kimkat0351k Notes On Welsh Consonants. Max Nettlau, Ph.D. (Fiena, Ymerodraeth Awstria 1865 - Amsterdam, Yr Iseldiroedd 1944)


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REVUE CELTIQUE. 1888-1891.

Tome IX. 1888. 64-76 (adrannau 1-22).

Tome X. 1889. 105-121 (adrannau 23-55).
Tome X. 1889. 320-329 (adrannau 56-74).

Tome XI. 1890. 68-79 (adrannau 75-101).

Tome XII. 1891. 142-152 (adrannau 102-121).
Tome XII. 1891. 369-385 (adrannau 122-154).

Y Llyfr Ymwelwyr / El Llibre de Visitants / The Guestbook:

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1/ Tome IX. 1888. 64-76 (adrannau 1-22). B2580-B2592

2/ Tome X. 1889. 105-121 (adrannau 23-55). B2626-B2642
3/ Tome X. 1889. 320-329 (adrannau 56-74). B2643-B2652

4/ Tome XI. 1890. 68-79 (adrannau 75-101). B2653-B2664

5/ Tome XII. 1891. 142-152 (adrannau 102-121). B2665-B2674
6/ Tome XII. 1891. 369-385 (adrannau 122-154). B2676-B2692


1/ Tome IX. 1888. 64-76 (adrannau 1-22). B2580-B2592

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(Vienna, III, Rennweg, 2. May 28, 1887)

Introductory Remarks.

As to information about the manuscripts and books quoted in the following notes I refer the reader to the introduction of my Beitrge zur cymrischen grammatik. I (einleitung und vocalismus). Leipzig, Mrz-April 1887, 79 pp. 8 (p. 4-33). The following abbreviations are used for some of the more frequently cited sources:

Manuscripts: A: the oldest Ms. of the Venedotian Law-code, printed in Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales... ed. by Aneurin Owen London, 1841, fol. (Beitr., p. 11).

B: Ms. Cott. Tit. D 2, Venedotian Code (1. c, p. 12).

Cleop. B 5: a Gwentian 15 th. cent. Ms. (1. c, p. 16).

E: Addit. Ms. 14931, Venedotian Code (1. c, p. 12).

B. of Herg.: the Red Book of Hergest; the parts of this Ms. edited by John Rhy^s and J. Gwenogfryn Evans (Oxford, 1887, vol. I) have been principally quoted; on other edited and not edited parts see 1. c, p. 13-15.

Hgt. 202: a I4th. cent. Ms. edited by E. B. PhilHmore in YC, vol. VII.

Ies. Coll. 141: a late 15th. cent. Ms. (1. c, p. 14).

L: Cott., Tit. D 9, printed in Owen's Ancient Laws (Dimetian Code).


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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 65.

Lew. Dwnn: the autograph of a part of L. D.'s heraldic visitations, printed in the first volume of Heraldic Visitations of Wales and the Marches in the time of Queen Elisabeth and James I by Lewis Dwnn, ed. by Sir Samuel Rush Meyrick, 1846 (1. c, p. 21).

Ll. Achau: Llyfr Achau, printed in the Ilnd volume of the Heraldic Visitations; cf. p. 58: by me Hopkin ab Eignon of Breknock in }
Countie of Breknock, painter, finished y ffirst of November Anno Dni 1602 (1. c, p. 21).

Ll. &iu. Rh.: Llyfr Gwyn Rhydderch, parts of which are edited in the Ilnd volume of Robert Williams' Selections from 'Heng\\Tt Manuscripts (1. c. p. 16).

S: Add. Ms. 22356, a Cardiganshire-manuscript of the Di~ metian Code (1. c, p. 13).

Tit. D 22: a Cottonian manuscript, parts of which are printed in Rees Lifes of the Cambro-British Saints, 1853 and in YC. vol. HI and VIII (ed. by Powel) (1. c, p. 16).

Y S. Gr.: Y Seint Greal, ed. by R. Williams, 1876 (1. c, p. 16).

Addit. Ms. 14013: a 16th. and 17th. cent. Southwelsh Ms., containing medical tracts, etc.

14^21: a i6th. cent. Gv^^entian Ms., containing a translation of John Maundeville's travels (fragment) (1. c, p. 33).

I4P7J: a Southwelsh Ms. (about 1640), in which amongst many other texts poems of Rees Prichard (author of Cannwyll y Cymry) occur (1. c, p. 20).

14^86: a i6th. cent. Ms., containing two religions Interludes (1. c, p. 19-20).

i<)']0<): a i4-i5th. cent. historicalMs. (Gwentian dialect) (1. c. p. 16).

Add. Mss. 14909, 14923, 14944, 14945 and others: grammatical and lexical collections by Lewis Morris and his brothers (1. c, p. 29-30).

Several other manuscripts are referred to occasionally; ail quotations giving the folio of the Ms. I hve seen myself.

BooKS: C. fzu. T.: Caban fewythr Tomos gan William Rees, 1853 (Merionethsh. dialect).

C. y. C.: Cannwyll y Cymry, 1672 (1. c, p. 20). Revue Celtique, IX


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66 Nettlau.

D, S. Evans, llythr.: Llythyraeth yr iaeth Gymraeg gan D. S. Evans, 1861.

Hom. 1606: Pregethau a osodwyd allan tnvy awdurdod... (translated by) Edward James (1. c, p. 24).

Hughes, 1S22: An essay on the ancient and present state ot the Welsh language, with particular reference to its dialects, being the s abject proposed by the Cambrian Society for the year 1822 (1. c, p. 26).

Gl. Gu. G.: Llyfr Gweddi Gyffredin, the book of Common Frayer in Welsh, extracts of which are reprinted in Y TraetL (1. c, p. 24).

Ll. y Rcs.: LMV y Resolution (Parson's Christian Resolutions) (translated by) J. D. (se. John Davies), "1684,

containing in the appendix a dialectal glossary (1. c, p. 28).

Sal lex., N. T., prou.: William Salesbury's Welsh dictionary (1547, reprinted 1877), Testament Newydd, 1567 and on english pronunciation (reprinted in EUis' Early Engl. Pron.).

Sp.: William Spurrell's Welsh dictionaries (1859, 186 1).

Szveet: Sweet's Spoken Korthwelsh in Transactions ot the Philological Society, 1882-4.

Y drych Christ.: Y drych Christianogawl. Ed. by Rosier Smith, 1585 (1. c, p. 23-24).

Periodicals: Yr Ariu.: Yr Arweinydd sef Newyddiadur wythnosol, PwhheU, 1856-9 (1. c, p. 32).

Y Bed.: Y Bedyddiwr, Caerdydd 1849 sqq.

Y Gen.: Y Geninen, Caernarfon (vol. III, 1884-3).

- Y. C.: Y Cymmrodor, the Magazine of the Hon. Society of Cymmrodorion. London, 1877 sqq.

Y Guyl.: Y Gwyliedydd, Bala, vol. VI, 1828 containing a dialectal glossary (1. c, p. 31).

S. C.: Seren Cymru,, Newyddiadur Teuluaidd Pythefnosol, Caerfyrddin, 1856-60.

Y Traeth.: Y Traethodydd, Dinbych, Treifynnon, 1845, etc.

Y T. a'r G.: Y Tywysydd a'r Gymraes, Llanelli, 1852, etc^

I . The weekiy \Velsh periodicals not being enter ed in the General Catalogue of the British Museum (Yr Arweinydd however is)^ I stated in


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Notes on Welsh Consonans. 67

I. r AXD W (j AND ^), CHW.

I . J is of most frequent occurence in ail the Brythonic languages before a number of suffixes (Welsh -iaeth, -ion, -iad, etc.); in most of the cases it is of no etymological value but only spread by analogy. I hve not to discuss here whence this analogy lirst sprang from, as this is a pre-Cymric question. The dialects of North- and Southwales greatly differ as to the pronunciation of this secondary j; it is said to suffer from the North to the South a constant loss in strength of Sound, culminating in its dropping in the southern dialects, in which it is very often not expressed in writing. No details of the description and delimitation of the intermediate sounds hve as yet been given, and so it isvery difficulttoform a proper opinion on these Southwelsh orthographies. J mayeither hve never been transferred into these forms or owing to its pronunciation being very feeble and perhaps only palatalising the consonant upon which it folio ws it was not written. For a number of j's before suffixes existed certainly, as is shown by the Dimetian plural sgidshe, the Eastern-g^ventian scitshia (so occuring in popular texts, see 5) = esgid-iau; also unstressed u and y before vowels are becoming j , and t is palatalised into sh by them, cf. sha = tu a; so the phonetic alterations on which Zeuss, gr. C.^, p. 1 69-1 71 (de zetacismo) treats with recrard to the Cornish and Breton lans:uao;es are not absent in Welsh. J is said to be inserted in Northwelsh dialects in wrong places by improper extension of his usage. In medieval southern Mss. too, such extraordinary insertions of j occur as in eidyaw^ tr6ydya6, d6ylya6, idia6, etc.; it is

a Beitr. p. 31, that they were mostly not kept in this library. Thisis a mistake, since they are entered in the special Catalogue of British Newspapers, received at the Museum. If I had known this before, I might hve spared much time which I spent in looking over nearly the bulk of the monthly papers, characterised 1. c. and might hve found much information about dialects. I am now going to use this source of information too. Cf. The Periodical Literature of Wales during the Present Century, in Trans. of the Cardif Eisteddf. (held 1883), pp. 214-236. [30.11.87.]


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68 Netlaii.

probable to me that these js were only inserted in writing by the Southwelsh scribes, who themselves pronounced theletter very feebly or not at ail and inserted it therefore sometimes where it had no place. In the contrary in the Venedotian Ms. A ot the Howelian La\vs, doython occurs besides doythyon; this must be compared with the }rd sing.-ws and with onadunt etc. in this text, these being later only Southwelsh too and want a special examination; on onadunt see YC. VIII, p. 135 squ.

2. The following references illustrate the above said. D. S. Evans, llythyriaeth, 189 has: Northw. tewion Southw. tewon, etc. Some Middle\velsh forms differing from the modem Hterary language are: L p. 176, offeirat, p. 178 keinnaec, kyureitheu a breinheu; U p. 336 keissa6, p. 337 affeitheu, p. 342 keina6c, p. 348 eidon, etc., but y (j) is also written very oiften in the same Mss. A careful scribe denotes still an indistinctly pronounced j, which another omits altogether. Each Ms. must be separately examined on this point, as single examples cannot decide the question where j is due to the 'dialect and where to the scribe.

3 . Rlws points out in his Welsh loanwords (Arch. Cambr.), s. V. cera^^ium, that the insertion of j before terminations commencino; with a vowel is carried to an extensive extent in some of the dialects of Northwales and gives jachjau, hirjaethu, ceirjos ^ Southw. ceiros (cerasium), etc.; effieithio is mentioned Y Traeth II, p. 34 (Th. Charles).

4. From Mss. cf.. ynyal6ch a difficith6cb didram6yeit, Red B. otHerg., col. 655 (Mab.); eidyawis of frequent occurence, cf. my article on the Welsh jpronouns in Y Cymmrodor VIII, p. 140, where also tr6ydya6 and even d6ylya6, occuring several times in Didrefn Casgliad are quoted. I add from S (Addit. Ms. 2235 e): A g6edy hynny dyfod atty neb x benn-

I. Besides ceirios (the literan- form given by Spurrell, dict.) exists the later surian, pi. suriahi (Sp.) from engl. cherry. Cf. sirianen a chery, Salesbury, lex. 1547; E. Lhuyd, Arch. Brit. 1706 s. v. cerasum: Southw. Keiroesen (pron. keirosen?) Northw. sirianen; Hughes essay 1822: Northw. sirion Southw. ceirios (i from the Ut. form). Breton qeresen, qirisen (Rostr.); Corn, not in Jago; gael. sirist; manx. shillish; ir. shih'n, Lluyd, silin (Begley, Foley).


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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 69

ffvmaed ida6 acheissiae orantae dvfod v 6rantu y march tda6 neu dalv v da yr benftvgi6r f. 100 a; a oes vn anifieil f. 82 b (enifeil, anefeil f. "89 b); idiav Ms. T, Medd. Myddfai, I, 129. Y Seint Greal: aelyodeu 2, twrneimyeint 20, 21 (see Zeuss-, p. 86), mi a wasanaethyeis 19, haedveist 15, etc.; it is just this manuscript in which forms like oedy^vn, aethyost, wydyem, doethyant occur oftener than in any other published hitherto; on these forms see Rhj^s, Rev. Celt., VI, p. 47 n., \\\\o compares corn, wothyen to cymr. wydywn, gwyddyat, etc.; at any rate the pleonastic use of y in this text discredits somewhat this comparison as flir as regards to this text, the other reasons in its favour and against it remaining of course unaltered by this fact. en er eidial, Cleop. B 5, f 3 b, 4 a, tu ar eidial f. 2 b; Addit. Ms. 12 193 (15 10), translation of a work of Rolewinck: i wladychv yr Eidial f. 13 b, Eidial f. 35 b (Eidal f. 38 b, 40 b, etc.): ynyd5^vyssyo^Taeth, E, Addit. Ms. 1493 1, f. la, etc.; lyth cent.: Jachiawdwr, Add. Ms. 15005, f. G^ a.

5 . As to the Southwelsh alteration of t + j before vowels intosh, cf. Lewis Morris, Addit. Ms. 14^2^, f. 134a: Southw. swnti beyond = Northw. tuhwnt i; he intends to denote sh by s as is proved by Southw. issel = isel (ib. f. 133 b), cf. gwishgo in modem dialects, s before and after slender vowels and j becoming sh in Southw^ales; shwnti from * tj-wnti, *ti-wnti, u and i being nearly identical in Southw. pronunciation, see Beitr. 67, 70. Cf. S. C. (dimet.) ac fe a'th shag adre I, p. 292; pwy newy sy sha Llunden yna 'nawr I, p. 232; gai ffordd glir i fyned shag adre I, p. 271, mynd sha gadre I, p. 332, etc. (= tu ag adref); sgidshe I, p. 449, etc. (= esgidiau), from *sgidje. Y Gen. (gwent.) sha'r Rendra III, p. 19 in Eastern Glamorganshire = tu a'r Hendref, sha'r Bont, scitsha (= esgidiau). S. C. be 'sharnati I, p. 272, be sharnat ti I, p. 291 (=pa beth sydd arnat ti); sharnat from *sj-drnat, *sy-drnat. R. Williams, lex. Cornubr. remarks to modem corn, jawl, jowl (E. Lhuyd: dzhiawl) = cymr. diawl, that of this pronunciation of dj are traces in colloquial Welsh (p. 102 b), but he gives no further particulars.

6. In Middlewelsh Mss., even in those written in Southw%


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70 Netlau.

dialects e is not seldom used to denote y (j); see Rh}^s, lect. 2, p. 234. It is not clear to me whether e is the orthograph of a dialect in which j was distinctly pronounced and of nearly syllabic value or whether, e being used in northern Mss. for the obscure sound of y (henny = hynny, etc.) it wasalso written by transcribers for y =j. In S = Addit. Ms. 2235e also u is used for j: dydueu, f. 17 a (dydieu ib.), since inthis Ms. u and iasvowels are nearly identical, cf. Beitr. 67, bigel f. 54 b, r6medic f. 7 b, etc.

7. Cf. B = Tit. D 2 deneon f. 30 b, kynedeon f . 5 a (ib. canes f. 19 b, ene f. 26 a, etc.); Hgt Ms. 406 (B. Gruif. ap. Cyn.), Arch. Cambr. 1866: weitheon, p. 34, meibeon, p. 36, deneon, p. 42 (ib. yd adeihvs, y kerdus, emchuelus, arannwt, a dothoedent, urth, etc., Southwelsh forms and very old orthographs, cf. u for w; on the text see Beitr. p. 15, 7). B. of Herg. tri hualogeon, hualogyon col. 595 (Y Cymmr. III). Ll. Gw. Rh. Keinneadaeth p. 10. Y S.Gr. redeat 12, ot oedewch 68. Tit. D 22 medeant f. i b. Cleop. B 5 weitheon, y eithaueoed f. 98 a, medeant f 103 a, ymplith y reiduseon f. 104 a, areant f. 106 a, tAvyssogeon f. 108 a, etc.

In Sal. lex., 1547 arean and anean occur; here e certainly tends to express the thick syllabic sound of j in a northern dialect.

8. Initial j before e, i, u and w before u in English loanwords and in the vulgar English spoken by native Welshmen are not pronounced; et = yet, ood = wood, etc. Cf. Rhys in Report of the schools inspected, etc. (Academy, 9, 9., 1876): ood, ooman, ee (wood, woman, ye) in Carnarvonshire. In the English of Llanidloes in Powys, on which see Collections... relating to Montgomerys., vol. X, 'et, 'ee, 'u, 'eeld (yet, ye, you, yield) p. 311 and 'ool, 'ood, 'ooman (wool, etc.) p. 309 are used. For Southwales cf. The Red Dragon, vol. II, p. 38-40; also Ellis, Early. E. Pron. in a note to Sal. pron., 1547: ye-, woo- becomes, , .

9. This pecuharity dates from Middlewelsh. Cf. Red B. of Herg. acwt\vardy6 ar3^koet h6nn6, col. 630. wdward = woodward is given in the index of English loanwords in Dafydd ab Gwilym's Poems (Llundain, 1789). In the often edited I5th


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Notes on Welsh Consonnans. 71

cent. English Poem in Welsh orthography ^ printed by Ellis, Trans. Phil. Soc. 1880 from a Hengwrt Ms. wld occurs 1. 60 besides ei would 1. 15, wi wowld 1. 67. In Lewis Dwnn's Herald. Visitt. (Eg. Ms. 2585) occur: off Wlffsdal (Wolfsdale) I p. 163 (ed. Meyrick), oft'Wdstok p. 163, off Wdstock p. 146, v(erch) Robart off The Wd ap Gibon Wd p. 126, etc.


10. Pre-Cymric v in inlaut between vowels is altered in Welsh in two different ways, on which see Zeuss-, p. 106, 128; the resuit of v and the vowel before it is au, ou or aw, ew (av, ev); also besides final -eu in historie welsh (keneu) -aw- occurs in inlaut (kenawon), see Zeuss-, p. 129. This difference is of difficult explanation. I shall give here the materials I collected towards its illustration and a few suggestions as to conditions etc. of these doublets, skr. yuvaas = in- doeurop. juvnks, lat. juvencus (gaul. Jovincillus etc., Zeuss 2, p. 128) becomes in Welsh *jovanc- jouanc, jeuanc and *je- Vv^anc, hence *iwanc, iflmc.

1 1 . The following forms of this word and its derivtes are worthof attention: Cleop. B 5 gwas ieuwanc f. 60 a (ieuang f. 68 b); this form is supported by deuwei etc. in ony deu- wei f. 75 a, n}^ deuwei ib., o deuwant f. 61 a; beuwyd f . 3 a for b3^wyd looks very strange, but also deuheu occurs in this Ms., on which see Beitr. 84, where o Ddeuheubarth, Her. Visit. II, p. 246 (1685) may be added; eu seems written for e, as final eu was pronounced e; so beuwyd is for bewyd, bawyd ? then ieuwanc would be = *iewanc. Ll. Gw. Rh. gwreic yangk dec. p. 139 Y S. Gr. ieueyngtid 30; S iegtid, Owen p. 296; Jes. Coll. 141 plur. jeueink f. 60 b.

I. Cf. Cambrian Register II, p. 299-304; The Cambro Briton; Hynation Cymreig p. 13-16; Arch. Cambr. II, i, p. 304-7; Trans. Phil. Soc. (reprintedin Arch. Cambr.); Wilkins, lit. ofWalesp. 106 squ. InAddit, Ms. 14866, f. 25a is a copy of it, beginning: o meichti ladi owr leding t\v haf, at hefn owr abeiding, whilst" Ellis' Ms. (Hgt. Nr. 294) runs thus: michdi ladi our leding to haf at hefn owr abeiding etc., so that an edition from the Addit. Ms. would be of interest. It is said there, f 25 a; Jeuan ap hywel Swrdwal ai cant. medd eraill Jevan ap Rytherch ap Joan Lloyd.


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72. Nettlau.

12. Sal., N. T. ieunctit f. 310 b, ieuntit f. 319 a, ifieugtit f. 314 a; (R. Davies) ieuanc f. 313 a, plur. ievainc f. 314 a. Addit. Ms. 14913, i6th. cent., southw. yviengtit f. 53 a; Addit. Ms. 14986, i6th. cent, iyfangc f . 8 a; Addit. Ms. 14973, 1640 iengtid f. 73 a, ientit f. 69 a; Addit. Ms. 14987 (Powys) om hienctd L 81 b; Add. Ms. 15005 gwr ifengc f. 74 a, yr ifengc f. 132 a; Jfieintid f. 40 b, Jfieintid f. 53 a, jfieintid f. 79 b; Addit. Ms. 15059, 18 th. cent, ifiengtyd f. 212 a, ifiengedd f. 225 a. Ll. Dwnn, Her. Vis. I, iengctyd p. 9, iangaf p. 113, 134, 135, etc. (more than 14 times), ianngafp. 170; (iengav vol. II p. 123, 1685); jevank p. 21, ievank p. 171; jevaf p. 157; ifank p. 153, 190. Llyfr Achau, 1602, Breconsh. ieyangk p. 57, ieanck p. 36, yeia p. 47, ivank p. 16, ifank p. 11, 57, ifanck p. 26. Davies, lex. 1621 (and Richards lex. 1753) gives ieuangc iau, ieuangach ieuat, passim ifaf; E. Lhiivd, Arch. Brit. uses ivangc (dimet. dial.).

In modem dialects: S.C. (dimet.) yn ifenc (plur.) I, p. 373, ie'nctyd I, p. 292, 331. Carnarvonsh. ifangk, jengach (Sweet). Merionethsh. i'r bobol iiinc, Cab. few. T. p. 258, hogenod ifinc p. 290, plurals like bychin, erill, llygid being used in the northern dialects.

13. The w== v in *iewanc, the doublet of ieuanc became f, like w in cenafon besides cenawon etc., see below. *iefanc became ifanc like Ithel from Judhael etc. jenctyd seems to come from jeuenc-tyd by dropping the first unstressed vowel: j(eu)enctyd, like cyfodi, *cfodi, codi, see below. jang is perhaps a secondary abstraction from iengtyd, forms like gwan and gwendid etc. being the model. The loanword Johannes Ἰωάννης (= Iōnnēs),exhibits the same double alteration of a form *Jovan-, vic. Jeuan, Jouan, Jevan, Jfan, Jwan, as the forms are given in the pref. to Ll. Gw. G., 1586. See also Rhy^s, Arch. Cambr., loanwords s. v.: Jowan (L. Land. Jouhan), Jeuan (now only used as a bardic name), Ifan (engl. Evan), Jefan (in common use until a recent time); Ifan and Jwan in Cardiganshire.

14. Cf. further peues and powys (state of rest), Zeuss (2), p. 128; deuaf, 3. sing. daw and Southwelsh dawaf want a


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Notes on Welsh Consonnans. 73

specia^ inquiry; see my article on the verb (YC, vol. IX). In the oldest texts deuaf, 3 . sing. daw and doaf are the only forms used; in Cleop. B 5 deuwei etc. occurs, see 11. Dawaf is frequent in Southwelsh texts since Sal. N. T. (dawaf, dewi, daw, dawn, dewch, dawant). I think, dawaf is a new form, based on the 3rd sing. daw; the older forms, showing the proper treatment of an aw in pretonic syllables (tlawd, tlodion) are doaf etc. So deuaf and daw only rest and appear to be the exact counterparts of trawaf, 3. sing. tereu (Ll. Gw. Rh. p. 53), adawaf, ef a edeu ib. p. 87, gwrandawaf, y gwerendeu p. 38 etc., see Zeuss -, p. 129. The forms of the other Brythonic languages prove the composition of a verb with do- in deuaf to be preCymric. In older Welsh forms of the verb subst. with do- in the sense of to come are frequent; cf. dybu; a dyui Tal. 205; Richards lex. 1753 says, that i dybi, it is to be sure is still used in Glamorganshire. deuaf, daw would permit to be brought from * dov-, * dob-; the form of the verb subst. can not be ascertained, since the ordinary termination -af has been introduced. Deuaf could also possibly come from *do(a)gaf, cf. doeth, see below; but daw would then rest unexplained, eu from *og not being elsewhere treated like eu from *ov.

15. Ceneu and cenaw, cub whelp (Zeuss-, p. 129): plur. kynawon, a chynawon B. ofHerg., col. 722; cenawon, imperite cenafon (cynghanedd: cynfyn) Davies lex.; kena, Sw^eer p. 425. In Beitr. 93 I gave examples of gewyn: geuyn, llysewyn: Llyseuyn and of eisieu: eisio, to which may be added: giewyn, B. of Herg. col. 760; this is said by Rh}^s (Y C. VU, p. 19) to be still used in a part of North- wales, cf. g-en gi-au. Llessewyn, Ll. Gw. Rh. p. 244, llysewyn p. 73; llyseuoed p. 50. The Northwelsh eisio I think now to be like taro, gaddo (Sweet p.- 425) identical with an older eisiaw, the doublet of eisieu, Hke *giaw (giewyn): gieu. Of this obscure word note also eissev, eissV^wed B. of Garni . p. 45, eissiwet B. of Herg. col. 819, 830, eissywedic col. 820; Ll. Gw. Rh. eissywedigyon p. iio, eissydedic p. 223 (?; d= dd, ffrom w ?) diessiwau, dieissiwau Ms. A, p. 66. Cf. also clowed, clvwed and cigleu, *clov-.


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74 Nettlau.

i6. Ceiri is said by Rhj^s to be the plural of cavsT (giant) in the Carnarvonshire dialect; rhiw geiri o ddynion occurs in a local newspaper, cf. the references in Beitr. loo. On cawr see Zeuss 2, p. 129 and of late, H. d'Arbois de Jub. in Mem. de la Soc. de Ling. de Paris, V, p. 121-123, where the respective Gaul. names are fully given. I think ceiri can be explained thus: * cavarois to be compared in structure with trigaranus (lyspav:;), Welsh taradr (: TepETpov) etc.; *cava- cf. skr. v-ra- and cura-, * KevA- and *KvA (de Saussure, Mem. p. 260). * cavaro- resulted in Welsh into the doublets *cawar- and *cauar-, who lost the a probably by an earher stress-shift in the dechnation. ceiri then is *ceuri from * caur, the doublet of cawr.

17. Pre-Cymric b and m between vowels became either f or with the preceding vowel eu, cf. neuadd, hall, Old-Welsh nouodou (M. Cap.), ir. nemed, vsij.stcv; y newad occurs B. of Herg., col. 689, a strange form, as w for u () is not used in this Ms. (cf. neAV = neu, Calig. A 13 etc.), if it is no error; cf. *iewanc etc. Goreu, best seems to be a superlative and -eu: -af is to be explained like edeu: edaf, Old-W. etem, Zeuss^, p. 821.

18. To ir. claidhebh correspond Welsh cleddyf and cleddeu, given both bv Spurrell. Cf. B. of Herg. ae gledeu col. 559; Ll. Gw. Rh.dedeu p. 136(3), 138, 148, 264, 282; Sal. N. T. cleddey (marg. cleddyf), f. 388 a (Huet). Other forms of this Word are: plur. clefydeu: B. of Herg. a thynnu clefydeu ac ymfFust col. 644, moess6ch attaii a6ch clefydeu col. 644, 645; in Yst. de Car. M. clefydeu col. 420, clevydeu col. 423, klevydeu col. 450; Ll. Gw.. Rh. cleuydeu p. 70, torof a chleuydeu p. 253. Cleddyddeu: Llyfr. Huw Llyn (written it is said by Guttyn Owain, the herald bard of the abbeys of Basingwerk and Ystrad Flur, late I5th cent.): kleddyddav f. 129 b i; Jes. Coll. 141 kleddyddav. f. 40 b, cleddyddeu f. 61 a(kleddeff. 40 b). Cf. Peredur penwetic, B. of Garni, p. 30 and Pwyll bendeddig Dyved, Ll. Achau, 1602, p. 64, and see below.

19. I think the suffix denoting the instrument and the agent of any thing, the modem form of which is -ai (cf. arwyddai


(delwedd B2591) (tudalen 75)

Notes on Welsh Consonants. 75

ensign, cymhellai spur, nofiii, clepai, cecrai, meddalai etc.) is an old m-suffix, the doublet of which is -yf, cf. oldcorn. ne- dim, gl. ascia, Zeuss -, p. 821 and W. neddai et neddyf dola- bella; naddu asciare, dolare (Davies); neddei i naddy, an addys (adze), Sal. lex. Spurrell has also ulai hydrogen and ulyf, the remains of anything burnt; carbon. (Atter this had been written in November 1886 I first saw in Mardi 1887 the article of E. Ernault in Revue Celt. VII, 4, p. 311, who notes similar doublets in Breton. They want fuUer consideration, than I can bestow upon them in this article restricted to the Welsh language).

20. Some w between vowels are dialectically changed into f. Cf. Northw. Ihfo, brifo = lliwo, briwo, D. S. Evans, llythr., index; llitio = lliwio colorare (lliw), Davies; brifo Sw.^et p. 429 to break (briwo). Southw. kawad =:=Northw. kafod, E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br. s. v. imber, see Beitr. )) 60 and ga[e]af kawada 6c Hgt 202, f. 25 bi. cenafon see 15. Davies: ber}'\von = barcuttanod milvi; beryfon; (bery, -on kite, Sp.). dw}^vol, dwyfol, ib. (cf. Devardoeu Dubr duiu, meuddwyetc, Rhys Lect-. p. 407-412). byfolieth, biography C. f'ew. T. p. 106; gorflidd = gorwedd, Sweet p. 429. On ifanc and Ifan see 12, 13. cyrafol, cyrafon serviceberries; cyrawol the same, cyrawel, -en berries Sp.; ib. rhafon servi- cetreeberries, rhavvol cluster, bunch; cerddin, id. quod criafol, opulus arbor Davies; criafol and cyriafol; criafonllwyn cwrf vnlliw, Gutto 'r Glynn, ib.; E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br.: Southw. pen .crawel; L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14923 Southw. crawol, white thorn berries = Northw. ogfien, f. 133 b.

W. Salesbur}^, pron. 1547 (in Ehis Early Engl. Pron.) says s. ht. w.: Northw. tavlu or taflu (iacio). Southw. tavvly; in Southwelsh they resolve v into their wonted vowel vv )); the reverse was the case in Southw. devnydd or dcfnydd, substantia, and some corrupters denvydd = Northw. deunydd; s. ht. f: in Southw. they use rather v, Northw. writers commonly occupye f)). Davies lex. gives defnydd et deunydd materia, passim denfydd; Y Traeth. Il,


(delwedd B2592) (tudalen 76)

y 6 Nettlau.

p. 34 denfydd is also mentioned. On tawlu, towlu = taflu, see Beitr. 97.

21. Sometimes w between vowels is omitted in Mss., especially in n. pr.; particulars from the living dialects must be expected, before the phonetic value of these orthographs can be discussed. Cf. Loarch hen, Vesp. A 14, f. 11 a (de situ Bircb.); na6 niarnod S (Addit. Ms. 22356), f. 73 b, deesbeyd f. 70 a (d6esb6yd often); Hoell, Hoel, Ll. Achau (nearly always). Rhj's, Y Traeth. 1884, 479 connects the n. 1. LHfon, LHon, Lliwon or LUwan with lUf, Ui and Llyn LHon (triades), ffrydiau Lliw or Llyw (Mab. K. ac 01.).

22. On initial gw + r, 1 see Zeuss 2, p. 130. Initial gw + r, 1, n are pronounced in Northw. grw, glw, gnw ( rw: the two conss. being uttered simultaneously Swet, p. 418, grwaig), in Southw. gr, gl, gn.

Cf. ghvd, gnwico, grwaig in Carnarvonsh., Sweet, p. 410. Such orthographs occur in the Venedot. Ms. A: grueic p. 40, grueyc p. 38 (thrice), gruaget p. 48 besides greyc p. 38 (twice), eny greickao p. 38, guedy e greycaho p. 38, graget p. 49; gluat^p. 59, o gluad arall p. 125 besides gladoet p. 50, gleduchu p. 4, gluan (fleece) - p. 132.

In the I7th cent. Battledoor (1660) nwithur, a mvaid (= wnaeth), nwithir, grwaig, ir gwr ac ir rwaig occur p. 3, 4, 6; but otherwise this text is Gwentian. In Southw. texts cf. gl6b6r, Tit. D 22 (see YC. III), gwlybwr, dial. glybwr (Powel). In modem dialects: graig, grando (Hughes, 1822); y gneith etc., S. C. gnythyr often in Addit. Ms. 14921 (16 cent.).

(A suivre). Nettlau.

1. Rhys remarks in Pennants Jour II, p. 215, that gwlad had now only the sense of rus; g^vledig rusticus. In Hanes y fH'dd, 1677 Northwelsh gwladaidd is explained in the glossary bycvwilyddus (scandalous).

2. Fiannel is held by Thurnevsen also Wedgwood etc., to be of Cehic origin; on this point see also Schuchardt. Lit. blatt f. g. u. rom. Phil., 188), p. 118. It is curious to note flannen, which is given in Byegones, 1880-81, p. 160 from the English of Towyn, Merionethsh. of 1678 and said to be still used; it is not a hybrid form between flannel and gwlanen to ail apparence, as it is said to occur in older English generally. Remembering graget in Ms. A *gl. and not ffl would be expected in an English loanword.

2/ Tome X. 1889. 105-121 (adrannau 23-55).



(delwedd B2626) (tudalen 105)


(Suite 1 )


23. Chw arose mostly from *sv. In the loanwords chwefror, gwefror (leon. c nouevrer) and chwysigen, gwysigen (leon. c'houezigell, vessie) chw sprung from *ghw, in which g as in g\v for v was put before an aspirated v (vh). Cf. Addit. Ms. 31060 gwefrol f. 153 a, mis gweflrol f. 210 a; L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14944, f. 62 a: chwefror in Anglesey chwefrol ; the same mentions chefrol in South \v. poems (in a letter, printed in Y Cymmr., II, p. 145). Chw gw occur both in chware, damchwein, chwedy; cf. Add. Ms. 14869 y warae oreu pan waraer, f. 23 a; B. of Herg. gwaryaf col. 563, a chwaryy di 563, ch6aryaf 660, a \vharya6d 688, yn g6are 564, 565, 566, y g6are h6nn6 564(2), 565(2), y g6ary\vyt 720 etc. damchweinio, damweinio Sp.; B. of Herg. damwheinae col. 709, damwheineu 800, 801; LJ. G:c. Rh. damwein p. 9, damhweinaw p. 153; Ms. Cleop B 5 damchweynws f. 34 a; S = Addit. Ms. 22356 y lie y damcheino f. 65 a, damchein f. 110 b, na damcheinad f. 69 a; or damch6eina f. 61 a, ac or damheina f. 64 a, or dam6eina f. 74 b; or dameina (sic) ryfel f. 64 b; S in Owen's Laivs: damch6ei-

1 Voir le commencement de cet article t. IX, p. 64.


(delwedd B2627) (tudalen 106)

io6 Ncttlau.

neu p. 558, damheeinieuib., damcheineip. 616; Gr. Roberts, gramm. damwain p. 84, etc. It is probable that these doublets represent an earlier status durus and status mollis (cf. Rcv. Cflt., VI, 314, n. 5); also the South Welsh wh, hw wants some consideration in tins regard, see 24.

24. hw, wh are the South Welsh representants of chw. They are perhaps due to an initial mutation of the group in an earlier period of the language; compare the change of initial *s in Welsh into h, which is not without exceptions, since it occurred first only in words closely following a word ending in a vowel. Hw and wh, later even w are found in many South- W r elsh Mss., but chw always occurs besides them; whether this is due in the oldest Mss. to the more common Northern orthography or whether chw and hw existed in different syntactic positions still both at the time of these Mss. cannot be decided without a special study of the details. In the Venedotian Ms. A occur e. g. chue byu p. 12, chuehet p. 27, kechuin, kecuyn p. 45, koquinyat p. 61, kecuuin p. 62, mystacuet p. 18; o damguenya p. 53, etc.; as to ch and c cf. decret! p. 2, hcc p. 32, mocch p. 36, kesho (cysgo, c-h like t-h in rotho, etc.), mecni p. 55, etc. But p. 14: huechet and p. 55 i guadu wecni (mechni) wec guir ac euo ehun seithuet (perhaps an error caused by wec of wecni).

25. B. of Cann. chuetlev a giklev, hwetil (17), chuetil (18), chuetyl. BofTal. whegach (14). T=Harl. Ms. 958 a hweugein mu f. 4 a; F== Harl. Ms. 4353 whech, whefra6r f. 29 a. S Addit. Ms. 22356 6heg6yr f. 4 a, 6he bu f. 12 b; on 6h6thu see my Beitr. 107, in Neath wthu, fe wthiff; B. of Herg. dy whaer col. 728, a wharya6d col. 688, ni an whech col. 723, etc.; Ll. Gic. Rh. hwechet p. 215, hwimwth p. 155; cf. pp. 226, 234, 240; hwythu p. 237; cwrnu (chwyrnu) p. 130; dnvy wherwder p. 237; y varwgywedyl efp. 151 (cychwedl, Sp.). Tit. D 22 wimmwth, y wethel (th for dd; chweddl for chwedl is South W., see below), weched, etc. (YC. III). Addit. Ms. 19709 whemil f. 68 a. Clcop. B 5 hwiliaw (chwilio) f. 102 b, etc. Add. Ms. 149 12, mis \vhefra6r, hwer6 f. 16 b, chechet f. 26 b, etc.

26. In later texts: Addit. Ms. 1492 1, i6th cent (Gwentian


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iXotes on Welsh Consonahts. 1 07

dialect): whechant f. 46 a, wheddel f. 44 b, fo ddiwheloedd f. 8 a; hwssy f. 37 b = chwysu, etc.; Stowe Ms. 672, wherddir f. 26 b, ci. ddwad f. 26 a, lainw; Addit Ms.

149 13 hweched f. 72 a; Llyfr Achau 1602: ab Harri weched p. 12, Edward y weched ib., y wheched p. 35 (2), ai waer hithav p. 43, h waer p. 57, etc.; Addit. Ms. 14973 na whenvehech f. 81 a;March. Crwydr. hwantau, yn hwennychu, etc. In the modem South W. dialects wh or w are commonly written. W. Salesbury, prou., 1547 s. lit. eh gives hwech, hvvaer as South W. which corresponds with the modem pronunciation (Ellis, l.'c). On the Northern chw Sweet p. 417 savs: (w) does not round the (ch).

27. Some clumsy orthographs are: chwhefrin, B. of'Tal. (15); Sal. N. T. cwhedlea f. 377 b, cwherwa f. 384 b, cwhenvoedd ib. (Huet); also Cann y C. 1672: cwharieu, cwhario p. 233, chwhenychu, chwhareu p. 226, chwhare p. 159; (ib. camweddle p. 419). Here Salesbury and Stephen Hughes combined in print the Northern chw and the Southern wh to satisty the eyes of the readers of ail dialects; Huet and Prichardwrote of course wh as their Gwentian dialects require and the respective editors added the Northern ch. In the older Welsh prints such accomodations to different dialects are not seldom met with.

The forms of anghwanegu also illustrate early orthographv. Cf. B.oJ Herg. aghwanegu col. 779, yn achanec Sk. p. 203; LL Glu. Rb. yn yghwanec p. 119, yn angehwanec p. 120, heb arveu yghwanec p. 125, ygwanee pp. 124, 133, etc.

28. Ch for chw occurs so often in several Mss. that it seems to express some really altered pronunciation in which ch prevailed; also chi for chwi is common to ail dialects. Cf. Ms. A: Chewraur p. 68 (twice), cuefraur p. 10, kanydemehel p. 46, eny emehelo p. 392, nyt hemehuel p. 159. Ms. S: damehein, etc., see 23. Ms. A (Owen, Lau ) am chevgain, ac o chevgain p. 542; Addit. Ms. 14986 (i6th cent.) yr eilchaith f. 6 a; LL Achau, 1602: a chedy (twice) and ach wedy p. 61; chefrol, see 23. In Beitr. p. 79 I quoted from Ms. Cleop. B j dychelut f. 152 a, ymehelut t. 138 b; in thisMs. ymchweilant, etc., occur often; on


(delwedd B2629) (tudalen 108)

108 Nettlau.

ymchwelyd: ymhoelyd see my article in Y Cymmr. IX, pp. 84-88, where many forms are collected; on chi see ib., VIII, pp. 1 19-120.

29. An unique example, as far as I know, is chwadan (from *ch\vjaden), the Carnarvonshire form of hwyaden (duck), given by Sweet p. 428; cf. Yr Arw. chwiadan, 24, 2, 1859; chwiad, Yr A inserait, 31, 12, 46; chwyied 22, 4, 47. In Y Traeth. III, p. 7. South W. gir a chwiaden, pi. geir a chwied = NorthW. iar a hwyaden, ieir a hwyeid; gir is South W., but what is said on chwiaden is a mistakc or this form is known ail over Wales. Cf. Ms. Cleop. B 5 hwiedid f. 174 b, hwyedic f. 175 a; Ms. S h6yedyd f. 38 a. Perhaps, like the r of the article yr is sometimes wrongly transposed to the following word commencing with a vowel or h and causes an initial rh in it, the c of ac (and) caused chwjden for hwjden; a more probable explanation is that when y in hwydan became j the group *hwj + vowel could not longer be pronounced in Northwales (in South W. h\v, wh is a common sound); so *hwj became chwj, every following consonant modifying the preceding (j > w > h). In Glamorganshire gwialen becomes gjelan, lor *gwjelan, which shows the tendency to evade the combination cons. + w (v) + j.

30. Engl. qu becomes chw in North W., cw in South W. (Powel, dimet. loanwords p. 16). Cf. maes kwarterog, Ll. Achau p. 18; ym mhob cwarter (marg. cwrr o'r wlad), Cann. v C. p. 585; L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14944: chwart a quart, Anglesey cwart, a quarter, Cardigansh, f. 56 a: cwart, a quarter, Cardigansh., f. 62 a; also f. 56 a: cwart, a quarter of any measure, Cardigansh. Chwaral, Yr Arw. ij, 7, 1856. (B. of Herg. col. 774 a ch6artha6r eidon ieuanc).

II. M, N, NG.

21. Initial m, n, w are in the spoken language aspirated after the words causing aspiration of the tenues; these m h, nh, wh are said to be South Welsh, butthey are also given by Sweet from Carnarvonshire. Cf. Sal. N. T. ary whynebey f. 385 b


(delwedd B2630) (tudalen 109)

Notes on Welsh Consonnants. 109

(Huet); Gambold, gramm. 1727: South W. mh, nh p. 5; William Morris, Addit. Ms. 14947: mh, nh in Southwales and sometimes in Northwales as in Holyhead (where he lived), i. 38 a. Y Tractb., III, p. 7, Rowlands gramm. 4 p. 9: South W. ci mhab, ei nhai, ei nhatur; cf. am ei nhatur, Y T. a'rG. I, p. 95, etc.; mh, nh occur also in the literary language ofbooks printed in Southwales.

Sweet, p. 442: i td ai mham, i thd ai mham; nhp.432, i whatshi p. 419 (herwatch). Ellis, Early E. Pron. p. 748 says on the pronunciation of initial mh, nh, ngh in the colloquial language: in the case of no vowel preceding a murmur is inserted, as niH, 'nH, 'qH .

3 3 . Initial rh and n seem to hve been dropped occasionallv; this was caused bythe close connection of these words with the preceding article or with yn, etc., such a group (under one accent) being afterwards wrongly separated; thus South Welsh hoeth == noeth. Cf. Add. Ms. I49i2yn hoeth f. 41 a, 41 b; Sal. N. T. yn hoyth, hoeth (marg. noeth), f. 391 a, 392 b (Huet); Y drych christ, yr oedh y corph yn hoeth, f. 21 b; also f. 23 b, 27 a, etc.; Addit. Ms. 1492 1 (Gwent. dialect) yn hoython f. 57 b, ar bobol hoython f. 61 b; 14986: yn hoeth f. 23 a; Hom., 1606 yn hoeth, II, p. 142; Addit. Ms. 14973 yn hoefh f. 90 a; March. Cryiudr. yn nesaf idd y croen hoeth, Y Brython Y., p. 257, etc.; noeth: demet. et antiqui hoeth'and hoeth v. noeth, Davies dict.

33. By a wrong separation n sometimes is prefixed to an initial vowel or h. Cf. nol and hol, to fetch Sp.; Y Tracth., III, p. 14: Gwentian dos i hl dwr (=: dos i geisio, ymofyn d.) = North W. dos i nl dwr. I think nol, hol contain ol (mark, trace, track), yn ol ('n-ol) according to; ago; back, past, after, Sp.; hence nol for yn ol. In Neath areusede. g. fy hla i, fe holiff a, fe gs i hl (it was feteled), fe holwd, etc. Sweet p. 430 mentions neplas for eples (Sp.), leaven. Salesbury uses the cngl. llefen and sur-dots (toes); cf. surdoes (marg. llefen) f. 21 a, llefen (marg. surdoes) f. 26 a; lleven f. 282, etc. Sa'mt aco E/ien; a Sai/z/ ko/as, Lew. Gl. C, poems, p. 340 (Nicolas; here saint being pronounced sain was the reason af the apparent dropping of n).


(delwedd B2631) (tudalen 110)

i io Nettlau.

34. Ng in the interior of words between vowels becamc w in ewin, Old W. eguin (Oxon. I), leon: ivin; llewa: ir. longaim; llvsvwcn; rhewydd, Old Bret. rogedou (Lux.); ffrewyll a scourge, *frangellum, see Rhys, Arch. Cambr. 1874, p. 56; the same change occurs before n in pythewnos and in the loanword llawethair, engl. long fetter. Pythewnos offers also other points of interest requiring some remarks.

35. Cf. petheunos A p. 69; V = Harl. Ms. 4353 pythenos f. 40 b; B. of Heg. a phee6nos a mis y buant yno col. 806 (?); Cleop. B 5 pethewnos f. 147 b; Davies dict. pythefnos, passim pythewnos; Addit. Ms. 31056, f. 17 a my fym yno buthefnos (ibe cungor, miewn, fo); bob thefnos, Yr Ams. 23, 11, 48, ib byfolieth; S. C. (dimet.) pethewnos and pvthownos ? I, p. 372, where the e in a southern dialect is not expected but- if pronounced at ail lias its counterpart in bennag for bynnagin the same texts; North Welsh pythelnos, Rev. Celt., II, p. 192. Sp. gives also pymthegnos, of course a modem composite; in the Gwladgarwr, 23, 2, 1861 even pymthefnosol occurs in literary language. Pythew- arose from *pytheng-; deng for deg, is common, cf. Barddas, I, p. 96; ib. unneng, deunneng, trineng, pedryneng, pumneng, chweneng, seitheng etc.; wythneng neu wyneng, seithneng neu seitheng p. 100, am bob lliosneng.arall (lliosgant, lliosmil) ib. Davies, gramm. dengmab o feibion 1 . In the middle Welsh Mss. using g for ng too degcan be deg or deng; it nasalizes not always the following consonant, cf. Ll. Gui. Rh. deg mydin p. 104 and y deg bydin ib.; deng mil pp. 29, 44. Deng seems to be due to an assimilation before nasalized consonants. Deng is still common in the spoken language before initial nasals: deng munud, deng mab. On fin bythelnos, see 20. The loss of m and the origin of th in pythew-, *pytheng are unexplained; I would suggest that either *pum- ddeg became *pu-ddeng or more probably that *pum-ddcng-

1 . He gives: trigwr, tmvyr, tri o wyr, even trywyr o wyr, dengmab o feibion, cliwegwyr o farchogion, etc. E. Lhuyd, Arch. Brit., p. 244 a says that numerals are constructed in South W. with the gen. plur. (form of the sing.), in North W. with prepositions and the plural: saith o veibion, etc.


(delwedd B2632) (tudalen 111)

Notes on Welsh Consonants. 1 1 i

nos was dissimilated into *puddeng -nos and th for dd was caused by the accent being on the following syllable, as in bytho, rotho, etc.

36. On llowethirsee Beitr. p. 44; Rhys, Y C, IV, p. 197

remarks that it denotes in Carnarvonsh. also a cord tying the two feet (of the horse) together = huai in Cardigansh; cf. o bop march auo huai neu la6hethyr arnae (a shackle or fetter) L (dimet.) p. 274; Ms. Cleop. B j laffetheir, f. 195 a; Add. Ms. 14869, f. 224 b (Cynddelw); llawethair, llywethyr, 11a- wethyrDavies rf/W.;Xorth W. gefynn, -au = South W. llyfe- thvr, -iau, Davies Ll. v Rcs. Ir. langfiter Corm. translat. p. 101, langpeiter, langphetir Corm. B.

37. Ng in inlaut and auslaut is often written n in popular texts, which mav point to a change in pronunciation. Cf. da- nos 1 Yr. Anv. 30, 10, 1859, C. f'czu. T. p. 32, 56, 78; dynoswch, Yr Amserau 12, 11, 185 1, mi ddynosa ib.; gillwn Yr Anv. 17, 7, 56, cnebrwn 30, 10, 59, cnebrwyn 2 and cnebrwn 20, 1, 59; gwllwn, gystwn Sweet p. 430; rhwn, golhvn C. f'eiv. T. p. 258. Powel (dimet. loanev.) gives also bredin (engl. braiding), etc. Ng is written m in Y Bed., VIII, p. 106: vn brudd ac vn deihvm (teihvng); teihvn in Neath; cf. the next . In Neath: gillwn, gellwn; gishtwn, like ishta.

38. Final n becomes m in many words, especially in words of English origin, but even in Welsh terminations, e. g. llatwm, rheswm, cottwm, botwm, sarrwm and saffrwn Sp. dict.; Addit. Ms. 14986, i6th cent, megis ffelwn wr f. 10 b and dav ffel-

1 . Gangos, either an error or the resuit of an assimilation occurs in two texts: Hengwrt Ms. 202, f. 28 b 1, 1. 33 (YCymr., VII, p. 147) and Ms. H p. 726 (Owen, Lazvs, i6th cent.); in the Hengwrt Ms. (i4th cent ) the popular amdler for amlder is also found. It is impossible to decide as to the authenticity of gangos, except if it happens to exist still in a living dialect.

2 . Cnebrwyn for canhebrwng (heprwn, Xeath), if genuine, is to be explained like bygwyth, see Beitr. 1 108. In the sense of burial in which it is used here it isNorth Welsh, cf. L. Morris (in Addit. Ms. 14923. f. 134 a) South W. angladd, burial = Xorth W. canhebrwng (so in Angleseyj, claddedigaeth; Addit Ms. 14944, t. 46 a: claddedigaeth funus, Denbighsh; Hughes 1822, YGnyl. 1828: South W. angladd, NorthW. claddedigaeth. Angladd is the Neath word for burial. pron anglodd plur. angladda; andadd in Monmouthshire.


(delwedd B2633) (tudalen 112)

i 12 Nettlau.

wmwr (felons) f. 15 b; patrwm (patron), in booktitles, D. S. Evans, llyfr. 1679, 2, 1723, 4. B.of Herg. col. 566 olatt6m yr yspaen; LI. Gw. Rh. p. 126 actwn (acketon)but p. 127 bwrkwm (burkun). Of Welsh words cf. cwthwn and chwythwm, Sp., cwthwm Addit. Ms. 14944. f. 53 a (L. Morris), a hurricane or spirt of bad weather, Cardigansh. E. Lhuyd, Arch. Brit. p. 235: ellyn a razor, not elhym as commonly pronounced; gwialem for gwialen is given by W. Williams, called Caledfryn inhis grammar, written in Welsh, 2nd edit., p. 58, 114.

39. Another change of final n, vie. into ng seems peculiar to the dialects of Cardiganshire; Rhys lect. 2 p. 120 gives fyng enw and pring from North Cardigansh. In S. C. III, p. 306 and Serai Gainer XXXVI, p. 362 (both dimet.) pring occurs (yn bring iawn, pring); pringder, Stowe Ms. 672, f. 117 b, pring vydd f. 195 a. L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14944 bas: criafonllwyn, pen criafon neu criafol, ornus vel fraxinus sylvestris, the quickentree or wild ash, in Cardigansh. cerdinen and cerdingen, f. 61 b where ng is imported from the plur. cerding; this word is ordinarely written cerddin; on rd and rdd see below and cf. Ed. Lhuyd, Arch. Brit. s. v. ornus South W. kerdynen; cerdin (S. W.) = cerddin Sp.; W. Lleyn's Vocab.: cerddin = criafol. Ng in llading, Katring seems to be noteonfined to this local dialect, but occurs also in the literary language. W. Salesbury, pron. 1547 s. lit. g mentions llating, Katering, pring; cf. owdyl Katring, Addit. Ms. 14986, f. 6 b. Rhuddin and rhudding, Davies dict. In loanwords: coffing (coffin), Powel; dwsing (dozen) Y Gen. Gymreig (Caernarfon) 20. 5. 1885. Fr euffreding, Yr Ams. 17, 12, 46 (S. W.).

40. Halsing is a curious word. In Llyfr. y Cymry, s. a. 1781, 7 the following title is printed: Halsing neu Gn newydd ar Ddydd Natolic. Gan John Williams o St. Alban ym Morganwg; the editor adds: South W. halsing = North W. carol nadolig and quotes alseiniau a charolau (Jolo Mss. p. 175) and canu alsain mewn drain draw (William Edward i'r Eos). L. Morris (Addit. Ms. 14944, f. 104 a): halsingod a certain kind of barbarous verses used in South about Carmarthen.


(delwedd B2634) (tudalen 113)

Notes on Welsh Consonants. i 1 5

Other terms are: cwndid = cn, W. Llcvn; caroi ne cwndid, Gr. Roberts, gramm.; cwndid is said in YGeninen, III, p. 19, to be a Glamorgansh. idiotism, meaning siarad yn bruddglwyfus a digalon.

41. Final n is dropped occasionallv in the colloquial language, owing certainly to the close connection of the word ontaining it with the following one. The same occurs to final m, c, d, etc., mostly in prepositions, etc. which arc nearly proclitics. In the Ms. 1492 1 (i6th cent., Gwent. dialect) this peculiarity of the spoken language is more conspicuous than in any other text I know; as to n I counted 15 n dropped before vowels, 10 before c, 8 before t (8 + t), 4 + h, 6 + g, 9 + d, 6 + b, 3 + w (y), 1 + gw, 1 + dd, 3 + f, 1 + ff, 4 + r, 1 -f 11, 2 + m, 3 -f s, 1 4- sh, cf. e. g. mew cerric f. 25 a, mew tri f. 38 b, y(n) hir 1. 27 b, y(n) gorwedd f. 35 a, mew byrf. 38 a, mew braw(d) f. 49 b, etc.; ci. also pe elwir f. 39 a (peth a elwir), mo newvddol f. 31a (mor); n: vr h\v a, ar hw y, ari, nssiw, tri fferso, nmy, d arglwydd, kvfiaw, er mwv kyrf, dwv(n) tal, postolio (pi.), etc. In other texts: mew dwr Addit. Ms. 149 13, f. 78 a; wragedd mew tafarndv 31056 f. 197 a; Sweet p. 430 mew mvnvd r . In loanwords: crimsi, shespi, shespin (crimosin, shespin, Powel).

42. In some groups of consonants, especiallv in those ontaining liquids and nasals, assimilations of two or more consonants, transpositions, etc., are of not infrequent occurrence in spoken Welsh. Now, manv laws of these changes cannot be established as yet, though some evidently exist, since most of the forms which I am going to cite occur only occasionallv in various different texts. [The groups ontaining dentals see . below.]

43. nm: os camola S. C. III, p. 466 (canmol); camol, Yr Amserau 27, 8, 185 1. E. Lhuyd, Arch. Brit. p. 235, kalan mai, vulgo klamme.

1 . In the Ms. les Coll. 141 and Iess frequently in others also consonants in inlaut are sometimes omitted in writiug, cf. amdavnt f. 142, gwnwyic f. 14s b, etiveion (etiveddion) f. 5 a. a wnaepwyt 10 a; in this Ms. also vowels are omitted in tywysgion. marchgyon, etc., cf. Beilr. 28.

Revue Celtique, X 8


(delwedd B2635) (tudalen 114)

ii4 Nettlau.

mn: plvmnwyd struggle, conflict Sp.; plymlwyd in Iolo Goch's poems, seeR. Jones' edition (1877), p. 45; W. Lleyn's vocab. plymlwyd = plvmnwyd, rhyfel. shimie, pi. shimneie (chimney), Powel; simdde and simnai Sp.; simdda, simddaya and simna Sweet, p. 435; cf. perhaps *mangnel aries bellicus, machina bellica, phalangae Davies Jict., to which L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, - I2 ^ a adds: I also read it mangddel ; (mangonel, manganel, mangnel; manganello; mangonum, jj.xyyvov); also magnel, see4).

44. mr: cymyd for cymryd (*com-ber-) in NorthWelsh texts, cf. Yr Arw. cymud lie 17, 7, 56, cym gyngor gini rwan 18, 12, 56, a cym ditha dy siawns (engl. chance) bellach ib., na chymwn i 21, 5, 57; ipt. cymad 20, 1, 59; Y Gai. G. na chyman nhw 6, 5, 1885, p. 73; Cab. F'ezu. T. mi gymist dy ( fe gymmeraist dy) p. 137, ni chymse p. 479, etc. Cymryd like diffryd (-ber-, Rev. Cclt., VI, p. 24) is interesting on account oi its accentuation. Soin Breton kemener (* com-ben-r-) is stressed on the first syllable in Llanvollon, Ploulia, etc., cf. Ernault, de l'urgence, etc., 1877; but I know nothing more on the accentuation of this Breton subdialect. InWelsh the notion of the stem *ber was lost and cymmer, cymmerth (cymmyrth), dihyrth had their accentuation generalized.

rm: L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14944 f. 13 a gives as South Welshforms (15059, f. 146 a: used in Cardiganshire): gomrod, onfi, clasgu for gormod, ofni, casglu.

;//: calvn for canlvn is not seldom met with since the i6th cent.; cf. calynant, Z (Gwentian Code), p. 304 (1480); Sal. N. T. a chalyn ar v'ol i f. 16 a; Gr. Roberts, gramm. yn i galyn p. 75, sy n calyn, Ydrych Christ, f. 62 a; yn kalyn Stowe Ms. 785; Ll. Achau, 1602 ag a galyn p. 64; Addit. Ms. 14973 i galyn f. 105 b; 14936 fal y calyn f. 8 a; 31058 kalyn 3 sing., f. 71a; Davies dict. calyn corrupte pro canlyn; Yr Ane. calun 21, 5, 37; calyn in G. f'tiv. T., Yr Aviserait 12, 11, 185 1; v enigiad cylynol, 18, 5, 48, ib. Ca;///yn id. quod canlvn, calyn, Davies dict.

mld: Hgt. Ms. 202 (14r.l1 cent.) amylder, amdler f. 25 b, amdler f. 26 a(thrice); Addit. Ms. 31057 amdyler f. 109 a;


(delwedd B2636) (tudalen 115)

Notes on Wclsh Consonnants. 1 1 5

S. Evans, llythr. andler, ci. diandlawd for diamdlawd, L. Morris, 14909, f. 55 b; andler is frequent in modem dialects.

45. nf: dafnon for danfon, YrAms. 25, 1, 49; 8, 3 v 24, 5, 49; Cab. feiv. T., p. 91, 172; ib. danwon like angenwil (mil); danon, Yr Ams. 8, 2, 49 (S. W.). Cyfnas for cynfas (Sp.), engl. canvas is given bv Sweet, p. 431. Penfar idem quod pennor; pennor capistrum, iiscella; penfar, pennawr, penwar id., Davies dict., cf. mirwor, etc.

fn: f before n and 1 is frequently lost, cf. South W. el for cofl, Hughes 1822. Cofn: South W. echon(Rhys); Gwentian ewn; vnon corrupte pro unofn, Davies dicl.; see sorac quotadons in Beitr. \ 63. Or f and n are transposed: South W. onii, see 5 44 (rra); Y Traeth., II, p. 34: cenfu, llynfu (cetnu, llvfnu); III, p. S: onti, cenri, llynti; cf. Y T. a'r G. onii, I, p. 117(1836), in i onii fe, Y Gwron Gymreig , 20, 5, 1852; onfu, 18, 11, 52. Denfydd for defnydd, W. Sal., 1547, see 20. Fn before consonants becomes n: kender (cetnder), Ll. Achau, p. 10, 46; deifniog (fnj), vulgo deiniog et deiniol, Davies dict.; cyndedyn (cefndedvn, mesentery), L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14909, f. 55 b; eenfor (cefnfor) Y Traeth. II, p. 34; Ms. S y gael drachen neu daly dros y gybtzuid (c later inserted), f. 70 a.

Cf. also tyrpeg (turnpike), magnel (mangonel), given by Powel, loamvords.

46. Other alterations of nasalsdue to assimilation and dissimilation are: matcyn ==
engl. napkin (Powel); gwymed given bv Spurrell, gramm. 2 99 tor gwvneb; gwymeb was the intermediate fonu; 6rth6v/;/ebedigvon in ?vls. B. oBrudy Tywysogyon, p. 194 (ed. Williams) may contain tins form (it it is no error or misprint), for as early as in the i6th cent. Addit. Ms. 1492 1 v hwymede occurs (f. 61 a, y hwynebe f. 57 b); S. C. wmed, I, p. 331, 337; gwymad in Neath. The XorthWelshmaip, turnipsarosefrom*naip, ci. Ir. neipt. (O'Reilly), Gael. neup, neip, sneup (Mac Alpine); Manx. napin (Cr.). Sp. lias: maip X. W. =r erfin S. W. (Bret. irvin, navets); ci. also L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14944, f. 98 a: gwinllan faip, a field (properly a vineyard) of turnips, Anglesey; lie compares to this use of gwinllan the proper meaning of which


(delwedd B2637) (tudalen 116)

n6 Nettlau.

must hve faded away in this connection, the use of bches (locus mulgcndi vaccas, Davies, dict) in bches o ddefaid, a fold of sheep, C ardiganshire (f. 38 a); E. Lhuyd Arch. Br. s. v. ovile: deveidty, korlan devajd kaid dev; S. W.

lhok dewd; Cornish bowdzhe devaz. Add. Ms. 149 12 (medic.): sepadiu/// ervin; spadiuw eruin f. 92 a; had eruin f. 77 b.

r, l; ll.

47. Down 'from the end of the 1 5 th cent, rris often written in Mss. for initial rh, cf. les. Coll. Ms. 141 rryngvnt f. 54 b, etc.; Sal. N. T. rrwn (yr hwn), rrai, etc.; Y C, VII, p. 176 (Ms. B 2), p. 178 '(Ms. B 5), etc.; E. Lhuyd, A. Br., p. 229 a says: rr occurs since about 1500 in several NorthW. Mss. .

48. Sweet p. 418 describing the sound of rh remarks, h seems to belong almost as much to the following vowel ; he gives p. 431 the plur. ogla (rhogl scent, odour, smcll Sp. and arogl). Initial rh with the article y is often written in Mss.: y-r h-, cf. yr hwymon Addit. Ms. 14986 (i6th cent), f. 14 b; also ir hof i f. 15 a, arhwymo f. 14 b (a r(h)wymo). On the other side r of the article yr is often transported before the following initial vowel, cf. y r-wythnos, Ms. A p. 498, y r-ynat p. 499; les. Coll. Ms. 141 yr r-eiddvnt f. 55 b, etc. These orthographs illustrate the pronunciation and make it clear how in some words botli initial rh and h occur; cf. also noeth and hoeth, 32, 33.

E. Lhuyd, A. Br. gives heddig, radish (from H. S.); L. Morris (Addit. Ms. 14944, f. 105 a) remarks: recte rhuddigl; Davies ict. has rhuddygl vide huddygl; huddigl Mawrth, potius Rhuddygl, raphanus vulgaris sine agrestis, radix, cheria; rhuddygl Sp., hiddig Sweet p. 415. L. Morris, 1. c.: rhuddgwn or hyddgwn and rhuddwernen, birds cherry tree f. 144 b. Ib. yr wyll in Anglesey f. 155 b; rhwyll gumphus, etc. (Davies). Plur. ogl-a Sweet (arogl). Yngaser i (my razor), 'r hysbant fwristband), Powel, loanwords p. 29. In Y C, VII, p. 235 rhwyddel is said to be the regular Breconshire form of hwyddel, hwyfel (salmon).


(delwedd B2638) (tudalen 117)

Notes on Welsh Consonants. 1 1 7

Canetyra6c B. ofHerg., ed. Skene, p. 256; yrhawc Y S. Gr.

p. 280, 427, na deuynt y rawc dracheuyn 5, etc.; L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14944: rhawg or y rhawg or yr hawg, a good while to corne or after, not used in Cardiganshire, [f. 144 a; NorthW. yr hawg South W. eriydoamser, YTraeth.,ll\, p. 13, etc., a North Welsh word. Eminiog, hiniog; rhiniog (not in Sp., dict."), Davies (doorpost); L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14944: amminiog q. Limen, Hypothyrum = South W. trothwy; mehiniog, vid. rhiniog, ib., f. 123 b (like mysang: ymsang ?).

49. I cannot say whether similar relations exist between the Xorth W. hogvn and the South W. rhoevn, for c in rhocyn could hve been caused by the peculiar Gwentian pronunciation of the mediae, see below; but I do not know whether it is only a Gwentian word. However the dialectal distribution ol tins and other words of similar meaning affords some interest. L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14923 says: South W. rhoccyn m., rhocces f. North W. hog, hogvn m., hogen f .; hoglangc; South W. bras roccyn m., llodes f. = North W. llangc m., llodes and vulgo llangces f., f. 133 a; South W. crwtt, crwttyn m. (cf. crut, a youth, in Pembrokeshire English, Cambr. Journ., II, p. 305), crottes f. = NorthW. plentyn, bachgen m., geneth f. (ib.); Addit. Ms. 14944: NorthW. llangc a lad, a lass; llangces a ladess, f. 114 b; Addit. Ms. 14923 1. c. South W. bachgen m., benyw f. NorthW. llangc, dyn m., merch f., Addit. Ms. 14944, f. 34 a: bun, benyw common for a young woman in North W.; to call a woman menyw or benyw is a slighting word in Cardiganshire and thei 'H answer menyw ydyw caseg . Cf. also Y Gwyl. 1828: South W. crwttyn m., crotten f. = NorthW. hogvn m., hogen f .; W. Lleyn's vocabulary has rhoccas = liane, thus giving words of different dialects as often, see Beitr. p. 28; 5. C. crotesi plur. I, p. 374; pan own I (= oeddwn i) 'n grwt bach yn shirgar yma, Punch Cymraeg, 18, 2, 1860; 'mhoylwr go lew w'i o grwt, dimet. dialect, given in Powel's notes to the text printed in Y C, III, from Ms. Tit. D 22; y llancie ar myrynion, 'Rhen ffaninvr, 9, 10, 49; am i lancesi tynta; morwun ib.


(delwedd B2639) (tudalen 118)

1 1 S Nettlau.

50. The irrational vowels, ihserted between r, 1 and consonants and other groups of consonants, (commonly called svarabhakti) arc widely spread in Welsh; butsome orthographs prevailing in later Mss. which contain apparently svarabhakti want further consideration and a previous examinatton of the different dialectal forms of svarabhakti. The ordinarv literarv form is v with the sound of the syllables previous to the last, i. e. a, cf. gwddaf, cwbl Davies, gramm. p. 42, who uses different types for the two y. Rhys, Arch. Cambr., loanwordss. v. autor(and lectures 2 , p. 243) says, the svarabhakti develped in South W. into a fa 11 vowel, the quality of which is dependent from the neighbouring vowels: eafan, dwfwn, dofon, lleidir Northw. Ueidar (Yr Amserau, 19, 3, 1851), from Ueidar. Also in Y Traelh, III, p. 9, South W. cefen, drachefan (?), llester, llyfyr, Uyfur, ofan, ochor, temel, trefen, svmyl, ystorom are given. In Lewis' Glyn Cothi poems -er of broder rhymes with genuine -er, cl. p. 42 v tri broder, lie gosoder, | Yr aur doder ar wyr dedwvdd; p. 43 yn rhanau'r tri broder: Rhosser; p. 433: Dan vroder, ryw amsr, oedd | a wnaeth Ruvain a' i threvoedd; bat tins er is more likelv to be a rest of the old declension of this r-stem, showing an other degree of stammabstufung than *brodr (brodvr). In Neath: Uwtwn, llydynod; gweddal, gweddelod (chwedl); the plurals show thesyllabic value of the svarabhakti vowels.

51. Ofan is currous, bat its existence cannot be doabted. Cf. i\Is. Tit. D 22 ouan f. 11 b; Addit. Ms. 14973, 1640 (Rees Prichard) ofan in rhyme with v hynan; Addit. Ms. 1492 1 ofori f. 9 a, 11 a, diofon f. 3 b, diofyn f. 11 a, eon f 4 and ofan f. 4 b; ofan Ms. B 3, Jerwerth Vynglwyd's poems, Y C. MI, p. 177; C. y C. ofan and chwarian (an asaal infinitive form in this text) rhyme; ofan, Punch Cymraeg 21, 1, 1859 (from Ebbw-Vale, Monmouthsh.). The onlvwav in which I could accoant for this a is to sappose an old *afan 3 of winch I hve no examples, bat the following forms of ofnadwv are not unlikely to support it: T Traeth. III, p. 12: olnadwy, ofnaswy; in Ardudwy (a part ol Carnarvonsh.) rtfnadsan; Yr Ane. ofnadsan, ofnatsan, ofnedsan, alnadsan (thrice);


(delwedd B2640) (tudalen 119)

Notes on Welsh Consonanis. 1 19

Y Bed. (Monmouthsh.) wyt ti 'n depyg afhatyw i dy dad, YIII, p. 106; YGwron Gymreig: gwaith afnatsen, 20, 4, 52; yn afnatsen, afhadwu 3, 6, 52; afnatw, ofan ewn in Xeath; afnadsen in Carmarthenshire; see on -san and on other dialectal forms my article on the adverbs, v C. IX, p. 277 and Bcitr. 55, 63. Afn exists but lias a somewhat different meaning though a connection of both is not altogether excluded.

52. In middle Welsh Mss. the svarabhakti is mostly written v, but in some South Welsh Mss. the now prevailing full vowels are found as earlv as at that time. Ct. B. of Herg. t6r6f col. 558, 667, 683, 772, kynn6r6f 571, ac a dogon o arueu g6r a march 648, dogon o gynnut 650 (dogyn 650, 651), vst6ff6l 664(5), na chorofna chyfr6y 742, hoedel 699, 702, 824, lloeger 555, 745, (y holl gyfaranc 714, amylach 741). Ll. Gw. Rb. torof p. 253. S. gobor p. 608 (Owen), lleidir, lleidyr f. 8 b, gidleidir 1. 9 b; Ms. Cleop. B 5 dynnyon diwala heb wybor dim, 1. 52 a; kenedil f, 33 a, 65 b; o genedyl f. 44 b; cf. gwabar, gwabor Addit. Ms. 14973, t. 86 b vulgo gwabar, gwobor, L. Morris, Addit. Ms. 14944, f. 94 b; S. ymeystelleist p. 599, y 6ystoloryaeth f. 59 a, ganteref p. 195, berenhin p. 586, ran o deref eu tadeu f. 74 b-; kyreuyd f, 108 a, datyleuoed f. 68 a, datyl6ryaeth, f. 68 b, 69 a; Cleop. B 5, dechereu f. 109 a, dioloehas f. 143 b. Ms. Tit. D 22 angheredigyreyth f. 7 a, llifdvuuvreth f. ri, llifdyuuyreth, dvuereth (dvfredd) 1. 8, etc.

L. Morris in a letter (1762) printed in T C. II mentions cafan,*dafan, trwscwl in South W. pocms. S. C. ofon I, p. 231, 233, sobor p. 373, cefen, n-\vnc\vl II, p. 382, etc.

In Addit. Ms. 1492 1 (i6th cent.) cf. chweddel f. 46 b, drechefen f. 35 a, 37 b, karregel f. 26 a, llester f. 24 a, 30 b (even lleste f. 21 a, final r is often omitted, and llestair which proves the pronunciation e for ai in final syllables), lhvdwn f. 61 a, etc. Add. Ms. 149 13: dwvwr f. 65 b, 60 b, 77 a; y kylart f. 51 a, gwlvb/tfroc f. 53 a, dwffyr f. 53 a, dwr and dyfwr, etc.

The NorthW. talwra (er ystahvm, ystalwm, 'stalwm in South W". er vs llawer dydd, ys dyddie, etc., are used in the


(delwedd B2641) (tudalen 120)

120. Nettlau.

same sense) is a rare example of a svarabhakti becomiing syllabic w; cf. yr ystalym, B. of Herg. col. 714.

5 1 . A svarabhakti exists also in groups containing liquids or nasals in the commencement of a stressed syllable, e. g. tylawd, kynawd, etc. The r and l in groups like vowel + r, l + cons. or r, l + vowel + cons. are not seldom transposed and orthographs containing a vowel before and after the r, l appear as the intermediate forms. But here real metatheses like plygain for pylgain must be separated from the frequent apparent metatheses in pretonic syllables besides whom also vowels + r, l + vowels, vowels alone (r, l apparently dropped) and neither vowels nor r, l (the whole syllable lost) are written. These orthographs have nothing to do with the svarabhakti; the unstressed syllable was reduced here to an irrational vowel or, if the surrounding consonants permitted it, was totally lost.

54. Cf. the following examples of the alterations of initial cons. + r, 1, n (cons. + m never occurs). Latin Laves, 1 3th cent, cherechvt ardea, Owen p. 775 (see Beitr. 111), deressaur p. 771, 773 (drysor). Addit. Ms. 19709 ac y bu reit vdunt yna o oloi b6yt a dia6t mynet yr tir oc eu llogeu f. 14 a; ib. in the fragment of the Welsh Dares Phrygius always goroec for groec. Kanaed Tit. D 22, f. 1 b. Talodionsee Beitr. 3, n. 14. Gr. Roberts, gramm. taramwy and tramwy, tylawd and tlawd (p. 68 of the part on poetics; talodi Ms. S, f. 73 a. Addit. Ms. 14913 (i6th cent.), kynawd f. 13 a, 16 b, kylaff f. 51 a (clafj. Addit. Ms. 14986 (i6th cent.) cyroes f. 19 b, ynghyroc f. 20 a (croc), kvredwch f. 26 a, kyriawdyr f. 20 a; deng myrenin f. 44 a, bvlvnvddoedd f. 10 b (dcebyre f. 48 b, kythereiliaid f. 19 a), Addit. Ms. 14938 (iyth cent.) pyriodi f. 68 a (cf. fe brodes, Add. Ms. 1492 1, f. 22 b; North W. prodi, Sweet p. 428). In a prose text in the iyth cent. Ms. Add. Ms. 31060 such orthographs are regularlv used, cf. a byriodes f. 216 b, kylyddaddodd f. 217 a (he buried, leg. kylyddodd, the error was caused probably by claddodd in the original text; as I hve not the context of tins passage now before me I must concede that kylyddaddodd can be ail right, as magaddoedd, etc. with dd where d is expected, occur also) f. 217 a; ynys byrydain f. 214 b, byrytaen, bvrv-


(delwedd B2642) (tudalen 121)

Notes on Welsh Consonants. i 2 1

tainf. 215 a, byrytain, byritain f. 215 b, 217 a, brydain, brudain f. 216 b, byritanied f. 217 a, byrtanid f. 214 a; ap Vyrytus Darian las, ap byrutus, ap byrtus ib. f. 214 b, 215 a; krvlon f. 216 b, kyrvlon f. 214 b, 216 b; mylynedd f. 215 b; byryddewyd f. 226 a (breuddwyd); (ib. vsydd, dowad for dyfod). Addit. Ms. 31057 dyrygioni, y kylowir (clywir) chwedlav, f. 108 b, 107 b, ffylowr ddylis (fleur de lis) f. 118 a, oi bylegid, Arrangee, etc.; Stozue Ms. 672, f. 320 a pyrgethwr.

55. These forms are proved by the following modem torms to be merely orthographs trying to represent anearly vanished unstressed syllable. Cf. C. f'civ. T.: es bylnydde lawer, bvlnyddoedd p. 475, sgyrfena di p. 269, pyrffesswr p. 146, yn bylserus iawn p. 258, pyrgethu pp. 42, 73, cyrfyddol p. 56; cryadur p. 9, cyradur p. 57, cradur pp. 21, 34, 96; pi. cryduried p. 9, eyrduried p. ^4 etc.; o syr Gynarfon p. 62, dyehgefn p. 60 (so also in Add. Ms. 14921: dechefn f. 3 a, dechefen f. 24 b, skifeny 1. 35 a, yn skefenedic 1. 41 b, etc.); myrwymo, Yr Aviserait 1, 7, 47 (i byrtoi 4, 11, 47, ryferyd 18, n, 47; anffredin 16, 12, 47), etc. Yr Arzv. pygethu 20, 1, 1859, yn sgwenud, sgwenu 17, 7, 56 (also syfenu, sytenodd = ysgrifenu, etc.), sgwenwr 31,7, 55; Y Cyfaill difyr (Ruthin) pygethwrs, o gethu; Y Traeth. 1864, p. ni: cydwried, etc. Yn rvwinol iawn, 'R Hen Ffarmwr, 9, 10 1849; yn ryswydus, 29, n, 1849.

{A suivre). Nettlau.

3/ Tome X. 1889. 320-329 (adrannau 56-74). B2643-B2652



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56. Irrational syllables containing m are: yn 'myddangos, C. j'civ. T., p. 56, mae' myddangos, yn rhwbeth mygenach p. 258 (yn mgenach p. 309; amgen), yn myddanos p. 481 (ymddangos). Cf. mysangu to trample, a standing metathese for ymsangu (but what is maesing ?); on this word and other synonyms see Y Cymiiir., IX, p. 81, n. 1.

57. Real metatheses of r and 1 seem to exist in the following words, a part of winch is peculiar to certain dialects.

I. vowel + l, r + cons. : Latin pullicantus becomes pylgain in SouthW., plygain in NorthW., as stated by D. S. Evans, Jlythr., Rhys, Arch. Cambr., loanwordss. v. pullicantus, Spurrell, gramme 99;pylgainin Glamorgansh., YGcnincn III, p. 19; cf. pilgeint B. of Cann., p. 8, 35, 37. Hughes 1822 : NorthW. crybwyll SouthW. coffhau; Sp. : cyrcor- crycre-bwyll; B. ofCarm. Sk. 28 kirpuill, B. ofTal. kyrb6ylletor Sk. 45, kyrbeylleis, a gyrb6yllei B. of Herg. col. 633; nyscrybwyllir yno Ll. Gw. Rh. p. 31, a rygyrbwyllassei p. 2, etc. dyrchafael and drychafael occur both in Middlewelsh manuscripts; certain SW. texts seem to prefer drychafael, but in most of the greater texts both are used so indiscriminately that statistics of the frequency of their occurence seem to be the only means to trace some rules in this

1. Voir t. IX, p. 164; t. X, p. 105.



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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 32 f

matter. Cf. arderchaucl ^ p. 15; a dirchafuy B. of Carm., Nr. 18; L. p. 167 dyrchauel R dyrehauael I, 0, P, O, S dryehafel; L p. 215 drychauel; S p. 544 drychafael; T = Harl. Ms. 958 has dvrchauel f. 4 b, but drychauel nearly always besides this case, as also V (Harl. Ms. 4353); LL Gw. Rb. dyrchauawd p. 247, dyrchafyssant p. 123, etc., darchauel p. 246. Sal. N. T. derchafael f. 400 b, darchefwch f. 123 a; drvchafyssant f. 382 a, drychafont, drychafasant (Huet). Add. Ms. 14986 drvchef f. 27 b, ac yn ychel drchefwch f. 29 a (cf. 14974, f. 75 a i brnhawnfwvd : f . 78 b dan byrnhawnvwvd); Add. Ms. 14973 (Re es Prichard) ymddrachafo f. 85 b, pan drachafer f. 89 b; CyC, 1672 : derchefwch p. 513, derchafiad etc., gan eu drycha tu ar mynydd (marg. derchafu) p. 116, etc. Occasional metathese: naskadranhao: kadarnhau Ms. L. f. 94 b. ffyrlling and ffryllyng (feordling), Powel. Cf. also pvlor : pluor : powdr gwn and pluor : dwst : powdr in W. Llevn's vocabulary; yn dwst ac yn blwr LL Gw. Rb. p. 3. golud and gloud, Spurrell. gramme 99.

58. II. l, r + vowel + coxs. : prydnawn, B. of Herg. col. 745 a phrynha6n, col. 726 a phrynhaeng6eith; Add. Ms. 12193 (15 12) pyrnhawn f. 16 a, 16 b (four times); Salesbury, dict. Kino echwydd ne pyrnhawnfwyt, nonemeat; Y Gwyl. 1823, I, p. 141 pyrnhawn is printed several times from a Ms. of Angharad Llwyd; on Ms. 14974 see 57- Addit. Ms. 149 13 Gryflydd f. 84 b, Gyrffydd ib. (1609). yscoluethu Ms. B of Brud v Tyw. p. 124: ysclyfaethu, B. ofHerg.; ysglyfaeth Sp. entrych and entyrch Davies, dict. trydedd or tyrdedd. Byegones 1S83, p. 234. dorstau, dorsta6 for drosta6 in Mss. E and S, see Y Cymmr. VIII, p. 130. trwstan, alicubi twrstan, infelix, infaustus Davies, dict.

59. r scems to be in certain positions of weak articulation in the spoken language since it is often omitted in popular texts; cf. wth (wrth) often in Yr Ane, common in Neath; ty'd for tyred, tyr'd, Yr Arw.; see Sweet, p. 428-9 : sadwn in Neath satwn, siswn but plur. sisurna; but garddwn (= arddwrn), pi. garddna (the unstressed formwas her generalized); kwlit (coverlet). Merionethsh., C. few. T. wrth gw's (of course), Rhisiat, yny palment (also Addit. Ms. 3 106 1 f. 49 a);



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}2J Nettlau.

S. C. yn arfe'u I p. 292. petris (Powel) = pertris Ll. Gw. p. 125, cf. also partrissot Didr. Casgl. p. 234, 238, patrissot p. 235 (Odericus' travels). In Mss. of the i6th-i8th cent, these colloquial forms also occur, though a part of them evidently can not be discenied from scribal errors; cf. Add. Ms.

14986 (i6th cent.) onestwydd f. 27 a, benin f. 33 b, y porthor f. 37 a, ymadd (ymladd) f. 37 a, Sioseff barmathia f. 20 b bamathi f. 21 b; Add. Ms. 14973 dvw Mawth f. 61 a (1628); Add. Ms. 14919 pudan f. 139 a, o gythrevliaid f. 139 b y kythevliaid f. 140 a (a Ms. of Pur dan Padric); Add. Ms. 15038 mastr pothor f. 60 b = y Meistr Porthorin Ms. 14973 etc. Every single example may be doubted at, taken separately, but taken together they prove the same tendency as in the modem language, to pronounce indistinctly or to drop chiefly the unstressed r and 1.

^ 60. Some groups of consonants containing r and 1 are either separated by svarabhakti or altered in various ways by metatheses, assimilations etc. Especially the alterations ofsome dentals are of interest. The examples which I collected are :

r-l : ri becomes rll (cf. also the English loanwords garlleg, fTyrlling, Powel), liable to become 11 : in the compounds with the preposition gor- rll and 11 arise; cf. gullevin, gulleugin L. Landav.; yg golle6iga61 eigan B. ofHerg., col. 3 1; gollewin and gorllewin Sp., cf. also dr6y othrymder Ms. S "f. 66 b, hep othrymder f. 86 a; gorymgu (ch later inserted) in Add. Ms. 19709, f. 11a; in modem compounds the destitution of the second element has been introduced by analogy, cf. gorlif etc., D. S. Evans, llythr., 124, 3. SouthW. allwys = arlloesi, see Beitr. 106. any dallenasoch, Sal. N. f. erllynedd and ellynedd, anno praeterito Davies dt., cf. yr- llyned, B. ofHerg. col. 757 (3), yr llened, col. 757; eleni ib.; leon. hevlene : cornouaill. hellene, R. C. VII, p. 309, VIII, p. 504; leni : blynydd reminds of trefi : trefydd, and the 2nd sing. pres, in -i and -ydd etc.; leni is probably a casus obhquus of blynydd, but this is for blyddyn (blyddynedd, D. S. Evans, dict., corn, blithen, bret. blizenn); blwydd, blwyddyn, blwyn (ene uuluyn, Ms. A of the Laivs, pp. 3, 9), blwvnydd, ir. bliadain hve the original diphthong*ei kept,



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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 323

which became *i in case of the accent being on the termination of this old n-stem. The metathesis of d and n can only hve given blynydd, so -i in eleni is an analogical imitation of the declension of those nouns in -ydd which are old stems in -jo-. From this we may conclude that they h ad -i in this casus obliquus. elenid seems to contain a deictic affix like ucho, uchod, iso, isod. Sweet p. 429 gives gerllig for gellaig, ellaig (pears); it may be a wrongly reconstructed form, since other 11 sprang really from rll.

61. r-b. r-p : rff is also liable to become ff: cf. y kvuaffei, Clcop. B. 5, f. 80 b; daffar : darparu, W. Lleyn's vocabulary; gotwvses (gorphwysais) is mentioned in Y Gwladgarwr (Aberdare), 6, 10, 1860.

rf: daru for darfu is frequent in the North Welsh dialects, cf. be haru chi hyiddrw*= pa beth ddarfu i chwi heddyw, Yr Ariv. 17, 7, 56; be haru ti, C. f'ezu. T. p. 337. o Gnafron for o Gaernarfon occurs, Yr Ariv. 30, 10, 1859.

62. fr : In a certain part of Ms. A, in which sh and h for th are often used, kereis p. 57, kereiht p. 77, kereishiaul p. 58 etc. occur besides keuerit, p. 63 and kefreiht ib. cyfrysedd Sp.; cywyrsedd, dimet. crwysedd (Sp.), contentio Davies dict. llwfr and llwrf coward, B\cgoncs 1883, p. 234, Sp.; Hancs yffydd, i6yj, gloss. NorthW. llyrfion (plur.) = digalon, diog; Ll. v Rcsol. NorthW. llvrfder = gwangalondid.

_// : On NorthW. taflu : SouthW. tawlu see 97. NorthW. taflod = SouthW. tawlod f. a loft, Rhys, Arch. Cambr. loanwords s. v. tabulatum. cofleidia and cowleidia, Sal., r . T. cl for cofl in Williams' (Pant y Celyn) bymns, cf. Y Traeth. 1870, p. 413; cl in SouthW., Hughes 1822. Sp. has gwarthali and gwarthol, stirrup; in MiddleWelsh texts cf. warthafleu B. ofHerg. col. 812, gwarthauleu, yny warthafyl etc. Ll. Giv. Rb. p. 56, 68, 127. gwarthol may contain the sullix -ol. cf. penwag and pennog herring, but this assumption is not necessary. syflvd and sylfyd, to move, to be moved, Richards dict. Yr Amscrau : mi cvwlogodd 9, 10, 1849; ib. breewest; cwleustra, cwarfod, tawlud, wel ene, camddewnyddio, 23, 1, 1850; cweithu (cyfieithu) 27, 8, 185 1; cwarwod 31, 12, 185 1.



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324 Neitlau.

63 . rth : I cannot explain the following words quoted here from W. Llevn's vocabulary, whence they are given in the dictionaries : aelgaeth, aelgeth, aelgerth : gn, clicied gen (the cheekbone, the jawbone); elgeth: aelgeth : gn, boch; Davies dict. aelgerth, aelgeth, aelgaeth, elgeth, mentum, maxilla; elgeht, corn, vocab.; bret. elguez Calhol., elgez.

rd : SouthW. cerdin = cerddin, see 39. Engl. murder : dimet. mwrddwr (Powel). Final rd became rt (the same) .

tr : final tr becomes t : e. g. cebystr Zeuss, Gr. Celt. 2 , p. 176; L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 56 a: cebystr vulgo cebyst in Anglesey a sheat, a part of the 'plough; elsewhere a stilt; the sense of halter is only preserved in an obsolete curse : y cebyst am eich gwddw, the halter about vour neek ! Also final thr and dr become th and d; cf. Sal. N. T. f. 8 a marg. odieth, angwanec, f . 7 b o ddyethr (onid); Yr Arw. fewyth 13. n. 56; arad etc. Thr is also transposed into rth : cf. S =
Addit. Ms. 22356 e6vth(r writtenabove th).) f. 115 b, na nai nac eerth f. 115 a; ythraid dy ewyRtbr dwyf, Stowe 672, f. 183 b; the cynghanedd requires ewythr, but ewyrth the scribe evidently had in mind. Y Drych crist., 1585 : mywn gwlad dierth Di; talmithr: tamyrth (sic) : ebrwydd W. Lleyn; hence Davies dict. : obsolete talmithr, corrupte talmyrth improviso, repente, subito; oddieithr and oddigerth, Rowlands gramme, p. 116; ewyrth, ewrth, dierth occur in ail modem dialects; also oddigerth. Cf. also maleithr, malerth, blain, kibe Sp. dict.

64. The groups dl and dn are variously altered; the dentals afford the most interest, since d changes often with dd; some of these dd are SouthWelsh and perhaps the early development of the svarabhakti into a full vowel in the Southern dialects is the cause of this change, d being posed at an early period between vowels and regularly becomingdd. These phenomena are very frequent in Breton, cf. e. g. Welsh hydref cornouaill. miz edro, miz here vann. miz ezre leon. miz here (Troude) etc.; much examples are given in Ernault's article in Revue Celt. V, pp. 124-8.

65. Cf. E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br. s. v. tenax : gwydyn, SouthW.



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Notes on Welsh Consonants. $2{

gwyddyn (gwydn, gwyddn tough, clammy Richards, dict.) gwadn, gwaddn base sole, Sp.; godentruit, planta, Corn, vocab. cadno, the SouthWelsh word for fox, Cleop. A 14 (Ms. IV), f. 102 a, kadno f. 90 a; cadnaw, cadno, dimet. canddo Davies dict.; L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14923, f. 134 a SouthW. cadno, cedni = NorthW. lhvynog, -od; the same is stated in Y Gwyl., 1828; Jones, Hist. of. Breconsh. I, p. 2 : cadno, pronounced canddo is the only word for fox used in SouthWales; Ll. Achau 1602, p. 19 kadno where also y wadd occurs, (cf. Y Geninen III p. 19 : Glamorgansh. y wadd === Northw. twrch daear (mole).)

66. The same alteration of dn as in cadno took place in the name of the town of Brecon Aberhonddu. Cf. the following references for the names of these rivers : Nicholas, History of Glamorganshire, 1874, p. 40 prints from a document: et memorandum quod filii Morgan Cadewalthan (= Cadwallawn) habent Glynrotheni; ib. p. 134 (from the iyth-iSth cent. Glamorganshire-pedigrees, ed. by Th. Phillipps) : Glynrondde; Glynroddney in Merricks Hist. of Glam., ed. Th. Phillipps, p. 25, the well knowm Rhondda Valley. Hodni and Honddu are evidently identic with *Rhodni, Rhonddu, see 48. Cl. the article on Llanthony Priory in Monmouthshire (by G. Roberts, Arch. Cambr. I, 1, p. 201-245 where Landevvi Nanthotheni, Nanthonddye (Leland, V, p. 69) etc. are given; bet hodni, L. Landav.; Lantodheni (Ms. R. B. Lanthodheni) Gir. Cambrensis, VI, p. 9; ib. (RoH's edition) p. 20, note : the river Hodni or Honddu; Aberhodni or Aberhonddu, the city of Brecon (cf. o Dre Aberhonddi, L. Dwnn, Her. Vis. I, p. 112). L. Morris in Celtic Remains (ed. by D. S. Evans) quotes from poets : Hodni a'i /raint hyd /zef/ry (Huw Cae Llwyd); Rhyd ynglynn Rhodm yngwhd (Llewelyn Goch). Edn Aber Hodni obath, GwaitbL. Gl. Cothi, p. 6.

67. Hoedl life, the ancient said hoeddl Richards dict. probably taken over from Davies dict. which I cannot ascertain at this moment. The older poets indeed ordinarely use hoeddyl, anaddyl, ceneddyl, chweddyl, etc. Numerous examples could be given from Add. Ms. 14869. Y wethel, Ms. Tit. D 22 (see YC. III); Addit. Ms. 14921 chweddel f. 46 b;



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3 26 Nettlau.

achweddl, achweddl = chwedl Davies dict.; chweddl is said (and proved by the texts to be quoted) by D. S. Evans, Jlythr. to be Southw.; cf. CyC. 1672 chweddel p. 198, camweddle p. 419; chwedleua, to speak occurs B. of Herg., col. 801; ymddidan (marg. hwedleua) Sal. N. T., a chwedleyawdd f. 381 b (Huet); L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944: chwedleua sermonem cura aliquo habere, to discourse etc., dimet. dialect f. 62 a; Add. Ms. 14923: SouthW. chwedleu, whedleua to discourse = NorthW. siarad, ymgomio f. 133 b; dd is totally lost in the Gwentian dialect, cf. pan boi yn weleia, YBed. 1849, VIII, p. 147 (Monmouthsh.); a pha beth i chi'n wly, Y Tyw. a'r G. (Llanelli) 1856, p. 94; peidwcharosi wleua (Glamorgansh.) = p. a. i siarad (Northwales), Y Geninen III, p. 19; wedes wrtho am beidio wleua yn y ffordd hyria sha fi, Y Fellten, 28 b, 1871; whedlia 14, 1, 47, IV Ams.; u, i for eu as in crulon, lluad etc.; in Neath : wlya and gweddal (chwedl); on the latter see Sweet.

68. dd in the interior of words is also lost in cered for cerdded, cf. Addit. Ms. 14986 (i6th cent.) kered ipt., f. 16 a; Serai Gomer 185 1 : cerwch p. 99 (Glamorgansh.); also in Y Bed.'Wlll, p. 174; ipt. cerad, Yr Arw. 30, 10, 59; Sweet gives ker, kerad, kersoch. Perhaps dd was flrst dropped in the ipt. cerdd, go !, a form of this verb perhaps oftener used than others, and *cer was thence transferred by analogy in the interior of the word; for final rdd becomes commonly r, cf. i'ncyfwrni, Yr Arw. 24, 2, 59 (cyfwrdd, cyhwrdd, cwrdd), y ffor bach hono, y ftor 26, 2, 57; rfor 'hyny C.f'au. T.; bwr, pi. bardda, i ftwr, pi. fiyrdd, Sweet p. 429, 436. Cf. also ager and agerdd aestus, vapor Davies dict. and the old Elidir coscoruaur .i. magnae familiae, Ms. Vesp. A 14, f. 11 a (de situ Brech.; cosgorddfawr).

69. On ddl cf. SouthW. anvollon (11 is not Welsh 11) == anfoddlon, E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br. p. 226 c; also in Y Traetb. III, p. 8 Northw. boddlon = Southw. bo'lon; cf. S. C. yn folon I, p. 212, bolon, anfolon (Aberdare); wy'n folon, Y Bed. VIII, p. 108. bodlon : Sal., N. T. dda iawn, marg. vodlondda, bodlon, Y drych chr., f. 44 b; Yr Amserau 2, 8, 1849; boddlawn, corrupte bodlon, Davies, dict.: ny'londeb,



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Noies on Welsh Consonanis. 327

C.feiu. T. p. 338 (fyddlondeb); ffytlon, Ms. Cleop. B. 5, f. 55 a, fythlondeb f. 104 b.

70. Final 1 in -dl, -gl -bl is commonly dropped; also r in -dr. Cf. anadl (leon. alan, vann. anal), banadl (kyn uelynet a blodeu y banadyl, a comparison often used in the Mabinogion, cf. cols. 558, 559, 689, 824; leon. balan, vann. belan, banal; on mac'h-bonal : leon. baz-valan, see Rev. Celt. VIII, p. 30); danadl (urtica) : * danal of which I hve no examples, and danad, cf. banad Sp., morddanad (white horehound in Cardiganshire, L. Morris Add. Ms. 14944, add. to Davies botanohg.); gereid y dynat coch, Medd. Myddfai, B. of Herg. 12 (roots of the red nettle). Add. Ms. 14912, f. 89 b marrub'mm rubeuw y mordynat koz; f. 93a urtica: dynhaden. E. Lhuyd, A. Br. p. 230 b: Kadwalad, amherod; possib (possible); he gives : Northw. banhadlen, banadl, Southw. banhalk-n, pi. banal; of* danal I hve no example, but it is the form from which dalan sprung, cf. dalan poethion (mentioned by Schuchardt, Augsburger A llgemeine Zeitung, 1876, p. 2554 b); banhaddlen : Add. Ms. 149 12, f. 37 b ryw bren yssyd debic yr banhatlen; cf. ib or g6ynt y anaddyl f. 64 a, hiddvl f. 58 a; t = dd.

71. So danadl, danad and dalan occur; Davies dict. has dynadl, dynad urtica; the etymological connection of this word with the following ones from other Ccltic languages is not clear to me : Ir. Xeanaid .i. neantg O'Cl., nenaidCorm. B, see Windisch dict.; neanaidh, neantg, neant and neantg Lhuyd, Arch. Brit., mairbhneanntg, deadnettle, blind nettle P. O'Conor; deantg. feantg, neantg OReilly 1; gaeleanndag, feanndag, eanntag, eonntag, ... teag, ianntag Armstrong s. v. nettle; deanntag (Shaw), more frequently written ionntag; eandag, in some parts of the Highlands feandag : ionntag, neanntag, id.; eanntag, deanntag, eanntagach, Mac

I. I hve searched several of the Irish medical Mss. to find other forms of this word but did not succeed. Cf. e. g. de uritica .i. donneandtoig, ... brochan neanta, ros na nenta, ... duillebur na nenta (Ms. H 2, 17, 292a) and the gloss nena .i. dubach uel nenat .i. nentocc (Ms. H 4, 22, 316 a). At any rate I ara certain never to hve found dentog, fentog or *entog in one of these Mss. nor in other glossarial collections.



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328 Nettlau.

leod 1853; feanndag, -aige, -an f. id. Manx undaagagh, ondaagagh. Breton linhadenn; inSarzeau lrad (= leinad), Rev. Cclt. III, p. 55; Cornish linhaden, linaz (Fer., Lhuyd). It can hardly be assumed that Welsh danadlarose by means ofdissimilation from *nanadl. (ir. nenaid), since ir. deantg bcsides neantg contains also d; I think therefore that the Irish forms are combinations of the equivalent of Welsh danadl and ofthe old nenaid; danadl, if connected with dant, would require an Irish word commencing with *dt-, which was by the influence of*nent altered into *dent- ? Is linhadenn for *dinhadenn ? Or are the words for flax and nettle mixd up ? Eanntag and feanntag would present smaller difficulties, if they were noth occurring in Irish and Gaelie both and in Manx too. Welsh dialects show interesting forms : drynid, drynitan in Neath, dynewtyn in parts of Carmarthenshire : a most curious form, pointig perhaps to the former existance in Welsh of a form like Irish nenaid. The most obvious explanation seems to be to hold deanntog, danhadlen, (linhadenn ?) to stand for *neanntog, *nanadl, (*ninhadenn); only the occurrence of d in both Irish and Welsh must then be held to be of a purely accidentai character, which I am not yet prepared to believe. Certainly the dialects still contain forms which may throw light on this question as dynewtyn evidently does in a certain degree.

72. gl, bl : prwg, a cakaseof mutton, Cardigansh., L. Morris Addit. Ms. 14944, f- 54 a (trunk, carcase Sp.), cwrwg or corwgl, a carcase of meat, Cardigansh., ib. f. 56 a. mwswg, mwswgl, mwswn, mwsogl (moss, Sp.). C.yC, 1672 perig p. 136, dysgib, mwnwg in rhyme with golwg p. 8 (cf. mynwgyl Ms. Cleop. B 5, f. 24 b, mwnwgl (marg. wddwg) Sal. N. T. f. 28 b, ei wdhwg neu ei fynwgl, Y drycher. f. 17 b, tth milgiaidd, kefngochwys, mynyglflew, garw allt etc., Add. Ms. 31055 f. 3 6 a (Araith Gwgai); Rhaesus, g ni m m, 1592 mngyl, pi. mngleu et septentrion, dialecto mwnwgyl). Sweet p. 429 : hiddig, perig, rhisg, posib, but anadl, banadl, etc.

73 . Other groups containing liquids are occasionally altered, cf. seldrem a bundle, some say sedrem (Richards, dt.'); S = Add. Ms. 22356 ar 6r eleissic f. 100 a, egl6ys ib.;



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Notes on Welsh Consonanis. 329

Add. Ms. 15038 tervyn yngynion y brenhinodd o gwlen a decrire ynglynyon y grolith f. 62 a (englynion, croglith); Add. Ms. 14986 enlyn (englyn) f. 8 b, arglwydd and arlwydd Davies T. p. 198; E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br. s. v. dominus : SouthW. arlwydd (corn, arluit Voc, arluth P.; f. arludes Voc, cf. in Add. Ms. 1492 1 (Gwent: dialect): argwyd (sic) f. 32 b, h-agIwydd f. 15 a arlwydd f. 44 b, arlwyddes f. 49 a, yr lwydes (= i'r arglwyddes) f. 50 a, Iwyddes also f. 49 a (thrice), f. 49 b., at yr Iwyddes f. 4 b. Other forms occuring in this dialectal text arc : crisnogaeth f. 17 a(st-n), cf. Add. Ms. 14973 (1640) crisnogaid f. 69 b, yn grisnogaidd f. 100 b, etc.; mrfol f. 2 a : marolaeth f. 1 r b; elwys (as in 5) f . 16 a; yslys f. 1 1 b (vstlys f. 12 a); in the end of words : mwnwc f. 1 1 a, mywc (sic) f. 33 a, yn bossyb f. 26 a, dierth f. 6 a, 56 b, dinyst f. 19 a, ffenest f. 15 b etc. masnach trade, in some places masgnach (Richards, dict., from Davies), cf. Add. Ms. 14986 (i6th cent.) masgnach f. 27 b; Pwy 111 mysg ein peu masgnach, Iolo, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 123 a; grwnach = grwgnach Sp. etc.

74. In the folio wing words metatheses, omissions etc. of r and 1 occur : crwybr, al. cwybr Davies, dict.; cf. Powel in a note to the text printed from Ms. Tit. D 22 in Y C. III : crwybr scum, a honeycomb, in parts of SouthW. hoarfrost (llwydrew NorthW. barug) llewych and Uewyrch, Davies gramm. p. 197; Gr. lloberts gramm., p. 71: llewrch tros lewych; mein llywychcdic B. of Herg. col. 658; Ll. y Res. : NorthW. llewych = Uewyrch. bretheirio belche Sal. dict.; bretheirio, brytheirio, bytheirio Davies dicl., E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br. s. v. ructo : dimet. brytheirio; blytheirio Sp.; gan fytheirio S. C. III p. 604. Chwefror and ehwefrol, see 23. ysgrawling and ysglowring, Richards dict. Alistodlus Add. Ms. 14913, f. 71 a; Alcsdottlys, Y Brython 1860, p. 4 (from a i6th cent. Brit. Mus. Ms.); moron, sing. moronen et corrupte mororen, pastinaca, pastinago, cara radix, Davies, dict.; serrigl, id. quod nuncsienigl, lacerus, eontritus, ib.

(A suivre). Nettlau.





4/ Tome XI. 1890. 68-79 (adrannau 75-101). B2653-B2664



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Notes on Welsh Consonants (suite),

by Dr. M. Nettlau .... 68

(Suite (1))

Nettlau (Max) Article
Notes on Welsh consonants [additional details: part 3] Periodical
Revue Celtique 11 (1890) Revue Celtique 11 (1890). Internet Archive: <link>, <link>

6879 Language


75. On the pronunciation of the unilateral Welsh 11 see Salesbury, 1547 and Ellis notes to his description;]. D. Rhys, Granim. 1592, p. 24: linguae maiore cuspidis parte in eam palati regioncm, quae primoribus dentibus iisque supernis vicina est, valido nisu impulsa, ita interim parce diducto rictu, ut obscuram quandam rotunditatem prae se ferat, ac quodam deinceps veluti ex anserum serpentumque quasi sibili commixtione veluti per crasin constituto halituose densissimo brutinoque sono et per maxillares dentes utriusque, verum magis dextrorsum, operoso conatu, emisso; L. Morris, Celtic Rcinains, p. Ixxv; Rhys, YC. II, p. 34; Sweet, p. 48. On the different signs used in the B. of Herg. and in other Mss. to denote 11 and 1 -|- 1 see Evans, intr. to the Oxford Mah., p. xv.

76. thl is often used by medieval English scribes to denote the Sound of 11 and it is still said, that EngHshmen are under the impression to hear thl for 11. Cf. the index to the Record of Carnarvon (see Zeuss- p. 1063); Arch. Cambr. I, i, p. 105 Penthlinn, Thlintegid (H 2); I, 2, p. 244 Thloyt, Thlewelyn

i. Voir t. IX, p. 164; t. X, p. 105.



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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 69

(1343); I, 4, p. 134 cantredus de Thleen (9E2 = Lleyn); insula Enthli, Gir. Cambr. VI, p. 124; Cadewalthan see 66; Maghentleyt (Machynlleth) etc.

77. th is said to be a dialectal (Gwentian) pronunciation of th; in the examples which I am going to quote, r, l or II occur in the neighbouring syllables; hence I am unable to say whether dissimilation took place or whether a real change of sounds must be stated. Cf. Schuchardt in Keltische Briefc, Allg. Zeitung, 1876, p. 2323 b: ll becomes th in Monmouthshire from Penmarc and Llandunod until Gwentlwg (these boundaries are given in the Cambr. Journ. IV, p. 207); he quotes arath; cf. in a text from Ebbw Vale, Monmouthsh., pl. erish and erith = erill, sing. arall, Punch Cymraeg Nr. 28, 29; cylleth for cyllell is more generally spread, cf. Y Beirniad III (1862) p. 344 pl. cyllith; S. C. III p. 603 cyllith; arath Yr Arw. 30. 10. 1859.


C, CH, G T, TH, D, DD, S, H P, PH, B, F, FF.

78. Before discussing some facts relating to the sundry guttural, dental and labial consonantsi will give examples of the apparent provectio of g, d, b in a part of the Gwentian dialect, vie. intheeasternpart ofGlamorganshire and in Monmouthshire. Some intelligence of the phonetic side of this fact may be gathered from Rh^'s, lectures^ p. 45, who quotes oti (ydyw), ffetog (arphedog), gatel (gadael), retws (rhedodd) and who describes the t as a t somewhat softened towards d .

79. In modem 'exts from Monmouthshire and such parts of Glamorganshire in which e in final syllables becomes a (see Beitr. 51, 5)1 hve found: rytag (rhedeg), Y Geninen III, p. 19; from Pyle, Glamorgansh.: wettaf, a wetsoch chi, gwettwch (dywedaf etc.; gwedaf is SouthW.), crettu, cyffretin, mi wettav rhaccor (rhagor, more; in NorthW. rhagor means: difference, cf. Ll. y Resol. NorthW. rhagor = gwahaniaeth; h\ SouthW. it means: more, cf. rhagor = ychwa-



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70 Nettlau.

neg, more, in some parts ot SouthW., Richards dict.; Hughes 1822: SouthW. rhagor NorthW. chwaneg), accor (agor), Y Giuladfiarwr 15, 9, 1860. gwetwch, fi weta chi, wetas I, otuch I (= ydych chvvi), otus (ydys), wetyn (wedy hyn), precath (pregeth) Y Tyiu. a'r G. I, p. 93, 118). From Mynnyddyslwyn, Monmouthsh.: y wetsochchi, pleto (to plaid), afnatyw (ofnadwy), otw; dyscedicion VIII, p. 106, yn acos nac ym mhell Y Bed., X, p. 9 (185 1); weti, gwetws, \vetodd, otw, otich chi, os to fe (oes do fe), Punch Cymraeg Nr. 28, 29. In Neath: gwascarog, hircl, catw, ipt. cor: agrwch, fe agorws, llwtwn (:dwr: dyfwn), satwn (sadwrn), plur. ailota, sylwata, cymeriata, blota, brotyr; dyletus; dera gyta fi (Aberdare: dera geno i); trucan (60), jocal (diogel, like jofadd = dioddef), etc.

80. It is not easy to trace this pronunciation in Mss., since I know nonc, which may be attributed with certainity to tljis section of the Gwentian dialect; the many orthographs of suffixes with tenues (-oc -ic etc.), which occur in later Mss. may folio w the middleWelsh orthography (-awc, -ic, etc.). So I can only give with some hesitation the following forms from a Gwentian tcxt, written late in the i6thcent. and in an often ahxiost phonetic orthography of which I hve already given many examples, namely Addit. Ms. 24921: redec, rydec, hydec, drwc, rvwoc, bwoc (bywiog), heboc, kafoythoc, cyffoythoc, grafayloc, mrchoc, mwnwc, chydic, arferredic, o bledic (= o blegid), yn amlwc, golwc, diskwyl, diskwl, yskawn (ysgafn), yskwydd, yskwydde (ph), katw f. 55 b (yn kad f. 43 b). This Ms. shows otherwise no predilection for historie orthography and so these forms may really tend to express a local difference from ordinary Welsh in the pronunciation of these sounds.

8 r . I will also mention here these cases of provectio occuring in the oldest middlewelsh Mss., to which Evander Evans, studics in cymric philology 11 first drew attention. Provectio of the mcdiae after final voiceless consonants in the pre- cymric period is a phenomenon tully developed in Cornish and in Breton; therefore a ncarer discussion of the Welsh examples can be dispensed with here. In the, Ms. A of the



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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 71

Venedotan Code occur: yn keuuc ac ekaller p. 6, hyd ekallo, eckeyll p. 48, e keill p. 79, e kyrryr p. 125 (yd occurs in the old poets also before consonants, infecting however, where it lias been later superseded by y not altering the following consonant); o keyll e dyn hunnu prouy p. 13 (oc?, see Bcitr. 56; o aspirtes the tenues); vrht kerru p. 79, cf. corn, ow tybbry, in edendo, Zeuss. Gr. CcJt. - p. 146; peht peccan p. 58, peth peccan ib.; ac naskouenhop. 394, oskouyn p. 397 (inserted pronoun). cf. bei yscuypun arvn, B. of Cann. Nr. 26; the following cases are not so clear: en e kocled p. 50, gur or kocled p. 50, kan bu quell kanthau ef p. 60 (cf. koquinyat = cychwyniad p. 61), en kerru p. 65 . B. of Herg. col. 1163 y du6 y tiolchaf (= y(d) diolchaf) dewin plant adaf oe donyeu cuplaf euraf eryr, in a poem said to be bylustusllwyt. Ms. S: ac nystyly y vab f. 82a, kytt asscofynho gedy hynny. ny 6rennde6ir, f. 19 a; Ms. Cleop. B. j: Ar dynhyat y gledyf y pygythia y dwircin, f. 67 a.

82. The only later example of a provective influence of a final consonant upon a following initial one, of which I am aware, is yll tau for yll ^au (both), cf. Ms. O yllteu (Owen, Laws p. 299), Ms. les Coll. 141 illtav f. 27 b, 34 a, illdav, illtau f. 61 a; a hwy vyont yll tai etc., Ll. Achau, 1604 p. 16 (yll dau p. 17).

c rh <y ''j '-''5 ^'

83 . C, g, ch are in some parts of Wales, especially in the Powysian dialects palatalised betore slender vowels; thus e. g. cienedl (cj^nedl), is given as the pronunciation ofcenedletc. As to a palatal pronunciation of other consonants I hve nowhere found it mentioncd, which I do not wonder at, since even the palatalisation of gutturals is not expressed in Mss. Exception must be taken of two instances obscure to me: miawn and biachu (since the I7th cent.), bachgian and ugian are somewhat wider spread, occuring also in venedotian dialects (bachgen and ugain). They help perhaps to fix the time of the palatalisation, for this alteration probably took place, when e (bachgen and ai, pronounced, e, in ugain) had not yet be-



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72 Neitlau.

corne a in final syllables, as they did in the modem Venedotian dialects.

84. In Y Tracth. III p. 8 examples of ci, gi (cj, gj) before a, e, i, u are given: cianys, ciaws, cienedl, giair, giem (engl. gem); ceirch is pronounced cieirch, cierch etc.; in Dosparth "?f3v;z Williams notes ciar (car), iech, ieach (iach) fromPowys, ciear, iech, ieach from the dimetian dialect(?) perhaps a mistake for the Gwentiin dialect, since I never found a similar statement, but noted from Y Geninen III p, 19 the Glamorganshire verse: mae 'mrawd yn byw ar fara chiaws a minau ar giaws a bara. Sweet p. 420 says the palatal affection of g in basgjad (basket) and bachgjan in Carnarvonshire is fully carried out in Merionethshire before stressed a, which is however pronounced a in Powys, stQ Beitr. 31. But he gives also for Carnarvonshire kjastin, kjaff, gjard, gjt as the dialectal pronunciation of the respective English words (casting, gaff, guard, gte). In an account on the English spoken at Llanidloes in the Transactions of the Powysland club X, p. 278 cyart (cart), cyap (cap), gyarden, gyarter, tshyarge are given; c, g, to a less extent Engl. ch. before a hve a peculiar pronunciation by the introduction of an intermediate Sound equivalent to i or y .

85. From Carnarvonshire texts cf. Yr Anv.: miciyith, hi giyiff, miciyiff, mi giyffo 13, 11, 1856; cieiniog 11, 12, 56, yn giysio etc.; pump ar igian, dyigian 17, 7, 56; machgiani; trhigjan (60), Sweet p. 415 etc., trigiarog Punch Cynir. Nr 3, 3 (ib. also lleidar, gwyhanu, pyrgethu etc.).

In older prints I only found several times ugien, e. g. Cyfaill i'r Cyinro Poiuys, 1765) am ddeg ar hugien p. 22, deugian p. 41; arhugiain, in the title of an almanack printed at Shrewsbury as given by D. S. Evans, Rev. Celt. II, additions to Uyfr. s. a. 1760, Nr. 71.

86. Davies dict. has bachu latere, latitare, in sinuosas late- bras se conferre, incurvare se; biachu pro bachu corrupte; cf. ir. bacc. He gives also ich, vulgo pro ach, to which Lewis Morris (Add. Ms. 14944, f. 109 b) adds: a Iach wenwys i'ch wyneb, from Sion Ceri (1520); cf. Add. Ms. 14881, f. 29 b o lyfr iaclryu Nhegainhl; Stoiuc Ms. 785 r Jachan



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sydd yny llyfr hwn, yn iach gogerddan, yn iach maes mynan etc. miawn for mewn, mywn is quoted from the Carnarvon and Merionethsh. dialects by Williams, Dosp. Ed.; il occurs regularly in the dialectal texts (miawn, miewn, Yr A nu. and in prose and poetical Mss. down from the lyth century, written as is shown also by other signs in Powysian dialects. Cf. e. g. Add. Ms, 31056 miewn (in Hancs y Trwstan), Add. Ms. 14890 meawn f. 100 a, Add. Ms. 31060 meawn f. 67 a, miawn f. 4 a, 5 b, 9 a; Add. Ms. 15059 o feawn f. 175 a, miawn f. 175 a, 176 a; Add. Ms. 31058 miawn f. r 18 a etc. From Southern dialects cf. mwn doi ne dri mish, Y Giuladgarwr, 27, 7, 1861 (ib. yr oen ni, osgetyn, gweid, wedi neithir, en dysgu, fe wedis i, y Uiad, yr oil (heul), oboitu, daw (mae)etc., probably Eastern Carmarthenshire dialect); mwn at Neath etc. This isolated word offers other difficulties which I am unable to explain; mewn and mywn are both frequent in medieval Mss. and the loss of d (dd), cf. ir. mcdhn, can not be accounted for. The only phonetic explanation of which I am aware would be, to assume a change of dd to f, which occurs elsewhere; *medd-n-, *mef-n-; then the vowel after f was dropped by the shifting of the accent in declension and * fn became *wn, like eofn: ewn; so *mef-n-, * mefn-, mewn. But I know at the same time the improbability of such an explanation and its chronological difficulties.

87. In some words initial tenues and mediae change; this may partly hve been brought about by the influence offollowing consonants an argument which must be alwavs reserved until the contrary can be proved from the phonetics of the living language and partly, perhaps in most of the cases, by the .wrong analogy of the infected forms; if these are from some reason or the other prevailing in usage over the uninfected ones, they are likely to be held for the original forms and are liable to further destitution . Or in the contrary an original form is thought to be a destitute one and accor-



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74 Nettlau.

dingly an apparent provection , but in fact only a wrong reconstruction took place.

88. Cf. cosgordd, gosgordd rctinue Sp.; et. bret. coscor Cath., goskr Sarzeau, R. C. III, p. 59. crabinio, grabinio to grapple, scramble, scrape Sp. craf, graf garlic Sp. cnawd vulgo perperam pro gnawd, consuetum Davies, dict.; y Groesffordd (croes-ffordd), n. 1., hence Gresford, Rhys Pennants Tour I, p. 387 n. The Welsh pronunciation of English mediae as tenues is wellknown; cf. koblyn a goblyn, Sal. dict. 1547, etc.

89. trach, the older form of tra like chwech of chwe is kept in the expression dramkevyn, drach dy gevyn etc.; cf. YS. Gr. drach dy geuyn p. 275. drach eu keuyn p. 283, 301; B. of Herg. drachecheuyn col. 866; Add. Ms. 19709 dra- cheukefyn f. 30 a; Sal. A^. T. yno ydd ymchoelodd ef trach i gefyn f. 26 b; etc.; besides thisi only know trach y lavnawr, behind his blade (a plural in-awr), B. of An., Gododin 77 and oes tragoes B. of Herg., Skene p. 230, which I saw mysclf written thus in the Ms.

90. chwech and chwe occur both since the earliest middleWelsh Mss. In modem Welsh some dialectal difference in their use appears to exist, cf. Y Traeth. III, p. 8 NorthW. chwech; chwe llath SouthW. hwech, hwech llath; ib. VII, p. 421 NorthW. chwe throed SouthW. (c)hwech cosyn; D. S. Evans, llytbr. NorthW. chwe dyn, chwe phunt, chwephunt, chwe chefyl SouthW. chwech d., chwech p., chwechpunt, chwech c. I hve not collected examples to ascertain in what degree these differences can be traced perhaps in the Middle Welsh Mss.; as far as I can see, exaniples contrary to these rules can easely be brought forward. Ci". B. of Herg. chwech wraged col. 722 (ni an whech 723) chwech marcha6c 690.- ch6e meib 655, a ch6ethorth o vara 667; Ms. A chue byu p. 12, 13, 16, 19; whe bu IV (Gwentian Code) p. 309; Ll. Giu. Rh. hwech cufyd p. 235, yn chwech nyheu p. 290, etc. The loss of chis to be compared with the loss of ch in trach, of c in a (ac), o (oc), etc. by the generalisation of one form of syntactic doublets etc.

91. W. Williams, called Caledfryn says in his grammar



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Notes on Welsfi Consonants. 7 <;

(2 p. 59), that certain people use to add ch to every word endingin a vowel. He exemplifies this statement by the sentence: os ei di i'r bedd yn farwch, fe ddeui i fyny yn fywch. To the same kind of alterations duwch in the exclamation duwch anwyl, quoted by Rhys, lectures ^p. 100 seems to belong. I known nothing further on these apparently additional consonants; Welshmen told me they wish to avoid from religious superstition to pronounce words like duw in these exclamations in their proper way, but this is of course a post festum cxplanation like the many others every Welshman is ready to give of every tact occuring in his language.

92. g: On g lost in the interior of words between vowels see Zeuss, Gr. Cclt.^ p. 85, 86, 140, 141; on ou, eu om og, ug, g see Rhys, Rev. Celt. VI (boreu, teulu, meudwy, breuant, OldW. poulloraur -ir. plire, lectures- p. 67). Gis certainly lost in teyrnas, brenhin. Teuyrnas, breyenhin and breenhin occur in a few old Mss., but g is evidently treated otherwise in these words than in breuant where eu is constant; for this the difference of the accentuation inay account. I do not think that u in teuyrnas is secondary, expressing a sound similar to j, developed between the two vowels on account of the hiatus. On gwaeanwyn, haearn and gwanwyn, harn where e is probably j and takes the place of an old s see below. Gaeaf, winter, pronounced geuaf could stand for *gem-af, *gjem-af, *tv;? between vowels becoming eu and *ef; thus *gjem would be the old stem, and the ending -af can hve been taken from haf, summer, cf. also the name of the autumn. So also daear may contai n the root *dem.

93. B. of Cann. teyrn p. 10, teern p. 41, teeirn p. 41, teernet p. 10, 17, 19, 22, 27, 41, tyirnet, p. 7, tyernet p. 39, teernas p. 9(2), tiyrnas p. 46, teernon p. 40. B. of Tal. tegyrned truan p. 173 (?); Eutegirn gr. Celt.- p. 85, S = Add. Ms. 22356 deyrnas f, 61 h, deuyrnas f. 71 a, h 3 a; yn deueyrnas(?), f. 87 a, teyarnas f. i b, 13 b. It is true, eu, ei were pronounced e in the dialect of S, see Beitr. 84, accordingly teuyrnas can be simply teyrnas in this Ms. Forms of teyrn- inlater texts are e. g. teyrnwialen, tyrnas, ef y dyrnyssa f. 385 b (Huet), teirnas f. 392 b, teirnasu



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76 Nettlau.

f. 392 b, a thyrnaswn (Jeyrnaswn) f. 378 b, Sal. N. T.; ternes, tyrnas, teyrnas, Gr. Roberts; ternes Add. Ms. 14973, f. 77 b; tyrnas Add. Ms. 15038, f. 49 b, ternas f. 54 b, 75 b, tarnas f. 50 a, 76 b; see Beitr. 49. tarnas in Add. Ms. 14921, see 1. c. p. 39. Edyrn (Eutegirn) is still stressed on the second syllable, since the first syllable of -dcyrn was originally stressed.

94. breenhin (like teernas) occurs in the B. of Carm., p. 28 (2), 39, 40, breinhin(?) p. 30. In Add. Ms. 14945 Lewis Morris transcribes a few lines from an old Chronicl Cymreig; f. 273 b: s. a. 1247 Edward ure3'n}''n Lloegyr; in the same excerpt occur y uloydin honno, y vrovdir, castell Maishyueid, y distrywt, blwydyn, tVairnas, so that the language of this SouthWelsh text may be said to be of some interest also in other directions.

95. deuali instead of deall, dyall occurs often in books ot the i6th cent., cf. mi a ddeuhelldais, Gr. Roberts gramm. p. 81, ni ddeahellir p. (207) etc., onis dehelHr y geiriau yn dda p. (207), ni ddehellir ib., mi addehellais p. (212) etc.; Athr. Grist. y deuelltir p. 8, a ddeuhelHr, a ddeuhaller p. 14 etc.; dyallt, dealht, Y Drxcb Christ. 1585. In modem dialects: S. C. dyall I p. 212, diall II p. 242, 503; YT. a'r G. waeth, dw I ddim yn duall y peth dybygwn I; in North- wales dallt is commonlv used, see Sp., Yr Anu. etc. Is this Word a compound containing gallu, to be able ?

96. Besides megvs occurs meis, said in the preface to Llyfr Gweddi Gyffredin, 1586 to be SouthW. Also o blegid and o bleid occur often; is o bledic in Addit. Ms. 1492 1, f. 25 a a clerical blunder or a reallv existing form ?

97. An unexplained phenomenon (provided two words with different endings hve not been mixed up) is the apparent loss of final g (oldw. c) in gwddwg, gwddw, gwddf, neck, throat. Cf. leon. gouzoucq, couzoucq (Rostrenen), gouzouk(Troude), vann. goucq, coucq (R.), gouk (Tr.). gwddf, gwddyf occur in the oldest middleWelsh Mss. and seem to hve taken their origin in the plural: gwddw, gyddf-eu, hence gwddf; at any rate gwlw: gwlf, marw: marwol, marfol etc. can be compared. Cf Ms. A: gedueu p. 43, 5 (Ms. Tit. D 2) gudyf



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f. 46 b, S g6dyf p. 285, Ll. Gw. Rh. y wdyf p. 39; 5 0/ Herg. G6ineu g6d6c hir, col. 597, Ll. Giu. Rb. y guduc p. 274. In later texts: Sal, N. T. gwddwc, gwddwg, gwddwf f. 114 b. Y drych christ, ei wdhwg neu ei fynwgl f. 19 b; Add. Ms. 14986 gwddw f. 35 h; Ll. Achau gwddwg p. 19; Hom. 1606 ar ein gyddygau (marg. gyddfau) I p. 125, gyddfau (marg. gyddygau) II p. 130, 147. Davies, dict.: gwddf, passim gw^ddwg, vulgo gwddw; C. y C. 1672 d'wddwg and cynddrwg rhyme, p. 427. In modem dialects: S. C. am'u gwddge II, p. 262; gwddw (with vowel w), Sweet p. 429.

98. The dropping of initial g in the case of destitution is the cause of the socalled prothetic g, since every word commencing with a vowel can in certain positions be believcd to hve lost a primitive initial g. By the same reason initial b and m change, f being the status infectus common to both. A few dialectal instances are: NorthW. gaddo, Rhys, Arch. Cavibr. loamuords s. v. altus; enaid, Silurian genaid, Barddas I, p. 196 note; oer, dimet. goer Davies, dict.;gr in Cardigansh., ir Northw., L, Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 93 b (SouthW. giar, gieir Sp., dict., Y Traeh. III, p. 8 etc.); geisteddfod is said by Jolo Morganwg in Add. Ms. 15003 (also printed in Y Grea) to be a Monmouthshireword; gwr gonest Add. Ms. 15059, f. 210 a etc., ar fy ngonestrwydd, upon my honour, in Anglesey, L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 94 b; garddwn = arddwrn Sweet p. 429.

99. Cf. further: allt and gallt, see Rhj^s, loanwords s. v. altus; L. Morris Add. Ms. 14944, f. 20 a: allt, gallt, the side of a hill or mountain; also any highlands; but in Cardigansh. the hill of wood or coppice; Richards, dict.: the side of a hill, in some parts woods; Hughes 1822: SouthW. gallt a cliff, Northw. any steep. genwair an angling rod, E. Lhuyd; in the legend of Llyn yr Afangc, printed from Lhuyd's autograph in the Cambr. Journal, vol. II: genwairiwr, yn genwairio; L. Morris, Add.Ms. 14944, f. 91 a (1737): NorthW. enwair, gwialen enwair; and to angle enweirio. gordd, maliet see Rhys Celtic Britain, ^ p. 310 and Pennants Tour I p. 4. elach E. Lhuyd, homuncio; L. Morris Add. Ms. 14944, f. 98 b gellach (11 on account of an etymology which he ima-



(delwedd B2663) (tudalen 78)

78 Neltlau.

gines), a littlesorry fellow, a scrub; gelach Sp. oddigeithr, Add. Ms. 15058, f. 59 a (ijth cent., prose); Rowlands gramm. 4 116 oddieithr, oddigerth except. elor, gelor Davies, dic., (g)wr gieuanc, Evans, llyfr. s. a. 1764, 5. gagen, genaid, gaddewid, see Skene, Four ancient Books II p. 325 (notes).

100. The manner in which the primitive groups r-g and 1-g are treated in Welsh is a problem common to ail brythonic languages on which see Zeuss -p. 140 and Ernault in Revue Celt. VU p. 155-157. The reasons, why serch and merch in Welsh are different from eiry, boly and eira, bola, whilst in Breton erc'h and serc'h exist, hve not yet been found. I will. only put forward here the Welsh materials as fully as possible (eira, hela, d:ila occuring besides eiry, bely, daly are said to be SouthWelsh forms).

ICI. Cf. boly, bol; E. Lhuyd, Arcb. Brit. s. v. venter: SouthW. bola; brct. see R. C. 7, 155 and 199: Er hirran a gornow/diwenet hi volow Que le plus long des cornes/Defende son ventre, Bas-Vannet.

caly, cala, vulgo cal L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 54 b; bol, cal, eir, hel in verses, J. D. K\\ys gramm. p. 130, Davies gramm. p. 43 like marv(w), car(\v), ber(w), llan(w), cad(\v), daly, dal; E. Lhuyd s. v. teneo: dimet. dalla, dale, hele in Ms. A; dala and daly are frequent in middleWelsh Mss.; in the B. of Hcrg. dala and especially hela largely prevail; cf. also delleis col. 747, dellis 3. sing. col. 679, 788, 810; ettel- lis col. 803. Ms. Clcop. B 5, laws: os deily y distein wrth gyf6reithf. 172 a, o deily dyn f. 196 a; deily f. 196 a, 196 b; dalyo f. 196 a etc.

y dera L p. 278 the staggers; so /p. 278, /^F(G\vent. Code) = Ckop. A 14, f. 69 b etc.: dery O, p. 278. Sp. has dera, on, fury, fiend, devil; the staggers; der, stubborn, froward, sullen; inf. derio, deru. dera=diafol W. Lleyn's vocabulary; ir. derg ?

eiri 5. ofCarm. poem 18; B. ofHerg. eiry col. 672(2), eira col. 674(2); eiry, SouthW. eira, Richards, dict.; aira Stowe Ms. 672; irch, Corn. voc.; nn iarh, Sarzeau, R. C. III, p. 566.

Notes on Welsh Consonants.



(delwedd B2664) (tudalen 79)


hely and hela in micidleWelsh Mss.; o helg6n B. of Herg. col. 710. hella 5, f. 4 a. OldWelsh helcha, heighati. L. Morris Add. Ms. 14944: hele to tiunt, Flintshire dialect, f. 104 b.

Ilary placid, gentie, meek Sp.; llara B. of Carni. p. 5; superl. llariaf p. 40.

llwrw, bret. lerc'h; oldbret. ollored; corn, heliyrchys, Rev. Celt. VIII, p. i.

(A suivre.)



5/ Tome XII. 1891. 142-152 (adrannau 102-121). B2665-B2674



(delwedd B2665) (tudalen 142)

Notes on Welsh consonants, by Max Nettlau 142-152

102. The Welsh equivalent of Breton guerc'h (see Ernault, 1. c.) offers some difficulties. Meir gwiri B. of Carm. Nr. 21; mor6yn wyra L p. 254 (dimet.), moryn 6yra S f. 27b; Didr. Casgl. p. 251 (Oderic's travels): ac y golchant my6n dyf6r hallt ac odyna yny d6fyr gwyry (ib. eiry, hely); Richards dict. . ymenyn gwyryf, in Southwales ymenyn gwyra; ib. dwfr croyw, in Southw. dwfr gwyra; (as to croew cf. bara croew, unleavened bread Sp.; Sal. A''. T. bara croyw (marg. crai, crei, cri) f. 74a); emenyn g6yry Medd. Myddfai, Herg. 7 (2); Sp. dict. gwyryf fresh, pure; gwyryfdod virginity; gwyryf, -onvirgin, maid; gwyryddbachelor; Davies Ll. y Res.: NorthW. wyryfon = morwynion ieuangc; also St. Hughes, Haiies y ffydd: NorthW. gwyryf = morwyn ieuanc. But in the Gwentian Homilies, 1606 occurs also: pa sawl merch a anwyryfir (marg. dreisir) I p. 165; cf. also Add. Ms. 14986 (i6th cent.) z*" kariadol vam wyraf (in rhyme with mi a af ) f. 30 a, pronounced wyra. Add. Ms. 14913, f . I b omenyn gwyra, f. 19 b menyn gwyra, ib. bloneg gwyn gwyry (written in another hand); Add. Ms. 15049, f. 23 a ymenvn gwyrf, f. 4 a ymenvn giurf. Gwyry, gwyra (gwyraf is

I. Voir t. IX, p. 164; t. X, p. 105; t. XI, p 68



(delwedd B2666) (tudalen 143)

Notes on Welsh Consonants. 143

merely an inverse orthograph), gwyryf, gwyrydd, gwyrdd, gwyrf are evidently forms of the same word, but it is not clear how they are connected with each other, since the assumption of new suffixes added to the old word is not probable.

Perhaps the dropping of final dd and f in pronunciation, whilst they were kept in the interior of words, led to some analogical formations; gwyry might possibly follow the analogy both of either dy-dyddiau and tre-trefydd , the plurals, gwyryfon and gwyry ddon and thence gwyryf, gwyrydd being the resuit? Spurrell prints gwelydd and gwelyf (bed) besides gwely , perhaps instances of the same character. Gwyrdd and gwyrf remain; gwyrdd (green) can have been changed into gwyrf like tordd, torf, etc., and then the similar words, denoting similar things: green and pure, fresh must have been mixed up. Perhaps the modem dialects may help to clear up this problem.

103. In conclusion of the remarks on the letter g I will point out some dialectal differences with regard to the Welsh word ffaw, borrowed from Latin fagus. Spurrell has ffawwydd fir trees, pinetrees and ffawydd beechtrees. This would turn out as a modern orthographic regulation (also given by D. S. Evans, llythr. 181 note: NorthW. ffawwydd = SouthW. coed fyr neu ffyr, but ffawydd = fagus), if the following remarks of E. Lhuyd and L. Morris are right. The former says (Arch. Br., at y C.) ffawydh, gwydd ffag, pren arverol ing Uent a Morganwg; in Gwynedd the ffinidwydd are wrongly called ffawydd. L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 85 a: fyrr, a common word in Cardiganshire for the fir tree, Pren y Fyrr; in NorthW. ffawydd; ib., f. 86 a: ffawydd in Merionethsh. fagus, beechtree, but in Anglesey and the neighbouring country abies, dealtree (ffynidwyd in Davies, dict.); rhwyf ffawydd a deal oar etc. in Anglesey.

t, th, d, dd; s; h.

104. As to the change of initial t and d (see 87) cf. dan, dros, the usual forms of tan, tros; dyma, dyna, but e.g. a thyna, Y S. Gr. 23; tyma, tyna, a thyma in modem use.

dyre, dere, (see Rhy^s, Rev. Celt. VI). L. Morris, Add. Ms.



(delwedd B2667) (tudalen 144)

144 Nettlaii.

14923: SouthW. dere'n gloi = NorthW. tyrd yngwit, sydyn, fuan (corne quickly) f. 133 a; tyr'd in Anglesey, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 153 b. SouthW. dyre, dere = NorthW. dyred, tyred, Richards, dict. dere 'nglau (Williams Pant y Celyn) = NorthW. tyred yn fuan, Y Tracth. 1870, p. 414; NorthW. tyd, Sweet, p. 420.

titan, ditan a nipple (L. Morris, Add. Ms. 15025, f. 80 b, from Anglesey); NorthW. ditten W. Morris, Add. Ms. 14947, f. 258 b; engl. teat; Sp. tithen, tethan, diten.

titriwr potius didryfwr Davies, dict.; didryfwr sometimes ditriwr, titriwr Richards dict.

tylluan, dylluan an owl L. Morris, Add. Ms. 15059 f. 165 b; ttulluan, Cleop. B 5, i. 6G a; tylluan B. of Herg., col. 768 (thrice); Sai. dict. 1547: duUuan, dullhuan (duU, blind, huan sun, an etymological bungle of Sal. or really a product of popular etymology ?), twyllhuan (of which the same must be said; from tywyll and huan or from twyllo), tylluan an owle.

teirthion f. ague fit, ague (tertiana, leon. terzyenn, vann. terhyan, tarhyan Rostr., ar ghar(h)ian, in Sarzeau, Rev. Celt., III, p. 236, enndrehenn, Ernault, dial. of Bat:^^, 1883, p. 12); Sal. N. T. cryd (marg. deirton, twym neu haintgwres) f. 12 a; Add. Ms. 14913 (i6th cent.) rac y ddeirton f. 84 b, 87 b; Hom. i6oe i'r ddeirton (cryd) I, p. 2, y dderton neu'r cowyn (marg. cryd neu'r nodau), I, p. 72; L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14923 SouthW. y wrach^, y ddeirton, the ague NorthW. yr acses, cryd, f. 134 a^.

1. As to gwrach cf. also SouthW. balan a rockfish, a sea tench NorthW. gwrachen, prys godya (?, leg. pysgodyn), L. Morris ib.; Add. Ms. 14947 f. 187 b gwrach the wrasse. a fish (W. Morris).

2. Some further details on the dialectal distribution of these words are: acsus in Anglesey, an ague, W. Morris, Add. Ms. 14947 f. 71 a; Nor.hW. y cryd SouthW. y wrach, Y Gwyliedydd 1828; ib. SouthW. twymyn- (fever) NorthW. llycheden (i. e. Uucheden flash oflightning; fit of fever Sp. dict.)\ llycheden in Anglesey: a fit of fever or hit ofsickness L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944. f- ii8a.

As to Uuchetlen in the sense of flash of lightning (in Southwales) cf. Ll. V Res. NorthW. mellt SouthW. Uuched; Hughes 1822: SouthW. Ilechan (?, Sp. Uechen) NorthW. mellt. C afin, y C, 1672 Uyched (marg. mellt) p. 167, y Uuched (mellten) p. 165, llycheden (mellten)



(delwedd B2668) (tudalen 145)

Notes on Welsh Consonants. 145

dwrdd, twrdd sonus, strepitus Davies, dict.^ ir. dordaim (Thurneysen, Kcltoromanisches, p. 47).

drythyll; drythyhvc wantenes Sal. dict.; thrythyllwch

N. T. f. 361 a; drithywUwch Add. Ms. 14973, f. 69 b; NorthW. trythyll = glwth, Hanes y ffydd; ir. dretill.

tremio, dremio Sp. dict. to look; ty thremyn, thy glance, Tal. p. 193 (= ddr.); yn gwelet (marg. tremio, edrych) Sal. N. T. f. 28 b, yn tremyaw (marg. edrych), yn tremiaw f. 170 b; yn hylltremio arnam ni, f. 174 a.

105. Initial tl- becomes in dialects cl-, cf. Balliol College Ms. 353 ^ in a list of some Welsh words explained: gemmau, clyseu guervawr, costely juells (tlws); L. Morris in a letter printedin YC. II, p. 145 (1761), mentions chefrol (chwefror), clowes (clywais) etc. and clws read tlws in some SouthWelsh poems. Y Traeth. III, p. i2:dyma bethclws ofnadwy; Yr Anu. merchaid clysion 20, 8, 1857; k^ws, klsjon, klawd, klodjon Sweet, p. 439. This change is well known and frequent in other languages, cf. Brugmann, Grundriss, I, 367, Leskien-Brugman, diakct of Godkiua (Htuan.) 29; Archiv fur slav. Philologie, I, p. 157; also gle for die, in Sarzeau, Rev. Celt., III, p. 54, etc.

107. Sometimes se and st change, cf. breton mousk, moust, etc., and the regular change of se to st in Manx (lostey, burning = losgadh, etc.). Cf. diost for diosg, quoted by Rhys, Rev. Celt., III, p. 87; ib. y ueistawn Mab.) for y weiscon, gwasg, engl. waist, trysglen, engl. throstle; rhasgl, Gael. rasdal, Manx raistyl;L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14909 mentions ystol for ysgol (instead of ysgol a ladder, ystol a stool) f. 5 5 b; Add. Ms. 14944: ystol corruptly for ysgol, scala in

p. 355 etc. From Norih Cardiganshire. near Aberaeron: trwst (N. W. taran), lluched for mellt, cesair for cenllysg are given, Cambr. Joiirn. III, p. II.5. C.Ip.2i2:y buse tarane trwm a llechede ofnadw' yn y bore; clefyd, fever (NorthW.), Sp. dict.; on lluched and mellten see Rhys, hct. on Celtic Mytholooy, p. 59.

I . In the Camhrian Journal vol. IV an index of the contents of this Ms. is given; it is a SouthWelsh Ms. of the first h-alf of the i6th cent. (cf. wh-efrawr, budyd. a tynoedd, [a idd] etc.) and contains the poem O mightie Ladie our ledyng to hve at Hevyn our abeyding etc. and another Eno'Hsh poem: Eitell tu iow as swm du siow etc.; see Rev. Celt., IX, p. 71, note.

Rtvue Celtique, XII. 10



(delwedd B2669) (tudalen 146)

1^6 Nettlau.

Angleseyf. 164 b.; D. S. Evans, Uytbr. ystol f. = llcdring(ladder) instead of yscol (scala); ystol fair, common centaury, ystl = stool; see also Rhys, Arch. Camhr. loanwords s. v. scala: in Anglesey ystol; yscawl crist, B. of Herg . , Medd . Myddfai, 12. llwynhidydd, ysgelynllys, pennau'r gwyr, traeturiaid y bugeilydd et Demet, astyllenlys, quinquefolium, plantago minor, Davies dict.

107. The group n + t is akeredin Welsh in varions ways, depending upon the position of the accent. In stressed monosyllables final -nt is kept, cf. pedwar cdnt, but cann erw (Rhys). In the interior of words nt becomes nn before the stress: ddnt dannedd (older *dannedd) but nt may be reintroduced by analogy into such forms, cf. NorthW. cantoedd = SouthW. cannoedd, D. S. Evans, Uytbr. 167, note). Groups of consonants before the stress are liable to be. reduced with regard to the strength of articulation, so NorthW. daneddog (=:*danheddg): *dannedd: ddnt (Rhys). Cf. amd = amhdu, pard = parhau, etc., Sweet p. 428. As to final -nt in words of more than one syllable it is not pronounced since early middleWelsh, e. g. in the 3nd plur. of the verb and in prepositions with sufixed pronouns. But in these forms it was kept in memory by the monosyllabic ynt, wynt; in other forms, where no such regularly kept nt exist, it is early omitted, cf. the suffix -eint: gwragedeint, m.eibionein B. of Hergr, Sk. p. 202, posberdein Tal., i; arnynt eu hunaint occurs Medd. Myddfai p. 276, kymeint ag ehunant^ Yst. Gwl.Ieiian Vendigeit, Hgt. Ms. II, p. 333; these inverse orthographs prove the identity of final -nt and -n in pronunciation. Oe de6red ae fynya?// kychwy;;^ Add. Ms. 19709, f. 31b?

108. In afew words final -nt is written in early manuscripts but disappears later. Cf. iawn: OldW. eunt, gl. aequus (Eutych.); Vesp. A 14 o dugleis hit i cimer. y cimer in niaunt bet nan luit etc. f. 5 8 b (see my Beitr. p. 11); Ms. A (Venedot.

t. Hughes 1822 says that in SouthW. ei hunan, fy hunan, in NorthW. ei hun, fy hun are the'preferred forms. I hve not studied this alleged dialectal difference. Sal. N. T. ynoch eich unain, yn dy lygat dyun, oth lygat tyun, etc.



(delwedd B2670) (tudalen 147)

Noies on Welsh Consonants. 147

Code) emay yaunt yr enat p. 74, yaunt p. 77, 78. digaunt A p. 79. diffrint and hint rhyme in the Book of Carm., Nr. 30, dyffrynt and kynt in the B. of Herg., Sk. p. 227, dyffrynt and gorwynt p. 228; Ms. F yn dylrynt p. 414; Ll. Giu. Rh. dyffrynt p. 32 (2); Davies, Granim. p. 198: dyffrynt (Daf. ap Gwilym); dyffryn Sp. dict.

109. In the groups s-t, 11-t, f-t d for t is written so often and in so varions texts, that these orthographs seem to design an alteration in the real pronunciationof these groups. Cf. thegaehcorthography. In the5. of Herg. occur e. g. llamhys- daenco/. 775, yny holldes^o/. 777, 837, y dey groffd co/. 750; Jes. Coll. Ms. 141 dyalld drwy... f. 142 b, yr hoU aniveliet gwylldion f. 146 b. Sal. dict. angraifdiaw rebuke (=anghreifftio). Add. Ms. 14986 (i6th cent.) holldodd f. 23 a. Add. Ms. 14882 (1591V f- 50 b. dalld; Add. Ms. 14973 (1640) bussdyl f. 19 a, yn eissde f. 19 a; Add. Ms. 31057 ystdor- fell f. 122 a; Add. Ms. 14969 (i7th cent.) a ddisdrowiodd f. 235 b. In modem texts: yn ddisdaw, wedi isda, yn Chesdar, melldan, gwalld, gwylldeua etc. in Yr Arw. (21, 5,57; 20, i; 10, 12, 59).

1 10. An apparently additional t occurs very early after final 11, s, ft and is hence introduced also into the interior ot words (in plurals etc.). Ut in words like gallofydd, galltofydd, fferyll, fferylltetc. was beheved by Rhys to be the resuit of an early *lj. There occur hoUti, hoUi findere Davies dict.; dyall, dyallt etc., but also an evidently secondary lit in modem (NorthW.) dialects. Cf. Jes. Coll. Ms. 144 dyallt, dyalld druy etc., f. 142 b; Y drych Christ, ynei dhealht, dyallt etc.; NorthW. dallt (see 95); Sweet, p. 427 dllt, also deallt. gwedy byw ff 'hollt oes, C. f'eiu. T. p. 258; hollt Yr Arw. 19, II, 56. yn sefyllt Yr Arw. 29, 7, 57; sefullt, 19, II, 56, etc.

m. fft: Rhys, loanwords s. v. anagrippa: angraifft, en-

I . In this Ms, f. 50 b. occurs the only remark on dialects which I found in a Ms. prior to the i8th century: a na ddowch (in the month of december) yn rhy agos ir tan, krimpie yn iaith ddehevbarth, ag yn iaith wynedd i gelwir krimoge, kanys aviachvs yw.



(delwedd B2671) (tudalen 148)

148 Netlau.

graifFt or cngmff; taligrafft (telcgraph) in the colloquial language etc.

st: ffals and ffalst Sp. Cf. am inor ffalst prouadwy, Ll. Gw. Rb. p. 182; Sal., N. T. falst, fteilston f. 397 b, 391 a (Huet); Add. Ms. 14986 geiriav ffeilston f. 24 a. As to trost for tros, commonly used in C.feiv. T. (Merionetlisli.) see Y Cymmr. Ylll, p. 130; bret. dreist. Vann. dresst'on me i?. C. 7. 334 Myst. Trost may be a wrong abstraction from trostof, trosto etc. In Ms, ^ machd for mach (bail) occurs on

PP- 54' 55. 56, etc.

Cf. oldir. arithissi a rst in the Munster dialect, quoted by O'Donovan, Banquet of Dun na ngedh, 1842, p. 70 note; gael. a rithist, pron. a rsht, Mac Alpine; i riste in Biaunachk Baird, 1730 (= i rithisd), Trans. Gael. Soc. Inverness, III, p. 192 manx reesht, Kelly's dict. In Breton see Rev. Celt. V, p. 220; Ernault, dialect of Bat:{, p. 17, etc.

112. //;. th and dd are exchanged sometimes in Mss. More frequently th occurs instead of dd than dd for th. Cf. from medieval Mss.: Janredethu p. 12, aguethti (agweddi) p. 42; E= Add. Ms. 1493 1 nauth, naud f. i b, certhoryon f i b, pi. beirth f. 6 a; Od n. genataoth p. 573. B. of Carm. oeth, Nr. 5, hoethyl, Nr. 23 (cf. hoedl Hfe, the ancient said hoeddl Richards dict. besides oetun, hetiv etc. where t denotes dd); Tal. ty thremyn p. 193, see 104. Ll. Gw. Rh. nys gwthost p. 23 i (nyni a wdam ib.), ac attoeth p. 204. S = Add. Ms. 22356 gossod b6g6th ar nathunt f. 65 a, gattoeth f. 63 a (Pob g6ad hagen gann dyg k6byl a vyd diga6n Ms. digiga6n yr g6ad6r ac yr reith6yr o gattoeth kynny bo g6ir, see Y Cymmr. IX, p. 90). Cleop. B 5:clathpwyt f. 19 b, 26 b, 70 b, 113 a, 113 b, 114b, 116 a, 117 a (2), etc.; clath- pwit f. 129 a, 135 a; cladwyt f. 1 15 b; clatpwyt f. 22a, 126a (claddu). Very often in the dimetian Ms. Tit. D 22, cf. in the text edited from it by Powel in Y C. III pan daruythant, ny fyth, ythau, ytha6, arwython, gwethieu, gweithredoyth daa, istethuae, vthunt6y, hethi, ynissoyth, ynyssoyth, ynissoyd, he61yth, wethel, milioyth, cyfr6ythyt (cyfarwyddyd), y ymlathant etc. Add. Ms. 14912 dr6y y vl6ythyn f. 77 a, mis Tachweth 13 b. G6aharth, Ms. Cleop. B 5, f.



(delwedd B2672) (tudalen 149)

Notes on Welsh Consonants. 149

159 a; cf. diuuoharth, Rev. Celt. VIII p. 508 (old bret.), gwahardd, gwardd.

113. Inlater texts: Sal., N. T. does (imper.) ffwrthf. 26 b, monyth f. 43 a, 75 b, mynyth f. 72 b etc.; (Huet): heith (marg. haidd, barlis) f. 380 a, y bob duyn yn ol y vutho y weithredoedd (== byddo) f. 399 b. Y drych christ. 1585 yn canlyn eu gilyth f. A 2. Add. Ms. 14986 agadwyth f. 42 a (agatfydd f. e() a). Add. Ms. 149 13, f. 3obgwraith y danat koz; Ll. achau: yn Theheibarth p. 27, yn Thehoibarth, p. 24. Add. Ms. 14973: Iflin brydyth hir f. 107 a etc. Forms of the verb subst. now used are botho, bothoch = byddo, b3'ddoch; cf. Add. Ms. 14898 lie botho ych ffansi f. 74 a; Add. Ms. 31060, f. 137a fel y botho gwiw ych caru etc.; C. fciu. T. am byd bothol berffaith p. 278. But these th for dd belong to the old alterations of consonants in the old optative and conjunctive, due to the former position of the accent. efo ag ethi hi, gydag ethyn nhw are given in Y Traetb. III from northern dialects; ithi hi C. few. T. etc., see Y Cynimr. VIII, p. 139.

114. dd for th is not so frequently met with and only in later texts, because, I think, whichsoever the pronunciation may hve been, the double value of d and of t in medieval Welsh (d and dd, t and dd) was likely to prevent the scribes from using d for a th of a, may be, softened pronunciation. In Ms. S occurs g6eidred f. 93 a, perhaps a clerical error caused by the following d. Sal., pron. 1547 says: yn sathredic cam- arferwn dd pro th: dialaydd pro dialayth. Add. Ms. 14986 cyfreiddlon. Ll. Achau: gohelith and gohelidd p. 15 etc. L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 34 a batheuad: commonly pronounced bytheiad, byddeiad. Richards, dict. y ddiwlith, diwlydd great celandine (botan.); true maidenhair Sp.; WilHams Pant y Celyn: perffeiddio (F Traetb. 1870, p. 412). Y drych christ.: yr hoU berpheidhrwydh a glowsoch, yn berphei- dhiach f. 64 a, druy i fawr drugareth f. 74 b.

Sp. has ceddw, cethw, cedw mustard, in which words dd seems to be supported by the leon. sezo, cornouaill. seo; trec. sevn; vann. seon seun (mustard); but it has probably the same origin as dd in chweddel, anaddyl etc.



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I jo Nettlau.

115. The orthography of the old Venedotian Ms. A is scarcely in any other point so unsettled and inconstant tlian with regard to the letter th. In some parts, especially on pp. 53- 79, also 125, 391 s, sh, h are nearly always written for th; see Zeuss, Gr. C.^ p. 156 to whose quotations I add: kereis p. 57, vrh llu p. 56, kauuersit p. 57 (= cywerthydd), kafreishiaul p. 58, aghafreishiaul ib., ar i sseisuet p. 56, e doissihion p. 59, heb gneisur p. 62; onahunt p. 56 with h:=- th for dd. In other parts of the same Ms. t, d (= dd), ht and th, dh are often written for th. Cf. pedh p. 2, teregueyt p. 3, seuduet p. 27, tranoeht p. 18, seyhuet p. 38, hiteu p. 43 etc. As to ht cf. controHaht, oldbret. gloss in Ms. Otho E 13, f. 42 b; keuarhc A p. 72, decreu p. 2. When I consider orthographs like brahudur, mahurth etc. in A (see below.) I am not incHnedtothinkwith Ebel, Gr. C ^ p. 156, that liis in sei- hisbluit, kefreihis etc. is written for th, but I think that h belongs to the diphthong, whose reai pronunciation it tries to express like h. in brahudur, vie. both parts of the diphthong being of about the same strength owing to a circumflex accentuation. In doissihion (= doethion) h seems used to denote the nearly syllabic value of NorthWelsh j. The only other example known to me of such spellings of Ms. A exists in Ms. E (Add. Ms. 1493 1), in the little passage written in older orthography (see Owen,/)n/. p. XI): f. 52 a kefreisial; ib. i ueret (werth).

116. wsnos is the common NorthW. word for week (lit. form wythnos), cf. Yr Ariu., YGcn. G. C.fau. T. etc. It is probably due to an assimilation of th to the final s, since the tedious vicinity of these sounds was altered also in other dialects, cf. wsnoth, quoted by Powel, loanwords and occuring e. g. in Y Giucithiwr (Aberdare), 17, 7, 1859. troedlath, vulgo troedlas, suppedaneum, insile, Dav. dict. ?

117. In a few instances a change offf and th occurs, which can be compared to the more frequent change of f and dd. Cf. defhol, nonnuUi deffol (o Phylip a de/o/ais, I5th cent.) Davies dict.; deftbl dethol ethol dewis, Y Traeth.

II p. 12; deffol = dethol Sp., cf. Add. Ms. 14996 (1750) de- ioledig f. 90 b.



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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 1 5 1

dattod explicare, dissolvere etc., demet, dathodi Davies dict.; the form dathodi explains the otherwise strange note of L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944 daffod pro dattod f. 20 a; cf. Yr Arw. a thyna fo yn i daffod o (se. cadach) ac yn tynu rhwbath wei llufr alian; Sweet p. 449: inf. dathod; dthododd, dthodson; ipt. dathod, pi. dathodwch, dotwch p. 449; dotwch is unique; perhaps *(d)thd\vch was transposed to dthwch ?

118. bennffic B. of Cann. 56; a venfygya6d Tit. D 22, f. 157 b; in 5, f. 100 a benffygi6r and benthyc occur several times on the samepage; Powel, Dimetian loanwords p. 24 also quotes from Hving dialects bentig, mentig and even mencid. penneffand penneth (penknife), ib. p. 14, pengcneth p. 20. cf. ymgythlybv Add. Ms. 14986, f. 20 b (= ymgyffelybu). On the third sg. pres, in -iff, -ith, see my Notes on the welsh verb 5-7; they are wrongly confused with the third sing. in -it in R. Celt. 7, 190, note 4.

119. Final th is dropped in the word peth in the hving (northern) dialects; e. g. bdio, Sweet p. 426 = (pa) beth ydy(w) o; be haru chi hyiddiw, Yr. Arw. 17, 7, 56; ba haru mi yn wir ?, be haru ti, C. f'eiu. T. p. 337 etc. where haru = ddaru, ddarfu, a word of most common use in Northwales; the loss of dd in this position is also rather strange. (Cf. Add. Ms. 1492 1 pe elwir f. 39 a = peth a elwir.)

120. d. I do not know the etymology ofyswidw, syw^dw, yswigw, parus (given in Davies dict.); Sp. s. v. titmouse has sywidw; the Anglesey word is tommy titw ls. On change of dd and d cf. the paragraphs on dl, dn, rd etc.; also cedw 114. Final d is oftener omitted in Mss. than other consonants, except n and of course dd and f, which are dropped in pronunciation the former in dialects, and the latter regularly, whilst the loss of final d seems to be due to certain laws of sandhi which it is not possible to precise from the scarce materials at my disposai; cf. the disappearance of t before consonants in yd-, y- in later Welsh. Cf. S = Add. Mss. 22356 hep bra6 na f. 95 b; (y bra61yfyr p. 609, bra6tl p. 610); Cleop. B 5 diw}Tnaw gwedy f. 13 a (d is inserted by a latcr hand); Tit. D 22 dyd bra6, kyn dyd bra6,



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teruyn dyyd bra6 bellach etc. (ib. trws for tnvst, noise); Add. Ms. 1492 1 (see 41 on n): d lost once before k, thrice before r (=^ 3 -f r), I -|- b, 3 + vowels, e. g. y kladdwy brenin f. 24 b, y gnythbwy ran f. 25 b, dangosi o f. 33 b, kydnbo y bechod f. 36 a etc. Add. Ms. 15038 ac yna i dwa pantan na wyddiad ef ddim help f. loe b; ib. i dwad ef etc. Cydwely: cywely, cf. Ms. S ky6elogaeth ogyh6elogaeth kyhocdauc - o g6elogaeth kyh6yda6c, f. 113 h; o gyeely f. 49a; Add. Ms. 14944, f- 15e a: tydwed and tudwed earth, clods ; in Cardigansh. clods is tywed, the d being melted .

121. dd. dd and f frequently change. In most instances f is the organic consonant. In Y Cymmr. VII p. 235 some interesting instances, are collected: phvydd for plwyf in South Cardiganshire (cf. L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14923, f. 123 b SouthW. plwyddogion parishioners = NorthW. phvyfoHon; S. C. (dimct.) III p. 325 y phvydd); tyddu (tyfu); rhwyddell in Breconshire for hwyfcll; rhoddiau for rhotiau (shovels), godderbyn for gyftrbyn; adaon Mab. II p. 402 for Afaon, n. pr.; Hafod Lwyddog? (cf. E. Lhuyd, 1693 (in Cambrian Journal, II p. 211 Hafod Lwyfog a henwir fellu o ran fd yno brennau Liwyfane, and: heblaw yr henw hwnnw, mae iddi henw arall mewn cowyddau sef Hafod Lwyddog); Eiddionyd {Gwaith Lleiu. GL C. 174) for Eivionydd; cf. Eifionydd, Yfionydd, Eiddionydd Y Geninen III p. 59; in Evionyth, Gir. Cambr., //. Camhr. (VI p. 123);^. of Carm. Meironit, Ewionit (Cynddelw), Eiwonit poem 32; 5. oj An. Ewyon}'dd (p. 93); eiwynyd ac ardud6y B. of Herg. col. 763; o Vionydd, Hcr. Visit. II p. 102, 223 (2) etc.: yn eidonyd, Boiiedd y Seint, Hengzurt Ms. 202, f. 25 a 5 (Y. Cymmr. VII), 14 th. cent.

Max Nettlau. (A suivre.) xyz





6/ Tome XII. 1891. 369-385 (adrannau 122-154). B2676-B2692


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Notes on Welsh consonants, by Max Nettlau 369-385


122. Cf. also addanc (e. g. in Lew. Gl. Cothi) and afanc, Davies dict.; bret. avank. gwefl, gwefus lip; L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944 f. 103 a: gwefl in Cardiganshire only for tlie lips of a beast, gwefus for a man generaily pronounced gweddus; Sp. (like Davies) gwefus and gweus; cf. Ms. U (Giuentian Code) dey weus p. 340; W =^ Cleop. A i^ ae weus f. 57 a. camdda, camfa; L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14923 f. 133 b: SouthW. ystigil a stile NorthW. camdda, camfa; H. Hughes, Yr Ysgrifell Gymreig (Wrexham) wants camfa to be written instead of camdda. twrf, alicubi twrdd strepitus, clangor; godwrf and godwrdd, Davies; godwrf, godwrdd = terfysg, W. Lleyn's vocabulary; baldorfi and baldorddi to babble, to tattle Sp.; but see 104, from wliich it would appear that the Welsh representants of latin turba and ir. dordaim hve been to some degree mixed up. D. S. Evans, llythr. nwyfau masnach = nwyddau masnach,

123. Each one of the foliowing words might, iftaken separately, be held for a scribal error, but the concurrence of ail four altered in the same way is a moment weighing considerably in favour of their authenticity. Cf. vthuthau Tit. D 22,

I . Voir t. IX, p. 164; t. X, p . 105; t . XI, p 68; t. XII, p. r 5 2 .


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370 Nettlau.

f. 13 b ufudd and uddyf Sp.; kleddydau in Lyfr Huw Llyn and Jes. Coll. Ms. 141, see 18 cleddyf, cleddeu clefydeu (d = dd), B. of Herg., Ll. Giv. Rh., see 18; Hwyll bendeddig Dyved, Ll. Achau, p. 64 pendefig Peredur penwetic B. of Carm, p. 30; o wir broftwyd dioddeddfawr Add. Ms. 15038(1575), f. 71 b (= o wir prophwyd dioddefawr in Add. Ms. 14973) dioddef Add. Ms. 14921 (leth cent.) diofedd f. 39a, 44a, diofeddoedd 3 . sg. fF. 5 b, 12 a, 16 a, 18 a (2); (dioddefoedd f. 16 b); (ib. yddyf f. 43 a yfy'i'^ f. 26 b); jofadd in Neath (= dioddef, diofedd).

124. In gwyryf, gwyrydd, gwyry, gwyra (on which see 102), besides which gwyrf, f. gwerf pure, fresh Sp. exists, a form not clear to me, f seems to be changed into dd in ymenyn gwyrdd, quoted by D. S. Evans for ymenyn gwyrf, gwyra. Spurrell h as gwyrfio, gwyrfedd, gwyrdra and even gwyr; gwyr if its exists at ail is abstracted from gwyrdra, where f was dropped between other consonants.

125 . dd is the original consonant in fanodd for y ddannodd, toothache, eifil slender (eiddil) in Carnarvonshire (Sweet, p. 429). D. S. Evans, Ilythr. gives NorthW. difiau, SouthW. dyddiau; I cannot decide whether difiau sprang from yddjau or from dywjau, both of which is possible. Perhaps also adduno, eidduned, godduned and gofuned might be quoted here; y gouunet hwnnw Ll. Gw. Rh. p. 222, godunnet p. 240, both on p. 328 ?

126. meneginaeth for meddeginaeth occurs very often in certain Mss. Cf. Jes. Coll. Ms. 141 (Dares Phrygius) yw veneginiaethv f. 42 a, 43 a, etc. meneginiaethu f. 24 b, 25 a, 27 b, 30 b, etc. meneginaeth is always used in the modem transcript of this text, made in 1801 from one of PaulPanton's Mss., see my Beitr. p. 14 (Add. Ms. 15042). Gr. Roberts, Gramm. I p. 72 meneginiaeth; r feneginieth fawr, Y drych christ., f. 44 b; also Rhaesus gramm. 1595: menginaeth. Add. Ms. 14913 (SouthW.) mynyginieth f. 78 a, Uyfr myn f. 75 a (this Ms. deals exclusively with medical matters); Add. Ms. 15038 na menignaytho neb kleifion f. 13 b, etc.

127. Final dd after vowels is dropped in the SouthWelsh, more especially I think in the Dimetian dialects. trydy, ped-


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Notes on Welsh Consonants. 571

wery in Tit. D 22 are quoted by Powel amongst the signs of the Dimetian dialect ofthis Ms. (F Cymmr. III); trydy demetice, Davies dict.; SouthW. gwe ychain = NorthW. gwedd ychain, L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14923, f. 132 b SouthW. newy, tywy Y Traeth. III, p. 7; myny, ffor in Pembroke- and Carmarthenshires (Williams in Dosparth Edeyrii); (Harris ?) in Seren Gomer I (1814), 4: mwny; 19: mwni, newi, towi, cf. Y Traeth. I, p. 238 note; Rhys, Rev. Celt. VI, p. 15 newi in a partof Dyfed. Cf. Seren Cymru (dimetian dialect): anwire I, p. 162; dwy flwyne a hanner I, p. 449; o'r gogle II, p. 6, 145; haw III, p. 625 (hawdd), ano ib. (anhawdd, cf. anos = anhaws in Carnavonsh., Sweet, p. 428), lawer dy I, p. 232, dy sul I, p. 231; newy I, p. 212, bod yn llony I, p. 292, celwy I, p. 272, celwi III, p. 465, cwili III, p. 165 (cywilydd), towi III, p. 142, 'ch gili III, p. 265, etc.

128. In ail dialects except in the Gwentian, i fyny, upwards, is used for i fynydd (mynydd). i fynydd is said by E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br. s. v. supra to be South Welsh; in Gwallter Mechain's Works, ed. D. S. Evans III. p. 213 it is quoted as common in the Gwentian dialect. For further particulars see my article on the adverbs (Y Cymmr. IX, pp. 273-4); I will only mention here that y uynyd is, so far as I saw, the only form used in the Red Book Mabinogion (1887), occuring at ieast 17 times; it prevails also in Ll. Gw. Rh., where however y vyny occurs on pp. 54, 61. Another example of an unexplained loss of dd (if it ever existed) is eiste-eistedd, cf. Beitr. 92; eyste A ^p. 5, ed eysteith p. 12 (ib. peduare gur p. Il); S g6r y brenhin yn eisteu ar y llys hono p. 604 (final -eu pronounced -e) etc.

129. Several groups of consonants, containing dd are altered in one or the other way. Cf. geybyll B. of Herg. col. 699 (db ib. twice); gwybed and gwyddbed, -yn culex Davies dict. and see Zeuss Gr. C.^, p. 495; hilo gwyfe/'un a Ihngcy cammel, Y Giuron Cymreig, Caerfyrddin, 20, 5, 1852. archiagon=archdeacon. cathefn battle array Sp. = cad-ddefn. trydydyd, petwarydyd, pymhettyd, chwechwettyd, seithuettyd, wythuettyd etc., see /. Gw. Rh. p. 274, 275. diwedydd the evening ^= diwedd-ddydd; cf. dimet. diwedydd Davies dict.;


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372 Nettlau.

diwedydd in Glamorganshire, dywedydd dydd, y dydd hyd ddywedydd Richards dict., 1753; Glamorgansh. dywedydd = NorthW. prydnawn, Huglies 1822; cf. dywedydd da iti ! from Ebbw Vale, Monmouthsh., Pmc/; Cywm^^, 22, i, 1859; the ordinary formule of greeting is dydd dawch, nos dawch. In the B. of Carm. Nr 30: birr diuedit; H. of Herg. Sk. p. 229 kyn dywedyd.

130, s. Precymric s between vowels became h in Welsh, cf. Zeuss, Gr. C. ^, p. 123. There are however some examples in which e or u is written between the two vowels, being apparently of the same character as u in spellings like teuyrnas for teyrnas, tyrnas (see 93, 94), representing a sound like a semi-vocalic j ? Cf. Ms. A: guayanuhin p. 68, guaiannun ib.; B = Tit. D 2: e guaanhuynar f. 60 b, guaeanhuen f. 27 b; geaeannyn B. of Herg. p. 308, Skene; gwahanwyn Cleop. B 5 f . 17e a, gwanhwyn f. 194 a. OldWelsh guiannuin (^/. Oxon I). gwinwyn is given by Rhys, Kuhn und Schleicher's Beitrgc, VII, p. 234 from the dialect. ofMerionethshire guiannuin has been brought from *visantn-, *vesant en-, cf. skr. vasantas, oldslov. vesna, exactly as chwiorydd contains * svisr-, *svesr-. Gwflt'anwyn rests unexplained like chwaer, the sing. of chwiorydd; but the occurence of *vin both would account for their similarity. eog is *esox; L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 98 a gives many dialectal names of the salmon (cf. also Bycgones I, p. 73), amongst which is in the lower parts about Cardigan they still call the large salmon they take in the sea Hysgod eog pronounced euog . Is this perhaps an instance of a sound like a semi vocalic j being kept between vowels instead of *s, like in gwaeanwyn ? I can say nothing infavour of this assumption, because I know not the vocalism of this particular dialect.

[I hve since found in Y Protestant, Y Wyddgrug a'r Bala, 1,5, 1848, p. 523 euos given for os, ffeuen for ffaen, pleuau for plau, gwasgfeuon for gwasgfaon, odfeuon for odfaon. Of course these different examples are of different kinds, but euos for os is curious and other statements of the same anonymous


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Notes on Welsh Consonants. ^73

writer seem tolerably trustworthy, cf. tranwaith (trannoeth), neuodd, gol'ffon (golchffon), bodlon (boddlawn), cafod, tyfod, gorfedd, Uifo, brifo (w) etc.].

131. s before j + vowels and before and after slender vowels is pronounced sh in SouthWales. The northern dialects do not alter s in these positions, they remplace even engl. sh, ch, j by s, tsj, dsj; cf. the extracts given in the Academy 9, 9, 1876 from Rhys officiai report oftheschooh inspccted... in Flint- and Denbighshire; the natives of these parts pronounce: Tsyarles and Dsyames got a silUng eats for finicing the dsyob, whits they had begun. I hve heard however pronoance welish i mono fo by a native of Anglesey, who said that thy pronounced engl. sh as s in words of not quite famihar use which were still felt as foreign words.

132. As to the SouthW. pronunciation cf. N. Carhsle's topogr. dictionary: sia, sie, sio, s -[- u are pronounced shaetc. in Breconshire; Spurrell, granim. > 24 si becomes sh in SouthW.; Dav. Rowlands, gramm. 1877, p. 128 sheren. Cf. dimet. S. C. mishol, ishe, sharad, mishtresi, be sharna ti; gwent. shwd (nordw, siwt, engl. suit), bishy (busy); yn dishgv^^yl, y shiroedd, ddim shawns (chance), pi. mishtri, gwishgo etc.; Monmouthsh. deishefon ni; pw shiwd, Saish for Sais etc. On sha for tua etc., see Rev. Celt., VIII, p. 69; in Neath ta is used for tua, in Ponty Prydd sha; in Neath: yr diawl, but myn jawl, jocal (diogel), jofadd (dioddef) etc.; yn eitha jogel, Yr Ams. ij, 12, 46 (S. W.).

133. For Enghsh loanwords in the Dimetian diaiect Powel gives following rules: initial s, ],[/-{vowels become sh (shwto, Shac, shinshir), s -f e, i in the interior of words becomes sh-e, -i; nj in the interior of words becomes ns (consurwr); final sh, g after vowels become s (mantes, marnes = advantage, varnish); final n y . plwnsh but shallens (challenge). On z cf. sl, raser; zz: daslo, pyslo (dazzle, puzzle); x: testun (Sp. test-yn, engl. text), esguso (excuse); piccas (pickaxe).

In the Venedotian diaiect: t5ain (chain), dzain; Dzn and 5n (John); brus (brush); kat5Jo (catch) etc., seeSweet; dest adv. == engl. just, Sweet p. 430; cf. in Lewis Dwnn's Revue Celtique, XII. 25


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574 Nettlaa.

Herald Visit. I, p. 43, 176 Dastus o'r Pies, I, p. 51, 52, 88, 97 etc. Dustus or Pies ar Kwrwn besides Ustus o'r Pies ar Kwrwm p. 186 (twice) ^

134. In older texts and Mss. cf. Y S. Gr. syarret35, sywrneioed p. 222, tors, torsseu p. 176 (torcii); yn gware seccyr (playing at checkers) Ll. Gw. Rh. p. 7; Chyarlmaen B. oj Herg., col. 1092 etc.; in Dafydd ap Gw'y m s poems (index): lorsiamp (lorica campi), siap (shape), siartr (charter), sir (cheer), secr (chiecker) etc.. Salesbury, dict. ab ne siak ab (ape), Siosep, siafling a iavelyn, witscrefft, taeds bach gwn a tache, serdsiant a sergaunt, veyads a voyadge etc.; somgar; somgarwch angre (cf. Ll. y Res., NorthW. siommedig = twyllodrus, Northw. siomgaraf= manolaf ); yfed potaes^: suppe potage, but also shiritF, shyreffe etc. In Lewis Dwnn's Her. Visit. I. Cf. Chiasbar p. 127, Baetssler of Art p. 159, Bradssiaw p. 170, Siwletta p. 181 etc. Initial ss*: wynt a ssyrthant, Ms. Cleop. B 5, f. 33 a, ssenghi f. 36 a, 115 b etc., also in other Mss. of later date.

135. /;. In old Breton glosses and inthe oldest Welsh Mss. the two vowels constituting a diphthong and other vowels following upon vowels are often separated by h, which is of importance byshowing the manner of accentuation of these diphthongs. See 115. Cf. Stokes, Rev. Celf., IV, p. 346; in Ms. A: candhahu p. 41, kantahu p. 63, arnahu p. 133, ahust p. 138, brahudur p. 2, llahudyr p. 31, mahurth p. 31, muhenuaur (mwynfawr); entehu p. 63, 70 ae hammehuo p. 71, a hamehuo p. 71, arnehy p. 46, nehuat p. 37, ahu p. 139 (hver; cf. au, afu Sp., auu L p. 242; y llyged, y clustie, y

1. Thomas Huet, the translater of Giueledigaeth leiian in W. Salesbury's N. T. is mentionedin the first volume of ihe HeraUic Visitaiions on p. 193 and p. 152; to the latter passage no note is appended and none is found in the index; cf. p. 152 (1597) Marged gwraig Tomas Huwett mab ag aer Syr Tomas Huweit. kantor o Dy Ddewi ag Ustus or Pies ar Korwm; ib Dustos o'r Pies.

2. Potes (Powel); SouthW. cawl =: NorthW. pottes (7 GwyJ. 1828, also in Seren Gomer 1814, Nr. 19); kawl zzz pottes in geiriadur Gruftudd Hiraethog (see Beitr. p 27) is said to be a Silurian word by Jolo Morganwg (Add" Ms. 15003 f. 169 b). iscell eira, also potes eira, melted snow, in Carnarvonshire (Rhys, Arch. Camhr., loanwords s. v. juscellum).


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Notes on Welsh Consonants. ^75

phroyne, y gene, y dwylo, y gwddw, y gallon, yr au neur afu, y coluddion, yr escyrn, y mer, y drych christ., f. 69 b. E. Lhuyd, A. Brit. p. 67 c ay, avy; p. 11 c: SouthW. avy), sarahet p. 44 (saraeht p. 40, saraebet p., 40), tranhoeth p. 41, tranohet p. 42; yhu p. 3, ebedyhw p. 394, o duhu (duw) p. 16, canmyhu (muw) p. 3; dehosparth h. 36 ?, dohosparth, p. 13, cf. deouot B 44, dohouod A 397, doouot D 44 (gratuity) ?; Hgt Ms. 59 (^Rcv. Celt. VII, 4): liyma doefotda inni 425, weldy yma douot da inni 427.

136. h is apparently dropped yn cwrdd: cyhwrdd etc., but the comparison of e. g. pa fodd and pa wedd, giving pdd from *pfodd and bwedd, of dyfod giving dd from *dfod and dwad, dwad from *d\vod, *dfod shows, that in reality the vowel before h, being unstressed, was dropped and h was lost after the consonant, these new groups avoiding the tedious combination of consonants by dropping the second consonant (as in dd) or altering it in a similar way as in dwad, dwad. So in paham (am): pam, probably in pahar (ar): pyr; see YCynwir. VIII, p. 155. cytwrdd, cyhwrdd, cwrdd likecyfodi, *cfodi(cf. cwad, v. i.), codi; gwahan: gwanieythu, Sweet p. 431, gwahardd: gwardd; cyhoeddus: morgoeddus, Yr. Anu. ^i,j, 56, etc.

137. Besides certain h between vowels, the representants of old*cs, ch and even th are said to occur in dialects. More materials must be at hand before a proper opinion on these forms can be formed. Cf. dehau ^, also de, in SouthW. deche, liable to become dethe, which may also be heard in NorthW. , Rhys, lectures,^ p. 263; ib.eofn, Southw. echon; cf. L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944 ^7^ ^ ^o^^ commonly pronounced ehon and echon in Cardiganshire; on ewn see Beitr. 63. Rhj^s, Revue Celt., VI, p. 18 quotes also cyhyd, coUoquially cychyd and cyd.

The forms of the word for the heron are NorthW, cryr, crydd, cry, SouthW. crychydd (Rhj's); oldbret. corcid, leon.

I . I will mention here an anglicism occuring in a Gwentian i6th cent. poem, edited by Ll. Reynolds, Arch. Canihr. 1880, p 72: ym llaw iawn and ym llaw asav. iawn for dehau like engl. right. The editor says that this example is to his knowlcdge a unique one.


(delwedd B2683) (tudalen 376)

376 Nettlaii.

kerc'heiz; Ms. L, U crychyJ, X, Z cryhyr; latin Laws, Hgt. Ms. cherehyt, Fesp. E 1 1 crehyr, see Beitr. 1 1 1 . These forms point to a precymric stem *corg, in which either as in Breton, Cornisii and SouthW. *rg became rch (in SouthW. * cyrchwas afterwards transposed to crycli- (crychydd)) or * corg became * erg, * cryg and * g was lost reguiarly between vowels (so in the Northw. crehyr, creyr, cryr Hke Lleyn, Llyn etc.); this change was due to a change of the accent, *cerg-, *corg (corch) and * erg (cry[g]-) being both generaHsed in the different dialects.

138. An unorganic h is prefixed to words beginning with a vowel in parts of Glamorgan- and Monmouthshire, whilst organic h is left out; see Rhys, lectures,^ p. 233 and cf. some examples (trom Glamorganshire) given in Dav. Rowhnds granimar, 1877, p. 128: hirwellt, hyfed: ardd (hardd). en (hen), yd (hyd) a lied etc. hyfed is often met with in popular texts, cf. hyved cwrw (from Pyle in Glamorgansh.), Y Gwladgarwr 15, 9, 1860; also in dimet. texts: S. C. yn hyfed III, p. 227, i beido hyfed III, 227 etc. In the Cambr. Journ. N. 207 hanfon, haraf, hadref are given; from the same passage I quote as an addition to my Beiircige 30: about half the sound of i is perceptibly used throughout the middle and eastern divisions in numbers of words as rhiad (rhad), so in gwhad, tiad, niage, rhiaff, hiaff, ceilwydd (sic), ciader, miab, biad, gris, gwias, miaes, cias, cieffyl etc.; from Penbont ar Ogwr to Pont a Ddulas no traces of such pronunciation exist . In Neath: epog (hebog), catar; Pont y Prydd: cjatar (cadr).

It is difficult to trace this peculiarity in Mss. h can always be written before a stressed initial vowel, cf. pa-h-dm and e. g. hyny for yny, oni (until), occuring 14 times in Rev. Celt. VII, 403-427 (: yny), Hgt. Ms. 59. h is omitted e. g. in y dyd h6nn6 educher 5, of Hcrg., col. 838, educher col. 830, or is this an example of old ed * ati ?, kept in the formula educher ?

P, ph, b, f; ff.

139. p. Examples of initial p and b interchanged (see 104)


(delwedd B2684) (tudalen 377)

Notes on Welsli Consonants.:^-j-j

are: per f. spit = br, Sp.; praith, braith, practice Sp.; D. S. Evans llythr. mentions brysglwyni (copse) instead of prysglwyni. In Sal. dict., 1547 potten ne pottel, a bottell, but bytain; byteinwr a hore hunter, in which the form due to the feminine article has been extended by analogy.

140. b. In many words initial b and m are interchanged, since f, their common infected form caused wrong reconstructions in words, the infected forms of which were perhaps more used than the primitive ones or in which other reasons of similar kind prevailed, Thus cf. bigwrn, potius migwrn (the ankle) Davies dict.; beudag larynx, corrupte et meudag ib.; boloch, moloch disquiet, trouble Sp.; bacon, bn, beryw, bid, bodrwy, benyw and maban etc. Sp. mywion, -yn, -en and bywion, -yn emmets, ants Sp.; mywion = morgrug W. Lleyn's Vocabulary; on morgrug cf. D. Rhys Stephen, Arch. Cambr. I, 3, p. 174: the nut shell is still called twmpath (tump; bush Sp.) y morgrug in Southwales and twmpath y myrion in Northwales . E. Lhuyd, Arch. Brit. bodron a sort of flumry; L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944 f. 34 b observes on this word: this thin flummery is in use ail over Wales: succan gwyn in Anglesey, brwchan in Carnarvonshire, hiudran in Cardiganshire ; Sp. s. v. flummery: llymry (= engl. fl.), uwd sucan, mwdran; to brwchan cf. gael. brochan, manx proghan, porridge. Sp. has batingen, -od I. pared turf, 2. sheaf of corn threshed, 3. defloured woman. bating (i) and bieting is engl. peat; bating (2): maten: matau = batingen, mat, -iau (mat. plaited w^ork); L. Morris, Add. Ms. 15025, f. 80 a: battingen a wheat or rye sheafe threshd and the unmangled left straw , engl. mat, matting; batingen (3) is given by L. Morris, Add. Ms. 15025 1. c. from Denbighshire; also by Richard Morris, Add. Ms. 14945 f. 249 a: a young woman defloured, Denbighshire.
Maldwyn for Trefaldwyn, D. S. Evans, llythr. bath and math were desynonymised, see Rhj's, Arch. Canibr., loaniuords s. V. batto. pi. minke Add. Ms. 1492 1 ^meinciau (banks) etc. Cf. Rev. Celt. VIII, p. 528 (breton).

141. Initial v in English loanwords was of course held to be an infectd b or m and accordingly a new primitive form


(delwedd B2685) (tudalen 378)

378 Nettlau.

beginning with h or m was reconstructed. Cf. bernais (Daf. ab Gwilym, poenis, index), marnes (Powel) = varnish; bilain, milain =engl. villain (milain Rhys, yi/ra^^w^' i, 5, 1871; milen, Powel); berf, becso (to vex), bt (vote), melved (velvet); menter, to venture, cf. Han.y ffydd iG^'j NorthW, anturio SouthW. mentro; NorthW. antur SouthW. pcrigl etc.; mentro is very common in SouthW. popular texts.

142. b for m in the interior of words occurs in the loan- word ftwlbert (middle Engl. fulmate, polecat, engl. fuhmart); Sal. dict. fwlbert, a fulmarde; ffwlbart Sp. Richarts dict. has: abwyd, in some places amwyd,- yn a bait to catch fish. Here the apparent change of b and m is identic with their initial change; the unstressed initial a was dropped in pronunciation, cf. adar, deryn, so also abwyd, bwydyn (fwydyn), mwydyn. In Y Gcnincn III, p. 19 mwydyn is said to be a Glamorganshireword; pry' genwair is used for it in NorthW; Sal., dict. pryfgenwair, the reed worme .

143. In a few words initial bw and gw are changed, b being the older sound. Cf. guystuiled B. of Carm., Sk. poem 18; megys gwystuileit LI. Gw. Rh. p. 102, (yr holl uwystui- letp. 226; py u6ystuil bynhac T= Ms. Harl. 958, f. 33 b); Llyfr Giucddi Gyfredin 1586, pref. bwystfil... for corruptlye pronounced gwystvil ; Davies dict. bestfil, gwesttil, bwystiil (fera, belua); efor gwystwil gwullt ene, Yr Ams. 12, 11, 1852; C.f'eiu. T. 'r hen wistwil p. 18, ami'stwilodp. 61 etc. L. Morris. Add. Ms. 14923 f. 133 b: SouthW. gwiall = NorthW. bwyall. an axe (ib. SouthW. wi = NorthW. wy, an egg). In these two instances h is folio wed by wy; I think that the tcndency to alter the diphthong luy into t' -)-_y in syllables before the stress resulted here into producing * bvystfilod and infected *v-\TStfilod, in which latter the two identic or nearly identic v(-(- y) coalesced into om sound, liable to be held for the infected state of gw(-]- y): wy (= vy); so gw would spring from a wrong reconstruction like m for b, prothetic or lost g etc.; *v-ystfilod (wystfilod) gave gwystfilod. Pughe has mwyalch, also pronounced gwyalch. If there is no confusion with gwyach, a grebe, fwyalch treated like fwystfil would explain gwyalch. This woril is myolch in


(delwedd B2686) (tudalen 379)

Notes on Welsh Consonans. 379

Neath, from *mwalch for mwyalch like mynwgl, mwnwgl; o is curious, but in various words o and a in final syllables change in different dialects; in Neath anglodd is the common word for burial, in the plural however the a of angladd is kept.

144. g became b in biach corrupte pro giach = Venedot. ysnid, gallinago minor ; cf. in W. Lleyn's vocabulary giach: ysnitten; W. Morris, Add. Ms. 14947 ^- -75 ^ NorthW. ysnitten; L. Morris, Add. Ms, 14944 f. 128 b dimet. myniar, a snipe (Sp. gach, ysnid, myniar); bret. kioc'h.

145. bach (little) (and its derivtes) is in several directions an interesting word, The initial b rests in the northern dialects even after the feminine article, feminine substantives etc. Cf, L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944, f. 36a: bach an endearing expression; Sionyn bch, Druan bch, ynghalon bch; in Cardigansh.: fy merch fach; ib., f. 32 b 3Twan ich, just now Cardigansh. (yrwan the NorthW. equivalent of SouthW. ynawr, 'nawr is used in NordCardiganshire). Y Traeth. III, p, 9, Venedot, dynes bach, Powysian and SouthW, dynes flich; Rowlands, gramin.'^, 151 NorthW. yr eneth bach; Sweet p. 438 etc. Rhys once used this phenomenon in favour of an etymolog}^ of this word demanding huo primitive initial consonants, Since then latin piccus was held for the source of ir. becc (Be~:{. Beitr. II, p. 266, Revue Celt., IV, p. 345 n.); this etymology has been rejected by Gterbock in his latin haniuords in Irish. (peth) peccan. Ms, y^f p. 58 owes p to the preceding-peth or, if p existed really, could it be of some value with regard to determining the ge and nature of the Northw, fem. bach ?

146. A pecuhar fact, tending to refute the efforts made for the explanation of the northern uninfected fem, bach, is thatb is dropped just in a derivate of bach, vie. in ychydig, chydig, aform very frequent in medieval and later texts, besides which bychydig occurs not seldom; athough the reason of the loss ofb is unknown, bychydig must not necessariby be believed to be the older form kept; it seems to hve regained the b from bychan etc. Cf. ychydigyn Ll. Gw. Rh. p. 252, wedy chydic o amser gwedy hynny p, 222; ychedic Ms, TH. D 22, f. 172 b; echydic, echydic bach a lytell time Sal, dict.; bychy-


(delwedd B2687) (tudalen 380)

So Nettlau.

die o vara LL Gw. Rh. p. 48; p. 89; 75. Gr. 19; gedy bychydic, Brud y Tyzuys., Ms. B, p. 104 etc.

146. b was also lost in bychan, for although to my knowledge never occuring in other than genealogical texts, in Llyfr Achau (1602) ychan, ichan are frequently written for tlie- common epithete Vychan. Cf. Mam Dd ab Hoell ichan, Mam Hoell vichan p. 29, 30; I. ab R. ab Hoell ychan; gwraig M. Dd. Ychan, gwraig Th. M. Dd. ichen p. 25; S. ab Gwallter ichan p. 49; mab lenkin Lloid ighan p. 31. Other forms of this word in the same text are: Thomas vechan p. 24; in the english parts Dd. Hoell Vwghan p. 56, Wogan p. 55 and often; S. Vachan; Vaughan p. 55, etc. In Lewis Dwnn's Herald Visit. I, p. 115 Jeuan Ychan, p. 147 ap Morgan ychan; Wogan is the commonly used form. On other forms in genealogical records etc. see Bcitr. p. 44, where also bwchan is quoted from the living Flintshire dialect.

An other word in which initial v for this, not b, is lost in ychydig, ychan has been dropped is ap, ab for fab, mab; I think the common cause of the loss of f in both was the close connection of these words with the preceding ones ending in consonants or in groups of consonants. In later Welsh ab became a proclitic hcfore the following noun and even lost the unstressed a. This is the wellknown origin of names like Probert, Powel, Pughe, Pryce, Prichard etc. In Lewis Dwnn's Ms. occur e. g. Beinion p. 177, Bowenp. 180, Bifan p. 214, 198, Preinaht p. 165 etc. The sane treatment of macis known to exist in manx, thus Kentraugh = Parry = Harrison etc., see Jenner, Traits, of the Philol. Soc, 1875-76.

148. /. w in iewank (the common form in Ms. Cleop. B 5), the doublet of ieuank, became f: iefank, ifank. Other examples of this change see 20. On the other side f became w (or was at least altered in pronunciation in such a manner as to induce scribes to use w for it) sometimes between vowels, without apparent reason and mostly after consonants, after a vowel between the consonant and f had been dropped. Cf. Add. Ms. 15038, f. 6ob kw\ad ivyny =r=Add. Ms. 14973 (in the same text) cwad i fynu; Add- Ms. 15059 f. 223 a


(delwedd B2688) (tudalen 381)

Notes on Welsh Consonants. 381

cwad. dwad, even dwad (Sweet) and dd =^ dyfod. So in the modem dialects occur: yn sgwenud 17, 7, 56 (Fr Anu.), (ysfenu 30, 10, 56); Sweet p. 429 sgweny = ysgrifenu; sgwarnog =: ysgyfarnog, cwarfod = cyfarfod. C. f'ev. T. jest wal hyn (wel, Arw. 17, 7, 56), fal being in closest connection in pronunciation with the preceding jest (just); 'rhen wistwil (Add. Ms. 31057, f. 109 a a arwain wylltion fwstiledd: the ordinary doublet; either f is dropped or it became w). pa fodd became pdd (from *pfodd). mi gerfum, gyrfum for cyfarfum occurs sometimes (from *cferfum, *cfarfod; the doublet cwarfod is given by Sweet p. 429); cyrchafael for cyfirchafael, L. Morris Add. Ms. 14909, f. 55 b, etc. dywod Add. Ms. 14903, 2ffb (i7th cent); 40 b llyfodraeth, 48a llyfodraeth; fal cafod wlaw, Daf. ab Gwilym p. 398, cawod ry dew o ewyn f. 409.

149. As to w for f between vowels cywaeth for cyfoeth is very often written since the end of the r5th cent, cf. cywaethawc, les. Coll. Ms. 141; cywaithog, cywaythog, cowaethog in Sal. N. T.; kywayth richesse, kywaythoc etc. Sal. dict. i geisyo cowetha mwnws b3'dawl, Y drych Christ, f. 73 b, na hoU goweth y nef f. 74 a, i ddaioni ai goweth, f. 74 b.; cf. also pan y gowynawdd Sal., N. T. f. 64 b etc. I think these cases are identic with the ones just mentioned, cywaethog being merely a historie orthograph, pronounced * cwaethog from *cfoethog; so*gfynodd*gwynodd, written gofynoddetc. In cywaeth (cweth, see Beitr. p. 43) the vowel of the stressed form (o) and the consonant of the unstressed form are combined by analogy.

150. Rhys in Pennaufs tour in Wales I p. 36e explains Rhiwabon as hill of Mabon , rhiwFabon and compares with regard to the lost f Bodorgan in Anglesey from bod- Forgan, Morgan. As to Bodorgan it is curious to note, that Lewis Dwnn very often writes Bod Gorgan, cf. Her. Vis. I o Vod Gorgan Sir Vn p. 178, off Bodgorgan p. 157; II (1685) o Vodgorgan p. 127, 128, 138, Bodgorgan p. 204, Bodgorgan p. 128 (besides o Fodorgan p. 76, o Vodorgan p. 127 (2) etc.). Many names of localities commencing with ty (house) are invariably pronounced with bod by the people of


(delwedd B2689) (tudalen 382)

82 Nettlau.

Anglesey. fis sometimes omitted in the vicinity of u and w, cf. gweus and gwefus (lip); au and afu (livc-r: Icon. avu, vann. ahu. ehu; see 135); awyn and afwyn (habena); oldW. louber, tri. Oxonl; Add. Ms. 12 193 (15 io)lleuver 16 a, 16 b etc.; lleuer and lleufer Sp., Davies dict. has also meuedd- meufedd, neuedd-neufedd, diwyn-difwyn. he'yd (hefyd) is always used in the Monmouthshire texts in Punch Cymraeg, Nr. 38, 29. 1 do not know the particular conditions etc. of this loss of 1. E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br. p. 115 s. v. pavo . payn, dimet. poin, Glam. pawon; ib. p. 239 SouthW. pawyn, pawen, peacock.

151. In modem dialectal texts If is often written for f; cf. C. fau. T. if 'holit oes p. 258, yn dal i'hunau p. 50, iff"iechyd i p. 74, i geisio ff'hudo ine p. 485, sy 'n tfy hen wraig i p. 360 etc.; fflythyre Yr Amserau 27, 8, 185 1, arna ffunan (t -\- h) etc. Here ff was evidently caused by the foilowing h, Hke in hanlfwy etc.; hanffodol, hanifod for hanfodol hanfod are mentioned in Caledfryn's orramm^r, - p. 58, by D. S. Evans etc. In Mss. of the i6th and I7th centuries, seldom in earher ones ff for f in other positions occurs sometimes, cf. Y Ilyffyr hwnn Add. Ms. 14912, f. 31b; llotfryd, Ms. S. f. 6 a, gwyaffty, f. 38 b; Add. Ms. 149 13 y kylaff f. 51a (cLaf), gayatf f. 53 a, ran vwyalf, yr han (= y rhan) vyaif etc.; Add. Ms. 1492 1 cyioythoc f. 38b, tyfoedd (tyfodd) f. 45 b, heffyd f. 2 b, 44 a, affon and afon f. 28 a, 37 b, 39 b, alfonydd f. 14 b (but also kyrf f. 1 1 b, ar ycha fon f, 19 a (ifon), frwthay f. 28 a (tfrwythau); Add. Ms. 14973 (1640) rhyfedd, ryffedd f. 41b, ilfydd f. 79 b, iffidd f. 79 b, 80 a; drosoif and angof rhyme, f. 62 b; Lew. Dwn I, p. 5 dav ffrenhinoedd etc. Most of these spelHngs must be considered as inaccuracies, though in some instances perhaps the orthograph tf for f may be the historical resuit of certain causes. Since in middleWelsh f was written for u of earlier texts, some scribes used in transscribing older texts, in which u is used, f and u together, e. g. diodefuawd Ll. Giu. Rh. p. 249, ufuydach p. 217 etc., see Zeuss, Gr. Cclt. p. 112. Now the nextcoming scribes mav be supposed to hve written ff for xhese fu (=- f, u), so e. g. in Add. Ms. 19709 (i4-i5th cent)


(delwedd B2690) (tudalen 383)

Notes on Welsli Consonants. 38}

eiriff f. 40 b, baraff f. 46 a, and in the above quoted examples from Add. Ms. 149 12 and 2235e.

152. Final f is not pronounced since at least the i6th cent. It is hardly necessary to give examples of this fact; cf. e. g. Add. Ms. 14906, f . 9 b a wnaf and ymaf rhyme (ymaf written for yma, since gwnaf is pronounced gwna); in SouthW. poems pentrc/- eistedd- hosanaw rhyme (pronounced pentr^ish^^- 'sang), L. Morris, 1762; Hope, Cyfaill i'r Cymro rhymes cyfadde and mynne (3. sing. mynnai) etc.

Davies dict. has plu, -en, -yn pluma, dimet. plf, -yn; E. Lhuyd too gives NorthW. plyo, SouthW. plyfo to plume {Arch. Brit. s. v, deplumo). These divergences are the work of two analogies working in different directions; either plu was introduced into plufyn, plufo (pluyn, pluo) or pluf- Irom pluf-yn, plufo was also used by analogy, f thus being apparently kept in the end of words. However I heard that e. g. haf, summer is also used, besides ha.

153./. On ff and th see 1 17; on engl. long fetter in Welsh see36. Thegroup c -(- i" became cw in the loan words breccwast and picwarch (breakfast, pick forke); see Powel, Dimet. loamuords; brecwastu Cann. y Cymry 1672, p. 210 (ib. brecffast); brecwest C. f'cw. T. p. 157; brekwast, Sweet p. 430. wo became wain picwarch, like wo in cwad (cyfod), dwad (dyfod) etc.

154. In conclusion I will give a list of examples of consonants transposed without apparent reason, though certain groups of sounds avoided and others fovoured can be discerned; the changes of yr-ry, dn-ndd etc. hve been quoted above; here the metatheses extendingover more than two consonants or syllables aregiven.

. blaguryn vimen, virga et bagluryn, Davies dict.; blaguryn o symlyn ferch, Daf. ab Gwilym, poems p. 293; LJyfr Gweddi Gyjfredin 1586 o Ddauid vagluryn cyfiawn (marg. vlaguryn, gangen).

clasgu and casglu; clasgu (and gomrod, onli) is said by L. Morris to be SouthW., see 44; Hughes 1822: SouthW,


(delwedd B2691) (tudalen 384)

384 Nettlau.

clasgu, cwidyll. Sal. N. T. a gasclavvdd and a glascavvdd, f. 271 a; cf. Breton klask (leon.), klask, klac'h, Vann. and in Batz (Ernault, dialect of Bat^, p. 11).

lystys: ar f'ystlyse i, C. fcw. T. p. 35, flystyse i p. 31.

llysywen and yslywen, eel, st^Beitr. p. 44; slwan, Swcet

p. 431-

Kenslys bail, Sweet p. 431 = cenllysg; cf. E. Lhuyd, Arch. Brit. s. v. grando: kenlhysg SouthW. kessaer; lolo Morganwg, Add. Ms. 15003. f. 169 b says that kessair (cenllysc) in Gr. Hiraetbog's dict. is a Silurian word. llaswyr:= sallwyr, Rbaesus ^raww., p. 128, Davies dict. etc.. llasswyr Gr. Roberts, Gramm. p. 72 etc.

SoutbW. kwidhilforNorthW. kwibdb isgivenby E. Lbuyd, Arch. Br.; (cywilydd sbame); cf. cywyddyl Y Traeth II, p. 34; Cann. y C. 1672 yn ddigwiddyl (marg. ddigwilydd); Punch Cymr. shaw o gwiddyl, Nr. 29 (Ebbw Vale) etc. giddyl for gilydd, Spurrell gramm. 5 99; at'u giddyl, Y Bedyddnur VIII p. 106 (Monmouthsh.); iw giddil, Yr Ams. 9, 3, 48; ib. mor ddigwiddil; aped 4, 5, 48 etc.

tarfeisment (advertisment), Yr Arw. 11, 12, 56 wel d\vertisment 18, 5, 1848, Yr Ams.; 'n gwnslab (constable; q. whether by popular etymology from cwn and engl. sLab ?) C. f'ciu. T. p. 259; of course these may be corruptions made on purpose, but they show the Hneson which such corruption Works.

swigan = chwysigen Sweet p. 431.

wsnoth for wythnos; NorthW. wsnos, see 116.

tangneddyfand tangnefeddsee5f//r. p. 45 (read there Hne 32 Tunccetace (Rhys, ^ Nr. 72, -Nr. 77) and cf. Stokes in Be:;x- Beitr. IX, p. 92; Tuccetaci 1. c. I wrongly quoted from memory, but Tincetace p. 78 also wrongly from Loth's Focab. p. 5).

SouthW. rhegedog, L. Morris Add. Ms. 14944, ^^3^'^ rhegedog (rhedegog)\is gramm. p. 128; cf. B. of Herg. avon regedac col. 6s8; Didr. Casgliad p. 255 nant regeda6c (Odorics travels; cf. nant in NorthW. is glyn cul [a narrow Valley], in SouthWales afonig fechan [a streamlet] Y Brython III, p. 52; see also L. Morris, Add. Ms. 14944 f. 131a and


(delwedd B2692) (tudalen 385)

Notes on Welsh Consonants. ^8$

Sp. dict.: a brook a dingle); Ms. Tit. D 22 ac nyd oed yno dim d6fyr onydychydic o dyfyr rygeda6c f. 144 b (= C. Br. SS. p. 107); Add. Ms. 14921 f. 20 b yn regedoc etc.

NorthW. eskob SouthW. esbok, E. Lhuyd, A. Br., Williams, lex. Cornubrit. p. 137 a: esgob, vulgo esbog; L, Morris, Add. Ms. 15059, f. 148 b: in Carnarvonsh. often esbog; cf. modem Cornish ispak; ir. intespoc, Nenn. p. 68; gael. easbuig; manx. aspick.

mordwyo (to go by sea); in Brud y Tyw. y mord6ya6d, B. of Herg.: mor6ydaed Ms. B (dimet. dialect) p. 328, mor6yda6 p. 354 and so always in Ms. B (p. 317, 346, 362).

aped (atteb): C.f'eiu. T. p. 152, S. C. III, 545 etc.; aped, apedwch Y Gwladgarwr, 1860 (2 and 30. 6), Aberdare, etc.

wmed for wyneb (i6th cent.), see 46; matcyn for napkin see 46; mencid, bentig, mentig for benthyg, bentfyg see 118; diofedd for dioddef (i6th cent.; cf. also gofedd and goddef, Powel loaniuords), uddyf and ufudd, clefydd and cleddyf, penfeddig and pendefig see 123.

Max Nettlau.


Revue Celtique. Tome IX. 1888. 64-76.


Revue Celtique. Tome X. 1889. 105-121.


Revue Celtique. Tome XI. 1890. 68-79.


Revue Celtique. Tome XII. 1891. 142-152.


Revue Celtique. Tome XII. 1891. 369-385.




a A / / e E / ɛ Ɛ / i I / o O / u U / w W / y Y /
Ā / ǣ Ǣ / ē Ē / ɛ̄ Ɛ̄ / ī Ī / ō Ō / ū Ū / w̄ W̄ / ȳ Ȳ /
ă Ă / ĕ Ĕ / ĭ Ĭ / ŏ Ŏ / ŭ Ŭ /
ˡ ɑ ɑˑ aˑ a: / : / e eˑe: / ɛ ɛ: / ɪ iˑ i: / ɔ oˑ o: / ʊ uˑ u: / ə / ʌ /
ẅ Ẅ / ẃ Ẃ / ẁ Ẁ / ŵ Ŵ /
ŷ Ŷ / ỳ Ỳ / / ɥ
ˡ ɬ ŋ ʃ ʧ θ ʒ ʤ / aɪ ɔɪ əɪ uɪ ɪʊ aʊ ɛʊ əʊ /

ә ʌ ẃ ă ĕ ĭ ŏ ŭ ẅ ẁ Ẁ ŵ ŷ ỳ Ỳ

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