydd (marg. derchafu) p. 116,
etc. — Occasional metathese: naskadranhao: kadarnhau Ms. L. f. 94 b. —
ffyrlling and ffryllyng (feordling), Powel. — Cf. also pvlor : pluor : powdr
gwn and pluor : dwst : powdr in W. Llevn's vocabulary; yn dwst ac yn blwr LL
Gw. Rb. p. 3. golud and gloud, Spurrell. gramme 99.
58. II. l, r + vowel + coxs. : prydnawn, B. of Herg. col. 745 a phrynha6n,
col. 726 a phrynhaeng6eith; Add. Ms. 12193 (15 12) pyrnhawn f. 16 a, 16 b
(four times); Salesbury, dict. Kino echwydd ne pyrnhawnfwyt, nonemeat; Y Gwyl.
1823, I, p. 141 pyrnhawn is printed several times from a Ms. of Angharad
Llwyd; on Ms. 14974 see § 57- — Addit. Ms. 149 13 Gryflydd f. 84 b, Gyrffydd
ib. (1609). — yscoluethu Ms. B of Brud v Tyw. p. 124: ysclyfaethu, B.
ofHerg.; ysglyfaeth Sp. — entrych and entyrch Davies, dict. — trydedd or
tyrdedd. Byegones 1S83, p. 234. — dorstau, dorsta6 for drosta6 in Mss. E and
S, see Y Cymmr. VIII, p. 130. — trwstan, alicubi twrstan, infelix, infaustus
Davies, dict.
59. r scems to be in certain positions of weak articulation in the spoken
language since it is often omitted in popular texts; cf. wth (wrth) often in
Yr Ane, common in Neath; ty'd for tyred, tyr'd, Yr Arw.; see Sweet, p. 428-9
: sadwn in Neath satwn, siswn but plur. sisurna; but garddwn (= arddwrn), pi.
garddàna (the unstressed formwas her generalized); kwlit (coverlet).
Merionethsh., C. few. T. wrth gw's (of course), Rhisiat, yny palment (also
Addit. Ms. 3 106 1 f. 49 a);
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}2J Nettlau.
S. C. yn arfe'u I p. 292. petris (Powel) = pertris Ll. Gw. p. 125, cf. also
partrissot Didr. Casgl. p. 234, 238, patrissot p. 235 (Odericus' travels). —
In Mss. of the i6th-i8th cent, these colloquial forms also occur, though a
part of them evidently can not be discenied from scribal errors; cf. Add. Ms.
14986 (i6th cent.) onestwydd f. 27 a, benin f. 33 b, y porthor f. 37 a, ymadd
(ymladd) f. 37 a, Sioseff barmathia f. 20 b — bamathi f. 21 b; Add. Ms. 14973
dvw Mawth f. 61 a (1628); Add. Ms. 14919 pudan f. 139 a, o gythrevliaid f.
139 b — y kythevliaid f. 140 a (a Ms. of Pur dan Padric); Add. Ms. 15038
mastr pothor f. 60 b = y Meistr Porthorin Ms. 14973 etc. Every single example
may be doubted at, taken separately, but taken together they prove the same tendency
as in the modem language, to pronounce indistinctly or to drop chiefly the
unstressed r and 1.
^ 60. Some groups of consonants containing r and 1 are either separated by
svarabhakti or altered in various ways by metatheses, assimilations etc.
Especially the alterations ofsome dentals are of interest. The examples which
I collected are :
r-l : ri becomes rll (cf. also the English loanwords garlleg, fTyrlling,
Powel), liable to become 11 : in the compounds with the preposition gor- rll
and 11 arise; cf. gullevin, gulleugin L. Landav.; yg golle6iga61 eigaôn B.
ofHerg., col. 3 1; gollewin and gorllewin Sp., cf. also dr6y othrymder Ms. S
"f. 66 b, hep othrymder f. 86 a; gorymgu (ch later inserted) in Add. Ms.
19709, f. 11a; in modem compounds the destitution of the second element has
been introduced by analogy, cf. gorlif etc., D. S. Evans, llythr., § 124, 3.
— SouthW. allwys = arlloesi, see Beitr. § 106. — any dallenasoch, Sal. N. f.
— erllynedd and ellynedd, anno praeterito Davies dût., cf. yr- llyned, B.
ofHerg. col. 757 (3), yr llened, col. 757; eleni ib.; leon. hevlene :
cornouaill. hellene, R. C. VII, p. 309, VIII, p. 504; leni : blynydd reminds
of trefi : trefydd, and the 2nd sing. pres, in -i and -ydd etc.; leni is
probably a casus obhquus of blynydd, but this is for blyddyn (blyddynedd, D.
S. Evans, dict., corn, blithen, bret. blizenn); blwydd, blwyddyn, blwyn (ene
uuluyn, Ms. A of the Laivs, pp. 3, 9), blwvnydd, ir. bliadain hâve the
original diphthong*ei kept,
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 323
which became *i in case of the accent being on the termination of this old
n-stem. The metathesis of d and n can only hâve given blynydd, so -i in eleni
is an analogical imitation of the declension of those nouns in -ydd which are
old stems in -jo-. From this we may conclude that they h ad -i in this casus
obliquus. elenid seems to contain a deictic affix like ucho, uchod, iso,
isod. — Sweet p. 429 gives gerllig for gellaig, ellaig (pears); it may be a
wrongly reconstructed form, since other 11 sprang really from rll.
61. r-b. r-p : rff is also liable to become ff: cf. y kvuaffei, Clcop. B. 5,
f. 80 b; daffar : darparu, W. Lleyn's vocabulary; gotïwvses (gorphwysais) is
mentioned in Y Gwladgarwr (Aberdare), 6, 10, 1860.
rf: daru for darfu is frequent in the North Welsh dialects, cf. be haru chi
hyiddrw*= pa beth ddarfu i chwi heddyw, Yr Ariv. 17, 7, 56; be haru ti, C.
f'ezu. T. p. 337. — o Gnafron for o Gaernarfon occurs, Yr Ariv. 30, 10, 1859.
62. fr : In a certain part of Ms. A, in which sh and h for th are often used,
kereis p. 57, kereiht p. 77, kereishiaul p. 58 etc. occur besides keuerit, p.
63 and kefreiht ib. — cyfrysedd Sp.; cywyrsedd, dimet. crwysedd (Sp.),
contentio Davies dict. — llwfr and llwrf coward, B\cgoncs 1883, p. 234, Sp.;
Hancs yffydd, i6yj, gloss. NorthW. llyrfion (plur.) = digalon, diog; Ll. v
Rcsol. NorthW. llvrfder = gwangalondid.
_// : On NorthW. taflu : SouthW. tawlu see § 97. — NorthW. taflod = SouthW.
tawlod f. a loft, Rhys, Arch. Cambr. loanwords s. v. tabulatum. — cofleidia
and cowleidia, Sal., À r . T. — côl for cofl in Williams' (Pant y Celyn) bymns,
cf. Y Traeth. 1870, p. 413; côl in SouthW., Hughes 1822. — Sp. has gwarthali
and gwarthol, stirrup; in MiddleWelsh texts cf. warthafleu B. ofHerg. col.
812, gwarthauleu, yny warthafyl etc. Ll. Giv. Rb. p. 56, 68, 127. gwarthol
may contain the sullix -ol. cf. penwag and pennog herring, but this assumption
is not necessary. — syflvd and sylfyd, to move, to be moved, Richards dict. —
Yr Amscrau : mi cvwlogodd 9, 10, 1849; ib. breewest; cwleustra, cwarfod,
tawlud, wel ene, camddewnyddio, 23, 1, 1850; cweithu (cyfieithu) 27, 8, 185 1;
cwarwod 31, 12, 185 1.
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(delwedd B2647) (tudalen324)
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324 Neitlau.
63 . rth : I cannot explain the following words quoted here from W. Llevn's
vocabulary, whence they are given in the dictionaries : aelgaeth, aelgeth,
aelgerth : gên, clicied gen (the cheekbone, the jawbone); elgeth: aelgeth :
gên, boch; Davies dict. aelgerth, aelgeth, aelgaeth, elgeth, mentum, maxilla;
elgeht, corn, vocab.; bret. elguez Calhol., elgez.
rd : SouthW. cerdin = cerddin, see § 39. — Engl. murder : dimet. mwrddwr
(Powel). — Final rd became rt (the same) .
tr : final tr becomes t : e. g. cebystr Zeuss, Gr. Celt. 2 , p. 176; L. Morris,
Add. Ms. 14944, f. 56 a: cebystr vulgo cebyst in Anglesey a sheat, a part of
the 'plough; elsewhere a stilt; the sense of halter is only preserved « in an
obsolete curse : y cebyst am eich gwddw, the halter about vour neek ! » Also
final thr and dr become th and d; cf. Sal. N. T. f. 8 a marg. odieth,
angwanec, f . 7 b o ddyethr (onid); Yr Arw. fewyth 13. n. 56; arad etc. Thr
is also transposed into rth : cf. S =■ Addit. Ms. 22356 e6vth(r
writtenabove th).) f. 115 b, na nai nac eerth f. 115 a; ythraid dy ewyRtbr û
dwyf, Stowe 672, f. 183 b; the cynghanedd requires ewythr, but ewyrth the
scribe evidently had in mind. Y Drych crist., 1585 : mywn gwlad dierth Di;
talmithr: tamyrth (sic) : ebrwydd W. Lleyn; hence Davies dict. : obsolete
talmithr, corrupte talmyrth improviso, repente, subito; oddieithr and
oddigerth, Rowlands gramme, p. 116; ewyrth, ewrth, dierth occur in ail modem dialects;
also oddigerth. — Cf. also maleithr, malerth, blain, kibe Sp. dict.
64. The groups dl and dn are variously altered; the dentals afford the most
interest, since d changes often with dd; some of these dd are SouthWelsh and
perhaps the early development of the svarabhakti into a full vowel in the
Southern dialects is the cause of this change, d being posed at an early period
between vowels and regularly becomingdd. These phenomena are very frequent in
Breton, cf. e. g. Welsh hydref — cornouaill. miz edro, miz here — vann. miz
ezre — leon. miz here (Troude) etc.; much examples are given in Ernault's article
in Revue Celt. V, pp. 124-8.
65. Cf. E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br. s. v. tenax : gwydyn, SouthW.
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(delwedd B2648) (tudalen325)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. $2{
gwyddyn (gwydn, gwyddn tough, clammy Richards, dict.) — gwadn, gwaddn base
sole, Sp.; godentruit, planta, Corn, vocab. — cadno, the SouthWelsh word for
fox, Cleop. A 14 (Ms. IV), f. 102 a, kadno f. 90 a; cadnaw, cadno, dimet. canddo
Davies dict.; L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14923, f. 134 a SouthW. cadno, cedni =
NorthW. lhvynog, -od; the same is stated in Y Gwyl., 1828; Jones, Hist. of.
Breconsh. I, p. 2 : cadno, pronounced canddo is the only word for fox used in
SouthWales; Ll. Achau 1602, p. 19 kadno where also y wadd occurs, (cf. Y
Geninen III p. 19 : Glamorgansh. y wadd === Northw. twrch daear (mole).)
66. The same alteration of dn as in cadno took place in the name of the town
of Brecon Aberhonddu. Cf. the following references for the names of these
rivers : Nicholas, History of Glamorganshire, 1874, p. 40 prints from a
document: et memorandum quod filii Morgan Cadewalthan (= Cadwallawn) habent
Glynrotheni; ib. p. 134 (from the iyth-iSth cent. Glamorganshire-pedigrees, ed.
by Th. Phillipps) : Glynrondde; Glynroddney in Merricks Hist. of Glam., ed.
Th. Phillipps, p. 25, the well knowm Rhondda Valley. Hodni and Honddu are
evidently identic with *Rhodni, Rhonddu, see § 48. Cl. the article on
Llanthony Priory in Monmouthshire (by G. Roberts, Arch. Cambr. I, 1, p.
201-245 where Landevvi Nanthotheni, Nanthonddye (Leland, V, p. 69) etc. are
given; bet hodni, L. Landav.; Lantodheni (Ms. R. B. Lanthodheni) Gir.
Cambrensis, VI, p. 9; ib. (RoH's edition) p. 20, note : the river Hodni or
Honddu; Aberhodni or Aberhonddu, the city of Brecon (cf. o Dre Aberhonddi, L.
Dwnn, Her. Vis. I, p. 112). L. Morris in Celtic Remains (ed. by D. S. Evans) quotes
from poets : Hodni a'i /raint — hyd /zef/ry (Huw Cae Llwyd); Rhyd ynglynn —
Rhodm yngwhd (Llewelyn Goch). Edn Aber Hodni obaîth, GwaitbL. Gl. Cothi, p.
6.
67. Hoedl life, « the ancient said hoeddl » Richards dict. probably taken
over from Davies dict. which I cannot ascertain at this moment. The older
poets indeed ordinarely use hoeddyl, anaddyl, ceneddyl, chweddyl, etc.
Numerous examples could be given from Add. Ms. 14869. — Y wethel, Ms. Tit. D
22 (see YC. III); Addit. Ms. 14921 chweddel f. 46 b;
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3 26 Nettlau.
achweddl, achweddl = chwedl Davies dict.; chweddl is said (and proved by the
texts to be quoted) by D. S. Evans, Jlythr. to be Southw.; cf. CyC. 1672
chweddel p. 198, camweddle p. 419; chwedleua, to speak occurs B. of Herg., col.
801; ymddidan (marg. hwedleua) Sal. N. T., a chwedleyawdd f. 381 b (Huet); L.
Morris, Add. Ms. 14944: chwedleua sermonem cura aliquo habere, to discourse
etc., dimet. dialect f. 62 a; Add. Ms. 14923: SouthW. chwedleu, whedleua to
discourse = NorthW. siarad, ymgomio f. 133 b; dd is totally lost in the
Gwentian dialect, cf. pan boi yn weleia, YBed. 1849, VIII, p. 147
(Monmouthsh.); a pha beth i chi'n wlyâ, Y Tyw. a'r G. (Llanelli) 1856, p. 94;
peidwcharosi wleua (Glamorgansh.) = p. a. i siarad (Northwales), Y Geninen
III, p. 19; wedes wrtho am beidio wleua yn y ffordd hyria sha fi, Y Fellten,
28 b, 1871; whedlia 14, 1, 47, IV Ams.; u, i for eu as in crulon, lluad etc.;
in Neath : wlya and gweddal (chwedl); on the latter see Sweet.
68. dd in the interior of words is also lost in cered for cerdded, cf. Addit.
Ms. 14986 (i6th cent.) kered ipt., f. 16 a; Serai Gomer 185 1 : cerwch p. 99
(Glamorgansh.); also in Y Bed.'Wlll, p. 174; ipt. cerad, Yr Arw. 30, 10, 59;
Sweet gives ker, kerad, kersoch. Perhaps dd was flrst dropped in the ipt.
cerdd, go !, a form of this verb perhaps oftener used than others, and *cer
was thence transferred by analogy in the interior of the word; for final rdd
becomes commonly r, cf. i'ncyfwrni, Yr Arw. 24, 2, 59 (cyfwrdd, cyhwrdd,
cwrdd), y ffor bach hono, y ftor 26, 2, 57; rfor 'hyny C.f'au. T.; bwr, pi.
bardda, i ftwr, pi. fiyrdd, Sweet p. 429, 436. Cf. also ager and agerdd
aestus, vapor Davies dict. and the old Elidir coscoruaur .i. magnae familiae,
Ms. Vesp. A 14, f. 11 a (de situ Brech.; cosgorddfawr).
69. On ddl cf. SouthW. anvollon (11 is not Welsh 11) == anfoddlon, E. Lhuyd,
Arch. Br. p. 226 c; also in Y Traetb. III, p. 8 Northw. boddlon = Southw.
bo'lon; cf. S. C. yn folon I, p. 212, bolon, anfolon (Aberdare); wy'n folon,
Y Bed. VIII, p. 108. — bodlon : Sal., N. T. dda iawn, marg. vodlondda,
bodlon, Y drych chr., f. 44 b; Yr Amserau 2, 8, 1849; boddlawn, corrupte
bodlon, Davies, dict.: ny'londeb,
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Noies on Welsh Consonanis. 327
C.feiu. T. p. 338 (fïyddlondeb); ffytlon, Ms. Cleop. B. 5, f. 55 a,
fïythlondeb f. 104 b.
70. Final 1 in -dl, -gl -bl is commonly dropped; also r in -dr. Cf. anadl (leon.
alan, vann. anal), banadl (kyn uelynet a blodeu y banadyl, a comparison often
used in the Mabinogion, cf. cols. 558, 559, 689, 824; leon. balan, vann.
belan, banal; on mac'h-bonal : leon. baz-valan, see Rev. Celt. VIII, p. 30);
danadl (urtica) : * danal of which I hâve no examples, and danad, cf. banad
Sp., morddanad (white horehound in Cardiganshire, L. Morris Add. Ms. 14944,
add. to Davies botanohg.); gereid y dynat coch, Medd. Myddfai, B. of Herg. §
12 (roots of the red nettle). Add. Ms. 14912, f. 89 b marrub'mm rubeuw y mordynat
koz; f. 93a urtica: dynhaden. E. Lhuyd, A. Br. p. 230 b: Kadwalad, amherod;
possib (possible); he gives : Northw. banhadlen, banadl, Southw. banhalk-n,
pi. banal; of* danal I hâve no example, but it is the form from which dalan
sprung, cf. dalan poethion (mentioned by Schuchardt, Augsburger A llgemeine
Zeitung, 1876, p. 2554 b); banhaddlen : Add. Ms. 149 12, f. 37 b ryw bren
yssyd debic yr banhatlen; cf. ib or g6ynt y anaddyl f. 64 a, hiddvl f. 58 a;
t = dd.
71. So danadl, danad and dalan occur; Davies dict. has dynadl, dynad urtica;
the etymological connection of this word with the following ones from other
Ccltic languages is not clear to me : Ir. Xeanaid .i. neantôg O'Cl.,
nenaidCorm. B, see Windisch dict.; neanaidh, neantôg, neant and neantôg Lhuyd,
Arch. Brit., mairbhneanntôg, deadnettle, blind nettle P. O'Conor; deantôg.
feantôg, neantôg OReilly 1; gaeleanndag, feanndag, eanntag, eonntag, ...
teag, ianntag Armstrong s. v. nettle; deanntag (Shaw), more frequently
written ionntag; eandag, in some parts of the Highlands feandag : ionntag,
neanntag, id.; eanntag, deanntag, eanntagach, Mac
I. I hâve searched several of the
Irish medical Mss. to find other forms of this word but did not succeed. Cf.
e. g. de uritica .i. donneandtoig, ... brochan neanta, ros na nenta, ...
duillebur na nenta (Ms. H 2, 17, 292a) and the gloss nena .i. dubach uel
nenat .i. nentocc (Ms. H 4, 22, 316 a). At any rate I ara certain never to
hâve found dentog, fentog or *entog in one of these Mss. nor in other
glossarial collections.
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328 Nettlau.
leod 1853; feanndag, -aige, -an f. id. Manx undaagagh, ondaagagh. Breton
linhadenn; inSarzeau lêrad (= leinad), Rev. Cclt. III, p. 55; Cornish
linhaden, linaz (Fer., Lhuyd). It can hardly be assumed that Welsh
danadlarose by means ofdissimilation from *nanadl. (ir. nenaid), since ir.
deantôg bcsides neantôg contains also d; I think therefore that the Irish forms
are combinations of the equivalent of Welsh danadl and ofthe old nenaid;
danadl, if connected with dant, would require an Irish word commencing with
*dët-, which was by the influence of*nent altered into *dent- ? Is linhadenn
for *dinhadenn ? Or are the words for flax and nettle mixêd up ? Eanntag and
feanntag would present smaller difficulties, if they were noth occurring in
Irish and Gaelie both and in Manx too. — Welsh dialects show interesting
forms : drynid, drynitan in Neath, dynewtyn in parts of Carmarthenshire : a
most curious form, pointig perhaps to the former existance in Welsh of a form
like Irish nenaid. — The most obvious explanation seems to be to hold
deanntog, danhadlen, (linhadenn ?) to stand for *neanntog, *nanadl,
(*ninhadenn); only the occurrence of d in both Irish and Welsh must then be
held to be of a purely accidentai character, which I am not yet prepared to
believe. Certainly the dialects still contain forms which may throw light on
this question as dynewtyn evidently does in a certain degree.
72. gl, bl : çprwg, a cakaseof mutton, Cardigansh., L. Morris Addit. Ms.
14944, f- 54 a (trunk, carcase Sp.), cwrwg or corwgl, a carcase of meat,
Cardigansh., ib. f. 56 a. mwswg, mwswgl, mwswn, mwsogl (moss, Sp.). C.yC,
1672 perig p. 136, dysgib, mwnwg in rhyme with golwg p. 8 (cf. mynwgyl Ms.
Cleop. B 5, f. 24 b, mwnwgl (marg. wddwg) Sal. N. T. f. 28 b, ei wdhwg neu ei
fynwgl, Y drycher. f. 17 b, tûth milgiaidd, kefngochwys, mynyglflew, garw
allt etc., Add. Ms. 31055 f. 3 6 a (Araith Gwgaiï); Rhaesus, g ni m m, 1592
mànâgyl, pi. mânâgleu et septentrion, dialecto mwnwgyl). Sweet p. 429 :
hiddig, perig, rhisg, posib, but anadl, banadl, etc.
73 . Other groups containing liquids are occasionally altered, cf. seldrem a
bundle, « some say sedrem » (Richards, dût.'); S = Add. Ms. 22356 ar 6r eleissic
f. 100 a, egl6ys ib.;
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Notes on Welsh Consonanis. 329
Add. Ms. 15038 tervyn yngynion y brenhinodd o gwlen a decrire ynglynyon y
grolith f. 62 a (englynion, croglith); Add. Ms. 14986 enlyn (englyn) f. 8 b,
arglwydd and arlwydd Davies £T. p. 198; E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br. s. v. dominus :
SouthW. arlwydd (corn, arluit Voc, arluth P.; f. arludes Voc, cf. in Add. Ms.
1492 1 (Gwent: dialect): argwyd (sic) f. 32 b, h-agIwydd f. 15 a — arlwydd f.
44 b, arlwyddes f. 49 a, yr lwydes (= i'r arglwyddes) f. 50 a, Iwyddes also
f. 49 a (thrice), f. 49 b., at yr Iwyddes f. 4 b. Other forms occuring in
this dialectal text arc : crisnogaeth f. 17 a(st-n), cf. Add. Ms. 14973 (1640)
crisnogaid f. 69 b, yn grisnogaidd f. 100 b, etc.; mârfol f. 2 a : marolaeth
f. 1 r b; elwys (as in 5) f . 16 a; yslys f. 1 1 b (vstlys f. 12 a); in the
end of words : mwnwc f. 1 1 a, mywc (sic) f. 33 a, yn bossyb f. 26 a, dierth
f. 6 a, 56 b, dinyst f. 19 a, ffenest f. 15 b etc. — masnach trade, in some
places masgnach (Richards, dict., from Davies), cf. Add. Ms. 14986 (i6th
cent.) masgnach f. 27 b; Pwy 111 mysg ein peu masgnach, Iolo, Add. Ms. 14944,
f. 123 a; grwnach = grwgnach Sp. etc.
74. In the folio wing words metatheses, omissions etc. of r and 1 occur :
crwybr, al. cwybr Davies, dict.; cf. Powel in a note to the text printed from
Ms. Tit. D 22 in Y C. III : crwybr scum, a honeycomb, in parts of SouthW.
hoarfrost (llwydrew — NorthW. barug) — llewych and Uewyrch, Davies gramm. p.
197; Gr. lloberts gramm., p. 71: llewrch tros lewych; mein llywychcdic B. of
Herg. col. 658; Ll. y Res. : NorthW. llewych = Uewyrch. — bretheirio belche
Sal. dict.; bretheirio, brytheirio, bytheirio Davies dicl., E. Lhuyd, Arch.
Br. s. v. ructo : dimet. brytheirio; blytheirio Sp.; gan fytheirio S. C. III
p. 604. Chwefror and ehwefrol, see § 23. ysgrawling and ysglowring, Richards
dict. Alistodlus Add. Ms. 14913, f. 71 a; Alcsdottlys, Y Brython 1860, p. 4
(from a i6th cent. Brit. Mus. Ms.); — moron, sing. moronen et corrupte
mororen, pastinaca, pastinago, cara radix, Davies, dict.; serrigl, id. quod nuncsienigl,
lacerus, eontritus, ib.
(A suivre). Nettlau.
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 (delwedd B2653) (tudalen 68)
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REVUE
CELTIQUE. TOME XI. 1890.
NOTES
ON WELSH CONSONANTS
BY
DR. M. NETTLAU 68-79
Notes on Welsh Consonants (suite),
by
Dr. M. Nettlau .... 68
(Suite (1))
Nettlau (Max) Article
“Notes on Welsh consonants” [additional details: part 3] Periodical
Revue Celtique 11 (1890) Revue Celtique 11 (1890). Internet Archive:
<link>, <link>
Pages
68–79 Language
English
//.
75. On the pronunciation of the unilateral Welsh 11 see Salesbury, 1547 and
Ellis notes to his description;]. D. Rhys, Granim. 1592, p. 24: linguae
maiore cuspidis parte in eam palati regioncm, quae primoribus dentibus iisque
supernis vicina est, valido nisu impulsa, ita interim parce diducto rictu, ut
obscuram quandam rotunditatem prae se ferat, ac quodam deinceps veluti ex
anserum serpentumque quasi sibili commixtione veluti per crasin constituto
halituose densissimo brutinoque sono et per maxillares dentes utriusque,
verum magis dextrorsum, operoso conatu, emisso; L. Morris, Celtic Rcinains,
p. Ixxv; Rhys, YC. II, p. 34; Sweet, p. 48. On the different signs used in
the B. of Herg. and in other Mss. to denote 11 and 1 -|- 1 see Evans, intr.
to the Oxford Mah., p. xv.
76. thl is often used by medieval English scribes to denote the Sound of 11
and it is still said, that EngHshmen are under the impression to hear thl for
11. Cf. the index to the Record of Carnarvon (see Zeuss- p. 1063); Arch.
Cambr. I, i, p. 105 Penthlinn, Thlintegid (H 2); I, 2, p. 244 Thloyt,
Thlewelyn
i. Voir t. IX, p. 164; t. X, p. 105.
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 (delwedd B2654) (tudalen 69)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 69
(1343); I, 4, p. 134 cantredus de Thleen (9E2 = Lleyn); insula Enthli, Gir.
Cambr. VI, p. 124; Cadewalthan see §66; Maghentleyt (Machynlleth) etc.
77. th is said to be a dialectal (Gwentian) pronunciation of th; in the
examples which I am going to quote, r, l or II occur in the neighbouring
syllables; hence I am unable to say whether dissimilation took place or
whether a real change of sounds must be stated. Cf. Schuchardt in Keltische
Briefc, Allg. Zeitung, 1876, p. 2323 b: ll becomes th in Monmouthshire from
Penmarc and Llandunod until Gwentlwg (these boundaries are given in the
Cambr. Journ. IV, p. 207); he quotes arath; cf. in a text from Ebbw Vale,
Monmouthsh., pl. erish and erith = erill, sing. arall, Punch Cymraeg Nr. 28,
29; cylleth for cyllell is more generally spread, cf. Y Beirniad III (1862)
p. 344 pl. cyllith; S. C. III p. 603 cyllith; arath Yr Arw. 30. 10. 1859.
--
C, CH, G T, TH, D, DD, S, H — P, PH, B, F, FF.
78. Before discussing some facts relating to the sundry guttural, dental and
labial consonantsi will give examples of the apparent « provectio » of g, d,
b in a part of the Gwentian dialect, vie. intheeasternpart ofGlamorganshire
and in Monmouthshire. Some intelligence of the phonetic side of this fact may
be gathered from Rh^'s, lectures^ p. 45, who quotes oti (ydyw), ffetog
(arphedog), gatel (gadael), retws (rhedodd) and who describes the t as a « t
somewhat softened towards d ».
79. In modem 'exts from Monmouthshire and such parts of Glamorganshire in
which e in final syllables becomes a (see Beitr. § 51, 5)1 hâve found: rytag
(rhedeg), Y Geninen III, p. 19; from Pyle, Glamorgansh.: wettaf, a wetsoch
chi, gwettwch (dywedaf etc.; gwedaf is SouthW.), crettu, cyffretin, mi wettav
rhaccor (rhagor, more; in NorthW. rhagor means: difference, cf. Ll. y Resol.
NorthW. rhagor = gwahaniaeth; h\ SouthW. it means: more, cf. rhagor = ychwa-
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70
Nettlau.
neg, more, in some parts ot SouthW., Richards dict.; Hughes 1822: SouthW.
rhagor — NorthW. chwaneg), accor (agor), Y Giuladfiarwr 15, 9, 1860. gwetwch,
fi weta chi, wetas I, otuch I (= ydych chvvi), otus (ydys), wetyn (wedy hyn),
precath (pregeth) Y Tyiu. a'r G. I, p. 93, 118). From Mynnyddyslwyn,
Monmouthsh.: y wetsochchi, pleto (to plaid), afnatyw (ofnadwy), otw;
dyscedicion VIII, p. 106, yn acos nac ym mhell Y Bed., X, p. 9 (185 1); weti,
gwetws, \vetodd, otw, otich chi, os to fe (oes do fe), Punch Cymraeg Nr. 28,
29. — In Neath: gwascarog, hircîl, catw, ipt. âcor: agôrwch, fe agorws,
llwtwn (:dwr: dyfwn), satwn (sadwrn), plur. ailota, sylwata, cymeriata,
blota, brotyr; dyletus; dera gyta fi (Aberdare: dera geno i); trucan (60),
jocal (diogel, like jofadd = dioddef), etc.
80. It is not easy to trace this pronunciation in Mss., since I know nonc,
which may be attributed with certainity to tljis section of the Gwentian
dialect; the many orthographs of suffixes with tenues (-oc -ic etc.), which
occur in later Mss. may folio w the middleWelsh orthography (-awc, -ic,
etc.). So I can only give with some hesitation the following forms from a
Gwentian tcxt, written late in the i6thcent. and in an often ahxiost phonetic
orthography of which I hâve already given many examples, namely Addit. Ms.
24921: redec, rydec, hydec, drwc, rvwoc, bwoc (bywiog), heboc, kafoythoc,
cyffoythoc, grafayloc, mârchoc, mwnwc, chydic, arferredic, o bledic (= o
blegid), yn amlwc, golwc, diskwyl, diskwl, yskawn (ysgafn), yskwydd, yskwydde
(ph), katw f. 55 b (yn kad f. 43 b). This Ms. shows otherwise no predilection
for historie orthography and so these forms may really tend to express a
local difference from ordinary Welsh in the pronunciation of these sounds.
8 r . I will also mention here these cases of « provectio» occuring in the
oldest middlewelsh Mss., to which Evander Evans, studics in cymric philology
§ 11 first drew attention. « Provectio » of the mcdiae after final voiceless
consonants in the pre- cymric period is a phenomenon tully developed in
Cornish and in Breton; therefore a ncarer discussion of the Welsh examples can
be dispensed with here. In the, Ms. A of the
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 (delwedd B2656) (tudalen 71)
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Notes
on Welsh Consonants. 71
Venedotîan Code occur: yn keuuc ac ekaller p. 6, hyd ekallo, eckeyll p. 48, e
keill p. 79, e kyrryr p. 125 (yd occurs in the old poets also before
consonants, « infecting » however, where it lias been later superseded by y
not altering the following consonant); o keyll e dyn hunnu prouy p. 13 (oc?,
see Bcitr. § 56; o aspirâtes the tenues); vrht kerru p. 79, cf. corn, ow
tybbry, in edendo, Zeuss. Gr. CcJt. - p. 146; peht peccan p. 58, peth peccan
ib.; ac naskouenhop. 394, oskouyn p. 397 (inserted pronoun). cf. bei yscuypun
arvn, B. of Cann. Nr. 26; the following cases are not so clear: en e kocled
p. 50, gur or kocled p. 50, kan bu quell kanthau ef p. 60 (cf. koquinyat =
cychwyniad p. 61), en kerru p. 65 . — B. of Herg. col. 1163 y du6 y tiolchaf
(= y(d) diolchaf) — dewin plant adaf — oe donyeu cuplaf — euraf eryr, in a
poem said to be bylustusllwyt. Ms. S: ac nystyly y vab f. 82a, kytt asscofynho
gôedy hynny. ny 6rennde6ir, f. 19 a; Ms. Cleop. B. j: Ar dynhyat y gledyf y
pygythia y dwircin, f. 67 a.
82. The only later example of a provective influence of a final consonant
upon a following initial one, of which I am aware, is yll tau for yll ^au
(both), cf. Ms. O yllteu (Owen, Laws p. 299), Ms. les Coll. 141 illtav f. 27
b, 34 a, illdav, illtau f. 61 a; a hwy vyont yll tai etc., Ll. Achau, 1604 p.
16 (yll dau p. 17).
c rh <y ''j '-'•'5 ^'
83 . C, g, ch are in some parts of Wales, especially in the Powysian dialects
palatalised betore slender vowels; thus e. g. cienedl (cj^nedl), is given as
the pronunciation ofcenedletc. As to a palatal pronunciation of other
consonants I hâve nowhere found it mentioncd, which I do not wonder at, since
even the palatalisation of gutturals is not expressed in Mss. Exception must
be taken of two instances obscure to me: miawn and biachu (since the I7th
cent.), bachgian and ugian are somewhat wider spread, occuring also in
venedotian dialects (bachgen and ugain). They help perhaps to fix the time of
the palatalisation, for this alteration probably took place, when e (bachgen
and ai, pronounced, e, in ugain) had not yet be-
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(delwedd B2657) (tudalen 72)
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72
Neitlau.
corne a in final syllables, as they did in the modem Venedotian dialects.
84. In Y Tracth. III p. 8 examples of ci, gi (cj, gj) before a, e, i, u are
given: cianys, ciaws, cienedl, giair, giem (engl. gem); ceirch is pronounced
cieirch, cierch etc.; in Dosparth £"û?f3v;z Williams notes ciar (car),
iech, ieach (iach) fromPowys, ciear, iech, ieach from the dimetian dialect(?)
perhaps a mistake for the Gwentiin dialect, since I never found a similar
statement, but noted from Y Geninen III p, 19 the Glamorganshire verse: mae
'mrawd yn byw ar fara chiaws — a minau ar giaws a bara. Sweet p. 420 says the
palatal affection of g in basgjad (basket) and bachgjan in Carnarvonshire is
fully carried out in Merionethshire before stressed a, which is however pronounced
a in Powys, stQ Beitr. § 31. But he gives also for Carnarvonshire kjastin,
kjaff, gjard, gjât as the dialectal pronunciation of the respective English
words (casting, gaff, guard, gâte). In an account on the English spoken at
Llanidloes in the Transactions of the Powysland club X, p. 278 cyart (cart),
cyap (cap), gyarden, gyarter, tshyarge are given; c, g, to a less extent
Engl. ch. before a hâve « a peculiar pronunciation by the introduction of an
intermediate Sound equivalent to i or y ».
85. From Carnarvonshire texts cf. Yr Anv.: miciyith, hi giyiff, miciyiff, mi
giyffo 13, 11, 1856; cieiniog 11, 12, 56, yn giysio etc.; pump ar igian,
dyigian 17, 7, 56; machgiani; trhigjan (60), Sweet p. 415 etc., trigiarog
Punch Cynir. Nr 3, 3 (ib. also lleidar, gwyhanu, pyrgethu etc.).
In older prints I only found several times ugien, e. g. Cyfaill i'r Cyinro
ÇPoiuys, 1765) am ddeg ar hugien p. 22, deugian p. 41; arhugiain, in the
title of an almanack printed at Shrewsbury as given by D. S. Evans, Rev.
Celt. II, additions to Uyfr. s. a. 1760, Nr. 71.
86. Davies dict. has bachu latere, latitare, in sinuosas late- bras se
conferre, incurvare se; biachu pro bachu corrupte; cf. ir. bacc. — He gives
also iâch, vulgo pro ach, to which Lewis Morris (Add. Ms. 14944, f. 109 b)
adds: a Iach wenwys i'ch wyneb, from Sion Ceri (1520); cf. Add. Ms. 14881, f.
29 b o lyfr iaclryu Nhegainhl; Stoiuc Ms. 785 r Jachan
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(delwedd B2658) (tudalen 73)
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Notes
on Welsh Consonants. 73
sydd yny llyfr hwn, yn iach gogerddan, yn iach maes mynan etc. — miawn for
mewn, mywn is quoted from the Carnarvon and Merionethsh. dialects by
Williams, Dosp. Ed.; il occurs regularly in the dialectal texts (miawn,
miewn, Yr A nu. and in prose and poetical Mss. down from the lyth century,
written as is shown also by other signs in Powysian dialects. Cf. e. g. Add.
Ms, 31056 miewn (in Hancs y Trwstan), Add. Ms. 14890 meawn f. 100 a, Add. Ms.
31060 meawn f. 67 a, miawn f. 4 a, 5 b, 9 a; Add. Ms. 15059 o feawn f. 175 a,
miawn f. 175 a, 176 a; Add. Ms. 31058 miawn f. r 18 a etc. From Southern
dialects cf. mwn doi ne dri mish, Y Giuladgarwr, 27, 7, 1861 (ib. yr oen ni,
osgetyn, gweid, wedi neithir, en dysgu, fe wedis i, y Uiad, yr oil (heul),
oboitu, daw (mae)etc., probably Eastern Carmarthenshire dialect); mwn at
Neath etc. This isolated word offers other difficulties which I am unable to
explain; mewn and mywn are both frequent in medieval Mss. and the loss of d
(dd), cf. ir. mcdhôn, can not be accounted for. The only phonetic explanation
of which I am aware would be, to assume a change of dd to f, which occurs
elsewhere; *medd-n-, *mef-n-; then the vowel after f was dropped by the
shifting of the accent in declension and * fn became *wn, like eofn: ewn; so
*mef-n-, * mefn-, mewn. But I know at the same time the improbability of such
an explanation and its chronological difficulties.
87. In some words initial tenues and mediae change; this may partly hâve been
brought about by the influence offollowing consonants — an argument which
must be alwavs reserved until the contrary can be proved from the phonetics
of the living language — and partly, perhaps in most of the cases, by the
.wrong analogy of the « infected » forms; if these are from some reason or
the other prevailing in usage over the uninfected ones, they are likely to be
held for the original forms and are liable to further « destitution ». Or in
the contrary an original form is thought to be a « destitute » one and accor-
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74
Nettlau.
dingly an apparent « provection », but in fact only a wrong reconstruction
took place.
88. Cf. cosgordd, gosgordd rctinue Sp.; et. bret. coscor Cath., goskôr
Sarzeau, R. C. III, p. 59. — crabinio, grabinio to grapple, scramble, scrape
Sp. — craf, graf garlic Sp. — cnawd vulgo perperam pro gnawd, consuetum
Davies, dict.; — y Groesffordd (croes-ffordd), n. 1., hence Gresford, Rhys
Pennants Tour I, p. 387 n. — The Welsh pronunciation of English mediae as
tenues is wellknown; cf. koblyn a goblyn, Sal. dict. 1547, etc.
89. trach, the older form of tra like chwech of chwe is kept in the
expression dramkevyn, drach dy gevyn etc.; cf. YS. Gr. drach dy geuyn p. 275.
drach eu keuyn p. 283, 301; B. of Herg. drachecheuyn col. 866; Add. Ms. 19709
dra- cheukefyn f. 30 a; Sal. A^. T. yno ydd ymchoelodd ef trach i gefyn f. 26
b; etc.; besides thisi only know trach y lavnawr, behind his blade (a plural
in-awr), B. of An., Gododin 77 and oes tragoes B. of Herg., Skene p. 230,
which I saw mysclf written thus in the Ms.
90. chwech and chwe occur both since the earliest middleWelsh Mss. In modem
Welsh some dialectal difference in their use appears to exist, cf. Y Traeth.
III, p. 8 NorthW. chwech; chwe llath — SouthW. hwech, hwech llath; ib. VII,
p. 421 NorthW. chwe throed — SouthW. (c)hwech cosyn; D. S. Evans, llytbr.
NorthW. chwe dyn, chwe phunt, chwephunt, chwe chefîyl — SouthW. chwech d.,
chwech p., chwechpunt, chwech c. — I hâve not collected examples to ascertain
in what degree these differences can be traced perhaps in the Middle Welsh Mss.;
as far as I can see, exaniples contrary to these rules can easely be brought
forward. Ci". B. of Herg. chwech wraged col. 722 (ni an whech 723)
chwech marcha6c 690.- ch6e meib 655, a ch6ethorth o vara 667; Ms. A chue byu
p. 12, 13, 16, 19; whe bu IV (Gwentian Code) p. 309; Ll. Giu. Rh. hwech cufyd
p. 235, yn chwech nyheu p. 290, etc. — The loss of chis to be compared with
the loss of ch in trach, of c in a (ac), o (oc), etc. by the generalisation
of one form of syntactic doublets etc.
91. W. Williams, called Caledfryn says in his grammar
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(delwedd B2660) (tudalen 75)
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Notes
on Welsfi Consonants. 7 <;
(2 p. 59), that certain people use to add ch to every word endingin a vowel.
He exemplifies this statement by the sentence: os ei di i'r bedd yn farwch,
fe ddeui i fyny yn fywch. To the same kind of « alterations » duwch in the
exclamation duwch anwyl, quoted by Rhys, lectures ^p. 100 seems to belong. I
known nothing further on these apparently additional consonants; Welshmen
told me they wish to avoid from religious superstition to pronounce words
like duw in these exclamations in their proper way, but this is of course a
post festum cxplanation like the many others every Welshman is ready to give
of every tact occuring in his language.
92. g: On g lost in the interior of words between vowels see Zeuss, Gr.
Cclt.^ p. 85, 86, 140, 141; on ou, eu ùom og, ug, âg see Rhys, Rev. Celt. VI
(boreu, teulu, meudwy, breuant, OldW. poulloraur -ir. pôlire, lectures- p.
67). Gis certainly lost in teyrnas, brenhin. Teuyrnas, breyenhin and breenhin
occur in a few old Mss., but g is evidently treated otherwise in these words
than in breuant where eu is constant; for this the difference of the
accentuation inay account. I do not think that u in teuyrnas is secondary,
expressing a sound similar to j, developed between the two vowels on account
of the hiatus. On gwaeanwyn, haearn and gwanwyn, harn where e is probably j
and takes the place of an old s see below. — Gaeaf, winter, pronounced geuaf
could stand for *gem-af, *gjem-af, *tv;? between vowels becoming eu and *ef;
thus *gjem would be the old stem, and the ending -af can hâve been taken from
haf, summer, cf. also the name of the autumn. So also daear may contai n the
root *dem.
93. B. of Cann. teyrn p. 10, teern p. 41, teeirn p. 41, teernet p. 10, 17,
19, 22, 27, 41, tyirnet, p. 7, tyernet p. 39, teernas p. 9(2), tiyrnas p. 46,
teernon p. 40. B. of Tal. tegyrned truan p. 173 (?); Eutegirn gr. Celt.- p.
85, S = Add. Ms. 22356 ù deùyrnas f, 61 h, deuyrnas f. 71 a, h 3 a; yn
deueyrnas(?), f. 87 a, teyarnas f. i b, 13 b. It is true, eu, ei were
pronounced e in the dialect of S, see Beitr. § 84, accordingly teuyrnas can
be simply teyrnas in this Ms. Forms of teyrn- inlater texts are e. g.
teyrnwialen, tyrnas, ef y dyrnyssa f. 385 b (Huet), teirnas f. 392 b,
teirnasu
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 (delwedd B2661) (tudalen 76)
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76
Nettlau.
f. 392 b, a thyrnaswn (Jeyrnaswn) f. 378 b, Sal. N. T.; ternes, tyrnas,
teyrnas, Gr. Roberts; ternes Add. Ms. 14973, f. 77 b; tyrnas Add. Ms. 15038,
f. 49 b, ternas f. 54 b, 75 b, tarnas f. 50 a, 76 b; see Beitr. § 49. tarnas
in Add. Ms. 14921, see 1. c. p. 39. Edyrn (Eutegirn) is still stressed on the
second syllable, since the first syllable of -dcyrn was originally stressed.
94. breenhin (like teernas) occurs in the B. of Carm., p. 28 (2), 39, 40,
breinhin(?) p. 30. In Add. Ms. 14945 Lewis Morris transcribes a few lines
from an old Chronicl Cymreig; f. 273 b: s. a. 1247 Edward ure3'n}''n Lloegyr;
in the same excerpt occur y uloydin honno, y vrovdir, castell Maishyueid, y
distrywt, blwydyn, tVairnas, so that the language of this SouthWelsh text may
be said to be of some interest also in other directions.
95. deuali instead of deall, dyall occurs often in books ot the i6th cent.,
cf. mi a ddeuhelldais, Gr. Roberts gramm. p. 81, ni ddeahellir p. (207) etc.,
onis dehelHr y geiriau yn dda p. (207), ni ddehellir ib., mi addehellais p.
(212) etc.; Athr. Grist. y deuelltir p. 8, a ddeuhelHr, a ddeuhaller p. 14
etc.; dyallt, dealht, Y Drxcb Christ. 1585. In modem dialects: S. C. dyall I
p. 212, diall II p. 242, 503; YT. a'r G. waeth, dw I ddim yn duall y peth
dybygwn I; in North- wales dallt is commonlv used, see Sp., Yr Anu. etc. Is
this Word a compound containing gallu, to be able ?
96. Besides megvs occurs meis, said in the preface to Llyfr Gweddi Gyffredin,
1586 to be SouthW. Also o blegid and o bleid occur often; is o bledic in
Addit. Ms. 1492 1, f. 25 a a clerical blunder or a reallv existing form ?
97. An unexplained phenomenon (provided two words with different endings hâve
not been mixed up) is the apparent loss of final g (oldw. c) in gwddwg,
gwddw, gwddf, neck, throat. Cf. leon. gouzoucq, couzoucq (Rostrenen),
gouzouk(Troude), vann. goucq, coucq (R.), gouk (Tr.). gwddf, gwddyf occur in
the oldest middleWelsh Mss. and seem to hâve taken their origin in the
plural: gwddw, gyddf-eu, hence gwddf; at any rate gwlw: gwlf, marw: marwol,
marfol etc. can be compared. Cf Ms. A: gedueu p. 43, 5 (Ms. Tit. D 2) gudyf
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(delwedd B2662) (tudalen 77)
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oies
on W'elsh Consonanîs. 77
f. 46 b, S g6dyf p. 285, Ll. Gw. Rh. y wdyf p. 39; 5 0/ Herg. G6ineu g6d6c
hir, col. 597, Ll. Giu. Rb. y guduc p. 274. In later texts: Sal, N. T.
gwddwc, gwddwg, gwddwf f. 114 b. Y drych christ, ei wdhwg neu ei fynwgl f. 19
b; Add. Ms. 14986 gwddw f. 35 h; Ll. Achau gwddwg p. 19; Hom. 1606 ar ein
gyddygau (marg. gyddfau) I p. 125, gyddfau (marg. gyddygau) II p. 130, 147.
Davies, dict.: gwddf, passim gw^ddwg, vulgo gwddw; C. y C. 1672 d'wddwg and
cynddrwg rhyme, p. 427. In modem dialects: S. C. am'u gwddge II, p. 262;
gwddw (with vowel w), Sweet p. 429.
98. The dropping of initial g in the case of « destitution » is the cause of
the socalled prothetic g, since every word commencing with a vowel can in
certain positions be believcd to hâve lost a primitive initial g. By the same
reason initial b and m change, f being the status infectus common to both. A
few dialectal instances are: NorthW. gaddo, Rhys, Arch. Cavibr. loamuords s.
v. altus; enaid, Silurian genaid, Barddas I, p. 196 note; oer, dimet. goer
Davies, dict.;gûr in Cardigansh., iâr Northw., L, Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, f.
93 b (SouthW. giar, gieir Sp., dict., Y Traeîh. III, p. 8 etc.); geisteddfod
is said by Jolo Morganwg in Add. Ms. 15003 (also printed in Y Greaî) to be a
Monmouthshireword; gwr gonest Add. Ms. 15059, f. 210 a etc., ar fy
ngonestrwydd, upon my honour, in Anglesey, L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 94
b; garddwn = arddwrn Sweet p. 429.
99. Cf. further: allt and gallt, see Rhj^s, loanwords s. v. altus; L. Morris
Add. Ms. 14944, f. 20 a: allt, gallt, the side of a hill or mountain; also
any highlands; but in Cardigansh. the hill of wood or coppice; Richards,
dict.: the side of a hill, in some parts woods; Hughes 1822: SouthW. gallt a
cliff, Northw. any steep. — genwair an angling rod, E. Lhuyd; in the legend
of Llyn yr Afangc, printed from Lhuyd's autograph in the Cambr. Journal, vol.
II: genwairiwr, yn genwairio; L. Morris, Add.Ms. 14944, f. 91 a (1737):
NorthW. enwair, gwialen enwair; and to angle enweirio. — gordd, maliet see
Rhys Celtic Britain, ^ p. 310 and Pennants Tour I p. 4. — elach E. Lhuyd,
homuncio; L. Morris Add. Ms. 14944, f. 98 b gellach (11 on account of an
etymology which he ima-
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(delwedd B2663) (tudalen 78)
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78
Neltlau.
gines), a littlesorry fellow, a scrub; gelach Sp. — oddigeithr, Add. Ms.
15058, f. 59 a (ijth cent., prose); Rowlands gramm. 4 116 oddieithr,
oddigerth except. — elor, gelor Davies, dicî., (g)wr gieuanc, Evans, llyfr.
s. a. 1764, 5. — gagen, genaid, gaddewid, see Skene, Four ancient Books II p.
325 (notes).
100. The manner in which the primitive groups r-g and 1-g are treated in Welsh
is a problem common to ail brythonic languages on which see Zeuss -p. 140 and
Ernault in Revue Celt. VU p. 155-157. The reasons, why serch and merch in
Welsh are different from eiry, boly and eira, bola, whilst in Breton erc'h
and serc'h exist, hâve not yet been found. I will. only put forward here the
Welsh materials as fully as possible (eira, hela, d:ila occuring besides
eiry, bely, daly are said to be SouthWelsh forms).
ICI. Cf. boly, bol; E. Lhuyd, Arcb. Brit. s. v. venter: SouthW. bola; brct. see
R. C. 7, 155 and 199: Er hirran a gornow/diwenet hi volow Que le plus long
des cornes/Defende son ventre, Bas-Vannet.
caly, cala, vulgo cal L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 54 b; bol, cal, eir, hel
in verses, J. D. K\\ys gramm. p. 130, Davies gramm. p. 43 like marv(w),
car(\v), ber(w), llan(w), cad(\v), daly, dal; E. Lhuyd s. v. teneo: dimet.
dalla, dale, hele in Ms. A; dala and daly are frequent in middleWelsh Mss.;
in the B. of Hcrg. dala and especially hela largely prevail; cf. also delleis
col. 747, dellis 3. sing. col. 679, 788, 810; ettel- lis col. 803. Ms. Clcop.
B 5, laws: os deily y distein wrth gyf6reithf. 172 a, o deily dyn f. 196 a;
deily f. 196 a, 196 b; dalyo f. 196 a etc.
y dera L p. 278 the staggers; so /p. 278, /^F(G\vent. Code) = Ckop. A 14, f.
69 b etc.: dery O, p. 278. Sp. has dera, on, fury, fiend, devil; the
staggers; der, stubborn, froward, sullen; inf. derio, deru. dera=diafol W.
Lleyn's vocabulary; ir. derg ?
eiri 5. ofCarm. poem 18; B. ofHerg. eiry col. 672(2), eira col. 674(2); eiry,
SouthW. eira, Richards, dict.; aira Stowe Ms. 672; irch, Corn. voc.; ànn
iarh, Sarzeau, R. C. III, p. 566.
Notes on Welsh Consonants.
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(delwedd B2664) (tudalen 79)
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79
hely and hela in micidleWelsh Mss.; o helg6n B. of Herg. col. 710. hella 5,
f. 4 a. OldWelsh helcha, heighati. L. Morris Add. Ms. 14944: hele to tiunt,
Flintshire dialect, f. 104 b.
Ilary placid, gentie, meek Sp.; llara B. of Carni. p. 5; superl. llariaf p.
40.
llwrw, bret. lerc'h; oldbret. ollored; corn, heliyrchys, Rev. Celt. VIII, p.
i.
(A suivre.)
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 (delwedd B2665) (tudalen 142)
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REVUE CELTIQUE TOME XII 189I NOTES ON WELSH CONSONANTS BY DR. M.
NETTLAU (Suite')
Notes on Welsh consonants, by Max
Nettlau 142-152
102. The Welsh equivalent of Breton
guerc'h (see Ernault, 1. c.) offers some difficulties. Meir gwiri B. of Carm.
Nr. 21; mor6yn wyra L p. 254 (dimet.), morôyn 6yra S f. 27b; Didr. Casgl. p.
251 (Oderic's travels): ac y golchant my6n dyf6r hallt ac odyna yny d6fyr
gwyry (ib. eiry, hely); Richards dict. .• ymenyn gwyryf, in Southwales ymenyn
gwyra; ib. dwfr croyw, in Southw. dwfr gwyra; (as to croew cf. bara croew,
unleavened bread Sp.; Sal. A''. T. bara croyw (marg. crai, crei, cri) f.
74a); emenyn g6yry Medd. Myddfai, Herg. § 7 (2); Sp. dict. gwyryf fresh, pure;
gwyryfdod virginity; gwyryf, -onvirgin, maid; gwyryddbachelor; Davies Ll. y
Res.: NorthW. wyryfon = morwynion ieuangc; also St. Hughes, Haiies y ffydd:
NorthW. gwyryf = morwyn ieuanc. But in the Gwentian Homilies, 1606 occurs
also: pa sawl merch a anwyryfir (marg. dreisir) I p. 165; cf. also Add. Ms.
14986 (i6th cent.) z*" kariadol vam wyraf (in rhyme with mi a af ) f. 30
a, pronounced wyra. Add. Ms. 14913, f . I b omenyn gwyra, f. 19 b menyn
gwyra, ib. bloneg gwyn gwyry (written in another hand); Add. Ms. 15049, f. 23
a ymenvn gwyrf, f. 4 a ymenvn giurf. Gwyry, gwyra (gwyraf is
I. Voir t. IX, p. 164; t. X, p. 105; t. XI, p 68
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(delwedd B2666) (tudalen 143)
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Notes
on Welsh Consonants. 143
merely an inverse orthograph), gwyryf, gwyrydd, gwyrdd, gwyrf are evidently
forms of the same word, but it is not clear how they are connected with each
other, since the assumption of new suffixes added to the old word is not
probable.
Perhaps the dropping of final dd and f in pronunciation, whilst they were
kept in the interior of words, led to some analogical formations; gwyry might
possibly follow the analogy both of either dy-dyddiau and tre-trefydd , the plurals,
gwyryfon and gwyry ddon and thence gwyryf, gwyrydd being the resuit? Spurrell
prints gwelydd and gwelyf (bed) besides gwely , perhaps instances of the same
character. Gwyrdd and gwyrf remain; gwyrdd (green) can have been changed into
gwyrf like tordd, torf, etc., and then the similar words, denoting similar
things: green and pure, fresh must have been mixed up. Perhaps the modem
dialects may help to clear up this problem.
103. In conclusion of the remarks on the letter g I will point out some
dialectal differences with regard to the Welsh word ffaw, borrowed from Latin
fagus. Spurrell has ffawwydd fir trees, pinetrees and ffawydd beechtrees.
This would turn out as a modern orthographic regulation (also given by D. S.
Evans, llythr. § 181 note: NorthW. ffawwydd = SouthW. coed fyr neu ffyr, but
ffawydd = fagus), if the following remarks of E. Lhuyd and L. Morris are
right. The former says (Arch. Br., at y C.) ffawydh, gwydd ffag, pren arverol
ing Uent a Morganwg; in Gwynedd the ffinidwydd are wrongly called ffawydd. L.
Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 85 a: fyrr, a common word in Cardiganshire for the
fir tree, Pren y Fyrr; in NorthW. ffawydd; ib., f. 86 a: ffawydd in
Merionethsh. fagus, beechtree, but in Anglesey and the neighbouring country
abies, dealtree (ffynidwyd in Davies, dict.); rhwyf ffawydd a deal oar etc.
in Anglesey.
t, th, d, dd; s; h.
104. As to the change of initial t and d (see § 87) cf. dan, dros, the usual
forms of tan, tros; dyma, dyna, but e.g. a thyna, Y S. Gr. §23; tyma, tyna, a
thyma in modem use.
dyre, dere, (see Rhy^s, Rev. Celt. VI). L. Morris, Add. Ms.
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 (delwedd B2667) (tudalen 144)
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144 Nettlaii.
14923: SouthW. dere'n gloi = NorthW. tyrd yngwit, sydyn, fuan (corne quickly)
f. 133 a; tyr'd in Anglesey, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 153 b. SouthW. dyre, dere =
NorthW. dyred, tyred, Richards, dict. dere 'nglau (Williams Pant y Celyn) =
NorthW. tyred yn fuan, Y Tracth. 1870, p. 414; NorthW. tyd, Sweet, p. 420.
titan, ditan a nipple (L. Morris, Add. Ms. 15025, f. 80 b, from Anglesey);
NorthW. ditten W. Morris, Add. Ms. 14947, f. 258 b; engl. teat; Sp. tithen,
tethan, diten.
titriwr « potius didryfwr » Davies, dict.; « didryfwr » sometimes ditriwr,
titriwr Richards dict.
tylluan, dylluan an owl L. Morris, Add. Ms. 15059 f. 165 b; ttulluan, Cleop.
B 5, i. 6G a; tylluan B. of Herg., col. 768 (thrice); Sai. dict. 1547:
duUuan, dullhuan (duU, blind, huan sun, an etymological bungle of Sal. or
really a product of popular etymology ?), twyllhuan (of which the same must
be said; from tywyll and huan or from twyllo), tylluan an owle.
teirthion f. ague fit, ague (tertiana, leon. terzyenn, vann. terhyan, tarhyan
Rostr., ar ghar(h)ian, in Sarzeau, Rev. Celt., III, p. 236, enndrehenn,
Ernault, dial. of Bat:^^, 1883, p. 12); Sal. N. T. cryd (marg. deirton, twym
neu haintgwres) f. 12 a; Add. Ms. 14913 (i6th cent.) rac y ddeirton f. 84 b,
87 b; Hom. i6oe i'r ddeirton (cryd) I, p. 2, y dderton neu'r cowyn (marg.
cryd neu'r nodau), I, p. 72; L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14923 SouthW. y wrach^, y
ddeirton, the ague — NorthW. yr acses, cryd, f. 134 a^.
1. As to gwrach cf. also SouthW. balan a rockfish, a sea tench — NorthW.
gwrachen, prys godya (?, leg. pysgodyn), L. Morris ib.; Add. Ms. 14947 f. 187
b gwrach the wrasse. a fish (W. Morris).
2. Some further details on the dialectal distribution of these words are:
acsus in Anglesey, an ague, W. Morris, Add. Ms. 14947 f. 71 a; Nor.hW. y cryd
— SouthW. y wrach, Y Gwyliedydd 1828; ib. SouthW. twymyn- (fever) — NorthW.
llycheden (i. e. Uucheden flash oflightning; fit of fever Sp. dict.)\
llycheden in Anglesey: a fit of fever or hit ofsickness L. Morris, Add. Ms.
14944. f- ii8a.
As to Uuchetlen in the sense of flash of lightning (in Southwales) cf. Ll. V
Res. NorthW. mellt — SouthW. Uuched; Hughes 1822: SouthW. Ilechan (?, Sp.
Uechen) — NorthW. mellt. C afin, y C, 1672 Uyched (marg. mellt) p. 167, y
Uuched (mellten) p. 165, llycheden (mellten)
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 (delwedd B2668) (tudalen 145)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants.
145
dwrdd, twrdd sonus, strepitus Davies, dict.^ ir. dordaim (Thurneysen,
Kcltoromanisches, p. 47).
drythyll; drythyhvc wantenes Sal. dict.; thrythyllwch
N. T. f. 361 a; drithywUwch Add. Ms. 14973, f. 69 b; NorthW. trythyll =
glwth, Hanes y ffydd; ir. dretill.
tremio, dremio Sp. dict. to look; ty thremyn, thy glance, Tal. p. 193 (=
ddr.); yn gwelet (marg. tremio, edrych) Sal. N. T. f. 28 b, yn tremyaw (marg.
edrych), yn tremiaw f. 170 b; yn hylltremio arnam ni, f. 174 a.
105. Initial tl- becomes in dialects cl-, cf. Balliol College Ms. 353 ^ in a
list of some Welsh words explained: « gemmau, clyseu guervawr, costely juells
» (tlws); L. Morris in a letter printedin YC. II, p. 145 (1761), mentions
chefrol (chwefror), clowes (clywais) etc. and « clws read tlws » in some
SouthWelsh poems. Y Traeth. III, p. i2:dyma bethclws ofnadwy; Yr Anu.
merchaid clysion 20, 8, 1857; k^ws, klûsjon, klawd, klodjon Sweet, p. 439.
This change is well known and frequent in other languages, cf. Brugmann,
Grundriss, I, § 367, Leskien-Brugman, diakct of Godkiua (Htuan.) § 29; Archiv
fur slav. Philologie, I, p. 157; also gle for die, in Sarzeau, Rev. Celt., III,
p. 54, etc.
107. Sometimes • se and st change, cf. breton mousk, moust, etc., and the
regular change of se to st in Manx (lostey, burning = losgadh, etc.). Cf.
diost for diosg, quoted by Rhys, Rev. Celt., III, p. 87; ib. y ueistawn
ÇMab.) for y weiscon, gwasg, engl. waist, trysglen, engl. throstle; rhasgl,
Gael. rasdal, Manx raistyl;L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14909 mentions ystol for ysgol
(instead of ysgol a ladder, ystol a stool) f. 5 5 b; Add. Ms. 14944: ystol «
corruptly » for ysgol, scala in
p. 355 etc. From Norih Cardiganshire. near Aberaeron: trwst (N. W. taran),
lluched for mellt, cesair for cenllysg are given, Cambr. Joiirn. III, p.
II.5. C.Ip.2i2:y buse tarane trwm a llechede ofnadw' yn y bore; clefyd, fever
(NorthW.), Sp. dict.; on lluched and mellten see Rhys, hct. on Celtic
Mytholooy, p. 59.
I . In the Camhrian Journal vol. IV an index of the contents of this Ms. is
given; it is a SouthWelsh Ms. of the first h-alf of the i6th cent. (cf.
wh-efrawr, budyd. a tynoedd, [a œidd] etc.) and contains the poem O mightie
Ladie our ledyng to hâve at Hevyn our abeyding etc. and another Eno'Hsh poem:
Eitell tu iow as swm du siow etc.; see Rev. Celt., IX, p. 71, note.
Rtvue Celtique, XII. 10
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 (delwedd B2669) (tudalen 146)
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1^6 Nettlau.
Angleseyf. 164 b.; D. S. Evans, Uytbr. ystol f. = llcdring(ladder) instead of
yscol (scala); ystol fair, common centaury, ystôl = stool; see also Rhys,
Arch. Camhr. loanwords s. v. scala: in Anglesey ystol; yscawl crist, B. of
Herg . , Medd . Myddfai, § 12. llwynhidydd, ysgelynllys, pennau'r gwyr,
traeturiaid y bugeilydd et Demet, astyllenlys, quinquefolium, plantago minor,
Davies dict.
107. The group n + t is akeredin Welsh in varions ways, depending upon the
position of the accent. In stressed monosyllables final -nt is kept, cf.
pedwar cdnt, but cann erw (Rhys). In the interior of words nt becomes nn
before the stress: ddnt dannedd (older *dannedd) but nt may be reintroduced
by analogy into such forms, cf. NorthW. cantoedd = SouthW. cannoedd, D. S. Evans,
Uytbr. § 167, note). Groups of consonants before the stress are liable to be.
reduced with regard to the strength of articulation, so NorthW. daneddog
(=:*danheddôg): *dannedd: ddnt (Rhys). Cf. amd = amhdu, pard = parhau, etc.,
Sweet p. 428. As to final -nt in words of more than one syllable it is not
pronounced since early middleWelsh, e. g. in the 3nd plur. of the verb and in
prepositions with sufiîxed pronouns. But in these forms it was kept in memory
by the monosyllabic ynt, wynt; in other forms, where no such regularly kept
nt exist, it is early omitted, cf. the suffix -eint: gwragedeint, m.eibionein
B. of Hergr, Sk. p. 202, posberdein Tal., i; arnynt eu hunaint occurs Medd.
Myddfai p. 276, kymeint ag ehunant^ Yst. Gwl.Ieiian Vendigeit, Hgt. Ms. II, p.
333; these inverse orthographs prove the identity of final -nt and -n in
pronunciation. — Oe de6red ae fynya?// kychwy;;^ Add. Ms. 19709, f. 31b?
108. In afew words final -nt is written in early manuscripts but disappears
later. Cf. iawn: OldW. eunt, gl. aequus (Eutych.); Vesp. A 14 o dugleis hit i
cimer. y cimer in niaunt bet nan luit etc. f. 5 8 b (see my Beitr. p. 11);
Ms. A (Venedot.
t. Hughes 1822 says that in SouthW. ei hunan, fy hunan, in NorthW. ei hun, fy
hun are the'preferred forms. I hâve not studied this alleged dialectal
difference. Sal. N. T. ynoch eich unain, yn dy lygat dyun, oth lygat tyun,
etc.
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 (delwedd B2670) (tudalen 147)
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Noies on Welsh Consonants.
147
Code) emay yaunt yr enat p. 74, yaunt p. 77, 78. — digaunt A p. 79. —
diffrint and hint rhyme in the Book of Carm., Nr. 30, dyffrynt and kynt in
the B. of Herg., Sk. p. 227, dyffrynt and gorwynt p. 228; Ms. F yn dylîrynt
p. 414; Ll. Giu. Rh. dyffrynt p. 32 (2); Davies, Granim. p. 198: dyffrynt
(Daf. ap Gwilym); dyffryn Sp. dict.
109. In the groups s-t, 11-t, f-t d for t is written so often and in so
varions texts, that these orthographs seem to design an alteration in the
real pronunciationof these groups. Cf. thegaehcorthography. In the5. of Herg.
occur e. g. llamhys- daenco/. 775, yny holldes^o/. 777, 837, y dey groffd
co/. 750; Jes. Coll. Ms. 141 dyalld drwy... f. 142 b, yr hoU aniveliet
gwylldion f. 146 b. Sal. dict. angraifdiaw rebuke (=anghreifftio). Add. Ms.
14986 (i6th cent.) holldodd f. 23 a. Add. Ms. 14882 (1591V f- 50 b. dalld;
Add. Ms. 14973 (1640) bussdyl f. 19 a, yn eissde f. 19 a; Add. Ms. 31057
ystdor- fell f. 122 a; Add. Ms. 14969 (i7th cent.) a ddisdrowiodd f. 235 b.
In modem texts: yn ddisdaw, wedi isda, yn Chesdar, melldan, gwalld, gwylldeua
etc. in Yr Arw. (21, 5,57; 20, i; 10, 12, 59).
1 10. An apparently additional t occurs very early after final 11, s, ft and
is hence introduced also into the interior ot words (in plurals etc.). Ut in
words like gallofydd, galltofydd, fferyll, fferylltetc. was beheved by Rhys
to be the resuit of an early *lj. There occur hoUti, hoUi findere Davies
dict.; dyall, dyallt etc., but also an evidently secondary lit in modem
(NorthW.) dialects. Cf. Jes. Coll. Ms. 144 dyallt, dyalld druy etc., f. 142
b; Y drych Christ, ynei dhealht, dyallt etc.; NorthW. dallt (see § 95);
Sweet, p. 427 dâllt, also deallt. gwedy byw ff 'hollt oes, C. f'eiu. T. p.
258; hollt Yr Arw. 19, II, 56. yn sefyllt Yr Arw. 29, 7, 57; sefullt, 19, II,
56, etc.
m. fft: Rhys, loanwords s. v. anagrippa: angraifft, en-
I . In this Ms, f. 50 b. occurs the only remark on dialects which I found in
a Ms. prior to the i8th century: a na ddowch (in the month of december) yn
rhy agos ir tan, krimpie yn iaith ddehevbarth, ag yn iaith wynedd i gelwir
krimoge, kanys aviachvs yw. »
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 (delwedd B2671) (tudalen 148)
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148 Netîlau.
graifFt or cngmff; taligrafft (telcgraph) in the colloquial language etc.
st: ffals and ffalst Sp. Cf. am inor ffalst prouadwy, Ll. Gw. Rb. p. 182;
Sal., N. T. falst, fteilston f. 397 b, 391 a (Huet); Add. Ms. 14986 geiriav
ffeilston f. 24 a. As to trost for tros, commonly used in C.feiv. T.
(Merionetlisli.) see Y Cymmr. Ylll, p. 130; bret. dreist. Vann. dresst'on me
i?. C. 7. 334 Myst. Trost may be a wrong abstraction from trostof, trosto
etc. — In Ms, ^ machd for mach (bail) occurs on
PP- 54' 55. 56, etc.
Cf. oldir. arithissi — a rîst in the Munster dialect, quoted by O'Donovan,
Banquet of Dun na ngedh, 1842, p. 70 note; — gael. a rithist, pron. a rêsht,
Mac Alpine; i riste in Biaunachk Baird, 1730 (= i rithisd), Trans. Gael. Soc.
Inverness, III, p. 192 — manx reesht, Kelly's dict. In Breton see Rev. Celt.
V, p. 220; Ernault, dialect of Bat:{, p. 17, etc.
112. //;. th and dd are exchanged sometimes in Mss. More frequently th occurs
instead of dd than dd for th. Cf. from medieval Mss.: Janredethu p. 12,
aguethti (agweddi) p. 42; E= Add. Ms. 1493 1 nauth, naud f. i b, certhoryon f
i b, pi. beirth f. 6 a; Od n. genataoth p. 573. B. of Carm. oeth, Nr. 5,
hoethyl, Nr. 23 (cf. hoedl Hfe, « the ancient said hoeddl » Richards dict.
besides oetun, hetiv etc. where t denotes dd); Tal. ty thremyn p. 193, see §
104. Ll. Gw. Rh. nys gwthost p. 23 i (nyni a wdam ib.), ac attoeth p. 204. S
= Add. Ms. 22356 gossod b6g6th ar nathunt f. 65 a, gattoeth f. 63 a (Pob g6ad
hagen gann dygû k6byl a vyd diga6n — Ms. digiga6n — yr g6ad6r ac yr reith6yr
o gattoeth kynny bo g6ir, see Y Cymmr. IX, p. 90). Cleop. B 5:clathpwyt f. 19
b, 26 b, 70 b, 113 a, 113 b, 114b, 116 a, 117 a (2), etc.; clath- pwit f. 129
a, 135 a; cladwyt f. 1 15 b; clatpwyt f. 22a, 126a (claddu). — Very often in
the dimetian Ms. Tit. D 22, cf. in the text edited from it by Powel in Y C.
III pan daruythant, ny fyth, ythau, ytha6, arwython, gwethieu, gweithredoyth
daa, istethuae, vthunt6y, hethiô, ynissoyth, ynyssoyth, ynissoyd, he61yth,
wethel, milioyth, cyfr6ythyt (cyfarwyddyd), y ymlathant etc. — Add. Ms. 14912
dr6y y vl6ythyn f. 77 a, mis Tachweth 13 b. G6aharth, Ms. Cleop. B 5, f.
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 (delwedd B2672) (tudalen 149)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants.
149
159 a; cf. diuuoharth, Rev. Celt. VIII p. 508 (old bret.), gwahardd, gwardd.
113. Inlater texts: Sal., N. T. does (imper.) ffwrthf. 26 b, monyth f. 43 a,
75 b, mynyth f. 72 b etc.; (Huet): heith (marg. haidd, barlis) f. 380 a, y
bob duyn yn ol y vutho y weithredoedd (== byddo) f. 399 b. Y drych christ.
1585 yn canlyn eu gilyth f. A 2. Add. Ms. 14986 agadwyth f. 42 a (agatfydd f.
e() a). Add. Ms. 149 13, f. 3obgwraith y danat koz; Ll. achau: yn Theheibarth
p. 27, yn Thehoibarth, p. 24. Add. Ms. 14973: Iflin brydyth hir f. 107 a etc.
Forms of the verb subst. now used are botho, bothoch = byddo, b3'ddoch; cf.
Add. Ms. 14898 lie botho ych ffansi f. 74 a; Add. Ms. 31060, f. 137a fel y
botho gwiw ych caru etc.; C. fciu. T. am byd bothol berffaith p. 278. But these
th for dd belong to the old alterations of consonants in the old optative and
conjunctive, due to the former position of the accent. — efo ag ethi hi,
gydag ethyn nhw are given in Y Traetb. III from northern dialects; ithi hi C.
few. T. etc., see Y Cynimr. VIII, p. 139.
114. dd for th is not so frequently met with and only in later texts,
because, I think, whichsoever the pronunciation may hâve been, the double
value of d and of t in medieval Welsh (d and dd, t and dd) was likely to
prevent the scribes from using d for a th of a, may be, softened
pronunciation. In Ms. S occurs g6eidred f. 93 a, perhaps a clerical error
caused by the following d. Sal., pron. 1547 says: yn sathredic cam- arferwn
dd pro th: dialaydd pro dialayth. Add. Ms. 14986 cyfreiddlon. Ll. Achau:
gohelith and gohelidd p. 15 etc. L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 34 a batheuad:
commonly pronounced bytheiad, byddeiad. Richards, dict. y ddiwlith, diwlydd
great celandine (botan.); true maidenhair Sp.; WilHams Pant y Celyn:
perffeiddio (F Traetb. 1870, p. 412). Y drych christ.: yr hoU berpheidhrwydh
a glowsoch, yn berphei- dhiach f. 64 a, druy i fawr drugareth f. 74 b.
Sp. has ceddw, cethw, cedw mustard, in which words dd seems to be supported
by the leon. sezo, cornouaill. seo; trec. sevn; vann. seon seun (mustard);
but it has probably the same origin as dd in chweddel, anaddyl etc.
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 (delwedd B2673) (tudalen 150)
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I jo Nettlau.
115. The orthography of the old Venedotian Ms. A is scarcely in any other
point so unsettled and inconstant tlian with regard to the letter th. In some
parts, especially on pp. 53- 79, also 125, 391 s, sh, h are nearly always
written for th; see Zeuss, Gr. C.^ p. 156 to whose quotations I add: kereis
p. 57, vrh llu p. 56, kauuersit p. 57 (= cywerthydd), kafreishiaul p. 58,
aghafreishiaul ib., ar i sseisuet p. 56, e doissihion p. 59, heb gneisur p.
62; onahunt p. 56 with h:=- th for dd. In other parts of the same Ms. t, d (=
dd), ht and th, dh are often written for th. Cf. pedh p. 2, teregueyt p. 3,
seuduet p. 27, tranoeht p. 18, seyhuet p. 38, hiteu p. 43 etc. As to ht cf.
controHaht, oldbret. gloss in Ms. Otho E 13, f. 42 b; keuarhc A p. 72, decreu
p. 2. When I consider orthographs like brahudur, mahurth etc. in A (see
below.) I am not incHnedtothinkwith Ebel, Gr. C ^ p. 156, that « liis » in
sei- hisbluit, kefreihis etc. is written for th, but I think that h belongs
to the diphthong, whose reai pronunciation it tries to express like h. in
brahudur, vie. both parts of the diphthong being of about the same strength
owing to a circumflex accentuation. In doissihion (= doethion) h seems used
to denote the nearly syllabic value of NorthWelsh j. The only other example
known to me of such spellings of Ms. A exists in Ms. E (Add. Ms. 1493 1), in
the little passage written in older orthography (see Owen,/)n/. p. XI): f. 52
a kefreisial; ib. i ueret (werth).
116. wsnos is the common NorthW. word for week (lit. form wythnos), cf. Yr
Ariu., YGcn. G. C.fau. T. etc. It is probably due to an assimilation of th to
the final s, since the tedious vicinity of these sounds was altered also in
other dialects, cf. wsnoth, quoted by Powel, loanwords and occuring e. g. in
Y Giucithiwr (Aberdare), 17, 7, 1859. — troedlath, vulgo troedlas,
suppedaneum, insile, Dav. dict. ?
117. In a few instances a change offf and th occurs, which can be compared to
the more frequent change of f and dd. Cf. defhol, nonnuUi deffol (o Phylip a
de/o/ais, I5th cent.) Davies dict.; deftbl — dethol — ethol — dewis, Y
Traeth.
II p. 12; deffol = dethol Sp., cf. Add. Ms. 14996 (1750) de- iïoledig f. 90
b.
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 (delwedd B2674) (tudalen 151)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 1
5 1
dattod explicare, dissolvere etc., demet, dathodi Davies dict.; the form
dathodi explains the otherwise strange note of L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944
daffod pro dattod f. 20 a; cf. Yr Arw. a thyna fo yn i daffod o (se. cadach)
ac yn tynu rhwbath wei llufr alian; Sweet p. 449: inf. dathod; dthododd,
dthodson; ipt. dathod, pi. dathodwch, dotwch p. 449; dotwch is unique;
perhaps *(d)thôd\vch was transposed to dôthwch ?
118. bennffic B. of Cann. 56; a venfygya6d Tit. D 22, f. 157 b; in 5, f. 100
a benffygi6r and benthyc occur several times on the samepage; Powel, Dimetian
loanwords p. 24 also quotes from Hving dialects bentig, mentig and even
mencid. — penneffand penneth (penknife), ib. p. 14, pengcneth p. 20. — cf.
ymgythlybv Add. Ms. 14986, f. 20 b (= ymgyffelybu). — On the third sg. pres,
in -iff, -ith, see my Notes on the welsh verb § 5-7; they are wrongly
confused with the third sing. in -it in R. Celt. 7, 190, note 4.
119. Final th is dropped in the word peth in the hving (northern) dialects;
e. g. bêdio, Sweet p. 426 = (pa) beth ydy(w) o; be haru chi hyiddiw, Yr. Arw.
17, 7, 56; ba haru mi yn wir ?, be haru ti, C. f'eiu. T. p. 337 etc. where
haru = ddaru, ddarfu, a word of most common use in Northwales; the loss of dd
in this position is also rather strange. (Cf. Add. Ms. 1492 1 pe elwir f. 39
a = peth a elwir.)
120. d. I do not know the etymology ofyswidw, syw^dw, yswigw, parus (given in
Davies dict.); Sp. s. v. titmouse has sywidw; the Anglesey word is tommy titw
lâs. — On change of dd and d cf. the paragraphs on dl, dn, rd etc.; also cedw
§ 114. — Final d is oftener omitted in Mss. than other consonants, except n
and of course dd and f, which are dropped in pronunciation the former in
dialects, and the latter regularly, whilst the loss of final d seems to be
due to certain laws of sandhi which it is not possible to precise from the
scarce materials at my disposai; cf. the disappearance of t before consonants
in yd-, y- in later Welsh. Cf. S = Add. Mss. 22356 hep bra6 na — f. 95 b; (y
bra61yfyr p. 609, bra6tl° p. 610); Cleop. B 5 diw}Tnaw gwedy f. 13 a (d is
inserted by a latcr hand); Tit. D 22 dyd bra6, kyn dyd bra6,
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 (delwedd B2675) (tudalen 152)
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Nettlau.
teruyn dyyd bra6 bellach etc. (ib. trws for tnvst, noise); Add. Ms. 1492 1
(see § 41 on n): d lost once before k, thrice before r (=^ 3 -f r), I -|- b,
3 + vowels, e. g. y kladdwy brenin f. 24 b, y gnythbwy ran f. 25 b, dangosiâ
o f. 33 b, kydnâbo y bechod f. 36 a etc. — Add. Ms. 15038 ac yna i dwa pantan
na wyddiad ef ddim help f. loe b; ib. i dwad ef etc. — Cydwely: cywely, cf.
Ms. S ky6elogaeth — ogyh6elogaeth kyhocdauc — - o g6elogaeth kyh6yda6c, f.
113 h; o gyeely f. 49a; Add. Ms. 14944, f- 15e a: « tydwed and tudwed earth,
clods »; in Cardigansh. clods is tywed, » the d being melted ».
121. dd. dd and f frequently change. In most instances f is the organic
consonant. In Y Cymmr. VII p. 235 some interesting instances, are collected:
phvydd for plwyf in South Cardiganshire (cf. L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14923, f.
123 b SouthW. plwyddogion parishioners = NorthW. phvyfoHon; S. C. (dimct.)
III p. 325 y phvydd); tyddu (tyfu); rhwyddell in Breconshire for hwyfcll; rhoddiau
for rhotiau (shovels), godderbyn for gyftrbyn; adaon Mab. II p. 402 for
Afaon, n. pr.; Hafod Lwyddog? (cf. E. Lhuyd, 1693 (in Cambrian Journal, II p.
211 Hafod Lwyfog a henwir fellu o ran fôd yno brennau Liwyfane, and: heblaw
yr henw hwnnw, mae iddi henw arall mewn cowyddau sef Hafod Lwyddog);
Eiddionyd {Gwaith Lleiu. GL C. 174) for Eivionydd; cf. Eifionydd, Yfionydd,
Eiddionydd Y Geninen III p. 59; in Evionyth, Gir. Cambr., //. Camhr. (VI p.
123);£^. of Carm. Meironit, Ewionit (Cynddelw), Eiwonit poem 32; 5. oj An.
Ewyon}'dd (p. 93); eiwynyd ac ardud6y B. of Herg. col. 763; o Vionydd, Hcr.
Visit. II p. 102, 223 (2) etc.: yn eidonyd, Boiiedd y Seint, Hengzurt Ms.
202, f. 25 a 5 (Y. Cymmr. VII), 14 th. cent.
Max Nettlau. (A suivre.) xyz
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 (delwedd B2676) (tudalen 369)
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Notes on Welsh consonants, by Max Nettlau
369-385
REVUE CELTIQUE TOME XII 189I NOTES ON WELSH CONSONANTS BY DR. M. NETTLAU
(Suite')
122. Cf. also addanc (e. g. in Lew.
Gl. Cothi) and afanc, Davies dict.; bret. avank. — gwefl, gwefus lip; L.
Morris, Add. Ms. 14944 f. 103 a: gwefl in Cardiganshire only for tlie lips of
a beast, gwefus for a man — generaily pronounced gweddus; Sp. (like Davies)
gwefus and gweus; cf. Ms. U (Giuentian Code) dey weus p. 340; W =^ Cleop. A
i^ ae weus f. 57 a. — camdda, camfa; L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14923 f. 133 b: SouthW.
ystigil a stile — NorthW. camdda, camfa; H. Hughes, Yr Ysgrifell Gymreig
(Wrexham) wants camfa to be written instead of camdda. — twrf, alicubi twrdd
strepitus, clangor; godwrf and godwrdd, Davies; godwrf, godwrdd = terfysg, W.
Lleyn's vocabulary; baldorfi and baldorddi to babble, to tattle Sp.; but see
§ 104, from wliich it would appear that the Welsh representants of latin
turba and ir. dordaim hâve been to some degree mixed up. — D. S. Evans,
llythr. nwyfau masnach = nwyddau masnach,
123. Each one of the foliowing words might, iftaken separately, be held for a
scribal error, but the concurrence of ail four altered in the same way is a
moment weighing considerably in favour of their authenticity. Cf. vthuthau
Tit. D 22,
I . Voir t. IX, p. 164; t. X, p . 105; t . XI, p 68; t. XII, p. r 5 2 .
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 (delwedd B2677) (tudalen 370)
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370 Nettlau.
f. 13 b — ufudd and uddyf Sp.; — kleddydau in Lîyfr Huw Llyn and Jes. Coll.
Ms. 141, see § 18 — cleddyf, cleddeu — clefydeu (d = dd), B. of Herg., Ll.
Giv. Rh., see § 18; — Hwyll bendeddig Dyved, Ll. Achau, p. 64 — pendefig —
Peredur penwetic B. of Carm, p. 30; — o wir broftwyd dioddeddfawr Add. Ms.
15038(1575), f. 71 b (= o wir prophwyd dioddefawr in Add. Ms. 14973) —
dioddef — Add. Ms. 14921 (leth cent.) diofedd f. 39a, 44a, diofeddoedd 3 .
sg. fF. 5 b, 12 a, 16 a, 18 a (2); (dioddefoedd f. 16 b); (ib. yddyf f. 43 a
— yfy'i'^ f. 26 b); jofadd in Neath (= dioddef, diofedd).
124. In gwyryf, gwyrydd, gwyry, gwyra (on which see § 102), besides which
gwyrf, f. gwerf pure, fresh Sp. exists, a form not clear to me, f seems to be
changed into dd in ymenyn gwyrdd, quoted by D. S. Evans for ymenyn gwyrf, gwyra.
Spurrell h as gwyrfio, gwyrfedd, gwyrdra and even gwyr; gwyr if its exists at
ail is abstracted from gwyrdra, where f was dropped between other consonants.
125 . dd is the original consonant in fanodd for y ddannodd, toothache, eifil
slender (eiddil) in Carnarvonshire (Sweet, p. 429). D. S. Evans, Ilythr.
gives NorthW. difiau, SouthW. dyddiau; I cannot decide whether difiau sprang
from àyddjau or from dywjau, both of which is possible. Perhaps also adduno,
eidduned, godduned and gofuned might be quoted here; y gouunet hwnnw Ll. Gw.
Rh. p. 222, godunnet p. 240, both on p. 328 ?
126. meneginaeth for meddeginaeth occurs very often in certain Mss. Cf. Jes.
Coll. Ms. 141 (Dares Phrygius) yw veneginiaethv f. 42 a, 43 a, etc.
meneginiaethu f. 24 b, 25 a, 27 b, 30 b, etc. meneginaeth is always used in
the modem transcript of this text, made in 1801 from one of PaulPanton's Mss.,
see my Beitr. p. 14 (Add. Ms. 15042). Gr. Roberts, Gramm. I p. 72 meneginiaeth;
r feneginieth fawr, Y drych christ., f. 44 b; also Rhaesus gramm. 1595:
menàginaeth. Add. Ms. 14913 (SouthW.) mynyginieth f. 78 a, Uyfr myn° f. 75 a
(this Ms. deals exclusively with medical matters); Add. Ms. 15038 na
menignaytho neb kleifion f. 13 b, etc.
127. Final dd after vowels is dropped in the SouthWelsh, more especially I
think in the Dimetian dialects. trydy, ped-
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 (delwedd B2678) (tudalen 371)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 571
wery in Tit. D 22 are quoted by Powel amongst the signs of the Dimetian
dialect ofthis Ms. (F Cymmr. III); trydy demetice, Davies dict.; SouthW. gwe
ychain = NorthW. gwedd ychain, L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14923, f. 132 b SouthW.
newy, tywy Y Traeth. III, p. 7; myny, ffor in Pembroke- and Carmarthenshires
(Williams in Dosparth Edeyrii); (Harris ?) in Seren Gomer I (1814), 4: mwny;
19: mwni, newi, towi, cf. Y Traeth. I, p. 238 note; Rhys, Rev. Celt. VI, p.
15 newi in a partof Dyfed. Cf. Seren Cymru (dimetian dialect): anwire I, p.
162; dwy flwyne a hanner I, p. 449; o'r gogle II, p. 6, 145; haw III, p. 625
(hawdd), ano ib. (anhawdd, cf. anos = anhaws in Carnavonsh., Sweet, p. 428),
lawer dy I, p. 232, dy sul I, p. 231; newy I, p. 212, bod yn llony I, p. 292,
celwy I, p. 272, celwi III, p. 465, cwili III, p. 165 (cywilydd), towi III,
p. 142, â'ch gili III, p. 265, etc.
128. In ail dialects except in the Gwentian, i fyny, upwards, is used for i
fynydd (mynydd). i fynydd is said by E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br. s. v. supra to be
South Welsh; in Gwallter Mechain's Works, ed. D. S. Evans III. p. 213 it is
quoted as common in the Gwentian dialect. For further particulars see my
article on the adverbs (Y Cymmr. IX, pp. 273-4); I will only mention here
that y uynyd is, so far as I saw, the only form used in the Red Book
Mabinogion (1887), occuring at ieast 17 times; it prevails also in Ll. Gw.
Rh., where however y vyny occurs on pp. 54, 61. — Another example of an
unexplained loss of dd (if it ever existed) is eiste-eistedd, cf. Beitr. §
92; eyste A ^p. 5, ed eysteith p. 12 (ib. peduare gur p. Il); S g6r y brenhin
yn eisteu ar y llys hono p. 604 (final -eu pronounced -e) etc.
129. Several groups of consonants, containing dd are altered in one or the
other way. Cf. geybôyll B. of Herg. col. 699 (db ib. twice); gwybed and
gwyddbed, -yn culex Davies dict. and see Zeuss Gr. C.^, p. 495; « hilo
gwyûfe/'un a Ihngcy cammel», Y Giuron Cymreig, Caerfyrddin, 20, 5, 1852. —
archiagon=archdeacon. — cathefn battle array Sp. = cad-ddefn. — trydydyd,
petwarydyd, pymhettyd, chwechwettyd, seithuettyd, wythuettyd etc., see £/.
Gw. Rh. p. 274, 275. diwedydd the evening ^= diwedd-ddydd; cf. dimet.
diwedydd Davies dict.;
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 (delwedd B2679) (tudalen 372)
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372 Nettlau.
diwedydd in Glamorganshire, dywedydd dydd, y dydd hyd ddywedydd Richards dict.,
1753; Glamorgansh. dywedydd = NorthW. prydnawn, Huglies 1822; cf. dywedydd da
iti ! from Ebbw Vale, Monmouthsh., Pm«c/; Cywm^^, 22, i, 1859; the ordinary
formule of greeting is dydd dawch, nos dawch. In the B. of Carm. Nr 30: birr
diuedit; H. of Herg. Sk. p. 229 kyn dywedyd.
130, s. Precymric s between vowels became h in Welsh, cf. Zeuss, Gr. C. ^, p.
123. There are however some examples in which e or u is written between the
two vowels, being apparently of the same character as u in spellings like
teuyrnas for teyrnas, tyrnas (see § 93, 94), representing a sound like a semi-vocalic
j ? Cf. Ms. A: guayanuhin p. 68, guaiannun ib.; B = Tit. D 2: e guaanhuynar
f. 60 b, guaeanhuen f. 27 b; geaeannôyn B. of Herg. p. 308, Skene; gwahanwyn
Cleop. B 5 f . 17e a, gwanhwyn f. 194 a. OldWelsh guiannuin (^/. Oxon I).
gwinwyn is given by Rhys, Kuhn und Schleicher's Beitràgc, VII, p. 234 from
the dialect. ofMerionethshire guiannuin has been brought from *visantîn-,
*vesant — en-, cf. skr. vasantas, oldslov. vesna, exactly as chwiorydd
contains * svisâr-, *svesôr-. Gwflt'anwyn rests unexplained like chwaer, the sing.
of chwiorydd; but the occurence of *vin both would account for their
similarity. — eog is *esox; L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 98 a gives many
dialectal names of the salmon (cf. also Bycgones I, p. 73), amongst which is
« in the lower parts about Cardigan they still call the large salmon they
take in the sea Hysgod eog — pronounced euog » . Is this perhaps an instance
of a sound like a semi vocalic j being kept between vowels instead of *s,
like in gwaeanwyn ? I can say nothing infavour of this assumption, because I
know not the vocalism of this particular dialect.
[I hâve since found in Y Protestant, Y Wyddgrug a'r Bala, 1,5, 1848, p. 523
euos given for ëos, ffeuen for ffaen, pleuau for plâau, gwasgfeuon for
gwasgfaon, odfeuon for odfaon. Of course these different examples are of different
kinds, but euos for ëos is curious and other statements of the same anonymous
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 (delwedd B2680) (tudalen 373)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. ^73
writer seem tolerably trustworthy, cf. tranwaith (trannoeth), neuodd,
gol'ffon (golchffon), bodlon (boddlawn), cafod, tyfod, gorfedd, Uifo, brifo
(w) etc.].
131. s before j + vowels and before and after slender vowels is pronounced sh
in SouthWales. The northern dialects do not alter s in these positions, they
remplace even engl. sh, ch, j by s, tsj, dsj; cf. the extracts given in the
Academy 9, 9, 1876 from Rhys officiai report oftheschooh inspccted... in
Flint- and Denbighshire; the natives of these parts pronounce: Tsyarles and
Dsyames got a silUng eats for finicing the dsyob, whits they had begun. I
hâve heard however pronoance welish i mono fo by a native of Anglesey, who
said that thy pronounced engl. sh as s in words of not quite famihar use
which were still felt as foreign words.
132. As to the SouthW. pronunciation cf. N. Carhsle's topogr. dictionary:
sia, sie, sio, s -[- u are pronounced shaetc. in Breconshire; Spurrell,
granim. > 24 si becomes sh in SouthW.; Dav. Rowlands, gramm. 1877, p. 128
sheren. Cf. dimet. S. C. mishol, ishe, sharad, mishtresi, be sharna ti; gwent.
shwd (nordw, siwt, engl. suit), bishy (busy); yn dishgv^^yl, y shiroedd, ddim
shawns (chance), pi. mishtri, gwishgo etc.; Monmouthsh. deishefon ni; pw
shiwd, Saish for Sais etc. — On sha for tua etc., see Rev. Celt., VIII, p.
69; in Neath ta is used for tua, in Ponty Prydd sha; in Neath: yr diawl, but
myn jawl, jocal (diogel), jofadd (dioddef) etc.; yn eitha jogel, Yr Ams. ij,
12, 46 (S. W.).
133. For Enghsh loanwords in the Dimetian diaiect Powel gives following
rules: initial s, ],[/-{vowels become sh (shwto, Shac, shinshir), s -f e, i
in the interior of words becomes sh-e, -i; nj in the interior of words
becomes ns (consurwr); final sh, g after vowels become s (mantes, marnes = advantage,
varnish); final n «y .• plwnsh but shallens (challenge). On z cf. sêl, raser;
zz: daslo, pyslo (dazzle, puzzle); x: testun (Sp. test-yn, engl. text),
esguso (excuse); piccas (pickaxe).
In the Venedotian diaiect: t5ain (chain), à dzain; Dzôn and 5Ôn (John); brus
(brush); kat5Jo (catch) etc., seeSweet; dest adv. == engl. just, Sweet p.
430; cf. in Lewis Dwnn's Revue Celtique, XII. 25
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 (delwedd B2681) (tudalen 374)
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574 Nettlaa.
Herald Visit. I, p. 43, 176 Dastus o'r Pies, I, p. 51, 52, 88, 97 etc. Dustus
or Pies ar Kwrwn besides Ustus o'r Pies ar Kwrwm p. 186 (twice) ^
134. In older texts and Mss. cf. Y S. Gr. syarret§35, sywrneioed p. 222,
tors, torsseu p. 176 (torcii); yn gware seccyr (playing at checkers) Ll. Gw.
Rh. p. 7; Chyarlmaen B. oj Herg., col. 1092 etc.; in Dafydd ap Gw'ûy m s
poems (index): lorsiamp (lorica campi), siap (shape), siartr (charter), sir (cheer),
secr (chiecker) etc.. Salesbury, dict. ab ne siak ab (ape), Siosep, siafling
a iavelyn, witscrefft, taeds bach gwn a tache, serdsiant a sergaunt, veyads a
voyadge etc.; somgar; somgarwch angre (cf. Ll. y Res., NorthW. siommedig = twyllodrus,
Northw. siomgaraf= manolaf ); yfed potaes^: suppe potage, but also shiritF,
shyreffe etc. — In Lewis Dwnn's Her. Visit. I. Cf. Chiasbar p. 127, Baetssler
of Art p. 159, Bradssiaw p. 170, Siwletta p. 181 etc. — Initial ss*: wynt a ssyrthant,
Ms. Cleop. B 5, f. 33 a, ssenghi f. 36 a, 115 b etc., also in other Mss. of
later date.
135. /;. In old Breton glosses and inthe oldest Welsh Mss. the two vowels
constituting a diphthong and other vowels following upon vowels are often
separated by h, which is of importance byshowing the manner of accentuation
of these diphthongs. See § 115. Cf. Stokes, Rev. Celf., IV, p. 346; in Ms. A:
candhahu p. 41, kantahu p. 63, arnahu p. 133, ahust p. 138, brahudur p. 2,
llahudyr p. 31, mahurth p. 31, muhenuaur (mwynfawr); entehu p. 63, 70 ae
hammehuo p. 71, a hamehuo p. 71, arnehy p. 46, nehuat p. 37, ahu p. 139 (hver;
cf. au, afu Sp., auu L p. 242; y llyged, y clustie, y
1. Thomas Huet, the translater of Giueledigaeth leiian in W. Salesbury's N.
T. is mentionedin the first volume of ihe HeraUic Visitaiions on p. 193 and
p. 152; to the latter passage no note is appended and none is found in the
index; cf. p. 152 (1597) Marged gwraig Tomas Huwett mab ag aer Syr Tomas
Huweit. kantor o Dy Ddewi ag Ustus or Pies ar Korwm; ib Dustos o'r Pies.
2. Potes (Powel); SouthW. cawl =: NorthW. pottes (7 GwyJ. 1828, also in Seren
Gomer 1814, Nr. 19); kawl zzz pottes in geiriadur Gruftudd Hiraethog (see
Beitr. p 27) is said to be a Silurian word by Jolo Morganwg (Add" Ms.
15003 f. 169 b). iscell eira, also potes eira, melted snow, in Carnarvonshire
(Rhys, Arch. Camhr., loanwords s. v. juscellum).
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 (delwedd B2682) (tudalen 375)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. ^75
phroyne, y gene, y dwylo, y gwddw, y gallon, yr au neur afu, y coluddion, yr
escyrn, y mer, y drych christ., f. 69 b. E. Lhuyd, A. Brit. p. 67 c ay, avy;
p. 11 c: SouthW. avy), sarahet p. 44 (saraeht p. 40, saraebet p., 40),
tranhoeth p. 41, tranohet p. 42; yhu p. 3, ebedyhw p. 394, o duhu (duw) p.
16, canmyhu (muw) p. 3; dehosparth h. 36 ?, dohosparth, p. 13, cf. deouot B
44, dohouod A 397, doouot D 44 (gratuity) ?; Hgt Ms. 59 (^Rcv. Celt. VII, 4):
liyma doefotda inni 425, weldy yma douot da inni 427.
136. h is apparently dropped yn cwrdd: cyhwrdd etc., but the comparison of e.
g. pa fodd and pa wedd, giving pôdd from *pfodd and bwedd, of dyfod giving
dôd from *dfod and dwad, dwad from *d\vod, *dfod shows, that in reality the vowel
before h, being unstressed, was dropped and h was lost after the consonant,
these new groups avoiding the tedious combination of consonants by dropping
the second consonant (as in dôd) or altering it in a similar way as in dwad,
dwad. So in paham (am): pam, probably in pahar (ar): pyr; see YCynwir. VIII,
p. 155. cytïwrdd, cyhwrdd, cwrdd likecyfodi, *cfodi(cf. cwad, v. i.), codi;
gwahan: gwanieythu, Sweet p. 431, gwahardd: gwardd; cyhoeddus: morgoeddus, Yr.
Anu. ^i,j, 56, etc.
137. Besides certain h between vowels, the representants of old*cs, ch and
even th are said to occur in dialects. More materials must be at hand before
a proper opinion on these forms can be formed. Cf. « dehau ^, also de, in
SouthW. deche, liable to become dethe, which may also be heard in NorthW. »,
Rhys, lectures,^ p. 263; ib.eofn, Southw. echon; cf. L. Morris, Add. Ms.
14944 ^7^ ^ • ^o^^ — commonly pronounced ehon and echon in Cardiganshire; on
ewn see Beitr. § 63. Rhj^s, Revue Celt., VI, p. 18 quotes also cyhyd, coUoquially
cychyd and cyd.
The forms of the word for the heron are NorthW, cryr, crydd, cry, SouthW.
crychydd (Rhj's); oldbret. corcid, leon.
I . I will mention here an anglicism occuring in a Gwentian i6th cent. poem,
edited by Ll. Reynolds, Arch. Canihr. 1880, p 72: ym llaw iawn and ym llaw
asav. iawn for dehau like engl. right. The editor says that this example is
to his knowlcdge a unique one.
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 (delwedd B2683) (tudalen 376)
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376 Nettlaii.
kerc'heiz; Ms. L, U crychyJ, X, Z cryhyr; latin Laws, Hgt. Ms. cherehyt,
Fesp. E 1 1 crehyr, see Beitr. § 1 1 1 . These forms point to a precymric
stem *corg, in which either as in Breton, Cornisii and SouthW. *rg became rch
(in SouthW. * cyrchwas afterwards transposed to crycli- (crychydd)) or * corg
became * erg, * cryg and * g was lost reguiarly between vowels (so in the
Northw. crehyr, creyr, cryr Hke Lleyn, Llyn etc.); this change was due to a
change of the accent, *cerg-, *corg (corch) and * erg (cry[g]-) being both
generaHsed in the different dialects.
138. An « unorganic » h is prefixed to words beginning with a vowel in parts
of Glamorgan- and Monmouthshire, whilst organic h is left out; see Rhys,
lectures,^ p. 233 and cf. some examples (trom Glamorganshire) given in Dav.
Rowhnds granimar, 1877, p. 128: hirwellt, hyfed: ardd (hardd). en (hen), yd
(hyd) a lied etc. hyfed is often met with in popular texts, cf. hyved cwrw
(from Pyle in Glamorgansh.), Y Gwladgarwr 15, 9, 1860; also in dimet. texts:
S. C. yn hyfed III, p. 227, i beido hyfed III, 227 etc. — In the Cambr. Journ.
N. 207 hanfon, haraf, hadref are given; from the same passage I quote as an
addition to my Beiircige § 30: « about half the sound of i is perceptibly
used throughout the middle and eastern divisions in numbers of words as rhiad
(rhad), so in gwhad, tiad, niage, rhiaff, hiaff, ceilwydd (sic), ciader, miab,
biad, griâs, gwias, miaes, cias, cieffyl etc.; from Penbont ar Ogwr to Pont a
Ddulas no traces of such pronunciation exist ». — In Neath: epog (hebog),
catar; Pont y Prydd: cjatar (cadr).
It is difficult to trace this peculiarity in Mss. h can always be written
before a stressed initial vowel, cf. pa-h-dm and e. g. hyny for yny, oni
(until), occuring 14 times in Rev. Celt. VII, 403-427 (: yny), Hgt. Ms. 59. h
is omitted e. g. in y dyd h6nn6 educher 5, of Hcrg., col. 838, educher col.
830, or is this an example of old ed * ati ?, kept in the formula educher ?
P, ph, b, f; ff.
139. p. Examples of initial p and b interchanged (see § 104)
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 (delwedd B2684) (tudalen 377)
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Notes on Welsli Consonants.:^-j-j
are: per f. spit = bêr, Sp.; praith, braith, practice Sp.; D. S. Evans
llythr. mentions brysglwyni (copse) instead of prysglwyni. In Sal. dict.,
1547 potten ne pottel, a bottell, but bytain; byteinwr a hore hunter, in
which the form due to the feminine article has been extended by analogy.
140. b. In many words initial b and m are interchanged, since f, their common
« infected » form caused wrong reconstructions in words, the « infected »
forms of which were perhaps more used than the primitive ones or in which
other reasons of similar kind prevailed, Thus cf. bigwrn, potius migwrn (the
ankle) Davies dict.; beudag larynx, « corrupte « et meudag ib.; boloch,
moloch disquiet, trouble Sp.; bacon, bên, beryw, bid, bodrwy, benyw and maban
etc. Sp. — mywion, -yn, -en and bywion, -yn emmets, ants Sp.; mywion =
morgrug W. Lleyn's Vocabulary; on morgrug cf. D. Rhys Stephen, Arch. Cambr.
I, 3, p. 174: « the nut shell is still called twmpath (tump; bush Sp.) y
morgrug in Southwales and twmpath y myrion in Northwales ». — E. Lhuyd, Arch.
Brit. bodron a sort of flumry; L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944 f. 34 b observes on
this word: « this thin flummery is in use ail over Wales: succan gwyn in
Anglesey, brwchan in Carnarvonshire, hiudran in Cardiganshire »; Sp. s. v.
flummery: llymry (= engl. fl.), uwd sucan, mwdran; to brwchan cf. gael.
brochan, manx proghan, porridge. — Sp. has batingen, -od I. pared turf, 2.
sheaf of corn threshed, 3. defloured woman. bating (i) and bieting is engl.
peat; bating (2): maten: matau = batingen, mat, -iau (mat. plaited w^ork); L.
Morris, Add. Ms. 15025, f. 80 a: « battingen a wheat or rye sheafe threshd
and the unmangled left straw », engl. mat, matting; batingen (3) is given by
L. Morris, Add. Ms. 15025 1. c. from Denbighshire; also by Richard Morris,
Add. Ms. 14945 f. 249 a: a young woman defloured, Denbighshire. ■ — Maldwyn for Trefaldwyn, D. S. Evans, llythr. — bath and
math were desynonymised, see Rhj's, Arch. Canibr., loaniuords s. V. batto. —
pi. minke Add. Ms. 1492 1 ^meinciau (banks) etc. — Cf. Rev. Celt. VIII, p.
528 (breton).
141. Initial v in English loanwords was of course held to be an infectçd b or
m and accordingly a new primitive form
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 (delwedd B2685) (tudalen 378)
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378 Nettlau.
beginning with h or m was reconstructed. Cf. bernais (Daf. ab Gwilym, poenis,
index), marnes (Powel) = varnish; bilain, milain =engl. villain (milain Rhys,
yi/ra^^w^' i, 5, 1871; milen, Powel); berf, becso (to vex), bôt (vote),
melved (velvet); menter, to venture, cf. Han.y ffydd iG^'j NorthW, anturio —
SouthW. mentro; NorthW. antur — SouthW. pcrigl etc.; mentro is very common in
SouthW. popular texts.
142. b for m in the interior of words occurs in the loan- word ftwlbert
(middle Engl. fulmate, polecat, engl. fuhmart); Sal. dict. fwlbert, a
fulmarde; ffwlbart Sp. — Richarts dict. has: abwyd, in some places amwyd,- yn
a bait to catch fish. Here the apparent change of b and m is identic with
their initial change; the unstressed initial a was dropped in pronunciation, cf.
adar, deryn, so also abwyd, bwydyn (fwydyn), mwydyn. In Y Gcnincn III, p. 19
mwydyn is said to be a Glamorganshireword; pry' genwair is used for it in
NorthW; Sal., dict. pryfgenwair, « the reed worme ».
143. In a few words initial bw and gw are changed, b being the older sound.
Cf. guystuiled B. of Carm., Sk. poem 18; megys gwystuileit LI. Gw. Rh. p.
102, (yr holl uwystui- letp. 226; py u6ystuil bynhac T= Ms. Harl. 958, f. 33
b); Llyfr Giucddi Gyfredin 1586, pref. « bwystfil... for corruptlye pronounced
gwystvil »; Davies dict. bestfil, gwesttil, bwystiil (fera, belua); efor
gwystwil gwullt ene, Yr Ams. 12, 11, 1852; C.f'eiu. T. 'r hen wistwil p. 18,
ami'stwilodp. 61 etc. — L. Morris. Add. Ms. 14923 f. 133 b: SouthW. gwiall = NorthW.
bwyall. an axe (ib. SouthW. wi = NorthW. wy, an egg). — In these two
instances h is folio wed by wy; I think that the tcndency to alter the
diphthong luy into t' -)-_y in syllables before the stress resulted here into
producing * bvystfilod and infected *v-\TStfilod, in which latter the two
identic or nearly identic v(-(- y) coalesced into om sound, liable to be held
for the « infected » state of gw(-]- y): wy (= vy); so gw would spring from a
wrong reconstruction like m for b, prothetic or lost g etc.; *v-ystfilod
(wystfilod) gave gwystfilod. — Pughe has mwyalch, also pronounced gwyalch. If
there is no confusion with gwyach, a grebe, fwyalch treated like fwystfil
would explain gwyalch. This woril is myolch in
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 (delwedd B2686) (tudalen 379)
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Notes on Welsh Consonanîs. 379
Neath, from *mwalch for mwyalch like mynwgl, mwnwgl; o is curious, but in
various words o and a in final syllables change in different dialects; in
Neath anglodd is the common word for burial, in the plural however the a of
angladd is kept.
144. g became b in « biach corrupte pro giach = Venedot. ysnid, gallinago
minor »; cf. in W. Lleyn's vocabulary giach: ysnitten; W. Morris, Add. Ms.
14947 ^- -75 ^ NorthW. ysnitten; L. Morris, Add. Ms, 14944 f. 128 b dimet.
myniar, a snipe (Sp. gïach, ysnid, myniar); bret. kioc'h.
145. bach (little) (and its derivâtes) is in several directions an
interesting word, The initial b rests in the northern dialects even after the
feminine article, feminine substantives etc. Cf, L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944,
f. 36a: bach an endearing expression; Sionyn bàch, Druan bâch, ynghalon bâch;
in Cardigansh.: fy merch fach; ib., f. 32 b 3Twan £ich, just now Cardigansh.
(yrwan the NorthW. equivalent of SouthW. ynawr, 'nawr is used in
NordCardiganshire). Y Traeth. III, p, 9, Venedot, dynes bach, Powysian and
SouthW, dynes flich; Rowlands, gramin.'^, 151 NorthW. yr eneth bach; Sweet p.
438 etc. Rhys once used this phenomenon in favour of an etymolog}^ of this
word demanding huo primitive initial consonants, Since then latin piccus was
held for the source of ir. becc (Be~:{. Beitr. II, p. 266, Revue Celt., IV,
p. 345 n.); this etymology has been rejected by Gûterbock in his latin haniuords
in Irish. (peth) peccan. Ms, y^f p. 58 owes p to the preceding-peth or, if p
existed really, could it be of some value with regard to determining the âge
and nature of the Northw, fem. bach ?
146. A pecuhar fact, tending to refute the efforts made for the explanation
of the northern uninfected fem, bach, is thatb is dropped just in a derivate
of bach, vie. in ychydig, chydig, aform very frequent in medieval and later
texts, besides which bychydig occurs not seldom; athough the reason of the
loss ofb is unknown, bychydig must not necessariby be believed to be the
older form kept; it seems to hâve regained the b from bychan etc. Cf.
ychydigyn Ll. Gw. Rh. p. 252, wedy chydic o amser gwedy hynny p, 222; ychedic
Ms, TH. D 22, f. 172 b; echydic, echydic bach a lytell time Sal, dict.;
bychy-
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 (delwedd B2687) (tudalen 380)
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So Nettlau.
die o vara LL Gw. Rh. p. 48; p. 89; 75. Gr. § 19; gôedy bychydic, Brud y
Tyzuys., Ms. B, p. 104 etc.
146. b was also lost in bychan, for although to my knowledge never occuring
in other than genealogical texts, in Llyfr Achau (1602) ychan, ichan are
frequently written for tlie- common epithete Vychan. Cf. Mam Dd ab Hoell
ichan, Mam Hoell vichan p. 29, 30; I. ab R. ab Hoell ychan; gwraig M. Dd.
Ychan, gwraig Th. M. Dd. ichen p. 25; S. ab Gwallter ichan p. 49; mab lenkin
Lloid ighan p. 31. Other forms of this word in the same text are: Thomas
vechan p. 24; in the english parts Dd. Hoell Vwghan p. 56, Wogan p. 55 and
often; S. Vachan; Vaughan p. 55, etc. In Lewis Dwnn's Herald Visit. I, p. 115
Jeuan Ychan, p. 147 ap Morgan ychan; Wogan is the commonly used form. On
other forms in genealogical records etc. see Bcitr. p. 44, where also bwchan
is quoted from the living Flintshire dialect.
An other word in which initial v — for this, not b, is lost in ychydig, ychan
— has been dropped is ap, ab for fab, mab; I think the common cause of the
loss of f in both was the close connection of these words with the preceding ones
ending in consonants or in groups of consonants. In later Welsh ab became a
proclitic hcfore the following noun and even lost the unstressed a. This is
the wellknown origin of names like Probert, Powel, Pughe, Pryce, Prichard
etc. In Lewis Dwnn's Ms. occur e. g. Beinion p. 177, Bowenp. 180, Bifan p.
214, 198, Preinaht p. 165 etc. The saïne treatment of macis known to exist in
manx, thus Kentraugh = Parry = Harrison etc., see Jenner, Traits, of the
Philol. Soc, 1875-76.
148. /. w in iewank (the common form in Ms. Cleop. B 5), the doublet of
ieuank, became f: iefank, ifank. Other examples of this change see § 20. On
the other side f became w (or was at least altered in pronunciation in such a
manner as to induce scribes to use w for it) sometimes between vowels,
without apparent reason and mostly after consonants, after a vowel between
the consonant and f had been dropped. Cf. Add. Ms. 15038, f. 6ob kw\ad ivyny
=r=Add. Ms. 14973 (in the same text) cwad i fynu; Add- Ms. 15059 f. 223 a
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 (delwedd B2688) (tudalen 381)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 381
cwad. dwad, even dwad (Sweet) and dôd =^ dyfod. So in the modem dialects
occur: yn sgwenud 17, 7, 56 (Fr Anu.), (ysfenu 30, 10, 56); Sweet p. 429
sgweny = ysgrifenu; sgwarnog =: ysgyfarnog, cwarfod = cyfarfod. C. f'ev. T.
jest wal hyn (wel, Arw. 17, 7, 56), fal being in closest connection in
pronunciation with the preceding jest (just); 'rhen wistwil (Add. Ms. 31057,
f. 109 a a arwain wylltion fwstiledd: the ordinary doublet; either f is
dropped or it became w). pa fodd became pôdd (from *pfodd). mi gerfum, gyrfum
for cyfarfum occurs sometimes (from *cferfum, *cfarfod; the doublet cwarfod
is given by Sweet p. 429); cyrchafael for cyfirchafael, L. Morris Add. Ms.
14909, f. 55 b, etc. dywod Add. Ms. 14903, 2ffb (i7th cent); 40 b
llyfodraeth, 48a llyfodraeth; fal cafod wlaw, Daf. ab Gwilym p. 398, cawod ry
dew o ewyn f. 409.
149. As to w for f between vowels cywaeth for cyfoeth is very often written
since the end of the r5th cent, cf. cywaethawc, les. Coll. Ms. 141;
cywaithog, cywaythog, cowaethog in Sal. N. T.; kywayth richesse, kywaythoc
etc. Sal. dict. i geisyo cowetha mwnws b3'dawl, Y drych Christ, f. 73 b, na hoU
goweth y nef f. 74 a, i ddaioni ai goweth, f. 74 b.; cf. also pan y gowynawdd
Sal., N. T. f. 64 b etc. I think these cases are identic with the ones just
mentioned, cywaethog being merely a historie orthograph, pronounced *
cwaethog from *cfoethog; so*gfynodd*gwynodd, written gofynoddetc. In cywaeth
(côweth, see Beitr. p. 43) the vowel of the stressed form (o) and the
consonant of the unstressed form are combined by analogy.
150. Rhys in Pennaufs tour in Wales I p. 36e explains Rhiwabon as « hill of
Mabon », rhiwFabon and compares with regard to the lost f Bodorgan in
Anglesey from bod- Forgan, Morgan. As to Bodorgan it is curious to note, that
Lewis Dwnn very often writes Bod Gorgan, cf. Her. Vis. I o Vod Gorgan Sir Vôn
p. 178, off Bodgorgan p. 157; II (1685) o Vodgorgan p. 127, 128, 138,
Bodgorgan p. 204, Bodgorgan p. 128 (besides o Fodorgan p. 76, o Vodorgan p.
127 (2) etc.). Many names of localities commencing with ty (house) are
invariably pronounced with bod by the people of
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 (delwedd B2689) (tudalen 382)
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82 Nettlau.
Anglesey. — fis sometimes omitted in the vicinity of u and w, cf. gweus and
gwefus (lip); au and afu (livc-r: Icon. avu, vann. ahu. ehu; see § 135); awyn
and afwyn (habena); oldW. louber, tri. Oxonl; Add. Ms. 12 193 (15 io)lleuver
16 a, 16 b etc.; lleuer and lleufer Sp., Davies dict. has also meuedd- meufedd,
neuedd-neufedd, diwyn-difwyn. he'yd (hefyd) is always used in the
Monmouthshire texts in Punch Cymraeg, Nr. 38, 29. 1 do not know the
particular conditions etc. of this loss of 1. — E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br. p. 115 s.
v. pavo . payn, dimet. poin, Glam. pawon; ib. p. 239 SouthW. pawyn, pawen, peacock.
151. In modem dialectal texts If is often written for f; cf. C. fau. T. if
'holit oes p. 258, yn dal iî'hunau p. 50, iff"iechyd i p. 74, i geisio
ff'hudo ine p. 485, sy 'n tfy hen wraig i p. 360 etc.; fflythyre Yr Amserau
27, 8, 185 1, arna ffunan (t -\- h) etc. Here ff was evidently caused by the
foilowing h, Hke in hanlfwy etc.; hanffodol, hanifod for hanfodol hanfod are
mentioned in Caledfryn's orramm^r, - p. 58, by D. S. Evans etc. — In Mss. of
the i6th and I7th centuries, seldom in earher ones ff for f in other
positions occurs sometimes, cf. Y Ilyffyr hwnn Add. Ms. 14912, f. 31b;
llotfryd, Ms. S. f. 6 a, gwyaffty, f. 38 b; Add. Ms. 149 13 y kylaff f. 51a (cLaf),
gayatf f. 53 a, ran vwyalf, yr han (= y rhan) vyaif etc.; Add. Ms. 1492 1
cyiïoythoc f. 38b, tyfîoedd (tyfodd) f. 45 b, heffyd f. 2 b, 44 a, affon and
afon f. 28 a, 37 b, 39 b, alfonydd f. 14 b (but also kyrf f. 1 1 b, ar ycha
fon f, 19 a (ifon), frwthay f. 28 a (tfrwythau); Add. Ms. 14973 (1640) rhyfedd,
ryffedd f. 41b, ilfydd f. 79 b, iffidd f. 79 b, 80 a; drosoif and angof
rhyme, f. 62 b; Lew. Dwn I, p. 5 dav ffrenhinoedd etc. Most of these spelHngs
must be considered as inaccuracies, though in some instances perhaps the
orthograph tf for f may be the historical resuit of certain causes. Since in
middleWelsh f was written for u of earlier texts, some scribes used in
transscribing older texts, in which u is used, f and u together, e. g.
diodefuawd Ll. Giu. Rh. p. 249, ufuydach p. 217 etc., see Zeuss, Gr. Cclt. p.
112. Now the nextcoming scribes mav be supposed to hâve written ff for xhese
fu (=- f, u), so e. g. in Add. Ms. 19709 (i4-i5th cent)
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 (delwedd B2690) (tudalen 383)
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Notes on Welsli Consonants. 38}
eiriff f. 40 b, baraff f. 46 a, and in the above quoted examples from Add.
Ms. 149 12 and 2235e.
152. Final f is not pronounced since at least the i6th cent. It is hardly
necessary to give examples of this fact; cf. e. g. Add. Ms. 14906, f . 9 b a
wnaf and ymaf rhyme (ymaf written for yma, since gwnaf is pronounced gwna);
in SouthW. poems pentrc/- eistedd- hosanaw rhyme (pronounced pentr^ish^^-
'sang), L. Morris, 1762; Hope, Cyfaill i'r Cymro rhymes cyfadde and mynne (3.
sing. mynnai) etc.
Davies dict. has plu, -en, -yn pluma, dimet. plûf, -yn; E. Lhuyd too gives
NorthW. plyo, SouthW. plyfo to plume {Arch. Brit. s. v, deplumo). These
divergences are the work of two analogies working in different directions;
either plu was introduced into plufyn, plufo (pluyn, pluo) or pluf- Irom pluf-yn,
plufo was also used by analogy, f thus being apparently kept in the end of
words. However I heard that e. g. haf, summer is also used, besides ha.
153./. On ff and th see § 1 17; on engl. long fetter in Welsh see§36. —
Thegroup c -(- iî" became cw in the loan words breccwast and picwarch
(breakfast, pick forke); see Powel, Dimet. loamuords; brecwastu Cann. y Cymry
1672, p. 210 (ib. brecffast); brecwest C. f'cw. T. p. 157; brekwast, Sweet p.
430. — wo became wain picwarch, like wo in cwad (cyfod), dwad (dyfod) etc.
154. In conclusion I will give a list of examples of consonants transposed
without apparent reason, though certain groups of sounds avoided and others
fovoured can be discerned; the changes of yr-ry, dn-ndd etc. hâve been quoted
above; here the metatheses extendingover more than two consonants or
syllables aregiven.
. blaguryn vimen, virga et bagluryn, Davies dict.; blaguryn o symlyn ferch,
Daf. ab Gwilym, poems p. 293; LJyfr Gweddi Gyjfredin 1586 o Ddauid vagluryn
cyfiawn (marg. vlaguryn, gangen).
clasgu and casglu; clasgu (and gomrod, onli) is said by L. Morris to be
SouthW., see § 44; Hughes 1822: SouthW,
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 (delwedd B2691) (tudalen 384)
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384 Nettlau.
clasgu, cwidyll. Sal. N. T. a gasclavvdd and a glascavvdd, f. 271 a; cf.
Breton klask (leon.), klask, klac'h, Vann. and in Batz (Ernault, dialect of
Bat^, p. 11).
lystys: ar f'ystlyse i, C. fcw. T. p. 35, flystyse i p. 31.
llysywen and yslywen, eel, st^Beitr. p. 44; slwan, Swcet
p. 431-
Kenslys bail, Sweet p. 431 = cenllysg; cf. E. Lhuyd, Arch. Brit. s. v.
grando: kenlhysg — SouthW. kessaer; lolo Morganwg, Add. Ms. 15003. f. 169 b
says that kessair (cenllysc) in Gr. Hiraetbog's dict. is a Silurian word.
llaswyr:= sallwyr, Rbaesus ^raww., p. 128, Davies dict. etc.. llasswyr Gr.
Roberts, Gramm. p. 72 etc.
SoutbW. kwidhilforNorthW. kwibdb isgivenby E. Lbuyd, Arch. Br.; (cywilydd
sbame); cf. cywyddyl Y Traeth II, p. 34; Cann. y C. 1672 yn ddigwiddyl (marg.
ddigwilydd); Punch Cymr. shaw o gwiddyl, Nr. 29 (Ebbw Vale) etc. giddyl for
gilydd, Spurrell gramm. 5 99; at'u giddyl, Y Bedyddnur VIII p. 106
(Monmouthsh.); iw giddil, Yr Ams. 9, 3, 48; ib. mor ddigwiddil; aped 4, 5, 48
etc.
tarfeisment (advertisment), Yr Arw. 11, 12, 56 wel d\vertisment 18, 5, 1848,
Yr Ams.; 'n gwnslab (constable; q. whether by popular etymology from cwn and
engl. sLab ?) C. f'ciu. T. p. 259; of course these may be corruptions made on
purpose, but they show the Hneson which such corruption Works.
swigan = chwysigen Sweet p. 431.
wsnoth for wythnos; NorthW. wsnos, see § 116.
tangneddyfand tangnefeddsee5f//r. p. 45 (read there Hne 32 Tunccetace (Rhys,
^ Nr. 72, -Nr. 77) and cf. Stokes in Be:;x- Beitr. IX, p. 92; « Tuccetaci »
1. c. I wrongly quoted from memory, but « Tincetace » p. 78 also wrongly from
Loth's Focab. p. 5).
SouthW. rhegedog, L. Morris Add. Ms. 14944, ^^3^'^ rhegedog (rhedegog)
Kha.es\is gramm. p. 128; cf. B. of Herg. avon regedaôc col. 6s8; Didr.
Casgliad p. 255 nant regeda6c (Odorics travels; cf. nant in NorthW. is glyn
cul [a narrow Valley], in SouthWales afonig fechan [a streamlet] Y Brython III,
p. 52; see also L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944 f. 131a and
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 (delwedd B2692) (tudalen 385)
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Notes on Welsh Consonants. ^8$
Sp. dict.: a brook — a dingle); Ms. Tit. D 22 ac nyd oed yno dim d6fyr
onydychydic o dyfyr rygeda6c f. 144 b (= C. Br. SS. p. 107); Add. Ms. 14921
f. 20 b yn regedoc etc.
NorthW. eskob — SouthW. esbok, E. Lhuyd, A. Br., Williams, lex. Cornubrit. p.
137 a: esgob, vulgo esbog; L, Morris, Add. Ms. 15059, f. 148 b: in
Carnarvonsh. often esbog; cf. modem Cornish ispak; ir. intespoc, Nenn. p. 68;
gael. easbuig; manx. aspick.
mordwyo (to go by sea); in Brud y Tyw. y mord6ya6d, B. of Herg.: mor6ydaed
Ms. B (dimet. dialect) p. 328, mor6yda6 p. 354 and so always in Ms. B (p.
317, 346, 362).
aped (atteb): C.f'eiu. T. p. 152, S. C. III, 545 etc.; aped, apedwch Y
Gwladgarwr, 1860 (2 and 30. 6), Aberdare, etc.
wmed for wyneb (i6th cent.), see § 46; matcyn for napkin see § 46; mencid,
bentig, mentig for benthyg, bentfyg see §118; diofedd for dioddef (i6th
cent.; cf. also gofedd and goddef, Powel loaniuords), uddyf and ufudd,
clefydd and cleddyf, penfeddig and pendefig see § 123.
Max Nettlau.
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Revue Celtique. Tome IX. 1888. 64-76.
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Revue Celtique. Tome X. 1889. 105-121.
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Revue Celtique. Tome XI. 1890. 68-79.
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Revue Celtique. Tome XII. 1891. 142-152.
.....
Revue Celtique. Tome XII. 1891. 369-385.
.....
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aith
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