kimkat2915k Observations On The Welsh Verbs. Max
Nettlau, Ph.D. (Fiena, Ymerodraeth
Awstria 1865 - Amsterdam, Yr Iseldiroedd 1944)
22-11-2917
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OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS.
BY MAX NETTLAU, Ph.D.
Y CYMMRODOR, THE MAGAZINE OF THE HONOURABLE SOCIETY OF CYMMRODORION.
VOL. IX. 1888.
Pp. 56-119, 259-304.
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■ 56 OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. BY MAX NETTLAU, Ph.D. The present paper has been compiled upon the methods used in my articles on the Welsh vowels (Beiträge zur cymrischen Grammatik, 1), in that upon the Welsh consonants (Revue Celtique, to appear in Jan. 1888), and in that upon the Welsh pronouns (Y Cymmr., vol. viii). The study of the Welsh verb is attended with greater difficulties, both internal and external, than that of the pronouns; for while these isolated words can easily be traced through the successive periods of the language, we have, in the case of every verb, to distinguish between the characteristic form of its stem and the verbal terminations. The syllables forming the latter were dropped in Welsh, according to the laws governing the phonetic treatment of final syllables, and the actually existing endings are the result of the different sounds characteristic of the stems, modified by the influence of the lost original terminations. A classification of verbs is therefore the first requisite, and the solution of this problem will, in all likelihood, be furnished by the variety of terminations still existing in some parts of the verb. Cf. 3rd sing. Pres. -awt, -it; Pr. Sec. -ei, -i, -awd; s-Aor. -es, -as, -is; plur., -assom, -yssom, -som; pass. -ir, -awr; Part Pret. Pass. -et, -it, -at; etc, But by the analogical prevalence of some of these endings the scheme of the Welsh verb has been, during the history of the language, reduced to such a degree of uniformity that only by a full collection of Middle-Welsh materials, which are at present accessible only to a |
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■ 57 OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. limited extent, coupled with an equally methodical scrutiny of the Cornish and Breton languages, could the necessary foundation for further procedure be obtained. For this task the materials at present at my disposition are inadequate. I propose, however, in the following paragraphs to review some other less noticed questions respecting the Welsh verb. Evander Evans's Studies in Welsh Philology, and Rhŷs's article on the Verb in the Revue Celtique, vol. vi, are the most useful papers extant dealing with this portion of Welsh grammar. The arrangement of these paragraphs is made to conform to that in the Grammatica Celtica (pp. 2/ 505-606). A. — PRESENT INDICATIVE ACTIVE. §1. Evander Evans (Studies in Cymr. Philology, §13) first recognised -ydd as a termination of the 2nd pers. sing., corresponding to the regular Cornish (-yth, eth) and Breton (-ez) terminations: — pyr nam dywedyd, B. of Tal., p. 145; ti a nodyd — a rygeryd — o pop karchar, p. 180; truan a chwedyl a dywedyd, B. of Herg., p. 231 (Skene); etc. Also in old proverbs: gwell nag nac addaw ni wneydd. I found in Add. MS. 14,921 (16th cent.), modise fidei quāre dubitasti .... hyny yw tydi o ffydd wan pam y ofnydd (corrected by another hand into ofnydi). (1) Davies (Gramm., 1621) gives cery as a Dimetian and poetical form for ceri; and Rhŷs (Rev. Celt,, vi) restores diwedy in B. of Carm., p. 57, by means of the rhyme. I suppose -i and -ydd to be the endings proper to the verbal j-stems; they are doublets, like -i and -ydd, -edd, in the nominal jo- and jā- stems, caused by different accentuation, and contain the secondary ending -es, like Ir. asbír. *Ber-es (1) E. Evans (Stud., §16) gives from Huw Llwyd of Cynfal (Cymru Fu, p. 352, a book which I do not know): nac a ofuith moi gefnu (whose desertion thou wilt not fear), which he holds to be the 2nd sing. Opt. in -yth instead of -ych. |
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■ 58 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS.
would have given *ber, like *beret, and was probably lost by this coincidence. In the later language cari is used, like carwch, tarawch, for cerwch, tarewch, etc. (Rowlands, Gramm., 2/216). §2. The various existing types of the 3rd sing., using the same verb as an example, are: dodid, *dodod, dod, dyd, *dodo, doda, dodiff, dodith. -id and -od (-it, -awt, -ot) are those which present the greatest interest. They are known from the old Brythonic glosses: cf. istlinnit, Juv.; dodiprit, Lux.; doguolouit, Orl.; crihot, Lux.; cospitiot, fleriot, Orl. Evander Evans (Studies, §5, 14, 19) gives numerous examples of -it and -awt from Middle-Welsh texts; cf. also B. of Carm., 4: chwerdyt bryt 6rth a garo; dyg6ydyt gla6 o awyr; megyt tristit lleturyt llwyr; chwennelcyt meuyl ma6reir; 29: ottid, tohid, gulichid, gwasgarawt, llwyprawd, etc. (Evans). Evans's most interesting remark is: "The Irish -id of the 3rd sing. Pres. Ind. Act. is not used in subjoined verbs, that is, in verbs following certain particles, among which are the negatives ni and na and ro; this idiom obtains also in Welsh" (§14, 1873). He goes on to quote sentences like the proverb: trengid golud, ni threing molud (Myv. Arch., iii, p. 177), and says that he found -id only in absolute verbs. The Ir. 2nd and 3rd sing., asbir — beri, asbeir — berid contain different sets of endings: *beres — *beresi, beret — *bereti (see Beitr. zur vergl. Sprachf, viii, p. 450). So we have in Welsh: cymmerid (*bereti), carod (*carāti), and cymnier (*beret). The subjoined forms of the simple verb are used in Irisb, as in Welsh, if the verb is enclitic, after the negations, etc. This accounts for the disappearance of the absolute forms, which were analogically supplanted by the subjoined ones. §3. Very curious are the examples given by Evans(§19) for the3rd sing. of the s-Pret, (- essit, -yssit, -sit), which, in the examples given by him, have to all appearance the meaning of the active (pregetbyssit, kewssit, delyssid, |
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■ 59 OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS llygrassyd, etc). These forms are evidently based upon the secondary preterite (dalyassei, cawssei); but they may have sprung from an analogical imitation of dodid: ni dyd, by *cewssid: ni cafas (?). — The present in -id is often translated as an imperative. Davies (Gramm.) has: imp. cared, non nusquam cerid: cerid duw fi. The proverb: chwareid mâb noeth, ni chwery mâb newynawg (Myv. Arch., (2) p. 843), is given in Y Traeth,, iii, as hwareuid m. n. in South Wales, and chwareued m. n. in North Wales. In proverbs -id often survives; cf. Hengwrt MS. 202, Prov. 64 (14th cent.): dighit rỳwan elit rýgadarn == Myv. Arch., 2 p. 843: diengid gwan, elid rhygardarn; ib.: elit ysguba6r gan dryc torth = Myv. Arch., (2) p. 845: elid ysgubor gan ddrygdoith, etc. — On -aw, -o, see Evans, Stud., §17. §4. The following verbs ordinarily form the 3rd sing. (subjoined form) by so-called inflection of their vowel or vowels. The following enumeration is probably very incomplete. A: pair, gaill, pairch, llaim, saiff, ceidw, geilw, lleinw, teifl, deil, ymeifl; efe a deaill (Barddas, i, p. 30). E: gwyl. O: try, ffy, cly, cny, tyrr, rhy — rhydd, gylch, llysg, trych, cyll, dyd (gwrthyd), cysyd, deffry, cyffry, dicbyn (Davies); a ddiylch, Add. MS. 14,973, f. 106b (dieylch, Casgl. Didr., f. 520a). The inflection extends over more than one syllable (1): envyn, B. of Herg., col. 1101; erys, ervjll, Williams, Hgt. MS., ii, p. 332; gedy, tery, eddy, gwerendy (gadaw, taraw, addaw, gwarandaw); ef a edy, Y S. Gr., 192; and edeu, B. of Herg., cols. 632, 823; yd emedeu, Ll. Gw. Rh., p. 151; a dereu, pp. 53, 232; gwerendeu, p. 36; a warendeu, p. 85, etc.; ettyl, gweryd (gwared), derllyn, merchyg, gweheirdd, ni wesnyth, ettib (atteb), Add. MS. 15,059, f. 209b. -- (1) Cf. from Ll. Gw. Rhydd.: y gwetwery, p. 72; a phan vyrryyssynt hwy, p. 203 (bwrw); gwerendewch, p. 218; pann ymwehenynt, p. 52; gwerendewis, p. 110; yr honn y gwyssyneitheisti yn llauuryus, p. 149. MS. Cleop., B 5: gwesseneithyt, f. 114b; pei gedessyt yn vew, f. 129a; a werchetwys, f. 135b. MS. Tit, D 2: e gueheneyst ty, f. 48b. Cf. aìso oldBreton ercentbidite gl. notabis (Bern,), from arganfod. |
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■ 60 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS. Geill represents *galjet; these j- stems are not to be confounded with the derivative j- stems, of which the 2nd sing. gwyddydd is formed. A part of them are old; cf. Breton quell — W. cyll, etc. The formation of this person and that of the 3rd sing. s-Pret., the Part. Pret. Pass., and in a certain degree the 2nd preterite, form sets common to many verbs, and will permit the establishment of verbal classes, if the materials are fully collected. For there are numerous neologies and dialectal preferences for certain endings, and the same will more or less be the case in Cornish and Breton. So we have dyd — dodes — doded; llysg — llosges- — llosged; etc, but geilw — gelwis — gelwid; ceidw — cedwis — cedwid; teifl — tewlis — tewlid; caiff — cafas — cafad; etc. §5. These old inflected formations (dyd) are dying out, and in the modern language the types cara and ceriff, cerith, are common. -a is taken from the derivative verbs in âf (-aaf *-agaf, Ir. -aîgim); see Evans, Stud., §15. -iff is printed in Aneurin and Taliessin (gogwneif hessýlhut gwgýnei [leg. gogwýnei?] gereint, "posterity will accomplish what Gereint would have done", B. of An., p. 89; ef g6neif beird byt yn llawen, B. of Tal, No. 37 = Myv. Arch., 2p. 52a); but I have not found it in Middle-Welsh texts. Salesbury, New. Test.: amylhaiff, f. 39a; aiff, f. 84a; gwnaiff, f. 1576. Gwel. Ieuan: nyd eiff ef, f. 377a; efo eiff, f. 387b; ef eiff, f. 392b, etc. Griffith Roberts, Gramm., p. 60 (262): ceriph ne car. Y Drych Christ.: efa wanheiph ag eìph yn lesc, Bl; ni edewiph, B2b; ef a wneiph, Clb, etc. Some writers use it excessively often, like Charles Edwards in Hanes y Ffydd (1677); but in the literary language it is avoided. In modern dialects -iff (and -ith) are common. Cf. Davies, Gramm,: jam dudum vulgo ceriff, periff, rhoddiff (following ceiff). Richards, Gramm.: sefiff, torriff, lleddiff. Iolo Mss.: fe a wnaeff, p. 283; a wnaiff, p. 284; a ddielyff, ib. Add. MS. 14,979 (17th cent.), f173a. ni wnaeff ddim yn i amser, . . . ni wnaiff ddim . . .; E. Llwyd: pwy binnag a edrichif (Arch. Brit., Pref.). Add. MS. 15,005, f32b: lleddiff; f. 49a: hi ddwidiff, etc. Hope, Cyf. i’r Cymro, 1765: os misiff ddwad, p. viii |
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■ 61 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS. ("if he fails to come"). Lex Cornnbrit., p. 12lb (North-Welsh): dyff or deyff for daw. Yr Arw. (Pwllheli): mi yiff, 17, 7, 56; y gnyiff o (ni chyiff, 2, 10, 56). Y Bed. (Monmouthsh.): fe leiciff, viii, p. 107, etc. (1) §6. I have found -ith only in texts of this century. Rowlands, Gramm., 4/80, has the colloquial endings -iff, -ith, or -yth. Cf. Yr Arw: dyudith (says), sonith, gofynith, 20, 1, 59. Cab few. Tom.: mi eith, p. 33 (= fe á); gneith, p. 46; os na newidith o i ffordd, p. 33; ne mi 'drychith o ar f 'ol i, p. 106; thewith hi byth yn dragowydd (ni th.), a mi 'ddawith ddwad rwsnos nesa, p. 137. Ser. Cymru: na cheith, i, p. 252; os na ofalith e, i, p. 272; cheith (ni ch.), ib.; etc. §7. -iff has heen explained as an erroneous ahstraction of a termination from ceiff. Caffael, cafael, cael, exist; from the two sets, caffaf, ceffi, ceiff, and câf, cei, câ, cei and ceiff were selected; and in consequence of the preference for these two forms, eiff, gwneiff, parheiff were first analogically formed, and afterwards -iff was transported even to car: ceriff. This is clearly proved by the presence of e for a (ceriff: ceri, car), which could not have heen caused by infection at so late a date, but is the old infected e of the 2nd sing. Seiff, from sefyll, sefyd, is caused by the coexistence of caffaf and cafaf. -ith may be a phonetic change of -iff; cf. benffyg — benthyg; dattod — dathod — daffod; dethol — deffol. But if it be genuine, as it can of course by no means represent an old dental ending, it may have been taken from aeth, gwnaeth, (1) In the MS. A of the Laws (ed. Owen) gwataf is often printed for the 3rd sing. Cf. pp. 501, 506, 507, 509, 510, 527: os gwa’af tyst . . . .; onys gwataf yr amddifynwr yr krair . . . .; ony wataf yr a. yr kr. . . .; ac o gwataf ef hyny . . . .; o gwataf ef, etc. In this MS. f and ff are used for both f (v) and ff (f): a fa le ymaen, p. 502; eff, wyff, p. 497; addeff, p. 509. There occur also wyntef, p. 528; atof, p. 523 (= atto); weydy hyny, p. 529; argloyd, p. 527; yewn, p. 524. Gwataf, if not, in spite of its frequent recurrence, an error, is either gwata (f not pro- nonnced) or gwataff (cf. eff), a form not elsewhere met with. Perhaps -af is written for eff, and this for -eiff, a in final syllables being pronounced e in certain dialects; cf. oedren, anhowddger, rwen, rheitiech, etc, in the late Powys. Add. MS. 15,005. |
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■ 62
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS. etc.; not directly, since they are
preterite, but, as I suppose, the alteration of -iff into -ith was caused by
the influence of aeth, etc, pronounced aith or th, iff and the erroneously
detached *-ith of aith bein^ both reçarded as real terinina- tions, and -ith
thns partly replacing -iff. Even ceiff is ceith in dialects; see §6. B. —
COXJUNCTIVE AND OPTATIYE. §8. There is a growing tendency in Middle-Welsh to
supplant the terminations of the optative by those of the conjunctive, i.e,
oe (oy) and wy in the lst and 3rd sing. and 3rd plur. by o, with the
exception only of the lst sing., in which -wyf and -of are both used. Oe
occurs only in the oldest MSS., and in the North- Welsh Laws. Cf. (lst sing.)
MS. A, p. 58: nydoes kenyvi atalloef ycgnic (sic, to you) namin vimare
ahunnu nys taluaf (sic) ycgui ac nis gustlaf. (3rd sing.) B. of
Carm., 18: creddoe (guledýchuỳ, 16; dirchafuỳ, 18, etc. B.
of Tal., 18: molh6y, roth6y, 19). 3rd plur. -oent occurs very often in
MS. A: eny kafoent, p. 5 (gymeront, MS. D); pan uenoent, p. 10
(pan y mynho, D); palebennac edemkafoent er efeyryat ar dystein ar
enat (ymgaffo, D), pan ranoent er anreyth, p. 16; ar e gladoet
ackauarfoent ac Aruon, p. 50; bed a deuetoent, p. 389 (dywett6ynt, G, U);
dim or a deuetoent (dywet6ynt, G, U); guedy edemdauoent, p. 397;
kinguibot bet a dewedoent, p. 73 (beth a dýwettoent B. D. K.;
dýwettwýnt C), etc. (pp. 51, 55, 65, 74, 127, etc). In MS. Tit., D2 (=
B) -oent seems always to be used. Cf. ac na wnelhoent dým namýn can e gýghor,
f. 4a; pan gýmerhoent, pan venhoent, f. 5a; pan ranhoent hvý,
f. 7b; pa le bennac ed emgaffoent, f. 15a; mal e delehoent, f. 21b;
pan emchuelhoent, f. 60b, etc. (more than 24 times). MS. Calig.,
A3 (=C): Ac o gwedý e datkanoỳnt ýdaw ef; hỳt en e lle e delýoent
ý heprwng, f. 168b; ket anawoent, f. 198a; pan delhoent, f. 190b;
na phlyccoent, f. 191b; a kýmeroent, f. 194b; hỳt e
delwỳnt pellaf, f. 169a; mal e delýwýnt, f. I73a; kaffwỳnt,
f. 178a, et'c. Addit. MS. 14,931 (= E): pan uýnhoýnt, f. 4a;
pan rannoent, f. 6a; pale bỳnnac ýdýmgafoýnt, f. 12a (=
B, f. 15a); a gýfarfoent, f. 17a; val ỳ mýnnoýnt —
talhoent — cýmeront, f. 21a; lle ý dýlýoýnt, f. 21b; ket as
dýcoent, f. 24a; pan deloỳnt, f.30a; pan elhoýnt. etc -
na wnelh6ýnt, f. 3a; hýt ý dýlýnýnt, ýd ergythuýnt, etc. |
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■ 63
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS MS. II (Owen, Laws): dylyoent, dyloent,
galloent, dy wettoent, pp. 736, 741, 760, 768. §9. -wynt is comnion in the
South-Welsh recensions of the Laws, and in Southern Middle-Welsh MSS.
generally. Cf . MS. L (Dimet. Code): ac yn g6randa6 ygneit a delh6ynt or 6lat
yr llys, p. 180 (delhont, six other MSS.); yr hynn auo petrus gantunt ac a
vynh6ynt . . . . y amlyccau, p. 180 (uỳnhont, MSS. N, P, Q), p. 199,
etc. MS. Harl. 958 (= T): a wnelhÓỳnt, f. Yla. MS. Cleop., A14 (=W):
pan fohóỳnt or wlat, f. 496, etc. Ll. Gw. Rhydd.: val y caff wynt
wynteu, p. 98; a arwydocaant y lcenedloed a delwyntrac llaw, p. 277; pona
coffawynt, p. 279; llawer o betheu ereill a deloynt, p. 283 (doyn, p. 276;
moy, p. 279). MS. C'leop., B5: a vrefwýnt, f. 63«; a vỳnhwýnt hwÿ, etc.
MS. Jes. Coll. 141: niegys na allwynt adnabot. . . , f. 144«, etc. (aNorthern
MS.) §10. -of (not in Zeuss, p. 2 512): Ll. Gw. Rhydd.: yny gysgof, p. 137;
or a ouynnof udunt, p. 260. MS. Tit, D22: a wnelof i, f. llh. In the modern
lauguage o is introduced in all persons (-of, -ot, -o, -om, och, -ont). -wyf
is still used (e.g., gallwi, Cann. y Cymry, 1672, p. 481; byth na delw i,
Seren Cymru, ii, p. 505; tra bydw 'i 'n gneyd, Cab. fcw. T., etc). In
Ghrtmmars (Rowlands, Williams ab Ithel) carwyf, -wyt, -wy, -y w, -ym, -wym,
-ych, -wych, -ynt, -wynt are given (used as Pres. Indic.). I doubt whether
these forms have any real existence; ic will be remembered that tlie same
forms of wyf (I am) are sufnxed to all pronouns instead of the older endings
(-of, -af, -yf). §11. -o- is certainly the reflex of the *ä of the conjunc-
tive, and oe has always been referred to the optative; but the phonetic proof
of this is very difficult. Oe (later wy) may be *(i)ë, the Cornish and Breton
-i- *-î- of the non-thematic optative, and both may have exceeded their
proper places (the sing. and the plur.) (?). -i- is not wanting in Welsh.
Zeuss, p. 2 583, gives gwell gwneif a thi (melius faciam erga te), Aneurin,
p. 62 (ed. Williams), without adding any note; ni bydif ym dirwen, B. of Tal,
31, 32, 33, 34 (ny bydaf,39); acos ytóydif ym gwen, 37, Myv. Arch., 2 $.
506;;t minheu |
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■ 64
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS bydif, B. of TaL, Ruhn's Zeitschrift, 28, p.
91, n. 3. To these forms belongs also the 2nd sing. in -yt (Zeuss, 2 p. 512)
and -ych, with cli of the pers. pron., 2nd pers. plur. We may assume that at
the time when the old -t of the 2nd plur. was replaced by ch, the same was
analogically done with the more recent -t of the 2nd sing. (from ti). In
certain cases, indeed, if two forms are identical, though of different
origin, the rational change of one of them may cause a merely analogical
change of the other one; and besides, in this case both are forms of the 2nd
person. Davies, Gramm., gives cerych and carech; Eowlands and Spurrell,
dysgych, -ech, -ot •; Ll. Gw. Rh. } a wyppech di, p. 214; Addit. MS. 31,056
(17th cent.), pen fwriech di nhw ymaith, f. Wb. -ech is caused by the
coexistence of carech and cerych in the 2nd plur. of the secondary preterite,
— an example of the kind of analogy mentioned above. 0. — Secondary Present.
§12. 2nd sing.: Davies, Gramm., says: carit amabas, cerit amares, poet. -ut,
-yd; semper fere -ud. -et is the ordinary form of the modern dialects,
influenced by the 2nd plur. -ech. In tlie plural both -ym, -ych, -ynt and
-em, -ech, -ent exist. Cf. Cann, y C, 1672; pe caet ti, p. 406. Addit. MS.
14,973: letty a gavd pe raedred i ofyn, f. 105/y. Yr Arw,: mi fasat, ouddat,
mi rouddat (yroeddet), 26, 2, 57; pen ouddat ti, 11, 12, 56, etc. (e becoming
a in final syllables in the Venedotian dialects). Cal>. few. Tom.: roeddet
ti, p. 22; na baset ti; osgallset ti fgallasswn); mi gowset ti, p. 30
(cawsswn); ni chlywset ti, p. 61. Scrcn Cymru: cymeraset ti, ii, p. 47; pam
na sharadet ti, p. 146; ceset ti, p. 243 (cafael). §13. The 3rd sing. offers
similar problems to the 3rd sing. I'res., for there exist -ei, -i, on one
side, and -ad on the other, wliich cannot have had the same termination. -i
was first recognised by Evander Evans (Studies in Cymr. Pìiil, §26), and has
been further discussed by Rhŷs (Ecv. Celt., vi). Doi and cai occur in
Middle-Welsh prose texts; cf. B. of Herg.: pa |
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■ 65
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS doi arnat ti, col. 759; Ll. Gw. Rhydd.: na doi
ef, p. 130; y doi ynteu, p. 154; a doi, p. 154; ny doy, p. 207; y tygawd
ynteu y niynnei ef hihi oe hanuod. canys cai oc eu bod, p. 154. -ei becomes
at an early date -e in the colloquial language, as is proved by orthographies
like na dýwettev neb onadunt (Cleop., B 5, f. 6b), hadarnhaeu (S., p. 599,
Laios), a gaffeu (p. 594), peu — veu (p. 597), -eu and -ei being at this
period (15th cent.) both pronounced -e, and therefore liable to be exchanged.
J. D. Ehys, Gramm., p. 128, has gallê. Davies says: vulgo profertur care,
carase, but not before this century, an obseiwation renderecl doubtful to me
by the orthographies above given. §14. -ad, -iad, is restricted to a few
verbs. Bwyad, oedd- yad, gwyddyad, adwaenyad, pieuad occur; see Zeuss, 2 p.
002, Ehŷs, Rev. Celt., vi, p. 47?t. Cf. B. of Eerg.: ymbóyat, cols.
1221, 1223 (Talhaearn Brydyd Mawr, flor. 1380); ny wydyat hi, col. 1108,
etc.; Ll. Giu. Rh.: a racatwaenat, p. 5; nysgwy- dyat, p. 20; Cleop., B 5: ỳ
gwidiat, f. 24«; na wydiat, ff. 32fr, 376; na wỳdýat, f. 37«. Rhŷs
gives gwyddad as a South- Welsh form (N. W. gwyddai). It is almost fche only
one of these forms found in later texts; cf. Add. MS. 12,193 (1510): nevpwy a
wyddiad achos, f. 13&; na wyddiat, f. 22« (Trans- lation of Rolewinch);
Salesbury, N. T.: canys ef a wyddiat f. 46«; pe gwyddiat, f. 40, etc.; canys
adwaeniacl ef hwy oll, f. 134«; also in Add. MS. 14,921 (Translation of
Maunde- mlle); Add. MS. 31,055 (ni wyddiad ddrwc dros dda, f. 34«); Cann. y
Cymry; etc. Y (j) appears also before other verbal endiugs, especially often
in Y Seint Greal. Cf. gwydyat (more than 30 times); a wydywn, pp. 231, 243,
300, 367; oedywn, §57; yr oedywn, pp. 239, 340, 422; ny dathoedywn i, §48;
val yd oedewch chwi, p. 386; ti a aethyost, §13, 19, 44; gwnaethyost, §12,
18; a aethyant, §7, 15; a doethyant, §10, 15; a wnaethyant, §2; pei at
vydewch, p. 143; a phei bydewch, §56. Y is sometimes superfluously written in
this MS.; cf. aelyodeu (limbs), §2; twrneimyeint, §20, 21; mi a
wasanaethyeis, haedyeist, §15, 19, etc. VOL. IX. F |
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■ 66
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSEEVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VEBBS. In other
MSS.: BooJc of Tal., 5: ny wydyem and wydem; B. of An.: gwýdýei, 69, 19; B.
of Ecrg.: ydaethyant, col. 1094; Lì. G-iü. Rh.: doethywch, p. 260 (kawssodyat
lcg. kawssoydat? cawssoedat, p. 224); Hgt., 59; göydynt, R. C, viii, p. 9.
§15. The explanation of these endings is still extremely uncertain. -iad is
considered as belonging to the â-stems, and its d(t) and the absence of any
infection justify the assumption of the ending -to. -i and -ei may have only
lost a syllable ending in t, otherwise t would have been kept; so they
probably ended in *-e-t, and -i, -ei are the remains of the characteristics
of the stem with the derivative j'. -i is to be explained as the -i of the
2nd sing. (see §1); -ei is regarded by Rhŷs as the ending of the
â-stems; I should take it to be the reflex of *-áj-et. The existence of the
doublets -i and -ydd in the 2nd sing. Pres. enables us to concede the possi-
bility of such forms having existed in this termination, and I rcally think
-awd, -odd, to be a relic of them. Stohes first explained -odd from *-äjet;
-ei is either *-äjet, which I do not believe, or *-ájet. §16. -odd is
replaced by -oedd from, as far as I can see, the 15th century in South
"Welsh, or more accurate.ly, perhaps, in Gwentian texts only. Cf. from
the Boolc of Trcv Alun, near St. Asaph, written by Gutyn Owain: a gynnalioed,
p. 629 (twice); Owen, Laws: a camgynnaliocdd, a lithroedd, pp. 629, 630. In
Salesbury's N. T., -awdd, -odd, and -oedd are indiscriminately used, but in
the part translated by Huet -oedd, -oydd predominate. In the Gwentian MS.
Add. 14,921 -oedd is the common ending, several times curiously written -edd;
Llyfr Achau (lîreconshire), 1604: priodoedd, p. 8; a wleduchoedd, p. 63,
etc.; Eomil., 1606: pan weddioedd hi, ii, p. 267. Owen Pughe onlinarily
writes -ocdd, as does the periodical, Y Grcal, 1806-9. In vol. i of Scrcn
Gomcr (1814, fol.) several columns are filled with letters and controversies
on -oedd and -odd, but I have not found any dialectal remarhs |
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■ 67
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS of any service in them. -oedd is of course
caused by oedd (was) in such combinations as aethoedd, dathoedd, gwnaeth- oedd,
with the meaning of active preterites. §17. The plur. endings -ym, -ych, -ynt
(-int), and -em, -ech, -ent, are so far obscure as to fail to show by their
phonology to what classes of stems their difference is due. They seeni to
correspond to the Irish second and third series. From the 15th century -eint,
-aint, occur frequently in the 3rd plur., especially in later Gwentian texts.
Cf. Ll. Giu. Rh.\ traweint, p. 184 (trewis, p. 185; tereu, 3rd sing.); a
lauuryeint, p. 213. MS. Cleop., B5: aethasseint (sec. Ä-Pret.); MS. Tit.,
D22: tr6 yrei ybuasseint, f. la; ary messur y buasseint, f. 8a; ysawl a
yniardelweint; etc. Medd. Myddfai: a ddylaint and a ddylynt, p. 296; a
ddywedaint (Owen, Laics, p. 661, written 1685 in Glamorgan). Barddas, i: ag a
ddodaint, p. 40; oeddeint, p. 32; gweddaint, p. 42; a elwaint, p. 52;
gwerthaint, p. 64; medraint, gadwaint, etc. Davies says: poetice -aint and
-ain. These endings seem to be borrowed from the verbs in -âf (*-agaf), like
the -a of the 3rd sing. Pres. Cf. a uuchocceynt, Ll. Giv. Rhyclcl., p. 191; a
wneynt, B. cf Herg., col. 720, etc. D. — The /S'-Peeterite. §18. The Ist and
2nd sing. -eis, -eist, are altered in the modern dialects according to the
phonetic changes proper to the vowels and diphthongs of final syllables. So
we find -es, -est, in South Wales, except in the Eastern Gwentian dialects.
Cf. Salesbury, JV. T.: mi a weles, mi wyles, f. 378b; ti y creest, ib. Scr.
Gymru: gadewes I, iii, p. 226; mi gwmres, p. 524; pwy welest ti, ii, p. 364;
pan glwest, p. 524; wedest ti, i, p. 232 (dywedaist), etc. Y Tyw. ar Gymr.:
ond wetas I, i, p. 95. Aberdare, Y Gwl.: halas i (3rd sing., fyclda), 30, 6,
1860, etc. In the Northern dialects -is, -ist occur from the 16tli century
down. The explanation of them is uncertain, but they are not due to any
analogical neo-formation, since f2 |
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■ 68
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS the same change of ei into i oecnrs, in these
very dialects, in ]ilurals of nonns like llygid (in Denbigh, Flint, and Meri-
oneth, Wüliams ab Ithel),ifinc, bychin, etc, and in cymmint, isio, iste, etc.
(see my Beitr., §92). Davies reproves them ruthlessly: ceris, cerist: summa3
imperitiie, poetice solum fAifíTjTL/cŵ'ì vel eìpwviKÔ)<;. Cf.
Salesbury, N.T.: roist (?), f. -41«. Add. MS. 14,986, 16th cont.: rois, f.
Yob; rois, f. 29« (ceres, f. 32a). Add. MS. 15,059, 17th cont.: mi gollis, a
gefis, f. 223Ò. Add. MS. 31,056: a rois fy myd, f. 176: y doist, f. 106; 15,005:
oscefist, f. 136a. YrArw. (Pwllheli): miarois, na welis i, 17, 7, 56; a ffen
dois— mi glywis, 31, 7, 56; ni welis i mono chi, 13, 10, 56; na welist ti,
11, 12, 56; cefis, syrthis, 26, 2. 57; mi dtffris, mi ail dryehis arna ti,
torist, 9, 4, 57. Càb.few T.: mi gymris, p. 73; mi glowis, p. 49; glywis, p.
7; mi gymist dy, p. 137 (cymmeraist): roist, p. 89; deydist, gelwist, etc.
§19. The ending -ost (-os-t) is proper to buum, búm, and was thence extended
to daethum, gwnaethum, etc, which follow the conjugation of buum. In old MSS.
-ost is found ílIso in other verbs; cf. o buosty ema ty haythost, MS. A, p.
71; ny cheuntoste, B. of Carm., 5; royssosti, 11. Gu\ L'h., p. 129. On the
other hand these few anomalous verbs are in later times assimilated to the ,s-Pret.;
cf. wyddest ti, Y Cyfaill Dyfyr, 1883 (Powys); ti wyddest, Scr. Cyrnru, ii,
pp. 48, 184; a fuest ti, i, p. 272, iii, p. 184; na fuest tithe,ii, p. 423,
etc Pthŷs, Rcr.Cclt., vi,p. 20, gives "bues-ti", or rather,
"biës-ti", as the colloquial íbrm in parts of Soutli Wales, and
compares Corn. fues, ves (Z., 2 p. 562). Since tlicse forms iu -est are
altogether wanting in older MSS., as far as I know, I think it more probable
tliat they represent a literary *buaist; see §18. Williams ab Ithel gives Venedot.
bum, Dimet. buo, bues (lst sing.); Spurrell, Gramm., 3 189: Soulli- V» r elsh
buais, bues, buo; Rowlands, Gramm., 2 248: buais, buaist. Cf. Ser. C, mi
fues, i, p. 411; iii, p. 103. Gwnais, dais, are also given; even eisym; for
in Davics's time, as he says, cersym, caresym, archesym, ceusym, began to be
formed, com- |
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■ 69
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS binations of the s-Pret. with tlie endings of
tlie perfect in -um (later -yrn). §20. The ending -ast is of extremely rare
occurrence, and open to certain doubts. I have found doethast, Eev. Celt.,
vii, p. 450; y deuthast, B. of Ecrg., Mab. Ger. ab Erbin (gwdast, Mab., iii,
p. 88 [Guest]?); pan vwryast ti, Hengwrt MSS., ii, 323; nadywedast, M. (Owen,
Laics, p. 516); Salesbury, N. T.\ a ddaethast ti, f. 12b; canys beth a wyddas
1 ti, wreic, a ged- wych di dy wr, neu beth a wyddos ti, wr . . . ., f. 250.
As gwybod and dyfod are each represented twice among these few examples, the
assumption of -ast as a real termination gains somewhat in probability; the
change of -ost and -ast is either an analogical imitation or a real instance
of the interchange of o and a in the verbal terminations (-om, -ont) in Welsh
itself (buont: buant), and in Welsh compared with Corn. and Bret. (Bret.
queront: W. carant, etc.); see §26. §21. The 3rd sing. ends in -es, -is, -as,
-wys (-ws). Tlie first three of these endings are the reflex of the o-,j- and
ä- verbs, and the Part. Perf. Pass. in -ed, -id, -ad (*-eto-, etc.)
ordinarily corresponds to their formation. The regular rela- tions, however,
between'these two sets of forms and the 3rd sing. Pres., the plural of the
s-Aor. (-assom, -yssom, -sorn), the old passive, certain infinitives, etc,
are so often altered by analogical neo-formations that it would require full
collec- tions from Welsh texts and a comparison with the other Brythonic
languages to ascertain the genuine formations. Cf . a few f orms in -es:
adoles, agores, annoges, anfones, arlioes, bodes, canmoles, colles, cyfodes,
cyffroes, cynghores, ynidangosses, 1 This orthography (wyddas ti) is very
common with Salesbury. Cf. ny wyddos ti, f. 155; ac a weles ti, f. 147; etc.
In Hgt. MS. 2U2, f. 1186, col. 2, line 22 (of the photograph in Y Cymmr.,
vii), gorugos occurs (before a following vowel), an unique example, and not
sumcieot, I thii)k, to justify the assumption of the separate existence of
-os at that tirne. |
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■ 70
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH YERBS. dehogles,
diffodes, dodes, esgores, etholes, ffoes, gosodes, gwrthorìes, hoffes,
holltes, llosces, paratoes, porthes, priodes, rhodes, sodes, torres, troes,
trosses, ymchweles; iu -is: edewis. erchis, ket\vis, dyrcheuis, delis,
kyuhelis, dechreuis, diengis, enwis, gelwis, genis, gwerendewis, cyulenwis,
nienegis, peris, seuis, tewis, trengis, trewis (all from Ll. Gw. Rhydd.).
Gwelas occurs at least 31 times in the texts prìnted from tliis MS., and 24
times in the Mab. (1887); also welat, Ll. Gw., p. 206 (2); Mab., col. 734;
but gweles exists 18 times in L/. Gw. (pp. 302, 305, 309, written welais,
pron. -es), andalsoin otber MSS., e.g. t ILjt, MS. 59: weles, p. 417, viii,
5, 19; welas, p. 431 (ìùv. Celt., vii); etc.; gwelas, gwelad are the commonly
used forms. Peir, peris, paryssei (Ll. Gu\, p. 113), or dieing, diengis,
diengid, dihagyssei (B. of Hcrg. , col. 164), form a regular series of the /-
class. §22. The existence of the termination -wys (-ws) makes the collection
of the primitive forms more diffîcult; for -ws, which occurs also in the
oldest Venedotian MSS., became at a later date a characteristic of the
Southern dialects, in which it supplanted the genuine endings. Cf. deuenus,
MS. A, p. 1; a uarnus, p. 13; e lluydhaus, e delleghus, p. 50; talus, pan
Yihaus (gwrhau), p. 48; MS. B, pp. 473, 469; etc. It is frequent in Ll. Gw.
Bhydd., written -wys and -\vs (pro- nounced -ws). Davies, Gramm., says:
demetice -ws; E. Lhuyd, A. Br., p. 239: S. W. -ws, -es, -ys (-is); L. Morris,
Add. MS. 14,934, f. 25?>; Pughe, Hughes, Williams, etc.; T Traeth, iii, p.
11: S. W. rhows, cafas, rhanws, pryDwys, cwnws, Efustws, etc. In Barddas,
-wys and -wyd are exces- sively common (gwelwys, cafwyd, etc). In modern
texts from Ebbw Vale, Monmouthshire, in P. G. 28, 29, -ws is often used; in Y
Bed., etc. In my opinion, as I stated in Obs. on the Fron,, §07, -wys is
shaped aí'ter the model of -wyd; -es, -is, -as, and -ed, -id, -ad, being
exactly parallel in formatiön; and -wyd would seem to be an abstraction from
bwyt, the l'art. l'erf. Pass. of bod; possibly from *b(i)v-eto-. This erro-
neous abstraction was facilitated by the employmeut of this bwyt toform
passive participles of gwneuthwr, etc. (gwnaeth- pwyt, etc). The 3rd sing.
-oedd i'or -odd (see §10) offers |
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■ 71
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS an analogy to this influence of the verb
substantive on the ^erb. 1 §23. In the plural we have three series of
endings: -assom, -yssom, -som; -assoch, etc.; and correspondingly in the
secondary s-Pret., -asswn, -ysswn, -swn, etc. The follow- ing verbs refiect
more or less constantly the old o-conjuga- tion; cf. from texts: B. of An.:
nyt atcorsant, p. 96. B. of Tal.: digonsant, p. 127. Tit. D 2: nỳ
digonsant, f, 45a. B. of Ilerg.: a ducsynt, col. 165. Ll. Gw.: ducssant, p.
203; niegys y kynierssom ni, p. 209; a gymerssant, p. 225. Add. MS. 19,709:
pan welsont 6y, f. 646. Cleop. B 5: rỳwelsei, f. &a; ný welssit
(pass.) y chỳffelỳb, klý\vssei, f. 10a. Dechreu, cafael
(cawssom); and the verbs in -aw (infìnitive): ymadaóssant, B. of Herg., col.
595; val y hedewssynt, trawssey, Ll. Gw., pp. 88, 254. Salesbury, iV. T.:
gwelsont (often), cawsont, f. 36; dechreysont, f. 18a; cymersant, f. 391a;
clywsam, f. 179«. Gambold, Gramm., 1727, gives tawsom (tewi, s- pret. tewis),
clyw- son, gwrandawsom. Notwithstanding these regular forms, which are
further proved to be old in many instances by the Part. Pret. Pass. (see
§31), we find a gymeryssant, Ll. Gia., p. 144; clywas- soch, p. 77;
nychlywyssynt, B. of Herg., col. 643; Sales- bury, N. T.: cafesont, f. 159;
ducesant, f. 179« (-esont, f. 185«); pan welesont, f. 208&; Mi/v. Arch.,
2 p. 601: a wela- sant (X. W., Hcm. Gruff. ab Cyn.); Add. MS. 15,056: a
welasant, f. 2a (O. Jones); also Barcldas, i, p. 236; etc. §24. It will be, I
fear, impossible to define the exact limits of -y-ssom, for no verb exists
using exclusively -yssom, etc, 1 There occur, curiously enough, though in
different texts, in the same verb — a fact which prevents my regarding them
as undoubted clerical errors— forms of the 3rd sing. in -os: — MS. Z (Owen),
p. 526: a gavos (1480); Salesbury, N. T.: ni chafos (f. 342a, Richard
Davies); Add. MS. 14,986, f. 15a: i kafos. I never found -os with any other
verb. Of course, if these forms really exist, they are the result of
momentary combinations of cafas and cdlodd cadd, for no othcr ortho- graphies
in these texts would justify our regarding s as a phonetic orthography for dd
(like s for th in MS. A). |
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■ 72
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS and whilst in
Middle-Welsh texts -assom, etc, predominates, the case is just the contrary
in texts oí' the lfith and 17th centuries. Cf., e.g., B. of Herg.:
dihagyssei, col. 161; ymchoelyssant, 166; y kychwynyssont, col. 561; dodysson
ni, col. 725. Add. MS. 19,709: disgynyssei, magyssei, f. 25a; karyssei, f.
l9/>; yrnwa- hanyssant, na phallyssam, lladyssón, eistedyssant,
treulyssant, body- ssant, etc. Ll. Gw. Rh.: pwy a royssei, pp. 122, 180
(roessei, p. 71; roessant, p. 73; rodasswn, p. 80); dyrchauyssant, pp. 65,
145; kanyssant, p. 65; ymgadarnhyssant, p. 50; ymrwymyssant, p. 84;
cyrchyssant, pp. 102, 131; ffoyssant, pp. 126, 128; cladyssant, p. 117;
gouynyssant, p. 137; ymgyweiryssant, p. 145; ymhoylys- eant, pp. 139, 146;
gorchymynyssant, p. 137; trigyssant, p. 146; gwisgyssant, p. .138; archyssei,
p. 120; paryssei, p. 118 (-ant, p. 128); lladyssei, pp. 125, 128; dalyssei,
p. 147; rydhayssei, p. 131; rydywedyssei, p. 130; anuonyssei, p. 121; a
detholyssant, gordiwedyssant, chwardyssant, cussanyssei, ranyssant,
priodyssei, hwylyssant, etc. §25. In texts of the 16th and 17th centuries
-yssom, etc. (written -ysom,-esom,-isom,dialectal orthographies expressing
the different pronunciation of y) are the common endings. Salesbury has,
e.g., ymovynesei, roesei, roesont (Gicel. leuan: rois- ont, f. 896/0;
roysont, f. 38öb; mi a rroysym, f. 375b); canesam (and canasam), bwriesom,
govynesoch, neidiesoch (marg. dawnsiesoch), gwatworesont, a wnethesei, etc.
Gu-el. I.: canysont, pan agoryssey, f. 379/;; agorysei, ib. (agorassey, f.
882a; agorasay, f. 880o); etc. Lewis Dwnn's Pedigrees: a sgrivenysant, p. 7; mynyswn,
p. 9. Lhjfr Achau (1604): a wledichison, a enillyssont, p. 60; cf. also the
Jlomilies (1606); Marchawg Cru-jdrad (17th cent.), etc. At the same time, or
a little later, -som, -soch, -sont become the colloipiial ibrnis, and tliey
are tlie only endings used in the modern dialects. Cf. Add. MS. 14,921 (ìr.th
cent.): ymladdsont, f. 53a; lladson, f. 467í j hesides ni diodys- son, f.
20ce; dodysson, f. 46a; ef a fynse and ef a fynysse, ff. 226, 9a (kymersson,
f. 46; kly\vson, lst pl., f. 13«). Oann. y Cymry, 1672: lladsont, p. 2(i; pan
gotson, p. 32 (codi); maethsont, p. 227; y gallsc, p. 139; ni haeddson,
torsom, |
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■ 73
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS p. 63, etc. Examples of -som, -socg, -sont
and -swn, etc, -sem, -sech, -sent (in Carnaiwonshire '-sam, etc, Sweet, p.
444), are not necessary, as there are no exceptions. So modern Welsh
coincides in this point with the Breton and Cornish languages, whilst the
older language keeps up the distinction between the three series. Carsom:
caras followed of course gwelsom: gwelas. Davies gives elswn, delswn,
gwnelswn, as Powysian forms. 1 §26. -oin and -ont, corresponding to the
Breton and Cornish endings, are comparatively infrecpuent in Middle-Welsh,
but are the conimon modern Welsh endingo, a fact which must, I thinh, be
attributed not to the ancient interchange of -om and -am, but to a
transference of the vowel of the 2nd plur. -och to these terniinations. I cannot
make out the reasons of the former duplication of endings, since we have also
-ant, Bret. -ont,in the Pres. Indic; -ach, Bret. -oc'h,in the compara- tive,
and interchanges of o and a in Welsh itself ( see my Beitr., §55). Cf. B. of
Herg.: rywelsom, col. 733; a dodyssom ni, col. 725; a gaóssont, 742 (a
gaóssant, 743); a glyósont, 724; kych6ynnyssont, 561. Lt. Gw. Rh.: ac am nas
cawssont dic uuant a thrist, p. 167; yd adawsont, p. 167. Both -om and -am,
-ont and -ant, occur also in the Pret. bûm, aethuni, daethum, etc; cf. buam,
buant, Mab. (1887), often; a wdam ni, col. 743; a 6dom ni, col. 742. Ll. Gw.
Bh.: val y buont, p. 106; a vuont, p. 162; uuont, p. 161; yd aethont, pp.
167, ] 73; a deuthont, p. 168. In later texts always, cf. Salesbury, N. T.: gwyddom;
ac ymaith yr aethon ein dau, March. Crwyclr., p. 5; ni addoethon, p. 15; ni
aethon, p. 140; 1 Sweet, Spolcen North Welsh, pp. 446, 448, tnentions the
plur. rhodd- son, rhoithon, rhoison (Sec. Pres. rhown, rhôt, rhôy, rhown,
rhoAvch, rhôn, rhoythan; s-Pret. rhois, rhoist, rhoddodd, rhôth, rhôs
[rhôys?]), and danghothson (dangos); forms which the assumption of complex
analogical influence might render plausible, but which are too little known
to allow of a judgment on them. |
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■ 74
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS y buont, p. 6; etc. Sometimes aw is written
íbr o: ymnertha- sawnt (Salesbury; etc.) pronounced o. 1 E. — Passive. §27.
E. Evans (Stud., §G) first drew tlie attention of pliilologists to the
various old passives in -etor, -itor, -ator, etc, which, though mentioned in
the grammars of Pughe and Williams ap Ithel, had been ignored by Zeuss and
Ebel. On edrychwyr and the other deponents see Rhŷs, Rev. Gdt., vi, pp.
40-49, also in Y Traeíh, 1S84. Thefollowing forms occur: dýgettaur, B.
o/Carm., 7; B.ofTal., 5(2); hymysgetor 30, lloscetaór 5, golchettaór, p. 16C,
crybwyll- etor (Evans); henhittor ldrn, B. of Carm., 17, megittor 17,
keissitor, p. 157(2); llemittyor, B. of Herg., p. 305 (Sk.); cwynitor,
gweinydiawr, gwelitor, clywitor, telitor (Ev.); traetbator,.B.q/"7 ,
(í/., p. 131; molhator, ib.; kwÿuhỳator, B. of An., p. 86; gwelattor,
canhator (Ev.); brithottor, B. of Carm., 9. Passives in -awr (Zeuss, 2 p.
529) are gnarwỳaur, B. of C, 17; ergelaór, ergelhaór, B. of Tal., 5;
dottaór, gyrraór (a mettaór am dottaór — yn sawell ymgyrraór — ymrygiaór o
la6), p. 136, gorff- owyssaòr, p. 165, a uolhaór, p. 165, dydyccaór, p.
166(2); a emda- flawr, na pharawr, B. of An.; etmychaór, B. of Herg., p. 222;
ni chaffaór, p. 235. Many other examples will be found in the poems of the
earlier incdi?eval bards. Except in these old poems and others in the Book of
Hcrgest these forms occur, to my knowledge, only in Arwydon riju dyd brawt
(Ll. Gio., p. 274, gwelhitor), and in late Gwentian texts, as Barddas, i (pwy
arweinittor y treigl hwnnw? p. 244, ar a welittor, p. 246, gwydditor,
bythawr, p. 152, a deall a dichonawr arnaw, p. 330), and the Thirteenth Book
of the Welsh Laws, written in 1685 in Glamorganshire (-awr only): mal y
gallawr ymgyunal, p. 635, onis gwaretawr, p. 636, a wnelawr, p. 647, na phei
heb hyny y bythawr, p. 648, gallawr, p. 647, a ddotawr, p. 650, a gatwawr,
]). (»55, a gymcrawr, pp. 659, 677, barnawr, p. 674; evidently in most cases
modern forms (dodi, cymmerid, etc.) 1 Cf. B. of Hirg., col. 164: góedy
daruaót hyny (darfod); U. Gvo.: drossawm, p. 212. D. S. Evans, Llythyr, §197,
mentious that Dafydd luuawr wrote -awu, -iawn, -awd, fur the plur. terminations
-on, -ion, -od ! |
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■ 75
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS F. — Part. Pret. Pass. §28. Phŷs, Rcv.
Cclt,, vi (Some Welsh Deponents, 9), tries to explain the now existing use of
these forms in -et, -it, -at, -wyt to denote the perfect passive, by assuming
them to have been originally deponent participles; the passive form of bod,
giving the passive meaning, having been omitted. This theory, of course, does
not affect their passive character in point of forrnation, which has in part
been very largely altered by the subsequent effects of analogy, and
corresponds in a certain degree to that of the s-aorist. Llâs and gwŷs
(Zeuss, 2 p. 531) are remains of the old participles in -to- (s from *d-t).
Williams (Dosp. Edeym, §717) gives llâs as a Gwentian form. It is very
frequent in the Middle-Welsh MSS., but lladded and lladdwyd are not wanting
(cf. lladöyt, B. of Hcrg., cols. 685, 841, 842(2), etc). Gwŷs occurs in
modern Gwentian dialects; cf. wys neb i 'ble, Y Tyw. ct'r G., ii, p. 241,
etc. Gwyddys is a combination of *gwydded and gwys; cf. ni wyddys, Hgt. MSS.,
ii, p. 327; Davies, Gramm., etc. A single instance of such a neo-formation —
if not a clerical error— is also lladass, B. of Hcrg., col. 841 (besides llas
and lladóyt, ib.). 1 §29. We find forms in -s compounded with bwyt, -pwyt,
formed from nearly all the verbs which append the termina- 1 If we notice
words like gorddiwedd and gorddiwes, etc. (see §32), it is difficult not to
assume a siniilar connection between lladdu and lleassu; lleas (leturn,
caedes, Davies, Dict.) is not infrequent in Middle- Welsh; cf. cyn Ueas, B.
of Tal., 41; o leas cledeu y teruynir, Ll. CJir., p. 283; lleas, MS. Tit.
D22, f. 13a; rac drycket gennyf góelet lleassu (to becoine slain) góas kyn
decket a thi; p6y am lleassei i heb y peredur, B. of Uerg., col. 679; pan
allo lleassu paób uelly, col. 680; pan yinleasso, Didr. Casgl, p. 248
(Oderic's Travels): if he kills him- self. In Myv. Arch., 2 p. llb (Gododin),
gwnelut leadut llosgut is printed. and ladut is given from the other MSS.
Leadut is an unique form. Probably the old lleassut was replaced by the later
lladdut; hence the conf usion of the transcriber. |
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■ 76
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS tions -som, etc, and not -assom, -yssom, to
their "Welsh stems to form the s-aorist; e.g., dechreusom — dechreuspwy
t. Dywespwyt occurs more frequently than any other of them, and is said by
Davies (Gramm.,\). 197) and Williams, etc, to be a Dimetian peculiarity.
Notwithstanding this, which the later MSS. indeed tend to affirm, it is also
found in MSS. of the Venedotian Laios, viz. MS. Tit. D2 (=B), a dỳwespuýt,
ff. áOb, 42«; rýdỳwespuýt, f. 48«; MS. Galig. A3 { = 0), redỳwespwỳt,
f, 1786, But it is incomparably more frequent in S. W. MSS. Cf. dỳwespóyt,
Owen, p. 172 (3 MSS.), p. 212 (7 MSS.), pp. 188, 253, etc.; B. of Eerg.:
dywespóyt, col. 317; Add. MS. 19,709, f. 47«; Cleop. B5, f. 227« 2; Tit.
1)22, ff. 7«, 15a, etc.; Add. MS. 22,356 (=S): deóesbóyd, p. 195; deesbóyd,
p. 550; dóesbóyd, p. 593 (dyóespóyt, p. 212). (Sal., N. T: dywetpwyt, f. 4a;
dywedwyt, dwetpwyd, f. 380a; doytbwyd, f. 3306; doytpwyt, f: 33«); Add. MS.
14,921 (16th cent.): dwesbwyd, f. 38«; wespwyd, f. 23«, etc. (7); wesbwyd, f.
34«; a ddwedsbwyd (sic), f. 41a; Medd. Myddfai: a ddywespwyd, §§94, 97, 98,
etc.; Barddas, i: wespwyd, p. 208, etc. §30. In Harl. MS. 958 (=T), f. 40«,
is written: kýhýt ac y dýwedaspóỳt 6rý. A clerical error may certainly
be surmised here, the transcriber having possibly intendcd at íirst to write
dýwedas — sam (we have said), and omitted to erase -as- after writing -p6ýt.
But if we recall "a dywed- adoed",MS. Cleop B5, f. 247« 2 ÇDares
Phrygius), and "wal y dawedadoedit idaw", Ll. Gio. Bh., p. 269, we
may with confi- dence hold dywedas- to be a combination of dywedad- and
dywes-; cf. gwyddys. Similar neo-formations are mynassuedd, planassoedd,
rodassoedd. Cf. y mynassoedd Cli. ymhoelut oe nerthu (Ch. would have returned
to help him),Zí/. Gw., p. 108; y gwielin a blanasoed voesen yno, p. 246;
rodassoed, MS. B of Brut y Tywys., p. 290 = roessoed in the B. of Herg. I am
unable to accede to the obviously more simple opinion that mynassoedd:
mynasswn (second s-aorist) is an imitation f»f aethwn: aethoedd, doethwn:
doethoedd, etc, owing to the |
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■ 77
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS numerous forms which exist in -ad-oedd,
-yd-oedd, evidently containing participles. On these see E. Evans, Stud.,
§20, and Ehŷs, l. c. Cf. MS. Gleop. B5: archadoed, f. 230« 1; Add. MS.
19,709: ny orffoóyssóys corineus or ruthur hono yny oed kainn6yaf ỳ
elynyon yn anafus ar ny ladadoed onadunt, f. 15«; Ll. Gw. Bh.: mal y
barnadoed idaw, p. 270; nyni ganadoed yna, p. 263; y haffadoed, p. 265; —
rynodydoed, B. of Herg., col. 841; dysgydoed, Ll. Gw., p. 135; ganydoed, pp.
135, 142, 154; Y S. Gr., p. 377; Add. MS. 19,709, f. m> • etc. §31. Forms
similar to dywespwyd occur further in: Glywed: a glywspwyt, Y S. Gr., p. 216;
ny chlywyspwyt, Yst. Gwl. Ieuan Fencl, p. 327. Dechreu: dechreuspwyt, Y S. Gr.,
p. 29 ì. Bhoi, rhoddi: rossoedit, Brut y Tyw., MS. B (Dimet.), p. 192; y
rossoed, Y S. Gr., p. 236; a rassoedynt, p. 399; a roespwyt, pp. 238, 354;
rodassoed, roessoed, see §30; Salesbury, N T.: a roed, marg. roespwyt, f.
237«; a roespwyt, marg. roddet, f. 227è; rhoespwyt, f. 293«, B. D., f. 3176;
rroyspwydd (sic), Gwel. leuan, f. 381«. Cafacl: 1. Y S. Gr. (a MS. abounding in these forma- tions): a
gawssoedd, pp. 303, 382; mi a gawssoedwn, pp. 231, 278, 322; pei cawssoedut,
p. 247; hawssoedyat, p. 406; nych., p. 208; c, pp. 306, 313; Ll. Giv. Bh.:
hawssodyat, p. 224 deg. hawssoydat?); y cawssoedat, ib. 2. Pei cassoedyat, Y
S. Gr., p. 297; ny chassoed hi, p. 412; pei cassoed} T nt, p. 429. 3. Didr.
Gasgl., f. 398: ac ymgaru yn va6r awnaethant yn y byt h6nn tröy weithredu bei
katlioedynt gyfle a meir6 vuant heb gyffessn y p6nk I1611116 . . . .; Sal.,
N. T.: pa vodd y cawseief, marg. cathoddei, f. 148«; Y Drych Ghrist.: 1585, a
gathoedhei, f. 30«. Cathoeddwn is formed after the model of gwnathoeddwn,
etc. In the modern dialect of Carnaiwonshire this imitation, caused there
probably by the s-aorist of aeth, doeth, etc. (ês |
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■ 78 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS coinciding in appearance with cês, / had), took place on a
large scale. Sweet, p. 450, gives, Sec. Pres.: kawn, kaythat, käv, pl.
kaythan, -ach, -an; s-Aor.: kefìs, kês, kêst, kafodil, kâdd, käth, pl.
kaython and koyson, etc. (like awn, ewn, oythwn?); ât, ây, pl. oythan, ân
(?), oythach, -an; ais, ês, oist, êst, âth, pl. oython, oyson, etc. 4. Y
kaffadoed, Ll. Gw. Rh., p. 265. 5. Cespwyd, Bardd., i, p. 268; Evans,
Llythyr, 162. Gweled: gwelspwyt, Sal., N. T., f. 259ò; y welspwyd, f. 386«.
Gymeryd: y gymerspwyd, Sal., N T.; Gwel.Ieuan, f. 386ò. Gwneuthur: gwnespwyd,
Barddas, i, p. 250; gwnaes- pwyd, ib. §32. Gwes-, dywes- in dywespwyt cannot
be an old par- ticiple in -to-, since t(*v<ìt-) + t is known to become tk
in Welsh. So it must be the result of *vet- + s, like the s- future of
gwared: gwared, Perf. gwarawd, s-Fut. gwares (*gwo-ret-s-), Rhŷs, Bev.
Cclt., vi; so dywed,dywawd (dywod, dywad), *dywes. These forms in s of dywed
do not seem to have been all lost, for it is just of this verb, and, as far
as I know, of no other in the same texts, that s-aorists like dywessont
occur. It is perhaps not practicable to regard them all as clerical errors,
for why should clerical errors occur in the same word in different texts, and
in that word alone? At the best one may look upon the more recent of them as
recent formations caused by dywespwyt itself. I have found, B. of Herg.: y
dywessont, col. 804; Lì. G>r. lìh. 'Y Cfrogltíh): Tony ychyna deueist
dyhun. heb y yrenhines. bot y <,'\veithredoed yn betruster ydyweist. heb y
iudas, p. 262 (a corrupt pissage); MS. 3 (Owen, p. 515): a ddewast di; MS. /1
(<!>., p. 768): dywedeist and dy weiat; Salesbury, N.T. .- dywesont. f.
1706; ry ddywesei, f. 17-ia (y dywetsei ef, a ddywetsont, ff. i'2b, ûSb; a
ddywetsant, f. 46/>; ddywedsant, f. 7l)b); ctc. Dyweist: dywesam, probably
like careist: caryssam, is perhapa due to a wrong separatiou (dyw-esam);
dywessom is |
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■ 79
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS not affectecl by the existence or
non-existence of dyweist. Perhaps the coexisteuce of rhoddi and rhoi (but cf.
also Bret. reif, Corn. ry) is due to the formation of an old s-aorist:
*rhossom (lst pl.), or a í-Part. *rhos, the existence of which the
above-quoted rossoedit, rossoed, tend to establish. In *rhossom the d (of the
root *dö) perished in its encounter with s, and hence rho-, like gwel- of
gwelsom, seems to have been wrongly abstracted and transferred to other
tenses. I suppose arhosi and arhoi, also 3rd sing. erys and ery, etc. (Ir.
arus), have been differentiated by the same analogical in- fiuence of an
erroneous separation in an s-form. §33. As far as this point phonetic laws
empower us to go. For what reason the s-form dywes- was introduced in the
place of an old Part. Perf. Pass. I cannot ascertain. It is, however, clear
that the other s-forms (clywspwyt, etc.) are imitations of dywespwyt, caused
by dy wessom: dywespwyt. All these verbs have commonly -som, and not -assom,
-yssom, except rhoddi, rhoi (see §23). Ehoespwyd, cespwyd, gwnes- pwyd, have
to all evidence -es- directly taken from dywes-; while rhossoedd, cawssoedd,
are imitations of the principle of dywes-. Rhoespwyd, cespwyd, have advanced
a degree further, and imitate it even literally. 1 §34. As to the single
participle in -ed, -id, -ad and (-eid), -wyd, the first three must be
separated from -wyd, which is a South-Welsh termination, replacing more or
less all others in certain texts. Cf. ỳ rodat, Clcop. B5, f. 161a
(ordinarily rhodded); y rrowd, Sal., N. T, f . 382Z, (Huet) (Add. MS. 14,973,
f. 79, trowd); rhodd- wys, Cann. y C, p. 404, Trioedd Barddas in Poems Lyr.
and J'ust., ii, p. 238, etc. L. Morris, Add. MS. 14,945, f. 273a, transcript
of an old MS.: pan wneithbwit, ac ý distrÿwt, ỳ gwisgÿwt (leçj. wýt).
In modern S.W.: rhow'd, aw'd, caw'd, gwnaw'd, clow'd (Y Tratth- 1 Rhoss,
however, may be an old Part., and rhoes- a doublet of rhoddes-, combined of
*rhos and rhodded, like gwyddys. |
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80 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. odydd, iii, p. 11),
clywspwt, bwriwd, clwyfwd; Y Bed. 10, p. 8, ctc. -wt is written far less
ofteu than -ws for -wys, since its con- nection with the Verb. Subst. was
still more or less transparent. For a hypothesis on -wys and wyt, see §22. G.
— Infinitive. §35. The infinitives in -o, Middle-Welsh, -aw, represent ah
older -*äm-, like llaw (hand) from *plämâ. Llaw: unllofyauc (Mab.), llofrndd,
rbaw -iau and rhofiau (infin. rhawio, rhofio), crawen and crofen (crust) are
doublets of a kind which must also be expected in the infinitive, and there
are indeed traces of infinitives in -of. Cf. gwallaw and gwallawf, findere,
Davies, Bict.; gwallo, gwallofì, gwallofaint, Spurrell, Dict. Gwallotì,
gwallofaint, contain gwallof (/ kept in the inlaut) + -i, -aint. So probably
also cwyno and cwynof-ain, to wail; cwynof-aint, wailing; wylo. to weep;
wylof-us, wylof-aeth, ' wylof (Sp.), weeping. -if (frequent as -im in the old
Brythonic glosses) occurs (see Rev. Cclt., ii, p. 135) in the Mcíb. Eilhwch
ac Olwen; cf. ae dodi ar eu hol. ac aruoll aoruc bedwyr ae odif ynteu, col.
825; kymryt aoruc ynten yreilllechwaeó... ae odif areu liol, ib.; and tliree
other times, ib. I have not found it else- where in texts. In gweinif-iad:
gweini (Sp. has also gwenif, ministration),/is kept in the inlaut. §36. The
intìnitive of the verbs in -aaf, *-agaf, ends in -iiu, but also sometimes in
-a. Davies, Gramm., gives bwyta and llewa as South-Welsh forms; also Hughes,
18l ) i ) , p. 32: S.-W. bytta; Y Gwyliedydd, 1828: S.-W. para, gwella
(=}iailiüu, gwellhäu). Bwyta (and byta; see my Beitr., §103) occur, however,
in all dialects; cf. buyta, MS. A, pp. 15, 21 , 22, 23, 24, 3,0, etc.; Sal.,
N. T.: bwyta, fí'. 40«, 59a; Add. MS. 14,913 (lGth ccnt., S.-W.): bytta, f.
84a; Sweet, SpoJcenNorth-Welsh, p. 423: byta; Yr Arw.: i futa, 20, 1, 59; uii
futa i, Càb.few. T.; byta, Seren Cymru, i, p. 373, iii, 447. This verb offers
certain other particularities too. Bwytavss- awch, y bwytawssant, Y S. Gr.,
§68, may be forms not to |
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OBSERVATI0NS ON
THE WELSH VERBS OBSERYATIONS ON TIIE WELSH VERBS. 1 be relied pn. In Ll. Gw.
Rh., p. 265, wynteu ae kymerawss- ànthwy is printed, caused, if not an error,
by the coexist- ence of gadawssant, and, e.g., a adassant, MS. A, p. 1, MS.
G, p. 105; gadassant, B. of Herg., col. 705. The opt;itiv<> bwytafwyf
occurs in Salesbury's N. T, f. 124« (twice bwyta- vwyf), and in Add. MS.
14,986, f. 336: ond kyn i bwytavwy ddim bara. Davies, Gramm., quotes
bwytathwyf (corrupte), following, in his opinion, rhothwyf for rhoddwyf. This
neo- formation (if th, dd, f are not simply exchanged, as they are in many
other words) seems indeed to have sprung from an erroneous abstraction of
-thwyf in rhothwyf, since the other forms of rhoddi, rhoi are partly used
without dd (rhoddaf, rhoaf, rhôf, etc). In grammars (Gambold, Eowlands, etc)
the 3rd sing. bwytty,G.,bwwty, R.,pery (of parha, parhäu),E., are given, like
gwrendy, gedy, tery, eddy, of gwrando, gado, etc. (Middle- Welsh gwerendeu,
gedeu, tereu, etc). 1 So bwyta partly follows the analogy of the verbs in
-aw, -o. Spurrell has ciniaw, cinio, ciniawau, dinner; ciniawa, to dine. Many
infi- nitives in -a are formed from substantives, and express a collection of
the thing which the substantive denotes (" verba colligendi",
Davies): cneua, afaleua, ytta, gwiala, coetta, cawsa, ceiniocca. They contain
real plurals, like afaleu, cneu, gwial, etc. §37. E.Evans (Stud., §27) first
noticed the Infin. cadwY-l (besides cadw); an imitation of dywedyd,
dychwelyd, in his opinion. Dywedwyd, on the other hand, occurs not infre-
quently in very old texts for dywedyd; also cyscwyd; B. of Tal.: a óddostti
peth 6yt— pan vych yn kysc6yt. Cf. MS. A: deueduyt. pp. 43, 46, 52; deweduyt,
p. 66; deueduit, p. 63; deveduit, p. 70; deueduyd, p. 52; dewetduyd, p. 71;
dewetuyt, p. 70; dewedyyt, p. 70. MS. Tit. D2 (=B): dýweduet, ff. 18«, 1%; 1
Cf. Lew. Gl. Cothi (ed. 1837): chwery, tery, p. 41; ni thery, e dery, p. 102;
pery, p. 134 (ŵ, a dau, p. 31; D. ab Gw.: ni thawaf, o thau, p. 253,
froui tewi). VOL. IX. G |
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82 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. deweduet, f. 20b; dỳweduỳt,
f. 63«. Ccrfig. A13 (= C): dewedwýt, f. 152«; dÿwedwỳt, f. 179«. Add.
MS. 14,931 (= E): dỳweduýt, f. V2b. Hctrl. MS. 958 (= T, Dimet.):
dÿwedóỳt, f. 20a. Add.MS. 14,903, a 17th ceut. MS. of Br. y Brenh.:
doydyd, f. 20a, besides the old dỳwedwyt, ib. Also in old derivatives:
Pa dywedóydat oed h6nn6, B. of Herg., col. 740; dywedwydyat, a babbler, Y S.
Gr., p. 171; ar eu dywe- dwydyat, talkativeness, p. 179; Add. MS. 14,912, f.
496, dywe- dwydaól. In the translation of Dares PArygius, in the old MS.
Cleop. B5, dywedwydawl is written (ff. 228al, 229a 1), where in the later
MS., Jes. Coll., 141, the modern dywediadawl has been introduced (f. 19a).
See also Pughe's Dict. s. v. So the older yachwyawdr (c.g., iachwyawdyr, Y S.
Gr., pp. 240, 260, 268; iachóyaödyr, Tit. D22, f. 185a; yachwyawl, Ll. Gw.
Rh., p. 264) is now iachawdwr (saviour). I carmot say whether dywedwyd is
formed after the model of cad- wyd, though the pronunciation of cadw as cad
seems to support this explanation, for cad, cadwyd, 3rd sing. ceid (pron.),
dyweid might easily have given rise to the wrong notion of an ending -wyd
(-vyd). §38. Tn later Welsh -ud, -yd, -id tend largely to replace the
infinitives in -u, -i. The verbs dywedyd and ynich- welyd (in Middle-Welsh
ending in -ut), which occur so very frequently, were the models of these neo-formations.
Salesbury, N. T., has, c.g., gwneuthur (gwnauthur, f. lOoa; gwnewthur, f.
240«; gwneuthr, at y C.; gwneithr, f. 377/', Huet); gwneuthu, f. 91«,
gwneuthy, f. 215&; and gwneythyd, gwneuthy'd. He prints also wneythy'r,
d'anvon, etc. In the modern dialects gwneyd is the common form: cf. Yr Arw.:
gneud, gnyud, 17, 7, 56; Cardigansh.: gneid, Y Cymmr., v, p. 122; Aberdare:
gneud, gneithir, Y Gwcithiiur; Ebbw Vale: wedi gnêd nyna (= hyn yna), P. C.,
28 (ib.: gwêd, to say). Gneyd is an imitation of dyweyd, gweyd, used iu the
same diiilects; see §42. J. 1). Rhys, 1595, givesin his Grammar, p. 128,
mynnud. )V Arw.'. carud, 18, 12, 56, pcrud, tawlud, oanud, yn sgwenud
(ysgrifonu), OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS |
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OBSERYATIONS ON
TIIE WELSH VERBS. 83 prydDawnud, 17, 7, 56, collid, 12, 2, 57. Cab.few. T.:
gwerthud, heuddud, penderfynud, gyrud, medrud, tynud, sychud, gallud — cnoid,
cospid, collid, troid, rhoid, etc. Cwrddyd (e.g., V Gwron Cymr., Caerfyrddin,
20, 5, 1852) for cwrdd is reproved, Y Gwlad- garwr, 14, 5, 1858; etc. §39.
-an, -ian is a very frequent moclern termination, principally used in words
denoting a repeated noise, and still living, as it is the ending of many
English loan-words. Cf. Dimet. möcian,pípian (topeep), Powel; Cann.yCymry,
1672: chwarian, p. 244; beggian, p. 128; begian (marg. ceisio), p. 61;
moccian (marg. gwatwor), p. 154; bribian, brwylian, etc. Seren Cymru: yn
clebran byth a hefyd am ryw gyfrinion sy 'da nhwy, iii, p. 22 (clebar,
clebren, Spurrell; IV Arw.: ac yn clibir di glebar yn y riaith Sasnag, 17, 7,
56); llolian and llolio, hwtian and hwtio, Sp., Cáb.few. T.\ yn clecian ac yn
crecian, p. 46; screchian, p. 120 (to screech). Y Genedl Gymr.: yn
brygawthian, 6, 5, 1885, p. 7 3 . §40. Some minor dialectal differences are:
dringad for dringo, quoted in Y Traeth., 1870, p. 412, from Williams Pant y
Celyn; cf. ei dhringad, marg. dringo, Hom., 1606, iii, p. 217. Ib.: damsiad
for damsang or mathru (to tread, to trample), used by the same author. 1 L.
Morris (Add. MS. 14,944) mentions nadu from Anglesey, nadel from Merioneth-
shire (na-adael). Hely and hela, daly and dala, do not conie under this head,
since their difference is a phonetic one, the result of a different treatment
of the group *lg, as in boly, bola, eiry, eira, etc. Hèla, to drive, to send,
to spend, is S.-W.; cf. E. Lhuyd, A. Br.: S.-W. hel, hela, to send; L.
Morris, Add. 1 As to these words and their synonyms, cf. seingýat, a
trampling, B. nf Au., pp. 85, 72; maessing, myssaing: sathru, G. Lleyn's
Vocab. Davies, Dict., s. v. calco: sathru, mathru, mysseing, sengi, troedio.
Sp. has maessyng, totrample about, and mysangu, to trample, the latter for
*ymsangu, hke mysygan f., soft expression, and sygan, whisper, mutter.
Homilies, 1606: a sathrodd, marg. ddansiolodd, iii, p. 121; y methrer hwy dan
draed, marg. dansielyr, i, p. 108; mathru, marg. ddansial, iii, p. 272;
ymsang, marg. ymwasc, iii, p. 261. Cann. y C, 1672: damsing, marg. sathra, p.
86; 'n damsing, marg. sathru, p. 198; i'w ddamsian, marg. i gerdded trosto,
p. 432. Llyfr y Resol.: N.-W. fathru(i6.: also folestu, etc.)— S.-W. damsang.
Hughes, 1822: S.-W. damsang— N.-W. sathru. Y Gwyl, 1828: S.-W. sengyd— N.-W.
satliru. G 2 |
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84 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS MS. 14,923, f. 134«: S.-W. hala, to send, to earry— N.-W. gyrru, carrio;
YGwyl, 1828: S.-W.hàla; 7 Traeth., iii: S.-W. hala lii i'r lan = danfon lii i
fynu; wedi hela triugain mlwydd = w. treulio neu fyw t. m.; halas i, Y Gwyl.
(Aher- dare); etc. In Y Traeth., iii, p. 10: Dimet. meithrynu (mei- thrin),
barni (barnu), costi (costio), rhosti (rhostio); D. S. Evans, Llythyr., 154:
N.-W. peri — S.-W. peru; N.-W. cymylu — S.-W. cymylo; N.-W. gwalu — S.-W.
gwalo; etc. H. —
On the Verbs Dywedyd and Ymchwelyd. §41. These two verbs do not belong to the
so-callcd irregular class, but they exhibit in diífereut periods and in
different dialects such a variety of external variations as to justify
mydwelling further upon thein. They present such striking similarities to
each other that copious e&les are necessary to show that these similarities
are, in all probabi- lity, not the result of mutual influence. The
uncompounded gwedyd is the common South-Welsh form. Cf. MS. TiL,IY22: ar hóii
a wetto, f. 2« (Dimet.); Add. MS. 14,921 (16th cent.): ny wedaf, f. 52&;
hwy wedan, í'i'. 19«, álb, 42«, 43b, 5%, etc. Hughes, 1822: South-Welsh
gweyd, gwedyd. Seren Cymru: gweyd, i, p. 192; wedest ti, p. 232; wedsoch chi,
ib. (Car- marthenshire). Y Gweithiwr: Imp. gwed, Inf. gweyd (Aber- dare). Y
Tyw. a'r G.: iì weta chi, i, p. 94; gwetwch, p. 93; ond wetas I, p. 95; Inf.
gweyd, gweüd. YGt ninen, iii, \k 19: East Glam. i wëd = North-Welsh i ddweyd.
Y Bed.: wetaf, 'jiiu wetyd, gwed; gweyd (Monmouths"hire). P. C.,28:
wedws, gwêd (Ebbw Vale); etc. 1 Dywed- is also written doẅed- 1 Further
illustrations of different prepositions used in dialects are: South-Welsh
dillwng = gollwng, Davies, Dìct. North-Welsh dobr = gwobr, Han. y Ffydd,
index. South-Welsb dyrru, to drive = gyrru, Daries, Dict.; cf. ac achelaróy a
dyrraód ffo;ir y llu h6n6, Jl. of Herg.. f<>\. ìi' (in tliis MS. of the
Dares Phrygiiis, but not in tlie other four known to me, achelarwy is
commonly written for achel, echel, A.cbilles); ymddwyn, to conceive with
young,in Powys dymddwyn, ib.\ |
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OBSERVATI0NS ON
THE WELSH VERBS. 85 (see niy Beitr., §40); and, owing to the loss of
pre-tonic syl- lables, dwed-; cf. Add. MS. 22,356 (= S): 3rd sing. deöeud, p.
591; dóeid, ib.; hyd y dóetto, p. 590; megis y döedir, p. 593; dóesbóyd,
deöesbóyd (see §29); Add. MS. 14,912: dwespwyt, f. 41a; dwesbwyt, f. 34&;
dwetpwyt, f. 41«, 42«. Salesbury, N. T.: ni dowot; dowait, dowaid, f. 3276.
Athr. Grist: doUaid,p.46; dowaid, Add. MS. 31,058,f.69a; dowedyd, Add. MS.
15,058, f. 59Ò (17th cent.); etc. §42. Froni the 16th century downwards,
dyweidyd, dwei- dyd, deidyd, and doedyd (doydyd) occur frequently in books
and MSS. Cf. Salesbury, N T: besides'dywedysont, f. 36; dywetsit, f. 4a;
dywedesit, f. 4&; dywetpwyt, f. 4«.; dywedwyt, f. 46; dyvawt, f. 149;
dyvot, f. 2226; dowot, dowaid, etc; y doedaf, f. lb; mal i doydais, at y C,
doytpwyt, f. 30«; Inf. doedit, f. 66; doydyd doedyt. R. Davies: doydaf, f .
3126; a ddoytont, f. 31 1«; a ddoyd asont, f. 3596; a racddoydasant, f. S61b;
y doytbwyd, Inf doydid, f. 328a. Huet: y ddwedasont, f. 3806; y ddwetpwyt f.
3796; y ddwed, f. 3766; etc. Athr. Grist.: a doedasom ni p. 14; doydyd, p.
(3). Y Drych Christ.: doydais, f. 156; doyd- iadeu r saint, Cl; dau dhoyded,
Aja (also in Sal., N. T.: yn doyded, f. 3606, R. D.); megis i dwed, Aij; o
dweid, Bijb; u doedud pro dowedyd et dwedud pro dywedyd", J. D. Rhys,
Gramm., 1595, . p. 128. Add.
MSS. 14,986 (16th cent.): dweydyd, f. 13a; dywevdwch, f . 14«; yn dywevdvd,
f. 14«; dywevdyd, f. 17«; in another hand: ar a ddywoydo wrthyd, f. 59a. Add.
MS. 14,979 (Life of Petrus); doydud, dowaid, often; dyweydyt, f. 157«; a
ddoydassont, f. 160&. Add. MS. 14,913 (South-Welsh, löth cent.): val y
dyweid, f. 16«; addweid, f. 15«; doetbwyd, f. 8«. Add. MS. 14,898: doidaist.
f. 72«; mi a ddoyda, f. 406; doydyd, f. 416 (another hand). Add. MS. 14,989
(17th cent., prose): yn dicoeydyd, ff. 87«, 906; and doydyd, ord sing. dowed,
rhagddoedwr, f. 876 (in the same text dallt and deyallt, clowed, edrüch,
sevüll, cylfyddod, diwioldeb, etc). Add. MS. 14,987 (17th cent., Araetli y
Trwstan): doudud, f. 816. Add. MS. 31,057: doydwn, f. 156; na ddowaid, f.
15«; a ddowaid, f. 156. South-Welsh goddef (frequently in the Hom., 1606) =
dioddef, Hughes. 1822; South-Welsh dyro = rho (give), Davies, Gramm.,
frequently written doro, e.g., Add. MS. 14,912, f. 30«; 15,049, ff. 3a, 36,
46, 5«, etc |
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86 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS. Add. MS. 31,060: ganddedyd, f. 2l7a. Add. MS. 15059:
dwyd- wch, f. 222b (North-Welsh popular lauguage, 18th ceut.). Add. MS.
31,056: gwrandewch arnai y dwydyd — fy rneigl om ifiengtid, — mi ddoudaf i
chwi, etc, f. lla; deudyd, f. 18&; a ddeuden, ib. m i ddoeda itti, f.
10b • a ddoede, f. 34a; doyde, f. 199a; mi ddweudwn, f. 20a. Add. MS. 14,97-4
(17th cent,): yn doeyd, f. 78b; da niedrid di yn rwydd ddoevd kelwvdd, f.
79«. Hope, Cyf. Vr Cym.ro, 1765: a ddwed, p. vii; gwir a ddeidi di, p. 12; ui
ddweyde, p. 22; dweud, p, vii; dweudỳd, p. 32. Doedyd is of most frequent occurrence in
the works of Griffith Eoberts, and in niany MSS. in prose and verse of the
lGth and 17th cent., some of which bear characteristics of Northern dialects,
as miewn for mewn, etc. In modern dialects: — Carnarvonshire: Infin. dayd;
3rd sing. dwêd, däfyd, doydith; s-Aor. plur. daydson and dwedson; Imp. däwad,
dayd, plur. dwedwch, daydwch, Sweet, p. 449. IV Arw.: mi dyuda i chi, 20, 1,
59; dyudis i, 12, 5, 57; mi ddeydis, 17, 7, 56; Iuf. dyud, ib.; dywudyd, 19,
11, 56. Merionethshire, Caban f'ew. T.: deydwch, p. 19; wal y deydodd hithe,
p. 36; yr hyn a dwedodd, p. 36; deydist, pp. 7, 109; deydsoch, p. 475; Inf.
deyd, p. 56; deydyd, p. 7; deydis, Yr Ainserau, 17, 12, 1846 (Hen Ffar- mwr).
In the South-Welsh dialects gwedyd is used, on which see §41. §43. Ymchwelyd:
ymchoelyd, ymhoelyd apparently represent the same phonetic- changes as
dywedyd, dwedyd: doedyd. This external similarity, however, is not
sufficient, and the time and dialect of hoth forms must be considered.
Ymhoelyd is said by Powel (annotations to MS. Tit., D22, f. 15, Y Gymmr., iv)
to be a Dimetian form; 'mhoylu teisen, 'mhoylu gwair, llafur (South-Welsh for
yd), etc. It occurs frecpiently in Middle-Welsh MSS., forms of which are: MS.
A: or pan emcuelo, p. 157; nyt hcmchuel, p. 159; kanyd emchel, p. 46; cny
emchelo, p. 392 (ib., chewraur, p. 68 = chwef- rawr). MS. C, p. 157:
emchwelhoent (D, B, K, yuichoelont). !\1S. /,', f. 6O<0: pan
einchuelhoent, the usual form in this MS. MS. E: ýnỳ
ýiuchwelo, p. 266; etc B. of Carm.: ýmchueli, l.">; />'. <>f Tal.: ymch«flcnt y perth gled,
ynichoelant, 5 (in /./. '.'//•. Rh.: ac amhaelawd ar processiwn yr eglwya, p.
L96) |
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OBSERVATI0NS ON
THE WELSH VERBS. 87 MS. W (Gwentian Code, Cleop., Al4): hỳný
ymhoelo, f. 60a; ỳd ýmhoelir, f. 97«, etc. MS. 5 (Add. MS. 22,356): yd
ymhoilyr, f. G46; ymchoylyt, f. 166; nyd ymhóelant hóynteu, f. 166; yd
ymchóoylìr, f. 486. Add.
MS. 19,709: ymchoelut, f. 226; ymhoelut f. 10fl. In the Mábinogion and
Triads, B. of Herg. (Oxford, 1887), I found at least 39 times ymchoelut, -yt
(Infin.), -aód, -es, etc; once ymhoelaód, col. 672, and probably never
ymchwelut. In the parts edited by R. Williams f rom Lhjfr. Gwyn Rhydderch: in
Charhmagnës Yoyage, only ymchoelut (p. 2, -es, 4), and ymhoelut, p. 17,
occur. In Turpin's Chronicle, ymchwelut, -ws, -assant, etc, occur 17 times;
ymchoelut. etc, 3 times (ymchoel, p. 87; ymchoylei, p. 46; -wys, p. 44);
ymhoelut, 22 times (ymhoylut, p. 43; ymhoyl, p. 82, etc). — In Bown o Hamtwn:
ymchwelut,p. 127; ymchoelawd, p. 188; ymhoelut (ymhoyly, 2nd sing., p. 138;
ymoel, p. 138), 30 titnes. In Purdan Padric: ymchwelut, etc, p. 192(2);
amhaelaud, p. 196; ymhoelut, 10 times.— In Yst. Giulat Ieuan Vend.: ymhoelyt,
p. 328, -u, 2nd sing., p. 328; ymhoel, pp. 328, 334 (Select. from Hgt. MSS.,
vol. ii). Salesbury, N. T: ymchwelyt, f. oa; ymchoelyt, f. 1716; nad
ymchoelent at, marg. y dychwelasant, f. 36; ydd ymchoelodd, f. 266, etc. In
later MSS. ymchwelyd usually occurs, also in those which contain regularly
doedyd. §44. Like dyweidyd (see §42), ymchweilyd occurs very seldom. I found
it in only two MSS., viz., in Cleop., B5 [3rd sing. ymchweil, f. 686; Inf.
dýchwelut, f. 1536; ýmch- elut, f. 1386; dýchelut adref, f. 152«; Imp.
ýmchwelet, f. 107«, etc; but odýno ỳàỳmchwoyl, f. 62<x (like
MS. S); and ýd ỳmchweilent, f. 63«; a ýmchweilir, ff. 65«, 676; ýd
ýruch- weilant, f. 67«; a ýmchweilassant, f. 90«; a ýmchweýlws, f. 1006; a
hýnný oll a datỳmchweilies ýnnev, f. 1086; a dýchweiliassant, f. 141«;
pan ỳmchweilit, f. 129«], and in the prose textBuchedd yr
anrhydeddusBedr,m Add. MS. 14,979 (16th cent.): ymchweylût a dwedùd, f. 1586;
onid ymchweûlai, f. 162«; ymchwevlyd, f. 163«; ymchweyldt, ib.; besides
ymchwelodd, f. 1576; etc. In the later MS. doydud and dyweydyt occur (see §42;
as to û, cf. ib. onaddûnt, f. 155«; dûallt, gan eû broclûr, f. 1596; etc. |
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88 OBSERVATIONS
ON THE WELSH VERBS. §45. Tt results from the above quoted examples that ym-
lioelyd is a Middle- Welsh form surviving iu the South Western dialects,
whilst doedyd oecurs not earlier thau aboutthe lGth century, and is not
seldom met with in MSS. which for other reasons sliould be attributed to the
Powysian dialects. The phonetic processes which are apparently common to both
must therefore be held to be different ones, and cannot be further discussed
here, though the phonetics of the modern dialects, which are up to the
present very incompletely known, might perhaps illustrate them. Dyweidyd and
ymchweilyd probably contain the ei of the 3rd sing. dyweid, ymchweil, which
was analogically transferred into tliem at the time when the 3rd sing. dywed,
ymchwel, formed after the model of cymnier, began to replace dyweid,
ymchweil. At that time the coexistence of dywed and dyweid caused dyweidaf,
like dywedaf, etc, to be formed. The modern deidyd shows the group clw before
vowels, simplified by the tliiuination of w; we may remeniber dôd from *dfod,
besides dwad (dyfod). The 3rd sing. Pret, of dywedyd is dyfod, dywad, dywawd
(Davies, Gramm.). On these forms see Ehýs, Rev. Gelt, vi, p. 17, who obseiwes
that dywad, still used inGwyuedd,is fornied " withthe modern preference
for wa over ico". Like gwared — gwarawd — gwares, an s-form of dywei 1 —
dywawd existed also (dywes-), on which see above, §32. I. — Tiie Veimj
Si;bstaxtive. §4G. The forms <>f wyl', oeddwn, compounded with yd-,
ytt- 3 and with the preceding verbal particles ydd-, yr- (Xcnss. -\). 551),
show some phonetic and dialectal peculiarities not mentioned in Zeuss. 5Td-,
ytt- îd some South-Welsh MSS. from the L5th cent. downwards, and iu the later
colloauial OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS |
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BSEEYATIONS ON
TIIE WELSH YEliIìS. 89 language, generally appear as od-, ott-, sornetirnes
wd-. 1 ( !f. from Brut Gr. ab Arthur, in MS. Oleop., 135 (the only Middle-
Welsh MS. in which I found these forms): val ýr ottoedwn, f. 60«; thra
ottoýdit, f. 73«; ý gwýr a ottoed, f. 90«; ýr ottoedýnt, f. 60&; a phan
ottoýdýnt, f. 10«; marwo nychdod ir odwyf, Eobin Ddu, 1460, quoted Add. MS.
14,944, f. 134«. In the Gwentian
part (Huet) of Sal. N.T., very seldom: yrodoedo 1 , f. 386a. ün forms
occurring in the Gwentian Add. MS. 14,921 see my Beitr., §41 (odwi, ody, ni
dody, ny dodi, nydody, odyn, ny dodyn, odoedd, odys). In Marchawg Crwydrad
(printed from a South-Welsh MS.): lle nad ody, lle na bu a lle na bydd byth,
p. 2; er nad ody aur ac arian ond . . ., p. 148; y rhai a odynt yn eu harfer,
p. 145; ody duw yn 'wyllysu, p. 144; nid ody yn gwneuthur, p. 143; yr
arglwyddes Fenws yr honn ody yr holl garedig gariadon yn foddlon iddi, p.
141; petheu .... drwy yr hwn y byd odys yn ei drallodi. L. Morris, Add. MS.
14,023, f. 132//: y in South- Welsh pronounced as o in Cdym, North-Welsh
ydym, ôdi, North- Welsh ydyw. In modern
dialects: Dimetian: a odi chi yn meddwl, Ser. Cymru, i, p. 429; a odi Mari .
. . ., p. 231; a odi chi yn dost? p. 251, etc. Gwentian: Ehys, Lectures, 2 p.
45, gives oti, from a part of Gwent, that in which the medise are pronounced
in such a manner as to be commonly written tenues, cf. jocal = diogel, in
Neath, etc. Aber- dare: odi (Y Gweitlúwr). Llanelly, Cyf.yr Aelwyd: ydw, p.
68; ydy, ydach chi, p. 20; besides ody? — answered by odyn, p. 68. Y Tyw.
òs'r G.: odi e'n ddrwg, ii, p. 66; oti chi, i, p. 154; otuchi, pp. 94, 117;
neu otu chi, p. 117; otuch I, p. 94 (ydu chi, íb.); otus ddim . . . ., p. 96.
Monmouthshire: Y Bedyddiwr: otw, otw, viii, p. 174; nag oti, p. 107; odi, p.
174; nag odyn, p. 174; etc. Wd.: Seren
Cymru: yr wdw i, iii, p. 264; wdw I, i, p. 232; Gwron Cymreig: rwdwi, wdw i,
20, 5, 52; ib. wes, wedd, rwedd, trwed for ces, etc. Carnarvonshire: mi
rwdwi, Yr Arw., 9, 4, 57; yr wdw i, ih.; rwdwi yu deud, 11, 12, 56; ac yr wdw
ina yn cael . . . ., etc. On similar phonetics in other wordsseemy Bcilr., 1
yd before consonants occurs frequeutly in the old poems and in the so-called
Gogynfeirdd. Cf. i'rom Dr. Davies' MS. (Add. MS. 14,8i e.g., yd vernir, f.
55a, yd rotir, y gelwir, yd gedwir, yt (= ydd) ergryner f. 56a, mal yd glywir
f. 706 (Cynddelw), etc. |
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90 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS. §§40-48;
cf.,e.r/.,bychan, bachan,bochan,bwchan (Wogan,Vwghan, in the English part of
Lhjfr Arhau, pp. 55, 56); to the forins of the Old Welsh Catguocaun, given /.
c.,§40: Cydwgan, Ewdogan, Kodw- gan, Ewdwgan, Eodogan; add. Eydogan, Ll.
Achau, p. 22, Eadogan, p. 15, Eadwgan, p. 15; etc. §47. Davies, Dict. and
Gramm., p. 182, gives ydd-instead of yr- as the Dimetian form. So also Pughe,
in Coxe's Monmouthshire: Gwent. yddoedd = Yenedot. yroedd; Dosp. Edcijm,
§824: yd- 3 ydd- are " more generally" used in South- Welsh, y-,
yr- in North-Welsh. This dialectal difference may be seen in the t"\vo
texts of Gruff. al> Cynaris Life used in Myv. Arch.,\o\. ii; cf. ac yna
ydd oeddynt, 2 p. 723 (South- Welsh), yr- (North-Welsh); ydd oedd, 2 p. 724:
yr- (Xorth- Welsh); ac yny lle ydd annogasant wynteu, p. 724: yr anno- gasant
hwytheu; also pp. 730, 731: ydd erchis — yr archodd; etc. But yr- is not
wanting in South-Welsh' texts and modern dialects,at least as they are
written in Scren Cymru, Y Gicron Cymrcig, etc. These different forms are due
to the generalisation of mutations incurred before certain consonants, like
the different forms of the article in Welsh and Breton. Yd-, notwithstanding
its frequent use in the form of od- in South-Welsh, is said by Davies,
Gramm., and others to be more generally used in North- Welsh. Cf. Davies,
Gramm.: Pass. ydys; poet.. Dimet., Powysian, ys; poet. also ydis. Hughes,
1822: South- Welsh wyf rather than ydwyf. líowlands, Gramm., 4 p. 7G:
South-Welsh wyf, pl. ym, ych, ynt; North-Welsh ydwyf, etc. Y Geninen, iii,
19, Glamorganshire: shwd i chi = sut yr ydych chwi. §48. The prohlem of the
origin of wyf and oeddwn inWelsh, ouf and oíf, oann and en, etc, in Breton
and Cornish, has been very differently treated by Ilhŷs, Lccturcs, 2 p.
234, R. C, vi, p. 4D, u. 1, and by Stokes, Kuhris Zcitsclu\, xxviii, p. 101
->"/. I am of the first opinionof the former, that these forms belong
to the root es-; ys = Ir. is; 3rd pl. iut, ynt = *enti í'or OBSERVATI0NS ON
THE WELSH VERBS |
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OBSERVATIONS ON
TIIE WELSH YEIîBS. 91 *s-enti, causecl by *e- s- m . . . of the lst pl. From
the very early periocl when the vowel of the root, lost in the plural, was
reintroducecl in the lst and 2nd pers. pl. — in which persons it was
afterwards altered, as the Cornish and Breton fornis show — the singular is
supposed to have assumed thematic flexion: *esemi, *esesi. Perhaps the
assumption of another analogical process, of the retransgression of the e of
the plural into the singular, or of the *ê (from the augment c + c of es-) in
the imperfect,would also meet the difficulties here existing: *esmi gave *em
or *ym (hence -m in buum bûm, I was,etc); *esi gave *ei, *esti gave ys, which
has been kept; *e-esmi (or *e-em) or *ëm, *ësi or *ëi, *ësti or *ës gave *wym
(altered later into wyf, like all other verbs), *wy (later wyt, with t of the
pronoun), oes, which still exists. An argument in favour of the theory of
thematic flexion is furnished by the 3rd sing. yd-y, ycl-i, Corn. us-y, Bret.
ecl-y, if -y is from *eset, and y w, Corn. yu, eu, Bret. eu, is to be
explained by the supposition of an afíìxed pronominal element (Ehŷs).
However, *êset would give *wy; and nyw-: nwy-, y'w (do), etc. caution us
against denying the possibility of *wy becoming yw under cer- tainyetunknown
conditions, — ataveryremoteperiod,it is true: cf. the Corn. and Bret. forms.
— These forms are analogically transformed during their history in Welsh
itself. J. D. Rhŷs, Gramm., 1595, gives the pl. ym, yn (like all later
plurals, following the pron. ni), ych ancl ywch, ynt, Ywch, ydywch, yttywch
are ascribed byDavies to the Dimetian dialect and the poets. Dosp. Ecl, §653,
gives even lst plur. Dimet. wyn, 2nd. ywch, ywch. The modern South-Welsh
dialects, how- ever, use ych. Ydem, ydech, are the common North-AYelsh forms,
identical in termination with the modern Pres. Sec. in -em, -ech, the only
terminations of this tense used in these dialects. So probably when -em was
generalised in the Pres. Sec. (see §17) ydym followed this model, like
wrthachi for wrthywch, etc. See Obs. on the Pron., §40. |
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92 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS. Cf. Add. MS. 15,059 (18th cent., North-Welsh): pa beth
ydachi 'n geisio, ai ceisio rychwi 'r fargen . . . ., f. 223b (ib.:
nis gwn i beth a ddywedach, pe gwelach; lst sing. a gefis, etc). Venedotian,
Sweet, p. 449: ädw dwy dw, wyt wt, ädi di yw? (măy mă, ôys, sydd
sy); ädan, ädach, ädyn. Yr Arw.: ydw, 18, 9, 56, mi rydw ina,
17nettlau-, 7, 5G; tydwi, 9, 4, 57 (I am not); yr wit ti, 11, 12, 56; y rw
ti, 17, 7, 56; nid ydan ni, beth ydach chi, 18, 9, 56, etc. Powysian: pwy
ydech cliwi, Y Cyf dyfyr, 1883. In Cab. few. Tomos, a is written for final e
in this verb, as in Carnarvon- shire, though it is ordinarily written e in
other words. Cf. ini rydw i'n cofio, p. 7; nieddwl rydw i, p. 15; yr ydw i'n
gweld, p. 18; ne dydw i'nabod; mi rwyt ti, p. 14; ydi 'r llyfr ddim yn . . .
., p. 11; ydan ni, p. 77; 'r yda ni, p. 135; ond 'r ydach chi, p. 135; mi
rydach chi, pp. 19, 53; ai dydyn nhw (nad), p. 33. Cann. y Cymry, 1672: rwi
'n tifedd, p. 276; ar sawl wi 'n nabod etto, p. 337; 2nd plur. ych. Dimetian,
Ser. C.: yr w'i yn meddwl, i, p. 212; w'ine, ii, p. 184; beth w'ti yn, f.
iii, p. 142; shwt w'ti, ii, p. 262; yr w'ti, iii, pp. 305,603; i nw, i, 251.
Gwentian, Aberdare: dwi ddim . . . ., ond w i yn meddwl, Y Gw.\ Llanelly, V
Tyw. á'r G.: dw'i ddim, i, p. 94; ond dych chi ddim, 1 chi, ib.\ a pha beth i
chi 'n — ydu chi, i, p. 134; nad i chi, etc. Monmouthshire: y'ch chi, Y Bed.,
etc. §49. Tn the modern dialects, instead of oeddwn, etc., forms are used,
given by Rowlands, Gframm., 2 248, as own, oit, plur. oem, oech, oent. The
earliest reliable examples of theiu which I know of are 'roem (oeddem), Gann.
y Gymry, 107-, 1».:!74, and South-Welsh oen, " they were"—
North-Welsh oeddyn, L. Morris, Add. MS. 14,923, f. lUa; Williams Pant y
Celyn: o'wn (quoted in Y Tracth., 1870, p. 413); o'ent in tlie magazine
Trysorfa Gwybodaeth, etc, Carmarthen, 1770 (ina passage reprinted in Y
Traeth., vol. iv). A oeint, O v wen, Lttms, p. 304 (Crwcnt. Cod<\ MS. Y),
and y ddoyent, /J. Acìnw, l>. 17 (ib., y doyeth = doeth, ]>. (iU), are
of conrse doubtful. Dimetian, Seren Oymru: own I, i, pp. 233, 272; yr own I,
p. 232: ond'down I, U>.\ o'et ti i, p. 373; pan o ti iii. p. 184; yr o ti,
|i. 142; yr o ni. p. I 17; \v chi, p, 22; yn well nagonw r dyddie basodd, yi-
o'n awy i, p. 292 (er aad o <is i, p. ^7.'!). Seren (lomer, :!'i: yr oet
ti, pan oent, p. 362; o'i chi, p. 268. OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS |
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0BSEEVATI0NS ON
TIIE WELSH VEEBS. 93 Gwentian, Aberdare: yr own i, Y Gweithiwr, 1858, 5; oen nhw,
ib. (odd e, dos = nid oes, ib.). Llanelly: pan own i, paham o' it ti 'n
chwerthin, Cyf. yr Ael., i, pp. 68, 32; Y Tyio. a\ 67.: yr own I, oe' chi i,
p. 94; oe' nhw, p. 96. Neath: own i, oit ti, ôdd, oin nw. Monmouthshire: dyma
'r peth own i'n hela ato, YBed., 8, p. 106; o'wn i, p. 174. Ebbw Vale: o'n i,
lst sing.; o ni, o chi, P. Cymr., 28, 37. Uorth Wales: in Yr Arw. I have
noticed only oeddwn, written, e.g., pen ouddan ni, 19, 11, 56; but Sweet, p.
449, gives 6n, lst sing.; and so in Y Gen. Gymr. (Carnarvon): o'n i yn
gwel'd, pan yr own i, rown i, down i (nid), etc, 20, 5, 1885, p. 7 6 , etc.
These forms possess a strilring similarity to tlie Breton oann, oas, oe, oa,
oamp, oach, oant, and to the Cornish en, es, o, 3rd plur. ens. Bnt their late
appearance cautions us against the assumption of their identity, and against
attri- buting the existence or non-existence of dd (from j) to different
accentuation, etc. I presumethat at thetimewhen oedd was pronounced ôdd it
was identified in termination with the secondary presents in -odd, carodd,
rhôdd, fromrhoi, etc.; and that o (as rho in rhôdd), the supposed stem, was
conju- gated like another verb in the Pres. Sec.: o-wn, o-it, plur. oem,
oech, oent, like rhown, etc. -odd, it is true, belongs now to the system of
the s-preterite, and so we must probably attribute to the inüuence of oeddwn
itself the fact that own, and not *oais, was formed. Perhaps forms like
dathoeddwn, 3rd sing. dathoedd, pron. dathodd, also contributed to the forma-
tion of own, and not *oais. Oedd in these compounds, on which see below, was
further assimilated to the Pres. Sec.; cf . y cawsei ef, marg. cathoddei,
Sal., N. T., f. 148«. Ym oeddy w pro oeddwn, Add. MS. 14,944, f. 134«. §50.
As to the forms of the verb substantive commencing with b (it is not safe to
speak of them otherwise, since they are attributed to so many different
roots), the old forms of the conjunctive and optative, imperative, present
second, etc, are being replaced in the modern language, at least as it is
given in grammars, by forms of byddaf, conjugated like any other verb. Of
this stem bydd- forms with o occur in the most |
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94 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERTATIONS ON TIIE WELSH YEEBS. recent centuries and in
the modern dialects, nearly all con- junctives. Cf. bythoch or bothoch =
byddoch, "that you may be", Iîhŷs, Lect., 2 p. 232. Th in the
conjunctive is due to the old accentuation, which also causes teccach, teg,
etc. So: hyt pann vethont, Ll. Gw. Bh., p. 289; pan vethont, MS. Tit. D22, f.
156&; tra vythw vi, Add. MS. 14,986, f. 25ò; bythwyf, rhothwyf, Davies,
Gramm. Cf. Add. MS. 14,898 (17th cent.): lle botho ych ffansi, f. 74«; Add.
MS. 14,938: pen fotho, f. 6Sa; Add. MS. 31,060 (18th cent.): fel y botho gwiw
ych caru, f. 137a. Hope, 1765: botlrwi, p. vii; fodde, p. 5 (byddei). Cahan
f'ew, T.: tra botho nhw 'n dal. p. 132; and also pp. 14, 116, 117, 134, 135;
am byd bothol ber- ffaith, p. 278. Yr Amserau: nes botho bi, 4, 5, 48; gore
pomwua o blant fotho gin bobol i fund ono. 29, 3, 49; etc. Ono, dono and ene,
dene are equally often used in these ttythyrau , rhen fjfarmwr; ib. neu
bomtheg o byrsonied, 30, 12, 47, cf. i bwmthegarugen, Hen Cymro in Y Gwron
Cymreig, 6, 5, 1852 (Carmartheû). All these texts belong to the North-Welsh
dialects. §51. Davies, Gramm., gives the Opt. Eesp. Conj. as bwyf, bŷch,
bêch, bô, bom, bôch, bônt. In Carnarvonsh. (Sweet, p. 449): bô, bôt, bô, bôn,
bôch (?), bôn. Boent and bwyntoccur frequently in Middle-Welsh texts. Cf. MS.
A, p. 77: elle ebont = e boent; B, J, K: yr nep pyeufoent, p. 157; Tit. D2 (=
B): ket etuoent, f. 22b; herwýd e lle e boent endau f. 32a; gwedỳ
buýnt, f. 37«; Add. MS. 14,931 (=-#): a gýfarfoent, f. 17a; ŷný wlat ýd
anhoýdýnt ohoneý, p. 77,= hanuoent, B, = henynt, K, Tj (Dimét Gode); lcynn
bóynt, p. 268, =: bont, <7, K; cyd bwynt in later texts. In modern texts
these forms, with tra preceding, lose the initial /: trech = tra fech. The
vowel of the proclitic tra was dropped like ôther pre-tonic vowels, and the
group trf + vowel became tr. Taswn for ped faswn (see below) is a similar
case. Cf. Cann. y Cymry, L672: trech (tra fyddtch), p. 130 (2); trech liyw,
jpp. 2 11, 295 (//>., lle bych dithc, marg. byddych); byth tro ganto,
marg. tra fo cf. In )' Traeth., iii, p. 8, tr'cch, tr'o are said to be
South-Welsh. From Williams Pant y Celyn tr'wi is quotcd, Llyfryddiaeth,
j>. 397; thisisfrom tra fwyf. OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS |
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OBSERYATIONS ON
TIIE WELSH VEEBS. 95 §52. On the perfect (bûm) see Bhŷs, Bcv. CelL,
vi,p. 1 9 seq. Both a and o occur in Micldle-Welsh in the terminations of the
lst and 3rd pl.; in the B. of Herg. and Ll. Gw. Bh. buam, buant largely
prevail. On the modern South-Welsh neo-for- mations bues, buest, see §19.
Another dialectal peculiarity is buo (lst sing.) in the Dimetian dialects.
Cf. Davies, Gramm.: bum, poet. buym, buum; buo Demetarum vulgus; also eutho,
deutho, gwneutho (for euthum, etc). L. Morris, Add. MS. 14,923,1 1336:
South-Welsh buo, buofi, I have been. Hughes, 1822: South-Welsh buo = bum.
Spurrell, Gramm., 3 189: South-Welsh buais, bues, buo. Cf. March. Crwydr.
(17th cent., South-Welsh MS.): mi gwybuo, p. 150; pan gwybuo, p. 152; nid
aetho, etc. Cann. y C: a wnaetho i 'n derbyn, p. 141; ar y wnaetho i maes
o'th feddwl, o bwy nifer o bechode wnaetho i 'n d' erbyn, p. 400; pob
ffolineb ag a wnaetho, i, p. 451; etc. Y Cymmr., iv (Iolo Morganwg): o fod
gymmaint ag y buof i maes yn y tywydd. Y Tyw. «V G.: fe wnaetho I, iii, p.
192; Monmouthsh., Y Bed.: y buo i 8, p. 106; a wnaetho i, p. 108; etc.
Similar forms exist also in Carnarvonshire: lst sing. buom, 3rd sing. buo;
cf. Sweet, p. 449: lst sing. byom, bŷm; 3rd sing. byo, bŷ. Ehŷs
says that búom i, which he thinlcs to be old, is used in North- and
South-Welsh (l. c. p. 20). Cf. Yr Ariv. (Pwllheli): ac mi fuom yn hir iawn
chwedun yn misio .... 26, 2, 57; a gallwch feddwl wth a ddyudis i, y buo hi
yn fud garwinol arna i, ond ddyudis i mo hanar y ffrigwd wrtlio chi, 17, 7,
56; mi fuo yr un o'r rhyini, 2, 10, 56; mi fuo fo, 13, 11, 56; ma nhw yn
bobol nyisia (Eng. nice, superl.) a ffryindia fuo rioud ar y ddyuar yma, 2,
10, 56; etc. These forms (North-Welsh buom, South-Welsh buo = buof, fìnal/not
being pronounced, and therefore not written in these new forms, of which no
historical orthographies existed, and North-Welsh buo) are evidently formed
after the model of the conjunctive bôf, pl. bom, boch, bont. Bum and bu,
isolated forms in the scheme of the verb, were either |
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96 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERYATIONS ON TIIE WELSH VERBS. directly made bu-of,
bu-o, or o was at least combined with bum, the North-AYelsh bu-o-m resulting.
A still more probable explanation seems to be the fol- lowing: buom buoch
buont lost their isolated sing. bûm, bu, and formed buof, buo, like caraf,
cara; pl. caram, buam,cersom, buom. In Neath, byo, byot, and byost, by a
(ef); also etho i, detho i, gnetho i, ceso i (cafael), 2nd sing. ethot and
ethost, dethot and dethost, etc, occur commonly. The doublets in the 2nd
sing. show the influence of the optative and also the exact origin of attast,
arnost, also wthtost, etc, quotcd in Obs. on the Pron., and in common use at
Neath. §53. The secondary preterite of the Verb Subst.,in Middle- Welsh
bu-asswn, bu-ysswn, becomes in modern Welsh, by dropping the unstressed u,
basswn, bysswn. Buswn also occurs in theliterary language (bu-swn, like
gwel-swn). Of. Zeu8S, 2 p. 5C3, and Ll. Gw. Rh.: a uuyssyut— ae nabuyssynt,
pp. 192, 206; Cleop., B5: pan uuessynt, etc. Salesbury, N. T.: pe byesiti, f.
lb\b. R. Davies: pe biase, f. 3046; pe biasentwy, f. 340a Huet: by biasey, f.
379a; beBÌdes pe's bysei, f. 946; ys gwybysei, besei, ff. 170«, 220«; ny
besei, f. 1516; a ddarvesei, f. 174«; pe bysem, f. 38a; ny vesetn ni, f. 38«;
pe besent, na wybesynt, f. 3606. Y Drych Christ., 1585: a fuassei, p. 3;
besides pei bysswn i, ni byssei, pei, ony byssei, f. 216; pei bassai, f. 216;
a phet fassci, f. 16«; fe fassei dhyn, f. 216; etc. Cann. y C.: ony bysse,
ony basse, p. 139. E. Lhuyd, A. Br., [ntroduct.: bisse, pe bissent
(South-Welsh). Noiíh Welsh, Sweet, p. 449: baswn, basat, basa, basan. basach,
basan; y basswn i, Yr Arw., 30, 10. 56; piti garw na baset ti, mi faswn i,
Ca6. f'ew. T. South-Welsh: ni fyswn I, I byswn I, Ser. C, i, p. 449; buse, na
buse fe. a fusc chi, /b. Llanelly: fuse hi, )' '/'. n'r G., ü, p. 65. Moniiidutlish.: a
fysse, os bysa hi, Y Bed., viii, p. 44, etc; y busai yn ddyinunol, etc. (literary language). §54. After ped,
" if ", the/ of fawn, fewn, fasswn, etc, is dropped: petawn
="ped"- fawn. Even the vowel of the pro- clitic "ped" is
lost, and *p-t becomes /,the result being tawn, taswn, <•((•., the common
forms of the modern colloquial language. In certain Middle-Welsh MSS. we find
forms '.-, "•,- OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS |
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BSERVATIONS ON
THE WELSII VERBS. 97 which one might call " open forms", ancl which
shall be further discussed below; but the existence of forms like pettei in
the same MSS. shows that they are merely historical orthographies. Cf. B.
ofBerg.: pei yt ueón i yn dechreu vy ieuenctit, col. 745; beyt uei, col. 638.
Ll. Gw. Rh.: pettei a allei eu caffel, p. 226; a phettut, p. 315. Y S. Gr.: a
phei at vei o haearn pygyeit, pp. 195, 389; megys pei at uei milgi, p. 336; a
phei at ueut, 2nd sing., pp. 392, 420; pei at uei marw, §§64, 67; besides a
phettwn inneu, p. 278; pettut, §27, p. 349; a phettei, §62, pp. 179, 243; a
phettit, p. 284, Pass. Salesbury, N. T.: val petei, f. 1796; mal petyn, f.
63<r; megis petyn, f. 212a; val petent, val petaent, etc. Gr. Roberts, Gramm.: petten, p. 14
(YDrych Christ.: pe y baem, D la; fal pe y baynt, C 16; pe i bysswn i, 3).
Add. MS. 14,986 (16th cent.): pe dfai e, be bai. Add. MS. 14,921: fal bebai,
f. 376; fal bebay, f. 276; fal be bai, f. 19a; fal betai, f. 15/;; fel betai,
f. 46; betaichwi, f. 446; a ffetasse, f. 31« (fal bebassent, f. 45a). Cann.y
C.: peteitin gwybod, p. 505; pyt fae, pp. 260, 545. In Grammars: pettwn,
pettit, pettai; pettym, -ych, -ynt (Row- lands); petaem, - aech, -aent (D. S.
Evans). Carnarvonshire, Sweet, p. 449: taswn, tasat, tasa, ta; tasan, tasach,
täch, tasan, tân. Yr Arw. \ taswn i, ta titha yn gwbod, wel dachi yn . . .
17, 7, 56; dae ti yn myned, 15, 1, 57; wel, dasa . . . 20, 8, 57; etc.
Merioneth, Caban feiv. T.: wel, tawn i, tase r llyad wedi syrthio trw'r to,
p. 61; etc. Carmarthenshirc, Ser. C.: tawn I yn gwbod, 'tawn I, iii, p. 382;
ta, i, p. 292. Gwentian dialect: fy licwn tau'chi 'n esbonio, Y T. a'r
G. i, p. 1 17; ta chi, ii, p. 67; etc. §55. As pei at-,owing to its non-accentuation,becomes ped in the
later lauguage, so pes (if) must be supposed to be a proclitic contraction of
pei as-, pei ys-, in which combination s is an infixed prononn; cf. pei as
göypón, mi ae dywedón, B. of Herg., col. 835; Y S. Gr., §§2, 26, 46; etc. In
Gann. y G, 1672, pes is still printed pe's, p. 414. Davies, Dict.: pes from
pe ys. Salesbury, N. T.: pe's bysei hwn yn pr., ys gwybysei ef; pe's
adwaenesoch vi, ys adwaenesoch vy tat hefyt, f. 145&; dywedaf ychwy pe's
tawei i'r ei hyn, ys llefai VOL. IX. H |
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98 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERVATI0NS ON TIIE WELSH VERBS. yr main, marg. ceric,the
South-Welsh word (pe tawai — y llefai, ecl, 1873); etc. — Compare also neur,
neucl, neus ancl nicl, nis. Though, with perhaps one exception, no
"open" forms are retained, ot and os, or, if, besides o
(aspirating), if, certainly contain the same elements as the second parts of
pet, pes. Or, probably from *o yr, is given by Davies and others as
South-Welsh. It is not so easy to separate the spheres of ot, os, or, as
those of pet, pes. Cf. B. of Hcrg.: namyn ti a göyr dy ty a eill dial owein
or llas, neu y ryclhau ot ydiw ygkarchar. ac os buó y dóyn gyt a thi, col.
642. As I pointed out in my Bcitr., §55, o (aspirating) lost in certain
positions its final tenuis, like a and ac (and), but *oc seems still to exist
in agatfydd, agatoedd, an olcl compound which has more or less lost its
verbal character, and become an adverbial formula. Otherwise, *o atfydd,
perhaps *otfydd, would have sprung up. That ag at- is really the
representative of a later o at-, is perhaps supported by the once-occurring o
gattoeth (MS. S. f. 63a: Pob góad hagen gann dygù k6byl a vyd digaön [MS.
digiga6n] yr g6ad6r ac yr reithöyr o gattoeth kynny bo g6ir), by the
occurrence of a, at, as, ar (if), common, c.g., in Salesbury's N. T., etc,
and perhaps by osgatfydd, ysgatfydcl (Spurrell), forms in which os (if),
unstressed ys, was reintro- duced, at a time when agatfydd was no longer
known to contain a word denoting if Cf. acattoed, ac attuyd, B. of fferg.,
col. 673; agattoed, Ll. G>r. Iìh.,-p. 85; ac accattoed, p. 2G3; agatfydd,
scatfydd, yscatfydd, J. D. lîhys, Gramm., p. 106. Atfydd alone occurs, e.g.,
in B. of I/( rg. t col. 740: a phei mynnvt gyuoeth eiryoed atuyd y kaffut ti
hónnó. )'.s7. Gwl. leuan \\m/., p. 331: rac attoeth cayu y ddayar arnaw;
atoedd (otherwise), Sp., Dìct., etc. Adfydd is used quite as an adrerb, and
even compounded with di-; cf. diedfydd, ccrte, procul dubio, Davies, Dict. J.
— COMPOUNDS WITII THE VERB SüBSTANTIVE. §56. The verb substantive exists in
all its forms in com- position witli the prepositions gor-, can- (ar-gan-),
d-ar- and OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS |
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OBSEKVATIONS ON
THE WELSH VERBS. 90 " han-" (on whicb see my Obs. on the Pron.,
§82); with the unexplained pi- or pieu-; and with tlie verhal forrns (not stems,
of course), gwydd-, gnaw-; as well as in the Part. Pret. Pass. with forrns
externally similar to gwydd- in all verbs (e ducpuet, MS. A, p. 48, etc).
Other apparent com- pounds, like taluaf, MS. A, p. 58, o deweduuant, p. 69,
dywetpóynt, MS. F, p. 390 (dywettöynt, MSS. G, U), are extremely rarely met
with, and if they are not errors, they are occasional results of the
compounds with bwyt (buwyt), -pwyt. The early compounds are in later times
con- jugated like byddaf, a regular verb, or else the first elements of the
compounds, together with the initial b, modifìed according to the consonant
preceding, are erroneously abstracted as the stem of a verb, otherwise
conjugated regularly. So gwypwyf is gwyddbwyf; but gwypwn, Imp. gwyped, are
formed from the pretended stem *gwyp-. So from adnabod: adnappwyf, adneppych,
adnappo, etc.; but also adnappwn, adnapper. E-f becomes r-ff. So arose
darffwyf, gorffwyf, which were imitated in hanffwyf (and hanpwyf). Hence
hanffwn, hanffer, hanffasid, and even hanffaf, henffi, 3rd sing. henffydd
(*hanff is likely to have been avoided), pl. hanffwn, henffwch, hanffant
(Davies, Gramm.). Cf. yr nep y gorffer arnaw, Ll. Gw. Rh., pp. 34, 43 (y
goruydir arnei, p. 34; a orffo, p. 34); pan ar ganfer gyntaf, Add. MS.
14,912, f. 17b. The kind of infection of the initial consonants in the second
element of these compounds varies, as shown by the different degrees seen in
can — focl, gwy — bod, gor — ffwyf, which were imitated by the other verbs,
c.g., hanfu and hanbu (like gwybu), canffydder, canffer, and canfydder, etc.
§57. Yd henwyf o honei, yd henôyt tithen, B. of Hcrg., col. 711. Cenyw, D. ab
Gw., Poems, p. 205. Amdenyw is evidently an imitation of deryw, etc.; cf.
Dosparth Edeyrn, §939. Goryw is given, ib., §813. Ny deryó, B. of Herg., col.
740; pa deryó itti, col. 751. The common form used in H 2 |
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100 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERVATTONS ON TIIE WELSH VEEBS. the B. of Henj.,
liowever, is derw, for examples ot' wliich see my Beitr., §110 (cols. 568,
639, 642, 660, 661, etc.). 1 Fut., a derbit y euo, Ll. Gw. Bh., p. 268; Imp.,
derffit, B. of Herg., col. 566. The Perf. darfu becomes in the modern
länguage daru, which is used with an infinitive following, especially in the
Northern dialects, to circumscribe the preterite of such verbs as make little
use of their s-aorists. Hnghes, 1822, says: " In North-Welsh they are
fond of darfu; beth ddarfu iddo wneuthur?'' Cf. also Sweet, p. 445, and the
dialectal texts, in which be haru, ba haru is sometimes written for beth
ddarfu: be haru chi hyiddiw, Yr Arw., 17, 7, 56; ba haru mi yn wir, ib.; be
haru ti, Cab. few. T., p. 337. Cf. myrolaeth, Stowe MS. 672, f. 230«, etc.
§58. Pi-, pieu-, in composition with bod, denoting to " pos- sess",
is one of the most enigmatic Welsh ẁords to me. A few examples are: MS.
Calig. A13 (=C): ỳr nep pỳeiffo e da, f. 177?;; pye6, f. 182*.
MS. L: bieu, p. 240; bióỳnt in M. B. of Herg.: p6y bieóynt h6y, col.
752; bioed, cols. 655, 662, 663, 668, 691, 775; bieuoed, col. 658; bieiuu,
col. 775. Ll. Giv. Eh.: ni ae pieuvydwn hwy, p. 64; bieiuyd, p. 81. Y S. Gr.:
ny wydit pwy byoed, p. 337; pioed gwr ef (whose man he was), p. 215; piwyt
gwr di? (whose man art thou?), p. 222; (y bwy yd oed gwr ef , p. 252).
Salesbury, N. T.: pwy bieivydd, f. 106î>; ny phyeivydd ef hwnw, f. 231a;
duw ei pieu, f. 249n; y pieffont tymasoedd y bud, f. o85b (Huet). It is still
used, since I have read, e.g.t, pia, Cábfew. T., p. 7; waith taw chi pia hi,
Y Bed., viii, p. 107 (Monmouthshire); etc. As to the etymology of this word,
I can only say, that its use in sentences like those quoted from Y Scint
Greal is 1 In " A Treatise on the Chief Peculiarities that distinguish
the Cymraeg, as spoken by the inhabitants of Gwent and Morganwg
respectively", by " Pererindodwr",in the Cambrian Journal,
1855-7, derw occurs in the following sentence: ydych chi wedi derw liau
gwinith? Odyn, ni gwplaon ddo (Monmouthshire and East Glamorganshire): wedi
darfod hau gwenith, niddarfyddson ddo (West Glamorganshire), and: odich chi wedi
penu (dybenu, darfod in Cardiganshire), hoi gwenith? Odyn, ni benson ddoe
(Dimetian dialects). OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS |
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OBSERYATIONS ON
THE WELSH VERBS. 101 suggestive of pi- being a case of tlie stem of tlie
interroga- tive pronouns, and its combination with -eu- being similar to that
of ei in eiddo, if this be really froni *ei-iddo (see Obs. on the Pron., §51,
52). The sense would be: cui — est and cui — suum — est (pi — oed, pi — eu —
oed). But I cannot explain the phonetics of pi, also written py. *po-i gives
pwy, pw, and py; but i in pi-, pieu- is nearly constant in the MSS. Cf. of
course Cornish pyw, pew (pewo, a bewe, ty a vew); Breton biou, byou, e.g.,
rac me biou, Sainte Barbe, 37. I have not yet seen Ernault's opinion on pieu
in his Middle-Breton Glossary. §59. On the perfect gwn, gwddost, gwyr, etc,
of gwybod, see Wny$,Rev. Celt., vi, p. 20-21. Sweet, p. 450, mentions the 2nd
sing. gwst from Carnarvonshire, directly forined from gwn. Old-Welsh
amgnaubot, Oxon. 1: in the South-Welsh dialects gnabod is used for adnabod;
cf. Powel (Annotat. to Tit. D22, f. 7): Dimetian nabod. In ISTeath: gnapod,
'n napod, nabyddas, -ast, -ws, -son, -soch, -son; fe nabyddwd. Add. MS.
14,986 (16th cent.): yny gnebydd di dy hvn, f. r o%; Cann. y C: 'n nabod.
Aberdare: yn cadw cnabyddiaeth a yn gilydd, Y Gweithiwr, 1858, 5; yn nabod,
yn gnabyddus iawn, ib. (cn probably as in " cnawd, vulgo perperam pro
gnawd, Consuetum", Davies, Dict. — I cannot discern whether by a
phonetic change or by a neo-formation, gnabod being believed to be in the
status ìnfectus); Monmouthshire: a nabyddswn yn dda, dwy 'n nabod, Y Becl.,
viii, p. 106. Also dynabod is written; — Add. MS. 14,986: reol i dynabod, f.
16 (ydnabocl, f. 17«; hydnabyddwch, f. 19«; kyndnabyddwch, f. 23a). Add. MS.
14,913: yddnabod (cf. hiêil, ff. 'òa, 4J, ib.), f. 16«; ay ddynabod y hynan
ac y ddynabod y aiddio y hyn rac aiddio arall, f. 16«. Y Drych öhrist.:
dynabod, Cl« (ednabod, f. 17«). Lewis Morris, in Add. MS. 14,944, f. 206:
dynabod in Anglesey = adnabod. Perhaps it is only a phonetic variant of
adnabod, ydnabod,like ymsangu,mysangu? |
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102 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSEKVATIONS ON TIIE WELSH YERBS. §60. Adwaen, in the B.
of Carm. once adwoen, as the rhyme shows (see Ecv. Oelt, vi, p. 22), is from
*at-gwo-gn- *uü-ve-gn-, corresponding to the Irish aithgën, from -ge-gn-. In
the B. of Herg. and Ll. Gw. Eh. adwen is the conmton form of the lst and 3rd
sing. Cf. B. of H> > ;/.: atwen, Shene, pp. 261, 268; col. 772, 781,
8376. Ll. Gw. Eh.: nii ath atwen, pp. 73, 89; yd atwen i, p. 97; mi a attwen,
p. 101; 3rd sing. ani hattwen, p. 235 (besides yd atwein i, p. 102; hyd yd
atweun [cf. deutb, or Icg. -v/enn?] i, p. 95; nys ctwenwch, p. 235; canyt
etweynwch chwi, p. 33; attwaenat, p. 10G; ny ani ydwaynat ef, p. 205; yny
ettweinit, p. 217). Probahly the old ord sing. edwyn, frorn *ed — wwyn, the
result of ad — wo — en + a slender vowel, *wwy becoming wy, was the source of
atwen, forrned like gwel-: ord sing. gwyl. Wy in edwyn was v+y; *edwn never
occurs. K. The Eoot *ag in the Vebb, and its Compounds. §61. Ag- simple, and
ag compounded with do- and " gwn-", furnish part of the forrns
denoting to go, to corne, and to make. As to gwn- 1 have not found mentioned
in the proper place in Zeuss 2 (though occasionally quoted,p. 600) the older
forms gwen- and gwan-, which are of very frequent occurrence in the oldest
Venedotian MS. A., but which are extreniely seldom met with in other texts.
Cf. in MS. A: gueneuthur, pp. 6, 10, 11, 12, etc. (24 times) gueneutur, pp.
14, 18, etc. (six times); gueneythur, pp. 15, 892 gueneythr, p. 18;
regueneutur, p. 43; besides guneuthur, p. 53 guneyhtur, p. 66; guneythur, p.
67; guneithur, p. 62; gunehui p. 65; gneuthur, pp. GG, 388; gnethur, p. 69;
gneutur, p. 393, gneihiur, p. 65; gneihur, [>. 65; gneisur, p. 62 (in
certain parts of tln.s .Ms. /,, ///, s are tmtten for th; s occurs also in
the fragment in older orthography in MS. E; kefreisial = cyfreithiol, p.
407); ineuthuredyc, p. 389; 8rd Bing.: guenel, pp. 6, 10, 13, etc. (22 ümes);
besides gunel, p. U; gnel, pp. 20, 22, 155; 3rd sing., guana, pp. 10, II, 57;
guna, p. 1U; a guanant, p. 46; Imp. guanaet l'-;;:I1 i ''' lenelheŷ, p.
1; guenelỳnt, pp. 153, 389; besides gnelei, p. 63; guenelhont, p. 161 j
guanaeth, p. 55; guanaet, p. 154; gnaeth, p. 55 j gnaet, p. .'. I; gnayth, p.
66; gueneler, p. 10, 31, etc. isix times) j güeneyr, pp. 3, 37. OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS |
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OBSEEVATIONS ON
THE WELSH VEEBS. 103 Add. MS. 14,912, Middle-Welsh, containing Meddygon Myddfai,
etc.: awyneler, f. 296; awyna, pop petli a wynel, a wyneler, a wỳneler,
pop gweith awynelych, f. 30a; a wyneler (twice), f. 30ò; a wynelych, a
wýnelych, f. 31a. These are the only instances occurring in this MS., which,
by the way, abounds in South-Welsh dialectal peculiarities; cf. góedu hỳnuỳ,
f. 40«; góedu darfo, f. 22b; o honu, f. 27b (3rd sing. fem.); besides neb
auenno, f. 27b; echedic, f. 40&; efuet, f. 40ò; a obía, f. 46a; dechr«er,
f. 31Z>; pl. erill, ff. 36a, 37a; dóffór, f. 40ô; dwfór, f. S7b; llester,
f. Ub • y pym mylyned, f. 30a; degmylýned, f. 31a; auu, f. 406; yn hoeth, ff.
4lcr, 41t; llyssewyn, f. 36ò; giewyn, f. 36ò; bola, f. 39a; mis whefraór, f.
196; hweró, f. 16ò; y wechet dyd, f. 30a; cawat, f . 28a; anaddyl, f. 94a;
hiddyl, ff. 437>, 48a; dan waddneu, ff. 26ö, 34è; breudóydon, f. 31b,
breidóydon, f. 30&, breudódon, f. 30«, breithóyt, f. 31a, breuthóton, f.
30J; dwesbwyt, f. 34&, sp, f. 41a; regedaóc, ff. 145, 18a; ÿ uỳnýd,
f. 23a; etc. In other texts I have only found that in MS. 21, p. 516, is
printed: my a dystyaf na wanevthost nev my dystyaf a dywedaist (corruptly in
MS. M, na wanay tyst). Salesbury, N. T, f. 297a: eithyr ys da y gwanaethoch
ar ywch gyfrannu i'm gorthrymder i, marg. am blinder (= er hynny, da y
gwnaethoch gydgyfrannu â'm gorthrymder i, ed. 1873); gweny- thei Marc 15, 8,
is a printer's error for gwneythei. Athrav. Grist., p. 18: pa beth a uennaeth
Crist yn arglw. N. pan dyscyno^ ef i uphern. Add. MS. 19,874 (17th cent.):
Gwrandewch bawb a dowch ynghyd — i gyd mewn ysbryd ddiddig, etc, f. 112a: Ir
Tad ar mab ar ysbryd glan — gwanawn ine gan o volian — val y dylem bawb dan
go — roi iddofo r Gogoniaut, ib.; ysbrvd, plur. bigelvdd, a ddoede, doeda,
vddvn, golini, etc.; gwanawn was pronounced as a monosyllable (gnawn or
gnwawn). Rees, C. Br. Saints, p. 225: gwynei, gwyney. These do not exist in
the MS. (Tit. D22), nor does wam. ntìiyr, ib., p. 105, note, from a Jesus
College MS. (Lìyfr yr Angcyr, No. 119, where y bnneuthur is written in that
passage). §62. Gwan-, gwen-: gwn- exhibit the sanie loss of the pre-tonic
vowel as gwar-, gwer-: gwr- ancl gor, from gwor- in gwarandaw, gwerendeu,
gwrandaw, gworescyn, gorescyn; and indeed gwan- is nothing else than gwar-,
gwor- (ver-); as the other Brythonic languages and the Welsh goreu, goruc
show. iV has not yet been explained (see Rev. Celt., vi, p. 31); I think that
it first arose in compounds w T ith el-, forms like *gwer — eler, etc, being
altered to gweneler to avoid the |
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104 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH VEEBS. awkward recurrence of r
and l. Though the orthographies gneuthur, etc, in MS. A, show that gwn- was
then pro- nounced as in modern times, the orthographies guen- and guan- in
this MS. and in the otlier Middle-Welsh MS. are, in my opinion, historical
ones. Not so the few later ones, which may be so-called "inverted
orthographies", imitations of gwar-: gwr-, both being pronounced gn-, gr-,
or gnw-, grw-, as Sweet describes these groups of consonants in the
Carnarvonshire dialect. §63. Doeth, daeth, deuth are all frequent in
Middle-Welsh MSS. Doeth is said in K. Jones' Worhs of Iolo Goch, 1877, p. 13,
n., to be S.-W. 1 Daeth, deuth are imitations of aeth, euthom (like caer,
ceurydd, maes, etc). MS. A: e doeht, p. 50; e doythant, e doetant:
ethaethant, p. 50. Only by full collections from more extensive texts could
the chronological and dialectal differences in the use of doeth— daeth— deutli
be shown. Doeth, the form most used in the best Middle-Welsh MSS., dis-
appears iu later texts. From Sal., N. T., cf. y ddaethant, f. 214/;; na
ddauthym i, f. 186; pan daethesei, f. 2016 (wnaethesent, f. 233a); athant, f.
199a; dathant, f. 200«. Huet: deyth, f. 3896; deythont, f . 388a (eithont, f.
393a; mi eythym, f. 3846); daythont, f. 3816; y ddoyth, f. 382a; y ddoethont,
etc. §64, In the compounds of aeth-, doeth-, gwnaeth- with forms of bod
(aethoedd, etc.),in the B. of Hery., Ll. Giu. Jlìt. and the later
Middle-Welsh MSS., ath-, doth-, dath-, and gwnath- are very common. Cf. B. of
Herg.: athoed, cols. 715, 78G; dothoed, cols. 662, 706; dathoed, cols. 658,
659, 673, 705, 786; dathoedynt, col. 841; a wnathoed, col. 723; ónathoed,
col. 839; gónathoed, col. 802; a ónathoedit, col. 732. Ll. Gw. Rh.: athoed,
p. 98; athoedynt, |,|.. 108, L16; dothoed, pp. 160, 201; dathoed, p. 116;
dathoeth, 1 L. Monis, in Add. MS. 14,731 (Poems of Lewis Glyn Cothi), í. I !
/. ootea: doetfa prodaeth,;i Bolecism («c). OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS |
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OBSERVATIONS ON
THE WELSH VERBS. 105 p. 55; ry wüathoed, pp. 103, 263. Add. MS. 19,709: y
dothoedynt, f. 486; dothoed, ff. 286, öla, 66a; rydothoed, etc. Y S. Gr.:
gwnathoed, p. 219; gwnathoedwn i, p. 198; na wnathoedut, p. 274, etc. Cleop.
B5: ýr pan dathoet paganieit, f. 566; ỳno ý dothoed G., etc. Darcs
Phrygius: a athoedynt, f. 225?; 2; na dothoed,f. 236al, 240« 1 (doethoedynt,
f . 226a 1; doethoed, ib., f. 2236 1, etc). Pughe (in Coxe's Monmouthshire)
gives dothoeddynt as the Gwentian, daethynt as the Venedotian form; this
relates to the Middle-Welsh Gwentian MSS. In the two MSS. of Bucìi. Gruff. ab
Cynan (Myv. Arch.) cf. rhyddothoed, 2 pp. 723, 731 (North-Welsh MS.: y
daethai); a ddathoeddynt (North-Welsh; a ddaethant), p. 725; ac oddyna i
doethoedynt (North-We]sh: oddiyno ydaethant), ib.; rhyddoethost (North-Welsh:
y daethost), p. 726; doethant (North-Welsh: daethant), p. 724 (twice), etc.
§65. Davies, Gramm. (cf. Zeuss, 2 pp. 590, 591), gives etliwyf D. G.;
eclclwyd D. G.; ethyw, vet. poet., eddy w; deddy w D. G.; dothyw, Bleddiu
Fardd, 1246; doddyw, y dydd eddyw in Powys = y dydcl a aeth, qui praeteriit;
gwneddwyf D. G.; gwneddyw D. G.; gwnaddoedd D. G. Cf. from Add. MS. 14,869
(John Davies' transcript of the Gogynfeirdd): Meilyr: ny dotynt, f. 185a.
Gwalchmai: ny daw ny dotyw, f. 1886; pan dotwyd, f. 197a; ethyw, f. 1886; na
dotyw, f. 136. Cynddelw: nyd athwyf, f. 43a; nyd adwyd, nyd etiw, f. 43a;
athwyd, dotyw, f. 58a; dothwyfy, f. 61a; dotwyf, dothyw, f. 62a; ny dotwyf,
f. 796; neum dotyw, f. 7la; neud adwyf, f. 856; etyw, ff. 74a, 756; nyd etiw,
f. 83a. Gwynnuart Brycheinyawc: ethwyf, ethynt, f. 1146. Einyawn wann: detyw
f. 95a; neut eddwyf, f. 99«. Bletyntuart: nyd etiw, f. 2086. Llywelyn Fardd:
Ysgwn cwdedyw ny un cwdaf, dothwyf. Pryd. Bychan o Ddeh.: athwyf, f . 143a;
ethym (twice), ib. Pryd. y Moch: dydotyw y dyt, dydel, f. 1606; cf. dydaw,
dydeuant, dybyt, dybu, dybwyf, dybo, Llyw. Fardd, f. 1186; dotyw, f. 194a,
etc. T= dd in this MS., which is copied from a much older one; cf. f. 2376:
finis. 16 April. 1617. Totum scripsi ego Jo. Davies. Hyd hyn allan o hên lyfr
ar femrwn, a scrifennasid peth o honaw ynghylch amser Ed. 2. ac Ed. 3. fel y
mae 'n gyffelyb: A pheth ynghylch ainser Hen. 4. [a. 6. — added later\. Yr
hen lyfr hwnw a fuasai yn eiddo Gruff. Dwnn, ac yn eiddo Huw llŷn, ac yn
eiddo Rys Cain ac yr awrhou sy eiddo Robert vychan or wen graig ger llaw
Dolgelleu. Scrifenyddiaeth y llyfr hwnnw oedd fal hyn yn y law hynaf. |
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106 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERVATIONS ON TIIE WELSH YERBS. Cf. also B. ofHerg.:
kyllell a edyó ym bóyt, col. 812; ys ethyw gennyf deuparth vy oet, col. 813;
yny del gereint . . . . or neges yd edyó idi, col. 780; neut athoed hi
heibaó, col. 715, = neur ry adoed hi heibyaó, col. 716; ydodóyf, col. 718; y
dodwyfi, col. 718; dodóyf, col. 77o; ny dodyó vyth dracheuyn, col. 806; neur
dethynt óythmis, col. 411. Ll. Gw. Ilh.: y dyd a ediw ar nos a deuth, p. 166; y
dyd a ediw ar nos a dyuu, p. 171. A ethyó, ny dodynt (dodyw, B. of Herg.), Rev. Celt., viii, pp. 23,
25. In Dafydd ab Gwilym's Poems (ed. 1789): deddyw, p. 4; gwneddyw, p. 429, a
wneddwyf, p. 115. Though ae and oe were pronounced ā, ō, in the
South- Welsh dialects as early as in Middle-Welsh (see my Beitr., §79),
it is not probable that this pronunciation should have been so often
expressed in athoed, dothoed, whilst in the same MSS. hardly any other
instances of ō = oe occur. The decisive point in this question is the
existence of ethyw, eddyw, which are formed from athwyf, like henyw, deryw:
hanwyf, darwyf. Hence eth-, edd-, dedd-, gwnedd- were analogically
transferred to other forms. The origin of ath- and doth-, add- and dodd-, is
obscure to me, if they are not mere alterations of aeth-, doeth-, a and o being
introduced from âf, doaf = deuaf, etc. §66. Deuaf has been explained by Ehŷs
from *do-(a)gaf. It has not yet been shown how the 3rd sing. daw and the Ist
sing. doaf and daẅaf accord with this assumption, unless we inay assume
a double treatment of g in certain positions between vowels similar to that
of *v in ieuanc: *iewanc, iefanc, ifanc; of *w in taraw, gwrandaw: 3rd sing.
tereu, gwerendeu; and also in ceneu: cenawon; llysewyn: llysieuyn; giau:
ui<'\\ yn; etc. 1 Then it would become necessary to regard deuaf and daw
as old forms, and doaf, doi or deui as analo- 1 Eiddew, ivy: ar erinllya ac
eiddo ỳ ddaŷar, Add. I\IS. 1 4,912, f . 236; eido y ddayar, f.
58«; eidyo y ddayar, f. 63a; eiddyaw y ddayar, I t,918, f. 626: itsha, used
at Neath, BUggest even a triple treatment of the roup; cf. eisio: eisieu
(lilceitshafrom ei</ieu — d unesplained) on oue side, and gieu: giewyn
(ciddcw) on the other. So daw-: do-: deu-? üf course Cornish and Breton must
also be taken into account. |
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107 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS "ical formations. As the reasons of this double
treatment of ö the consonants have not yet been made out, and as it may
depend on the quality of the following vowel or even on the accent, one
cannot trace the exact worldng of the analogy arising from deu- and daw-,
do-. Both occur in the oldest Middle-Welsh MSS. Cf. B. of Carm.: a doant, 18;
doit, 35. B. of Tal.: o dof, 8. MS. A: doet, p. 50; doent, p. 73. MS. L:
doant, p. 228 (deuant in J and Q); doet, p. 210 (deuet in J, P); ony deuant,
p. 242 (doant in /, O, P). Harl. MS. 958 (= T): or doant, f. 24«; ony deuant,
p. 33a. B. ofHerg.: doóch, Imp., col. 782; doei, col. 665; 2nd sing. deuy,
cols. 661, 774, 788; Iinp. deuet, col. 659; etc. Ll. Gw. PJi.: doy, 2nd
sing., p. 138; dowch, Imp., p. 152; na doent, p. 170; doei, p. 226; and doy
(3rd sing.), p. 207; ny doynt, p. 194, etc.; besides deuant, p. 226; deuit
(Imp.), p. 51 (deuity gof it dywedut yn — let it come to thy remembrance to
inform us. The imperativein -it — ceridduwfi, Davies, see §3, and cf. bid,
bandid — occurs very seldom in Middle-Welsh prose; another example is: y neb
a gredawd mywn kelwydeu. madeuit duw udunt, p. 85). MS. Tìt. D22: doant, ff.
1«, òa; doe, f. oa (deöch, f. 13b). Only in MS. Clcop. B5, I have found oný
deuwei, f. 75a; nýdeuwei, ih.; a deuwant, f. 61«. In the same MS. beuwýd, f.
oa (bywyd), ancl gwas ieuwanc, f. 60«, are written. Pro- bably these forms
were pronounced dewant, dewei. — In Add. MS. 14,912: ac 6nt a ddoóant oll
allan, f. 60&; ac 6y a ddant (o later inserted), ib.; 6ynt a ddoant, f.
626. §67. From the 16th cent. dawaf is frequent in South- Welsh dialects.
Davies, Gramm., has deuaf, deui, daw (old diddaw), deuwn, -wch, -ant; vulgo
dof, doi, daw, down, dowch, dont; Dimetian dawaf, clewi, plur. dawn, dewch,
dawant; Imp. deuedj vulgo doed, Dim. dawed; Pr. Sec. deuwn, etc, vulgo down,
doit, dait, doi, dai; pl. doeni, daem, -ech, -ent, Dimetian dawn, dewit,
dawai (da6ai, Myv. Arch., x ii, p. 84); pl. daweni -ech, -ent; Pass. deued,
doed, Dimet. daed; deuir, doir, dewir. Dait, dai, daem, etc, are imitations
of ait, ai, like daeth and doeth. -i in the 3rd sing. of the Pres. |
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108 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERVATIOXS OX THE WELSH VEKBS. Sec. is indeed uiore
frequent in this verb than in others (see §L3), but cf. doei, B. of Herg., col.
665; Ll. Gw. Rh., p. 206, etc. Gambold (1727) has also deir like eir. i f.
also L. Morris, Adcl. MS. 14,923, f. 133«: South-Welsh deuwch, dêwch =
North-Welsh dowch. YTradh, iii: South- Welsh dawaf, dewch, dawant; dawer,
dewir = North-Welsh deuer, doir; Infin. dawed; heuce dawediad (e.g., Seren
Gomer, üi, p. 160) = dyfodiad. Salesbury, N. T.: dawaf, f. 247/); dawant, ff.
726, 3346; Imp. dawet, yr hon a ddoy, marg. ddawei, yn dawot, ff. 46, 66,
126, '.».!/*; dewot, f. 886; besides ua ddauy allan oddyuow, f. 76; y dauei,
f. 1156; a ddauent y mewn, f. 37a; pan ddeuawdd, marg. ddaeth, f. 3596 (R.
Davies), is seldoin met with. Y Drych Çhrist.: na dhawei, f. 29«; sy n dwad
iti, B16. Add. MS. 14.921 (Gwen- tian dialect): ny ddawant, f. 386; y dawant,
f. 53«; y dawan, f . 57a; Inf. dofod, ff. 12«, 416, and dyfod. Add. MS.
14,98G: a ddawa, f. 37«; dowch, f . 386; dywod, f . 346 (also given Ln
Davies, Gramm., as occurring " aliquaudo"). In the Poems of
Iorwerth I ynglwyd, in Y Cymmr., vii: I dawaf J, MS. 11, p. 194; y doya vi,
MS. L (Stowe MS. 672), a curious f orm; ib.: doyau, 3rd pl., f. 317«
(misbound); Gwentiau dialect, cf. ny thjíoedd, y dyîoedd, aissiay, aissoes,
cailog, etc.; ü ddwad, p. 193 (see Obs. on the Pron., §68, 69); and doro, p.
192 (dyro). Cann. y C, 1672: dawe, p. 25; dewe, p. 30; doe, p. 27; o'r doi,
marg. os bydd itti ddyfod; Inf. dwad, p. 61. E. Lhuyd, A.Br., uses dùad (=
dwad). Williams l'ant y Celyn, according to Y Traeth., 1870, p. 412, wrote
dewa, 3rd sing., a form of dawaf, like the modern cara, doda, -a beiug
borrowcd from the verbs in *-agaf . §68. In tlie modern dialects dôf is
usediu North-Welsh and dawaf in South-Welsh 1; the infinitives (besides
dawed) are dôd and dwad, dŵad. Cf. Yr Arw., 17, 7, 57 i clwad; also in
Oàb. few. T., p. 7; etc. Both dwad and dôd are due to accentuation of the
second syllable, y being dropped. From 1 Cf. Cambrian .Iminial, 1856, p. 216:
Dim. o ble doest ti, o ble deithoch chi: Glam. and Monm. o ble dest ti,
dethoch chi; p. 251: Glam. (Ëast), Mimin.: des: Dim. dathym? Detho i is used
at Neath; ib.: dŵa i (bo, (.//., na ddŵa ddim, )' Fellten 16, 2,
1870), dewi di (doip di, Poutypridd), daw; Inf. dud and dŵad.
OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS |
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OBSERVATIONS ON
THE WELSH VERBS. 109 *dfod arose dod, froni *dwod (cf. Davies, Gramm., dyfod,
ali- quando dywod): dwad, dŵad, like cwad from cyfod (Add. MS. 15,038,
f. 606: kwad i vyny; also in Add. MSS. 14,973 in the same text, and 15,059,
f. 223a; Y Cymmr., vii, p. 186: kyfod, cyfod, kywod MS. S5, cywod MS. Bá)
besides codi from *cfodi. Wa for older wo, like dwad, dywad for dywod, dywawd
(he said); marwaór, B. of Tal., p. 119, marwor, Mcdd. Mijcldf., p. 91: marwar
and anwar, dâr, llachar, rhyming, Gwaitìi Ll. Glyn Cothi, p. 61; marwar,
Davies, Dict.; etc. §69. The imperative dos is proved by the Corn. dus, des,
Breton deux, to be an old form, but it has not been ex- plained. Does also
occurs, perhaps caused by the 3rd sing. doec. J. D. Rhŷs, Gramm.,
conjugates dos: dôs di, dosset ef, dosswn, etc, on which forms Davies remarks
that they are " sine ulla auctoritate ne vulgi quidem". Since moes
is ecjually obscure, we must refrain from comparing its forma- tion to that
of dos, does. In the B. of An. occurs deupo, 20, 28, 29, 81 (God.); in the B.
of Tal. ae deubu, 48. Dýuu, An., 59; dyuu, B. of Hcrg., col. 810; dybi
(fut.), col. 825; a ffan rydyuu amser, 12. Gio., p. 119. Dydaó rhymes with o
honaö, glaó, laó, in B. of Herg., Shcnc, p. 304; dydo with bro, bo, ffo, p.
305. — Dedeuant etwaeth, dedeuho, dydeuho, B. of Tcd., 10. — Dedeuhaór, ib.,
pp. 212, 213, a deponential form, on which see Rcv. Cell., vi, p. 40 scq.
§70. The other persons of aeth, doeth, gwnaeth are con- jugated after the
model of the perf. buum: euthum, later euthym, etc. In modern times eis,
dois, gwnais, eist, doist, gwneist, etc, have been formed, "
balbutientium puerorum mera . . . barbaries" (!) according to Davies. Cf. Cann y C; êst,
p. 585. Venedotian: mi yis, Yr Aru\, 17, 7, 56; gnyis, 13, 10, 56 (euthum
ina, 17, 7, 56; mi ath, mi ddoth etc). Powysian: mi eis ine, Cab. feiv. Tom.
Dimetian: mi es, Ser. C,
iii, p. 525; pan ddes ati, p. 446; na'nese nw ddim on'd wherthin, i, p. 332
(Pret. Sec); ond 'nest ti, iii, p. 624 (fe etho |
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110 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH VEEBS. ni, iii, p. 4 17; gnethe
lii, i, p. 251; chi neithoch chi, a'netho nw, i, p. 351; ib.: gna 3rd sing.,
os na 'nele, na 'nelset ti, iii, p. 184, etc). Eisym, deisym are combinations
of eis and euthum; cf. eisym, deisym, Y Cymmr., v, p. 166. Davies, Dict.:
ceniddum D.B. = cenais, cecini; this is from Marwnad Dafydd vab Llywélyn by
Dafydcl Benfras, 1240 {Myv., 2 p. 222). Sweet, p. 450, gives the secondary
present doythwn, gnaythwn, gnaythat, and gnát 1; etc. In this dialect also
cafael is partly influenced by doythwn, etc.; cf. keythat, etc. (see §31).
§71. Goruc (*ver + uc as in dwyn, amwyn, etc.) is said byPughe(iu Coxe's
Monmouthshire) to be a Gwentian form; Hughes also, 1822, gives Silurian oryg
— North-\Velsh darfu. In the Southern Middle-Welsh MSS. goruc is of extremely
frequent occurrence, though it is possible by counting the iustances of goruc
and gwnaeth that occur to establish differences even in the various texts of
the same MS. So in the Mab. (1887), a wnaeth, etc, is rather more frequent
than a oruc in Pwyll pend. Dyfed and the following stories, whilst in Gereint
uab E., Per. ab Efr., Kulh. ac 01., a oruc largely prevails. By comparing §32
of my Obs. on the Pron. it will be seen that these rough results to some
extent coincide with the relative frequency, as therein stated, of the G went
ia n onaddimt and of ohonunt. E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br. (translation 1 Gwncuthur is
often pleonastically used in Northern dialects. At 1 [olo Morganwg quotes, in
Add. MS. 15,029, f. 114» (or 174a),from Nb. 1 of F Gh'eal, blue wrapper: y
gwna bawb wneyd eu goreu; and remarks: "But a Northwallian can never
sjtealí or write without these abominable ausáliary yerbs" (to wbich
also darfod belongs; see g 57 i. Ib.: be calle na wnelont frwyscau, na
wnelont ddyscu, etc, in the Statute of Gruff. ab Cynan (also printed in Y
Greal), "dull Gwynedd". In )' Brython, L859, p. 208, l.
•">"». cerdd Imr ei gwneuthur ;i wnaeth occurs iu a jioem of
Iolo Goch, to which the same writer, E. Williams, remarks: "ef a wnaeth
gwneuthur, a Northwallici.-in." |
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111 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS of the Gornish Tale), writes pan orygym dhûacl (I went), and
pan orygsoch. L. — Cafael. §72. This verb (Corn. cafos, caffos, Bret. cafout,
caffout) occurs in Welsh as caffael, cafael, cael; and as gafael in ym —
afael (Ir. gabail, *gabagli-), gafaelu, gafaelyd, and ymaflyd, ymaelyd
(besides ymgael). Davies, Gramm., gives câf, cai, cei, caiff, cawn, cewch,
cânt (and caffaf, ceffi, caffant), caed, caffed, etc.; cawn, cait, cai, caem
and ceym, etc.; caffwn, caffem, ceffym, etc.; cefais, -aist — cês, cêst,
cafodd, câdd, 1 câs cafas, cawsom, etc.; ceusym, p. 259; cafwyf, caffwyf, pl.
cafom, caffom, caom, etc.; cafwyd, caffwyd, caed, câd, cafad caffad; caid,
ceffìd, cawsid, etc. Thehistory of these different forms is not clear; the
first requisite is to collect the forms existing in the more extensive
Middle-Welsh MSS. I have done this with regard to the Mao. (1887) and the
texts printed from Ll. Gw. Rh. (initial c and k are both written as c in the
following lists). Cf. B. of Herg.: Ger. uab Erbin: caf (3 times), ceffy (11):
cey col. 807, ceiff (5), caffón (3), ceffóch 784, caffant (2); caffóyf (4),
ceffych 773, caffo (2); caffón 795: caón 774, caffut 775, caffei (2), ceffynt
807; sarhaet a geis 775: ceueist (5), cauas (6), cafas 779: caóssant (3);
caóssei 800; caffer (3); cahat 771; caffel (4): cael 773 (ymgauas 780, dyrchauel
(4) ). Per. ab Efr.: caffaf 685; ceffy (12), ceiff (3), caffón, cols. 662,
664, caffant 700; caffóyf (2), ymgaffóyf (3), ceffych (2); caón 671, caffut
(3), caffei (9); ceueis (3), ceueist (4), cefeist 695, cauas (7), cafas (2),
caóssant 659; caóssei 672; ceffir 683; cahat 669; ceffit 695, 700: ceit 668
(dyrcheuit 698); caffel (10): cael (4) (dyrchauel (3), drychauel 679). 1 Câdd
occurs frequently in North-Welsh prints (18th cent., e.g., a gâdd, Trefriw,
1778, Y Traeth., 1886, p. 282; a gadd, Shrewsbury, 1763, ib., p. 271; y cadd,
Trefriw, 1798, ib., p. 424, etc.; and cf. ni chadd, Y Cymro, Bangor, 1,1,1
849, etc. Gwâdd (e.g., ac mi gafodd y tenantiaid i gwadd ono i ginio, a dono
Ue buon nhw . . . ., Yr Amserau, 25, 2, 1847) for gwahodd, to inyite, appears
similar to câdd, from caodd? |
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12 OBSERVATIONS
ON THE WELSH VERBS Iarll. y F/ynn.: ceffy (2), caffón (2), ceffóch 645;
ceffych 630, caffo 630; caffei 655, yingaffei 636; cefeis 633, cauas (2),
cafas (4), caóssam 654, caóssant 641; caffel (5); (dyrcbauat 636, dyrch- afel
639). Kulh. uc Olw.: caffaf 6, ceffy (17), caffy 827: cey 824, ti a gehy 826,
ceiff 830; caffóyf (3), ceffych (32, etc), caffo 811, caffom 821; caffut 844,
caffei (3), ceffynt (2); ceueis (8), cauas (7), caóssant (2); caffat (4):
cafat 843: cahat 818; ceffit 818; caffer (3); ceffir (4); caffel (28, etc.):
cael (3); (dyrcheuóch, dyrcliauei, dyrchauaód; ymauael, ymauel, ymauaelaód).
Bn "'/. Rhon.: ceffóch 558, caffant (2); caffei (2); ceueis 559, ceueist
559, caóssant (2); (dyrchefit 566; dyrchauel 566). Cyfr. Llud a Llcu.:
ceffych (2); cauas (2); ceffit 706; caffel (2), (ymauael 769). Pwyll pt nd.
Dyuet: caffaf (1), ceffy (4), ceiff (1), caffón 724, ceffóch 723; caffo718;
caffón 718, caffei 723; ceueis (2), ceueist (3), cauas (4), caóssam 715;
cawssei 724, caffel (3): cauael 714; cael 715. Bränw. rerch Llyr: ceiff (2),
ceffóch 734; caffo 732, caffom 734; caei 728, 730, 732; ceueis (2), cauas
(4), caóssant 731; caóssei (2); cahat 728, 733; caffael 739: kynn kael o dyn
yny ty gauael arnaó 736, cael (6); (dyrchauael 727, dyrcbauel 732). Man. rah
Llyr: ceffy (5); caffon 742; caffón (2), caffut 740, caffei (1) caei (1);
ceueis (5), caóssont 742, -ant 743; ceffit (4); (ydymeveil 745, 3rd sing.;
ydymauelaód 744, ymauael (3) ). Math vàb M.: caón, lst pl., 753; caóssant
753; ceffir 752: ceir 753; cael 752. /,/. G'ir. llh.: Campeu Charl.: ceffy,
p. 15; caffei 14; cauas 7; caffat 6. /;//. Tnrp.: caffaf 69: o chaf 54, ceffy
(8), ceiff (3); caffwyf 51, caffom (2), caffwynt 98; caffei (3), o chafyn
nynheu .").">, ceffynt, 32; ceueis (5), ceueisti 68, cauas (13),
cawssant 70 (ymgawssant (2) ), cawsant 112; cawssei (ry-, 6); ceffir 108; caffat
(4); cawssitll7; caffel (ry-g., ymg., 16); (ymavaelaf 112, ymauaelawd 56;
der- cheueist, derchauel). Bown o II.: caffaf (4): cahâf 126, caf (3), ceffy
(4): cey (4), ceiff (2), (dyrcheif 1 •"..">, cawn 182, ceffwch
(2); cewch 128; caffo 1 16; cawn (4), caei (1), cai 140, 1 14, 154, ceynt
(2); cefeist (3), cauas (7), cafas (I), cawspam 127, cawssont 167, -ant (3),
cawsant(2); caws^ei (2), cawssynt 11:5; cawssoedei 170, caffat L79, caliat
156; ceit 144; caffel (5): cael (6); (dyrchafyssant 155 Purd. Padr.: caffaf
(1), ceffy (2); ceffych 199; caffut 199, caffei OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH
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OBSEBTATIONS ON
THE WELSH YEBBS. 11 c» (8): cai 193, ceffynt 190; cauas (2); caffit 199,
ceffit 2C2 caffel (2). Buch. Meir Wyry: ceffy 214, ceiff (2), caffwn (1),
caffant (1); caffora 227; caffwn 213, caffei 227; ceueis (1), cefeis (1),
ceueist (2), cauas (6), cawssam 212, -ant 227; cawssoedat 224, kawssodyat
224; caffat 234, ny chat 222; ac yna y caffet ygkygor 218; caffel (7); cael
(3); (dercheuis 230). From the other parts I only quote caffael, p. 241;
cawesent, p. 248; caffey, p. 262; caffadoed. p. 265; dyrcheif, p. 274;
caffem, pp. 289, 311; cael, pp. 311 (2), 314; cawsei, p. 310; na chyffit, p.
322. YS. Gr., p. 180: val y cahat. Add. MS. 14.869: kein uyget am drefred
dryfrwyd | kert gan gyrt amgylch y allwyd | ìceffid eu keinllith kwn kunllwyd
| lceffynt veryon yoreuwyd | lceffitur ymdwr am drwyd | heuelyt | Twrchteryt
y ar vwyd | caffawd beirt eu but yn yt wyd | keffid noeth noted rac anwyd |
lceffitor ym prufnad ym proffwyth | areith ym pryffwn waedwyd, f. 56«.
Salesbury, 2V. T.: pam a gaffat, f. 184; cahat, f. 2b. Huet: ny chafad, f.
386/); ny chad, f. 39 ìb. Barddas, i: cafad, cad, cafwyd, p. 32; caed, p. 64.
Medd. Myddfai: cafwyd, p. 89. §73. The 3rd sing. of the s-Pret. is cafas,
cafocld and câs, câdd (given by Davies, Gramm., D. S. Evans, Llythyr.); cf.
ni chas, marg. chafodd, Gann. y G, p. 185; ond ni chas efe, Iolo MSS., 28; a
gadd, thrice on p. 22 of Lewis Dwnn's Herald. Visit., vol. i; besides a
gawodd, p. 34; a gavas, often; Pass; a gad, p. 59 (cafes, Bardd., i, p. 238).
Whilst dyrchafael forms the plural of the s-Pret. in -assom or -yssom, etc,
cafael directly appends the characteristics of the s-Pret., cawssom, etc,
being the result. Only in MS. Cleop. B5 have I found written sef ý cafsant,
ff. òa, 7b; na chafsant f. 55&; a gaussawch, f. 92a; ý caussant, f. ha;
ýný gaussant, f. 16&; besides ÿ cawssant, f. ba (a dýrchauassawch, f.
186). Cafesont is used by Sal., N. T., f. 159«. Aw, from *af, is treated like
the old aw from *ä, and becomes in the later lan- guage ow, o, yw; cf. my
Beitr., §97-99 (Jes. Goll. MS. 141: kowsant, kywsant; Add. MS. 14,986: a
gosoch; Yr Arw.: mi gywson i, mi gywsa (Middle-Welsh cawssei), cywsach chi),
VOL. IX. i |
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114 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. and ff< rald. Visit.,
i: a gowssant,pp. 22, 60, 90; a gowsant, p. 12 (2); Hope, 1765: ni chowse
chwi, p. 7; Cdb. few. T.: mi gowset ti, p. 39; os cowse fo, p. 15; na chowsan
nhw, p. 39; etc. In other dialects these forrns are replaced partly by cel-
(see §74), partly by ceis, formed like eis, gwneis; cf. cês, Cann. y C; ces
i, Scr. C, ii,p. 6; cesest ti, p. 423; Cáb. fcw. T: ni ches i, cest ti, p. 6.
— G'eusym for cefais, like eisym, archesym (for erchais), cersym and caresym,
began to spread, according to Davies, in his time. §74. In the Gwentian Add.
MS. 14,921 (Maumdedlle's Tratch) occur: ti gay, di gai, käyff, kân; kaffo,
caffon; Pr. Sec. y kay ef, ef a gay, e gae, y kaef (ef), f. 49Z>, kaffynt;
cafas, kawson; kafad, kâfad; cael, câel, gaeffel, f. 22« (an error similar to
kaifail, MS. A, p. 68). F. 37« exhibits the first example known to me of a
flection common in the modern South-Welsh dialects, viz., that based upon
cel- as a presumed verbal stem: y kelse. The Infin.cel (a chel) occurs in Ll.
Achau, p. 64. Cf. Y Traeth., iii, p. 12, where pe celai e fyned, fel y
celent, are ascribed to the Gwentian dialects (for cai, caent). So in Y Tyw.
a'r (!.: ti gelset, ii, p. 66; Y Cymmr., iv (Iolo Morgauwg): ai celai ef
fyned i'r gwely; Y Fellten (Merthyr Tydfil): ni chelai, 1, 4, 1870; Y
Bedyddiwr, viii, p. 4-4: celsai. At Neath are used: câ, cäf, cäi di, mäe
geny, cfinw; ceso i, cesosti, cesoti, fe gâs; celwn i, celiti, cela fa,
celyni, celyclii, celynw; fe gespwd; iì>.: gnethwd, gnespwd, fe wetwd, fe
g(y)merwd, fe welwd and fe welswd (a combinatiou of gwelwyd aud gwelspwyd);
càl (cjâl, Pontypridd). Bnt it is also written in texts intended to represent
the colloquial Language in tlie Dimetian parts of South-Wales. Cf. Seren
Cymru (Carmarthen): 'chelwn I ddim, i, p. 374; chele ui ililiiu degwn na
treth eglws, iii, p. 5; chele 'r ddou grwt 'na ddim o — p. 227; ond chelswn I
ddim, p. 226 • ctc. Seren Oomer, xxx\ i: ìia chele fe, fe alle y cele dyn
da gam gyda ni, p. 362; a chele, ac fe gele, p. 157. In Add. MS. L4,921 ymaelyd also occurs:
ar tan yn OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS |
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OBSERVATI0XS ON
TIIE WELSII YERBS. 115 dechre ymaelyd, heb yr tan gael ymâylyd ac hwynt; cf.
B. of Hcrrj.: ymauael, col. 824; yn ymgael ac ystlys y llannerch, col. 700; o
yingael ar gór a dywedy di, col. 711. M. — Ox various Verbs, mostly
Defective. (Zeuss, Gramm. Cclt., 2 p. 604-6.) §75. On cigleu, ciglef, see
Rhys, Rev. Cclt., vi, p. 24; cf. B. of Herg.: ry giglef, ny chiglef i, a
giglef, cols. G74, 800, 801, 835, 836; ny chigleu i, col. 834; 3rd sing.
kicleu, col. 780. Add. MS. 14,869: y clywspwyd, f. 240«. For examples of
clowed and clwed for clywed, clohod for clyhod, see my Bcitr., p. 43. Cf.
clwas, clwasti, clyw, ni glwson, Inf. clwad, in Neath; North-Welsh: pen glwan
nhw, Yr Ams., 4, 11, 1847; mi glwis i, 1, 7, 1817; clwad (Imp.), 15, 1, 1851,
etc. *Clev-, *clov- became *clow (pre-tonic clyw) and *clou-, cleu, perhaps
also clo- (clo-bod, cly-bod), depending probahly on the quality of the
following vowel; cf. taraw, tereu, etc. (§Q6). In the South-Welsh MS. of Han.
Gr. cib C. cigleu is used; in the North-Welsh MS. clybu, cly wodd, Myv.
Arcìi., 2 pp. 723, 725, 726, etc. 1 Davies, Dict., gives degle, ehodum, heus,
ausculta (Spurrell has degly v., to hearken, to listen), probably 1 In Seren
Gomer, 1814, p. 19, clywed peth drewedig, clywed blinder, clywed bwydydd
blasus are given from South-Welsh dialects, clywed being used there for
arogli (L. Morris, Adrl. MS. 14,923, f. 1346, mentions arogl (scent, smell),
brŵd (hot, warm), rhawg (for a long while), fo, gan, efo, as words not
occurring in South-Welsh dialects). Teimlo, archwaethu: In the Camhrian
Journal, 1856, p. 248, is given: beth yw 'r blas cas rwy'n archwaethu ar y
cig y-ma? in Dyfed, — 'ndeimlio iu West Glamorganshire, — ^n glywed in East
Glamorganshire and Monmouthshire; clywed ('' to taste" and •' to
smell"), in Monmouth- thire and East Glamorganshire, but never in AYest
Glamorganshire. D. S. Evans, however, saysthat clywed is also used in Dyved
in that sense. Add. MS. 15,049, f. 22b: yn ylle i clowo y klaf y dolur. To
this corresponds what is said in vol. ii of the lìed Dragon (pp. 38-40),
Cardiff, 1882 et seq., that Welshmen speahing English say "to hear a
smell''; also " to sing a piano''; cf. canu telyn. i 2 |
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116 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. *de-gleu; cf. Daf. ab
G\v., Poems: degle ferch, p: 112; degle 'n nes, p. 218. §76. Davies, Dict.,
has *handid, idem quod hanfydded, sit, existat; *handoedd, pro hanoedd, fuit,
erat; *handym = y.lym, sumus; *handyfydd, pro hanffydd, erit. Examples of
handid are frequent in Middle-Welsh prose; the other forms occur in the older
poets; cf. Add. MS. 14,SG9 (Gogynfeirdd): Cyd vuam gyd ac ef — handym oll
gyuaclef — handid tegach teulu nef, f. 193&; heueis dwy handid mwy eu
molawd, f. 234a; handid, f. 70&; handwyf, f. 745; handoet eu
hachoet kyn eu hechig, f. 85«. Eleven
forms occur in the poem of Llywelyn Bardd y Lywelyn vab Ioruerth, f. 1165
(printed in Myv. Arch., i, p. 358 = 2 p. 247): handid (twice), handwyf
(twice), handwyd, handyuyt, handym, handoetud, handoet (Iwice); "
handythuagwyd peuyr yn penn erchwys— yn oreu keneu kynon vegys." §77. On
dyre, colloq. dere, see Ehŷs, Rcv. Cclt., vi, p. 26. B. of Ilcrg.: na
dyret ti, col. 794; dyret, cols. 776, 799, 800, 801; dyret, Ll. Giu. Rh., pp.
120, 173, 187. Deret gyt ami, li. Ccìt., viii, p. 9; dyret, p. 21. L. Morris,
Add. MS. 14,923, f. 133a, has.: South-Welsh dere 'n gloi— North-Welsh tyr'd
yn gwit, sydyn, fuan (come quickly); he also gives tyr'd from Anglesey (Add.
MS. 14,944, f. 153&); cf. tyd, Sweet, p. 420. Richards, Dict. (1753):
South-Welsh dyre, dere— NTorth-Welsh dyred, tyred. Dera gyta fì, Neath; dera
geno i. Aberdare. §78. Zeuss, 2 p. 60(1, merely mentions liwde (ecce,
accijic, sume). Cf. Ll. Gfw. llh.: a hwdy ditheu ef, p. 52; hwdy vy ffyd, p.
5 1; hwde, ]». 179. Davies, Gramm., gives hwde, liwre, accipe, pl. hwdiwch,
hwriwch, \\\\ rewch. Rowlands, Gramm., *107, and Williams (Dosparth Edeyrrì)
give North-Welsh hwde, South-Welsh hwre; Williams has also hwda, hwra (cf. )'
Brython, 1861, p. 112: hwda, from Denbighshire). The etymology of these words
is obscure. The only cxi>la- OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS |
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OBSERVATIONS
ON THE WELSH VERBS. 117 nation of them not altogether improbable is, in my
opinion, that hwre stands for *wre, *wyre, on which see Rev. Celt., vi, p. 28
seq. Calliug
to mind Corn. wette, wetta, otte (Zeuss, 2 p. 006) from *wel-te, ancl the
Welsh tyd, from tyred, ex- hibiting phonetic changes due to that advanced
degree of phonetic evolution to which isolated words like these inter-
jectionally-used imperatives have attained, I would suggest further that hwde
contains hwre with the pron. of the 2nd pers sing. It would be more
satisfactory, of course, if hwre could be proved to contain a deponential
ending. Or is it merely a phonetic change, like Breton hirio: W. heddyw? §79.
Dabre is not mentioned by Zeuss. Spurrell, Dict., has dabre, come, come
hither, and dabred, dabredu, dabrediad, which latter words I do not remember
to have met any- where. Cf. B. of Herg.: dabre, col. 717. Ll. Gio. Rh.: dabre
di bellach, p. 72; dabre yr maes, p. 159; na dabre di, p. 54, etc.; Y S. Gr.,
pp. 160, 167, 169, etc.; Add. MS. 14,969: uy adas ny debre, f. 148«
{Gwalchmai i Efa ei wraig); Daf. ab Gw., Poems: debre 'r nos ger llaw 'r
rhosydd — dan frig y goedwig a'r gwŷdd, p. 31, also p. 134; Salesbury,
Dictionary: debre, harken; JY. Test.: dyred, marg. does, dabre, f. 41«; dabre
ac eclrych, marg. dyred a' gwyl, f. 379« (Huet); tyret ac edrych in Morgan's
eclition (1588). Davies, Dict., gives also anebre, marked as obsolete: "
vid. an an-nebre, ab an et debre." §80. Moes, pl. moeswch, da, praebe,
age; moeswn, moesant " nonnulli dicunt", Davies, Gramm.; cf. moes
vy march B. of Hcrg., col. 717; moysswch y llythyr am march am cleclyf im,
Ll. Gw. Eli., p. 131. It stands probably for ym — oes, and if moeswch is a
neo-formation like doswch, it would be formed similarly to does, and allow us
to assume, if neces- sary, an older *ym — os (see §69)? §81. The deponent
verb hebr has been pointed out by Pihŷs in the ordiuary orthographies
heb yr (Y Gymmr., viii, |
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118 OBSERVATI0NS
ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERVATI0NS ON TIIE WELSII YEEBS. p. 161, with reference
to page 114). Cf., c.ej., Gnocl. Bardd Cwsc, 1759: ebr un, ebun arall, ebr
finneu, ebr ef, ebr y trydydd, pp. 4, 5, 6. L. Morris, Add. MS. 14,92:3, f.
134«, gives South-Welsh rnenta fe — North-Welsh meddai fo; also D. S. Evans,
Llythyr.: Soutli-Welsh, myntai = ebai, raeddai; cf. mynta fi, Y Bcd., viii,
p. 100; mynta finau, ib. (Mon- mouthshire). Septembcr 30, 1887. APPENDIX. In
my Bcitr., pp. 78-9, and Obs. on the Pron., Y C, viii, pp. 157-9, 1 drew
attention to cynnag pwy, etc, occurring in the lOth cent. Add. MS. 14,921,
and in the dictionaries (Davies, Pichards, Pughe, Spurrell), but not, as far
as I was then aware, occurring in other MSS. or mentioned in books, etc. I
have lately loohed through the first ten volumes of Yr Amserau (Liverpool,
1843-1852, fol.), and read Llythyra/u 'rhen Ffarmwr, in which, by the way,
few dialectal forms or words occur which are not known also from Cab.few.
Tonios, the Letters of Wmffra 'rgwŷdd in Yr Arweinydd, a plagiarism of
the " Old Farmcr's" letters, etc. Before these letters begin to
make a regular appearance two evidently fictitious letters of an opponent are
inserted, written in a Sonth-Welsh dialect, or, rather, containing idiomatic
forms of several Southern dialects. In these, ganta pvrì'n, ganta p'in, for
bynnag pwy uii, }>a im, occur; cf. darlleniais yn eich papẁ wythnos
i hedd-i l/'th/r oddiwrth ^Hên Ffannwr" yn gweid yn erbio dẁg
ganta pwi'n iw e, mai yn d;i////-//<>s nad ois dim mohenofe gwedi caü
ond riw gettin bir o addẁg. Mai yr hên ŵr (n</ weddw ganta
p'irì), yu gwrthddeid ei hin yn ofnadw; .... ond ganta pwi 'n iw e, Yr Ams.,
17, 12, 1840. Shortly after OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS |
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OBSERVATIONS ON
THE WELSH VERBS. 119 reading these letters I was told 1 that gynta p'ûn,
gynta beth were commonly used in Glamorgan, and also 'ta pûn, ta bcth (so at
Neath), the first syllable of gynta, which is less strongly accented than
p'un or beth, being dropped. Cf. 'dos dim tu fas ta bcth, falla fod llawer tu
fewn, Y Fdltcn, (Merthyr Tydfil), 1, 4, 1870 (Glyn Ebbwy). The connection of
these forms with cynnag pwy, etc, is obvious, but it remains an open
cpiestion, worthy of further consideration, whether cynnag is an old form and
cynta a modern etymolo- gising transformation of it ('ta beth, for beth
bynnag in North Wales, meaning " the fìrst thing" in the sense of
the German "das erste beste ding",for "whatsoever"), or
whether cynnag is a combination of bynna(g) and cynta(f). In Add. MS. 14,921 cyntaf
is twice written cyna; cf. ac or il hono y ddäir y siprys lle mäy llaweredd o
winwydd. yn gynä ymäynt yn gochon a chwedy hyny yn wynon yrhan fwya, f. 5a;
yno y dwad yn harglwydd gynä wrth samywel, f. 30«. I have not noticed such
orthographies elsewhere, and they are possibly caused by cynt being
pronounced cyn. 1 I received this and other information on the dialect of the
Neath Valley, quoted in part in the preceding pages, from my friend Mr. S.
Mainwaring, a native of that part of Wales. January 31, 1888. NOTES BY
PROFESSOR RHYS. To footnote on p. 75: — lladd and lleas. Lladd, "to
cut" or " kill", is for slad, as in the Irish sîaidim, of
approximately the same meaning, while lleas is a derivative (like priodas,
cymdeithas, galanas, etc.) from lle for sîeg or slig, as in the Irish sligim,
" I slay". To p. 101, line 19: — cnábyddiaeth. Cnabyddiaeth or
cynabyddiaeth is for cydnabyddiaeth, like prynhaum or pyrnhawn (better
prnhaicn), for prydnawn, always accentuated on the nhawn; compare also crynu,
"to trernble", for *crydnu. 120 xxxxx |
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