kimkat2915k Observations On The Welsh Verbs. Max Nettlau, Ph.D. (Fiena, Ymerodraeth Awstria 1865 - Amsterdam, Yr Iseldiroedd 1944)


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With Notes by Professor Rhys.


VOL. IX. 1888. Pp. 56-119, 259-304.

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VOL. IX. 1888.
Pp. 56-119, 259-304.



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The present paper has been compiled upon the methods used in my articles on the Welsh vowels (Beitrge zur cymrischen Grammatik, 1), in that upon the Welsh consonants (Revue Celtique, to appear in Jan. 1888), and in that upon the Welsh pronouns (Y Cymmr., vol. viii). The study of the Welsh verb is attended with greater difficulties, both internal and external, than that of the pronouns; for while these isolated words can easily be traced through the successive periods of the language, we have, in the case of every verb, to distinguish between the characteristic form of its stem and the verbal terminations. The syllables forming the latter were dropped in Welsh, according to the laws governing the phonetic treatment of final syllables, and the actually existing endings are the result of the different sounds characteristic of the stems, modified by the influence of the lost original terminations. A classification of verbs is therefore the first requisite, and the solution of this problem will, in all likelihood, be furnished by the variety of terminations still existing in some parts of the verb. Cf. 3rd sing. Pres. -awt, -it; Pr. Sec. -ei, -i, -awd; s-Aor. -es, -as, -is; plur., -assom, -yssom, -som; pass. -ir, -awr; Part Pret. Pass. -et, -it, -at; etc, But by the analogical prevalence of some of these endings the scheme of the Welsh verb has been, during the history of the language, reduced to such a degree of uniformity that only by a full collection of Middle-Welsh materials, which are at present accessible only to a


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limited extent, coupled with an equally methodical scrutiny of the Cornish and Breton languages, could the necessary foundation for further procedure be obtained. For this task the materials at present at my disposition are inadequate. I propose, however, in the following paragraphs to review some other less noticed questions respecting the Welsh verb. Evander Evans's Studies in Welsh Philology, and Rhŷs's article on the Verb in the Revue Celtique, vol. vi, are the most useful papers extant dealing with this portion of Welsh grammar.


The arrangement of these paragraphs is made to conform to that in the Grammatica Celtica (pp. 2/ 505-606).




1. Evander Evans (Studies in Cymr. Philology, 13) first recognised -ydd as a termination of the 2nd pers. sing., corresponding to the regular Cornish (-yth, eth) and Breton (-ez) terminations: pyr nam dywedyd, B. of Tal., p. 145; ti a nodyd a rygeryd o pop karchar, p. 180; truan a chwedyl a dywedyd, B. of Herg., p. 231 (Skene); etc. Also in old proverbs: gwell nag nac addaw ni wneydd. I found in Add. MS. 14,921 (16th cent.), modise fidei quāre dubitasti .... hyny yw tydi o ffydd wan pam y ofnydd (corrected by another hand into ofnydi). (1) Davies (Gramm., 1621) gives cery as a Dimetian and poetical form for ceri; and Rhŷs (Rev. Celt,, vi) restores diwedy in B. of Carm., p. 57, by means of the rhyme. I suppose -i and -ydd to be the endings proper to the verbal j-stems; they are doublets, like -i and -ydd, -edd, in the nominal jo- and jā- stems, caused by different accentuation, and contain the secondary ending -es, like Ir. asbr. *Ber-es


(1) E. Evans (Stud., 16) gives from Huw Llwyd of Cynfal (Cymru Fu, p. 352, a book which I do not know): nac a ofuith moi gefnu (whose desertion thou wilt not fear), which he holds to be the 2nd sing. Opt. in -yth instead of -ych.


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would have given *ber, like *beret, and was probably lost by this coincidence. In the later language cari is used, like carwch, tarawch, for cerwch, tarewch, etc. (Rowlands, Gramm., 2/216). 2. The various existing types of the 3rd sing., using the same verb as an example, are: dodid, *dodod, dod, dyd, *dodo, doda, dodiff, dodith. -id and -od (-it, -awt, -ot) are those which present the greatest interest. They are known from the old Brythonic glosses: cf. istlinnit, Juv.; dodiprit, Lux.; doguolouit, Orl.; crihot, Lux.; cospitiot, fleriot, Orl. Evander Evans (Studies, 5, 14, 19) gives numerous examples of -it and -awt from Middle-Welsh texts; cf. also B. of Carm., 4: chwerdyt bryt 6rth a garo; dyg6ydyt gla6 o awyr; megyt tristit lleturyt llwyr; chwennelcyt meuyl ma6reir; 29: ottid, tohid, gulichid, gwasgarawt, llwyprawd, etc. (Evans). Evans's most interesting remark is: "The Irish -id of the 3rd sing. Pres. Ind. Act. is not used in subjoined verbs, that is, in verbs following certain particles, among which are the negatives ni and na and ro; this idiom obtains also in Welsh" (14, 1873). He goes on to quote sentences like the proverb: trengid golud, ni threing molud (Myv. Arch., iii, p. 177), and says that he found -id only in absolute verbs. The Ir. 2nd and 3rd sing., asbir beri, asbeir berid contain different sets of endings: *beres *beresi, beret *bereti (see Beitr. zur vergl. Sprachf, viii, p. 450). So we have in Welsh: cymmerid (*bereti), carod (*carāti), and cymnier (*beret). The subjoined forms of the simple verb are used in Irisb, as in Welsh, if the verb is enclitic, after the negations, etc. This accounts for the disappearance of the absolute forms, which were analogically supplanted by the subjoined ones. 3. Very curious are the examples given by Evans(19) for the3rd sing. of the s-Pret, (- essit, -yssit, -sit), which, in the examples given by him, have to all appearance the meaning of the active (pregetbyssit, kewssit, delyssid,


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llygrassyd, etc). These forms are evidently based upon the secondary preterite (dalyassei, cawssei); but they may have sprung from an analogical imitation of dodid: ni dyd, by *cewssid: ni cafas (?). The present in -id is often translated as an imperative. Davies (Gramm.) has: imp. cared, non nusquam cerid: cerid duw fi. The proverb: chwareid mb noeth, ni chwery mb newynawg (Myv. Arch., (2) p. 843), is given in Y Traeth,, iii, as hwareuid m. n. in South Wales, and chwareued m. n. in North Wales. In proverbs -id often survives; cf. Hengwrt MS. 202, Prov. 64 (14th cent.): dighit rỳwan elit rgadarn == Myv. Arch., 2 p. 843: diengid gwan, elid rhygardarn; ib.: elit ysguba6r gan dryc torth = Myv. Arch., (2) p. 845: elid ysgubor gan ddrygdoith, etc. On -aw, -o, see Evans, Stud., 17.


4. The following verbs ordinarily form the 3rd sing. (subjoined form) by so-called inflection of their vowel or vowels. The following enumeration is probably very incomplete.


A: pair, gaill, pairch, llaim, saiff, ceidw, geilw, lleinw, teifl, deil, ymeifl; efe a deaill (Barddas, i, p. 30). E: gwyl. O: try, ffy, cly, cny, tyrr, rhy rhydd, gylch, llysg, trych, cyll, dyd (gwrthyd), cysyd, deffry, cyffry, dicbyn (Davies); a ddiylch, Add. MS. 14,973, f. 106b (dieylch, Casgl. Didr., f. 520a). The inflection extends over more than one syllable (1): envyn, B. of Herg., col. 1101; erys, ervjll, Williams, Hgt. MS., ii, p. 332; gedy, tery, eddy, gwerendy (gadaw, taraw, addaw, gwarandaw); ef a edy, Y S. Gr., 192; and edeu, B. of Herg., cols. 632, 823; yd emedeu, Ll. Gw. Rh., p. 151; a dereu, pp. 53, 232; gwerendeu, p. 36; a warendeu, p. 85, etc.; ettyl, gweryd (gwared), derllyn, merchyg, gweheirdd, ni wesnyth, ettib (atteb), Add. MS. 15,059, f. 209b.




(1) Cf. from Ll. Gw. Rhydd.: y gwetwery, p. 72; a phan vyrryyssynt hwy, p. 203 (bwrw); gwerendewch, p. 218; pann ymwehenynt, p. 52; gwerendewis, p. 110; yr honn y gwyssyneitheisti yn llauuryus, p. 149. MS. Cleop., B 5: gwesseneithyt, f. 114b; pei gedessyt yn vew, f. 129a; a werchetwys, f. 135b. MS. Tit, D 2: e gueheneyst ty, f. 48b. Cf. aso oldBreton ercentbidite gl. notabis (Bern,), from arganfod.


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■ 60 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS. Geill represents *galjet; these j- stems are not to be confounded with the derivative j- stems, of which the 2nd sing. gwyddydd is formed. A part of them are old; cf. Breton quell W. cyll, etc.


The formation of this person and that of the 3rd sing. s-Pret., the Part. Pret. Pass., and in a certain degree the 2nd preterite, form sets common to many verbs, and will permit the establishment of verbal classes, if the materials are fully collected. For there are numerous neologies and dialectal preferences for certain endings, and the same will more or less be the case in Cornish and Breton. So we have dyd dodes doded; llysg llosges- llosged; etc, but geilw gelwis gelwid; ceidw cedwis cedwid; teifl tewlis tewlid; caiff cafas cafad; etc.


5. These old inflected formations (dyd) are dying out, and in the modern language the types cara and ceriff, cerith, are common. -a is taken from the derivative verbs in f (-aaf *-agaf, Ir. -agim); see Evans, Stud., 15. -iff is printed in Aneurin and Taliessin (gogwneif hesslhut gwgnei [leg. gogwnei?] gereint, "posterity will accomplish what Gereint would have done", B. of An., p. 89; ef g6neif beird byt yn llawen, B. of Tal, No. 37 = Myv. Arch., 2p. 52a); but I have not found it in Middle-Welsh texts.


Salesbury, New. Test.: amylhaiff, f. 39a; aiff, f. 84a; gwnaiff, f. 1576. Gwel. Ieuan: nyd eiff ef, f. 377a; efo eiff, f. 387b; ef eiff, f. 392b, etc. Griffith Roberts, Gramm., p. 60 (262): ceriph ne car. Y Drych Christ.: efa wanheiph ag eph yn lesc, Bl; ni edewiph, B2b; ef a wneiph, Clb, etc. Some writers use it excessively often, like Charles Edwards in Hanes y Ffydd (1677); but in the literary language it is avoided.


In modern dialects -iff (and -ith) are common.


Cf. Davies, Gramm,: jam dudum vulgo ceriff, periff, rhoddiff (following ceiff). Richards, Gramm.: sefiff, torriff, lleddiff. Iolo Mss.: fe a wnaeff, p. 283; a wnaiff, p. 284; a ddielyff, ib. Add. MS. 14,979 (17th cent.), f173a. ni wnaeff ddim yn i amser, . . . ni wnaiff ddim . . .; E. Llwyd: pwy binnag a edrichif (Arch. Brit., Pref.). Add. MS. 15,005, f32b: lleddiff; f. 49a: hi ddwidiff, etc. Hope, Cyf. ir Cymro, 1765: os misiff ddwad, p. viii


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("if he fails to come"). Lex Cornnbrit., p. 12lb (North-Welsh): dyff or deyff for daw. Yr Arw. (Pwllheli): mi yiff, 17, 7, 56; y gnyiff o (ni chyiff, 2, 10, 56). Y Bed. (Monmouthsh.): fe leiciff, viii, p. 107, etc. (1)


6. I have found -ith only in texts of this century. Rowlands, Gramm., 4/80, has the colloquial endings -iff, -ith, or -yth.


Cf. Yr Arw: dyudith (says), sonith, gofynith, 20, 1, 59. Cab few. Tom.: mi eith, p. 33 (= fe ); gneith, p. 46; os na newidith o i ffordd, p. 33; ne mi 'drychith o ar f 'ol i, p. 106; thewith hi byth yn dragowydd (ni th.), a mi 'ddawith ddwad rwsnos nesa, p. 137. Ser. Cymru: na cheith, i, p. 252; os na ofalith e, i, p. 272; cheith (ni ch.), ib.; etc.


7. -iff has heen explained as an erroneous ahstraction of a termination from ceiff. Caffael, cafael, cael, exist; from the two sets, caffaf, ceffi, ceiff, and cf, cei, c, cei and ceiff were selected; and in consequence of the preference for these two forms, eiff, gwneiff, parheiff were first analogically formed, and afterwards -iff was transported even to car: ceriff. This is clearly proved by the presence of e for a (ceriff: ceri, car), which could not have heen caused by infection at so late a date, but is the old infected e of the 2nd sing. Seiff, from sefyll, sefyd, is caused by the coexistence of caffaf and cafaf. -ith may be a phonetic change of -iff; cf. benffyg benthyg; dattod dathod daffod; dethol deffol. But if it be genuine, as it can of course by no means represent an old dental ending, it may have been taken from aeth, gwnaeth,


(1) In the MS. A of the Laws (ed. Owen) gwataf is often printed for the 3rd sing. Cf. pp. 501, 506, 507, 509, 510, 527: os gwaaf tyst . . . .; onys gwataf yr amddifynwr yr krair . . . .; ony wataf yr a. yr kr. . . .; ac o gwataf ef hyny . . . .; o gwataf ef, etc. In this MS. f and ff are used for both f (v) and ff (f): a fa le ymaen, p. 502; eff, wyff, p. 497; addeff, p. 509. There occur also wyntef, p. 528; atof, p. 523 (= atto); weydy hyny, p. 529; argloyd, p. 527; yewn, p. 524. Gwataf, if not, in spite of its frequent recurrence, an error, is either gwata (f not pro- nonnced) or gwataff (cf. eff), a form not elsewhere met with. Perhaps -af is written for eff, and this for -eiff, a in final syllables being pronounced e in certain dialects; cf. oedren, anhowddger, rwen, rheitiech, etc, in the late Powys. Add. MS. 15,005.


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■ 62 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS. etc.; not directly, since they are preterite, but, as I suppose, the alteration of -iff into -ith was caused by the influence of aeth, etc, pronounced aith or th, iff and the erroneously detached *-ith of aith bein^ both rearded as real terinina- tions, and -ith thns partly replacing -iff. Even ceiff is ceith in dialects; see 6. B. COXJUNCTIVE AND OPTATIYE. 8. There is a growing tendency in Middle-Welsh to supplant the terminations of the optative by those of the conjunctive, i.e, oe (oy) and wy in the lst and 3rd sing. and 3rd plur. by o, with the exception only of the lst sing., in which -wyf and -of are both used. Oe occurs only in the oldest MSS., and in the North- Welsh Laws. Cf. (lst sing.) MS. A, p. 58: nydoes kenyvi atalloef ycgnic (sic, to you) namin vimare ahunnu nys taluaf (sic) ycgui ac nis gustlaf. (3rd sing.) B. of Carm., 18: creddoe (guledchuỳ, 16; dirchafuỳ, 18, etc. B. of Tal., 18: molh6y, roth6y, 19). 3rd plur. -oent occurs very often in MS. A: eny kafoent, p. 5 (gymeront, MS. D); pan uenoent, p. 10 (pan y mynho, D); palebennac edemkafoent er efeyryat ar dystein ar enat (ymgaffo, D), pan ranoent er anreyth, p. 16; ar e gladoet ackauarfoent ac Aruon, p. 50; bed a deuetoent, p. 389 (dywett6ynt, G, U); dim or a deuetoent (dywet6ynt, G, U); guedy edemdauoent, p. 397; kinguibot bet a dewedoent, p. 73 (beth a dwettoent B. D. K.; dwettwnt C), etc. (pp. 51, 55, 65, 74, 127, etc). In MS. Tit., D2 (= B) -oent seems always to be used. Cf. ac na wnelhoent dm namn can e gghor, f. 4a; pan gmerhoent, pan venhoent, f. 5a; pan ranhoent hv, f. 7b; pa le bennac ed emgaffoent, f. 15a; mal e delehoent, f. 21b; pan emchuelhoent, f. 60b, etc. (more than 24 times). MS. Calig., A3 (=C): Ac o gwed e datkanoỳnt daw ef; hỳt en e lle e deloent heprwng, f. 168b; ket anawoent, f. 198a; pan delhoent, f. 190b; na phlyccoent, f. 191b; a kmeroent, f. 194b; hỳt e delwỳnt pellaf, f. 169a; mal e delwnt, f. I73a; kaffwỳnt, f. 178a, et'c. Addit. MS. 14,931 (= E): pan unhont, f. 4a; pan rannoent, f. 6a; pale bỳnnac dmgafont, f. 12a (= B, f. 15a); a gfarfoent, f. 17a; val ỳ mnnont talhoent cmeront, f. 21a; lle dlont, f. 21b; ket as dcoent, f. 24a; pan deloỳnt, f.30a; pan elhont. etc - na wnelh6nt, f. 3a; ht dlnnt, d ergythunt, etc.


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■ 63 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS MS. II (Owen, Laws): dylyoent, dyloent, galloent, dy wettoent, pp. 736, 741, 760, 768. 9. -wynt is comnion in the South-Welsh recensions of the Laws, and in Southern Middle-Welsh MSS. generally. Cf . MS. L (Dimet. Code): ac yn g6randa6 ygneit a delh6ynt or 6lat yr llys, p. 180 (delhont, six other MSS.); yr hynn auo petrus gantunt ac a vynh6ynt . . . . y amlyccau, p. 180 (uỳnhont, MSS. N, P, Q), p. 199, etc. MS. Harl. 958 (= T): a wnelhỳnt, f. Yla. MS. Cleop., A14 (=W): pan fohỳnt or wlat, f. 496, etc. Ll. Gw. Rhydd.: val y caff wynt wynteu, p. 98; a arwydocaant y lcenedloed a delwyntrac llaw, p. 277; pona coffawynt, p. 279; llawer o betheu ereill a deloynt, p. 283 (doyn, p. 276; moy, p. 279). MS. C'leop., B5: a vrefwnt, f. 63; a vỳnhwnt hw, etc. MS. Jes. Coll. 141: niegys na allwynt adnabot. . . , f. 144, etc. (aNorthern MS.) 10. -of (not in Zeuss, p. 2 512): Ll. Gw. Rhydd.: yny gysgof, p. 137; or a ouynnof udunt, p. 260. MS. Tit, D22: a wnelof i, f. llh. In the modern lauguage o is introduced in all persons (-of, -ot, -o, -om, och, -ont). -wyf is still used (e.g., gallwi, Cann. y Cymry, 1672, p. 481; byth na delw i, Seren Cymru, ii, p. 505; tra bydw 'i 'n gneyd, Cab. fcw. T., etc). In Ghrtmmars (Rowlands, Williams ab Ithel) carwyf, -wyt, -wy, -y w, -ym, -wym, -ych, -wych, -ynt, -wynt are given (used as Pres. Indic.). I doubt whether these forms have any real existence; ic will be remembered that tlie same forms of wyf (I am) are sufnxed to all pronouns instead of the older endings (-of, -af, -yf). 11. -o- is certainly the reflex of the * of the conjunc- tive, and oe has always been referred to the optative; but the phonetic proof of this is very difficult. Oe (later wy) may be *(i), the Cornish and Breton -i- *-- of the non-thematic optative, and both may have exceeded their proper places (the sing. and the plur.) (?). -i- is not wanting in Welsh. Zeuss, p. 2 583, gives gwell gwneif a thi (melius faciam erga te), Aneurin, p. 62 (ed. Williams), without adding any note; ni bydif ym dirwen, B. of Tal, 31, 32, 33, 34 (ny bydaf,39); acos ytydif ym gwen, 37, Myv. Arch., 2 $. 506;;t minheu


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■ 64 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS bydif, B. of TaL, Ruhn's Zeitschrift, 28, p. 91, n. 3. To these forms belongs also the 2nd sing. in -yt (Zeuss, 2 p. 512) and -ych, with cli of the pers. pron., 2nd pers. plur. We may assume that at the time when the old -t of the 2nd plur. was replaced by ch, the same was analogically done with the more recent -t of the 2nd sing. (from ti). In certain cases, indeed, if two forms are identical, though of different origin, the rational change of one of them may cause a merely analogical change of the other one; and besides, in this case both are forms of the 2nd person. Davies, Gramm., gives cerych and carech; Eowlands and Spurrell, dysgych, -ech, -ot ; Ll. Gw. Rh. } a wyppech di, p. 214; Addit. MS. 31,056 (17th cent.), pen fwriech di nhw ymaith, f. Wb. -ech is caused by the coexistence of carech and cerych in the 2nd plur. of the secondary preterite, an example of the kind of analogy mentioned above. 0. Secondary Present. 12. 2nd sing.: Davies, Gramm., says: carit amabas, cerit amares, poet. -ut, -yd; semper fere -ud. -et is the ordinary form of the modern dialects, influenced by the 2nd plur. -ech. In tlie plural both -ym, -ych, -ynt and -em, -ech, -ent exist. Cf. Cann, y C, 1672; pe caet ti, p. 406. Addit. MS. 14,973: letty a gavd pe raedred i ofyn, f. 105/y. Yr Arw,: mi fasat, ouddat, mi rouddat (yroeddet), 26, 2, 57; pen ouddat ti, 11, 12, 56, etc. (e becoming a in final syllables in the Venedotian dialects). Cal>. few. Tom.: roeddet ti, p. 22; na baset ti; osgallset ti fgallasswn); mi gowset ti, p. 30 (cawsswn); ni chlywset ti, p. 61. Scrcn Cymru: cymeraset ti, ii, p. 47; pam na sharadet ti, p. 146; ceset ti, p. 243 (cafael). 13. The 3rd sing. offers similar problems to the 3rd sing. I'res., for there exist -ei, -i, on one side, and -ad on the other, wliich cannot have had the same termination. -i was first recognised by Evander Evans (Studies in Cymr. Piil, 26), and has been further discussed by Rhŷs (Ecv. Celt., vi). Doi and cai occur in Middle-Welsh prose texts; cf. B. of Herg.: pa


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■ 65 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS doi arnat ti, col. 759; Ll. Gw. Rhydd.: na doi ef, p. 130; y doi ynteu, p. 154; a doi, p. 154; ny doy, p. 207; y tygawd ynteu y niynnei ef hihi oe hanuod. canys cai oc eu bod, p. 154. -ei becomes at an early date -e in the colloquial language, as is proved by orthographies like na dwettev neb onadunt (Cleop., B 5, f. 6b), hadarnhaeu (S., p. 599, Laios), a gaffeu (p. 594), peu veu (p. 597), -eu and -ei being at this period (15th cent.) both pronounced -e, and therefore liable to be exchanged. J. D. Ehys, Gramm., p. 128, has gall. Davies says: vulgo profertur care, carase, but not before this century, an obseiwation renderecl doubtful to me by the orthographies above given. 14. -ad, -iad, is restricted to a few verbs. Bwyad, oedd- yad, gwyddyad, adwaenyad, pieuad occur; see Zeuss, 2 p. 002, Ehŷs, Rev. Celt., vi, p. 47?t. Cf. B. of Eerg.: ymbyat, cols. 1221, 1223 (Talhaearn Brydyd Mawr, flor. 1380); ny wydyat hi, col. 1108, etc.; Ll. Giu. Rh.: a racatwaenat, p. 5; nysgwy- dyat, p. 20; Cleop., B 5: ỳ gwidiat, f. 24; na wydiat, ff. 32fr, 376; na wỳdat, f. 37. Rhŷs gives gwyddad as a South- Welsh form (N. W. gwyddai). It is almost fche only one of these forms found in later texts; cf. Add. MS. 12,193 (1510): nevpwy a wyddiad achos, f. 13&; na wyddiat, f. 22 (Trans- lation of Rolewinch); Salesbury, N. T.: canys ef a wyddiat f. 46; pe gwyddiat, f. 40, etc.; canys adwaeniacl ef hwy oll, f. 134; also in Add. MS. 14,921 (Translation of Maunde- mlle); Add. MS. 31,055 (ni wyddiad ddrwc dros dda, f. 34); Cann. y Cymry; etc. Y (j) appears also before other verbal endiugs, especially often in Y Seint Greal. Cf. gwydyat (more than 30 times); a wydywn, pp. 231, 243, 300, 367; oedywn, 57; yr oedywn, pp. 239, 340, 422; ny dathoedywn i, 48; val yd oedewch chwi, p. 386; ti a aethyost, 13, 19, 44; gwnaethyost, 12, 18; a aethyant, 7, 15; a doethyant, 10, 15; a wnaethyant, 2; pei at vydewch, p. 143; a phei bydewch, 56. Y is sometimes superfluously written in this MS.; cf. aelyodeu (limbs), 2; twrneimyeint, 20, 21; mi a wasanaethyeis, haedyeist, 15, 19, etc. VOL. IX. F


wedd 1356) (tudalen 66)

■ 66 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSEEVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VEBBS. In other MSS.: BooJc of Tal., 5: ny wydyem and wydem; B. of An.: gwdei, 69, 19; B. of Ecrg.: ydaethyant, col. 1094; L. G-i. Rh.: doethywch, p. 260 (kawssodyat lcg. kawssoydat? cawssoedat, p. 224); Hgt., 59; gydynt, R. C, viii, p. 9. 15. The explanation of these endings is still extremely uncertain. -iad is considered as belonging to the -stems, and its d(t) and the absence of any infection justify the assumption of the ending -to. -i and -ei may have only lost a syllable ending in t, otherwise t would have been kept; so they probably ended in *-e-t, and -i, -ei are the remains of the characteristics of the stem with the derivative j'. -i is to be explained as the -i of the 2nd sing. (see 1); -ei is regarded by Rhŷs as the ending of the -stems; I should take it to be the reflex of *-j-et. The existence of the doublets -i and -ydd in the 2nd sing. Pres. enables us to concede the possi- bility of such forms having existed in this termination, and I rcally think -awd, -odd, to be a relic of them. Stohes first explained -odd from *-jet; -ei is either *-jet, which I do not believe, or *-jet. 16. -odd is replaced by -oedd from, as far as I can see, the 15th century in South "Welsh, or more, perhaps, in Gwentian texts only. Cf. from the Boolc of Trcv Alun, near St. Asaph, written by Gutyn Owain: a gynnalioed, p. 629 (twice); Owen, Laws: a camgynnaliocdd, a lithroedd, pp. 629, 630. In Salesbury's N. T., -awdd, -odd, and -oedd are indiscriminately used, but in the part translated by Huet -oedd, -oydd predominate. In the Gwentian MS. Add. 14,921 -oedd is the common ending, several times curiously written -edd; Llyfr Achau (lreconshire), 1604: priodoedd, p. 8; a wleduchoedd, p. 63, etc.; Eomil., 1606: pan weddioedd hi, ii, p. 267. Owen Pughe onlinarily writes -ocdd, as does the periodical, Y Grcal, 1806-9. In vol. i of Scrcn Gomcr (1814, fol.) several columns are filled with letters and controversies on -oedd and -odd, but I have not found any dialectal remarhs


wedd 1357) (tudalen 67)

■ 67 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS of any service in them. -oedd is of course caused by oedd (was) in such combinations as aethoedd, dathoedd, gwnaeth- oedd, with the meaning of active preterites. 17. The plur. endings -ym, -ych, -ynt (-int), and -em, -ech, -ent, are so far obscure as to fail to show by their phonology to what classes of stems their difference is due. They seeni to correspond to the Irish second and third series. From the 15th century -eint, -aint, occur frequently in the 3rd plur., especially in later Gwentian texts. Cf. Ll. Giu. Rh.\ traweint, p. 184 (trewis, p. 185; tereu, 3rd sing.); a lauuryeint, p. 213. MS. Cleop., B5: aethasseint (sec. -Pret.); MS. Tit., D22: tr6 yrei ybuasseint, f. la; ary messur y buasseint, f. 8a; ysawl a yniardelweint; etc. Medd. Myddfai: a ddylaint and a ddylynt, p. 296; a ddywedaint (Owen, Laics, p. 661, written 1685 in Glamorgan). Barddas, i: ag a ddodaint, p. 40; oeddeint, p. 32; gweddaint, p. 42; a elwaint, p. 52; gwerthaint, p. 64; medraint, gadwaint, etc. Davies says: poetice -aint and -ain. These endings seem to be borrowed from the verbs in -f (*-agaf), like the -a of the 3rd sing. Pres. Cf. a uuchocceynt, Ll. Giv. Rhyclcl., p. 191; a wneynt, B. cf Herg., col. 720, etc. D. The /S'-Peeterite. 18. The Ist and 2nd sing. -eis, -eist, are altered in the modern dialects according to the phonetic changes proper to the vowels and diphthongs of final syllables. So we find -es, -est, in South Wales, except in the Eastern Gwentian dialects. Cf. Salesbury, JV. T.: mi a weles, mi wyles, f. 378b; ti y creest, ib. Scr. Gymru: gadewes I, iii, p. 226; mi gwmres, p. 524; pwy welest ti, ii, p. 364; pan glwest, p. 524; wedest ti, i, p. 232 (dywedaist), etc. Y Tyw. ar Gymr.: ond wetas I, i, p. 95. Aberdare, Y Gwl.: halas i (3rd sing., fyclda), 30, 6, 1860, etc. In the Northern dialects -is, -ist occur from the 16tli century down. The explanation of them is uncertain, but they are not due to any analogical neo-formation, since f2


wedd 1358) (tudalen 68)

■ 68 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS the same change of ei into i oecnrs, in these very dialects, in ]ilurals of nonns like llygid (in Denbigh, Flint, and Meri- oneth, Wliams ab Ithel),ifinc, bychin, etc, and in cymmint, isio, iste, etc. (see my Beitr., 92). Davies reproves them ruthlessly: ceris, cerist: summa3 imperitiie, poetice solum fAifTjTL/cŵ' vel epwviK)<;. Cf. Salesbury, N.T.: roist (?), f. -41. Add. MS. 14,986, 16th cont.: rois, f. Yob; rois, f. 29 (ceres, f. 32a). Add. MS. 15,059, 17th cont.: mi gollis, a gefis, f. 223. Add. MS. 31,056: a rois fy myd, f. 176: y doist, f. 106; 15,005: oscefist, f. 136a. YrArw. (Pwllheli): miarois, na welis i, 17, 7, 56; a ffen dois mi glywis, 31, 7, 56; ni welis i mono chi, 13, 10, 56; na welist ti, 11, 12, 56; cefis, syrthis, 26, 2. 57; mi dtffris, mi ail dryehis arna ti, torist, 9, 4, 57. Cb.few T.: mi gymris, p. 73; mi glowis, p. 49; glywis, p. 7; mi gymist dy, p. 137 (cymmeraist): roist, p. 89; deydist, gelwist, etc. 19. The ending -ost (-os-t) is proper to buum, bm, and was thence extended to daethum, gwnaethum, etc, which follow the conjugation of buum. In old MSS. -ost is found lIso in other verbs; cf. o buosty ema ty haythost, MS. A, p. 71; ny cheuntoste, B. of Carm., 5; royssosti, 11. Gu\ L'h., p. 129. On the other hand these few anomalous verbs are in later times assimilated to the ,s-Pret.; cf. wyddest ti, Y Cyfaill Dyfyr, 1883 (Powys); ti wyddest, Scr. Cyrnru, ii, pp. 48, 184; a fuest ti, i, p. 272, iii, p. 184; na fuest tithe,ii, p. 423, etc Pthŷs, Rcr.Cclt., vi,p. 20, gives "bues-ti", or rather, "bis-ti", as the colloquial brm in parts of Soutli Wales, and compares Corn. fues, ves (Z., 2 p. 562). Since tlicse forms iu -est are altogether wanting in older MSS., as far as I know, I think it more probable tliat they represent a literary *buaist; see 18. Williams ab Ithel gives Venedot. bum, Dimet. buo, bues (lst sing.); Spurrell, Gramm., 3 189: Soulli- V r elsh buais, bues, buo; Rowlands, Gramm., 2 248: buais, buaist. Cf. Ser. C, mi fues, i, p. 411; iii, p. 103. Gwnais, dais, are also given; even eisym; for in Davics's time, as he says, cersym, caresym, archesym, ceusym, began to be formed, com-


wedd 1359) (tudalen 69)

■ 69 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS binations of the s-Pret. with tlie endings of tlie perfect in -um (later -yrn). 20. The ending -ast is of extremely rare occurrence, and open to certain doubts. I have found doethast, Eev. Celt., vii, p. 450; y deuthast, B. of Ecrg., Mab. Ger. ab Erbin (gwdast, Mab., iii, p. 88 [Guest]?); pan vwryast ti, Hengwrt MSS., ii, 323; nadywedast, M. (Owen, Laics, p. 516); Salesbury, N. T.\ a ddaethast ti, f. 12b; canys beth a wyddas 1 ti, wreic, a ged- wych di dy wr, neu beth a wyddos ti, wr . . . ., f. 250. As gwybod and dyfod are each represented twice among these few examples, the assumption of -ast as a real termination gains somewhat in probability; the change of -ost and -ast is either an analogical imitation or a real instance of the interchange of o and a in the verbal terminations (-om, -ont) in Welsh itself (buont: buant), and in Welsh compared with Corn. and Bret. (Bret. queront: W. carant, etc.); see 26. 21. The 3rd sing. ends in -es, -is, -as, -wys (-ws). Tlie first three of these endings are the reflex of the o-,j- and - verbs, and the Part. Perf. Pass. in -ed, -id, -ad (*-eto-, etc.) ordinarily corresponds to their formation. The regular rela- tions, however, between'these two sets of forms and the 3rd sing. Pres., the plural of the s-Aor. (-assom, -yssom, -sorn), the old passive, certain infinitives, etc, are so often altered by analogical neo-formations that it would require full collec- tions from Welsh texts and a comparison with the other Brythonic languages to ascertain the genuine formations. Cf . a few f orms in -es: adoles, agores, annoges, anfones, arlioes, bodes, canmoles, colles, cyfodes, cyffroes, cynghores, ynidangosses, 1 This orthography (wyddas ti) is very common with Salesbury. Cf. ny wyddos ti, f. 155; ac a weles ti, f. 147; etc. In Hgt. MS. 2U2, f. 1186, col. 2, line 22 (of the photograph in Y Cymmr., vii), gorugos occurs (before a following vowel), an unique example, and not sumcieot, I thii)k, to justify the assumption of the separate existence of -os at that tirne.


wedd 1360) (tudalen 70)

■ 70 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH YERBS. dehogles, diffodes, dodes, esgores, etholes, ffoes, gosodes, gwrthores, hoffes, holltes, llosces, paratoes, porthes, priodes, rhodes, sodes, torres, troes, trosses, ymchweles; iu -is: edewis. erchis, ket\vis, dyrcheuis, delis, kyuhelis, dechreuis, diengis, enwis, gelwis, genis, gwerendewis, cyulenwis, nienegis, peris, seuis, tewis, trengis, trewis (all from Ll. Gw. Rhydd.). Gwelas occurs at least 31 times in the texts prnted from tliis MS., and 24 times in the Mab. (1887); also welat, Ll. Gw., p. 206 (2); Mab., col. 734; but gweles exists 18 times in L/. Gw. (pp. 302, 305, 309, written welais, pron. -es), andalsoin otber MSS., e.g. t ILjt, MS. 59: weles, p. 417, viii, 5, 19; welas, p. 431 (v. Celt., vii); etc.; gwelas, gwelad are the commonly used forms. Peir, peris, paryssei (Ll. Gu\, p. 113), or dieing, diengis, diengid, dihagyssei (B. of Hcrg. , col. 164), form a regular series of the /- class. 22. The existence of the termination -wys (-ws) makes the collection of the primitive forms more diffcult; for -ws, which occurs also in the oldest Venedotian MSS., became at a later date a characteristic of the Southern dialects, in which it supplanted the genuine endings. Cf. deuenus, MS. A, p. 1; a uarnus, p. 13; e lluydhaus, e delleghus, p. 50; talus, pan Yihaus (gwrhau), p. 48; MS. B, pp. 473, 469; etc. It is frequent in Ll. Gw. Bhydd., written -wys and -\vs (pro- nounced -ws). Davies, Gramm., says: demetice -ws; E. Lhuyd, A. Br., p. 239: S. W. -ws, -es, -ys (-is); L. Morris, Add. MS. 14,934, f. 25?>; Pughe, Hughes, Williams, etc.; T Traeth, iii, p. 11: S. W. rhows, cafas, rhanws, pryDwys, cwnws, Efustws, etc. In Barddas, -wys and -wyd are exces- sively common (gwelwys, cafwyd, etc). In modern texts from Ebbw Vale, Monmouthshire, in P. G. 28, 29, -ws is often used; in Y Bed., etc. In my opinion, as I stated in Obs. on the Fron,, 07, -wys is shaped a'ter the model of -wyd; -es, -is, -as, and -ed, -id, -ad, being exactly parallel in formatin; and -wyd would seem to be an abstraction from bwyt, the l'art. l'erf. Pass. of bod; possibly from *b(i)v-eto-. This erro- neous abstraction was facilitated by the employmeut of this bwyt toform passive participles of gwneuthwr, etc. (gwnaeth- pwyt, etc). The 3rd sing. -oedd i'or -odd (see 10) offers


wedd 1361) (tudalen 71)

■ 71 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS an analogy to this influence of the verb substantive on the ^erb. 1 23. In the plural we have three series of endings: -assom, -yssom, -som; -assoch, etc.; and correspondingly in the secondary s-Pret., -asswn, -ysswn, -swn, etc. The follow- ing verbs refiect more or less constantly the old o-conjuga- tion; cf. from texts: B. of An.: nyt atcorsant, p. 96. B. of Tal.: digonsant, p. 127. Tit. D 2: nỳ digonsant, f, 45a. B. of Ilerg.: a ducsynt, col. 165. Ll. Gw.: ducssant, p. 203; niegys y kynierssom ni, p. 209; a gymerssant, p. 225. Add. MS. 19,709: pan welsont 6y, f. 646. Cleop. B 5: rỳwelsei, f. &a; n welssit (pass.) y chỳffelỳb, kl\vssei, f. 10a. Dechreu, cafael (cawssom); and the verbs in -aw (infnitive): ymadassant, B. of Herg., col. 595; val y hedewssynt, trawssey, Ll. Gw., pp. 88, 254. Salesbury, iV. T.: gwelsont (often), cawsont, f. 36; dechreysont, f. 18a; cymersant, f. 391a; clywsam, f. 179. Gambold, Gramm., 1727, gives tawsom (tewi, s- pret. tewis), clyw- son, gwrandawsom. Notwithstanding these regular forms, which are further proved to be old in many instances by the Part. Pret. Pass. (see 31), we find a gymeryssant, Ll. Gia., p. 144; clywas- soch, p. 77; nychlywyssynt, B. of Herg., col. 643; Sales- bury, N. T.: cafesont, f. 159; ducesant, f. 179 (-esont, f. 185); pan welesont, f. 208&; Mi/v. Arch., 2 p. 601: a wela- sant (X. W., Hcm. Gruff. ab Cyn.); Add. MS. 15,056: a welasant, f. 2a (O. Jones); also Barcldas, i, p. 236; etc. 24. It will be, I fear, impossible to define the exact limits of -y-ssom, for no verb exists using exclusively -yssom, etc, 1 There occur, curiously enough, though in different texts, in the same verb a fact which prevents my regarding them as undoubted clerical errors forms of the 3rd sing. in -os: MS. Z (Owen), p. 526: a gavos (1480); Salesbury, N. T.: ni chafos (f. 342a, Richard Davies); Add. MS. 14,986, f. 15a: i kafos. I never found -os with any other verb. Of course, if these forms really exist, they are the result of momentary combinations of cafas and cdlodd cadd, for no othcr ortho- graphies in these texts would justify our regarding s as a phonetic orthography for dd (like s for th in MS. A).


wedd 1362) (tudalen 72)



and whilst in Middle-Welsh texts -assom, etc, predominates, the case is just the contrary in texts o' the lfith and 17th centuries. Cf., e.g., B. of Herg.: dihagyssei, col. 161; ymchoelyssant, 166; y kychwynyssont, col. 561; dodysson ni, col. 725. Add. MS. 19,709: disgynyssei, magyssei, f. 25a; karyssei, f. l9/>; yrnwa- hanyssant, na phallyssam, lladyssn, eistedyssant, treulyssant, body- ssant, etc. Ll. Gw. Rh.: pwy a royssei, pp. 122, 180 (roessei, p. 71; roessant, p. 73; rodasswn, p. 80); dyrchauyssant, pp. 65, 145; kanyssant, p. 65; ymgadarnhyssant, p. 50; ymrwymyssant, p. 84; cyrchyssant, pp. 102, 131; ffoyssant, pp. 126, 128; cladyssant, p. 117; gouynyssant, p. 137; ymgyweiryssant, p. 145; ymhoylys- eant, pp. 139, 146; gorchymynyssant, p. 137; trigyssant, p. 146; gwisgyssant, p. .138; archyssei, p. 120; paryssei, p. 118 (-ant, p. 128); lladyssei, pp. 125, 128; dalyssei, p. 147; rydhayssei, p. 131; rydywedyssei, p. 130; anuonyssei, p. 121; a detholyssant, gordiwedyssant, chwardyssant, cussanyssei, ranyssant, priodyssei, hwylyssant, etc. 25. In texts of the 16th and 17th centuries -yssom, etc. (written -ysom,-esom,-isom,dialectal orthographies expressing the different pronunciation of y) are the common endings. Salesbury has, e.g., ymovynesei, roesei, roesont (Gicel. leuan: rois- ont, f. 896/0; roysont, f. 38b; mi a rroysym, f. 375b); canesam (and canasam), bwriesom, govynesoch, neidiesoch (marg. dawnsiesoch), gwatworesont, a wnethesei, etc. Gu-el. I.: canysont, pan agoryssey, f. 379/;; agorysei, ib. (agorassey, f. 882a; agorasay, f. 880o); etc. Lewis Dwnn's Pedigrees: a sgrivenysant, p. 7; mynyswn, p. 9. Lhjfr Achau (1604): a wledichison, a enillyssont, p. 60; cf. also the Jlomilies (1606); Marchawg Cru-jdrad (17th cent.), etc. At the same time, or a little later, -som, -soch, -sont become the colloipiial ibrnis, and tliey are tlie only endings used in the modern dialects. Cf. Add. MS. 14,921 ( cent.): ymladdsont, f. 53a; lladson, f. 467 j hesides ni diodys- son, f. 20ce; dodysson, f. 46a; ef a fynse and ef a fynysse, ff. 226, 9a (kymersson, f. 46; kly\vson, lst pl., f. 13). Oann. y Cymry, 1672: lladsont, p. 2(i; pan gotson, p. 32 (codi); maethsont, p. 227; y gallsc, p. 139; ni haeddson, torsom,


wedd 1363) (tudalen 73)

■ 73 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS p. 63, etc. Examples of -som, -socg, -sont and -swn, etc, -sem, -sech, -sent (in Carnaiwonshire '-sam, etc, Sweet, p. 444), are not necessary, as there are no exceptions. So modern Welsh coincides in this point with the Breton and Cornish languages, whilst the older language keeps up the distinction between the three series. Carsom: caras followed of course gwelsom: gwelas. Davies gives elswn, delswn, gwnelswn, as Powysian forms. 1 26. -oin and -ont, corresponding to the Breton and Cornish endings, are comparatively infrecpuent in Middle-Welsh, but are the conimon modern Welsh endingo, a fact which must, I thinh, be attributed not to the ancient interchange of -om and -am, but to a transference of the vowel of the 2nd plur. -och to these terniinations. I cannot make out the reasons of the former duplication of endings, since we have also -ant, Bret. -ont,in the Pres. Indic; -ach, Bret. -oc'h,in the compara- tive, and interchanges of o and a in Welsh itself ( see my Beitr., 55). Cf. B. of Herg.: rywelsom, col. 733; a dodyssom ni, col. 725; a gassont, 742 (a gassant, 743); a glysont, 724; kych6ynnyssont, 561. Lt. Gw. Rh.: ac am nas cawssont dic uuant a thrist, p. 167; yd adawsont, p. 167. Both -om and -am, -ont and -ant, occur also in the Pret. bm, aethuni, daethum, etc; cf. buam, buant, Mab. (1887), often; a wdam ni, col. 743; a 6dom ni, col. 742. Ll. Gw. Bh.: val y buont, p. 106; a vuont, p. 162; uuont, p. 161; yd aethont, pp. 167, ] 73; a deuthont, p. 168. In later texts always, cf. Salesbury, N. T.: gwyddom; ac ymaith yr aethon ein dau, March. Crwyclr., p. 5; ni addoethon, p. 15; ni aethon, p. 140; 1 Sweet, Spolcen North Welsh, pp. 446, 448, tnentions the plur. rhodd- son, rhoithon, rhoison (Sec. Pres. rhown, rht, rhy, rhown, rhoAvch, rhn, rhoythan; s-Pret. rhois, rhoist, rhoddodd, rhth, rhs [rhys?]), and danghothson (dangos); forms which the assumption of complex analogical influence might render plausible, but which are too little known to allow of a judgment on them.


wedd 1364) (tudalen 74)

■ 74 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS y buont, p. 6; etc. Sometimes aw is written br o: ymnertha- sawnt (Salesbury; etc.) pronounced o. 1 E. Passive. 27. E. Evans (Stud., G) first drew tlie attention of pliilologists to the various old passives in -etor, -itor, -ator, etc, which, though mentioned in the grammars of Pughe and Williams ap Ithel, had been ignored by Zeuss and Ebel. On edrychwyr and the other deponents see Rhŷs, Rev. Gdt., vi, pp. 40-49, also in Y Traeh, 1S84. Thefollowing forms occur: dgettaur, B. o/Carm., 7; B.ofTal., 5(2); hymysgetor 30, lloscetar 5, golchettar, p. 16C, crybwyll- etor (Evans); henhittor ldrn, B. of Carm., 17, megittor 17, keissitor, p. 157(2); llemittyor, B. of Herg., p. 305 (Sk.); cwynitor, gweinydiawr, gwelitor, clywitor, telitor (Ev.); traetbator,.B.q/"7 , (/., p. 131; molhator, ib.; kwuhỳator, B. of An., p. 86; gwelattor, canhator (Ev.); brithottor, B. of Carm., 9. Passives in -awr (Zeuss, 2 p. 529) are gnarwỳaur, B. of C, 17; ergelar, ergelhar, B. of Tal., 5; dottar, gyrrar (a mettar am dottar yn sawell ymgyrrar ymrygiar o la6), p. 136, gorff- owyssar, p. 165, a uolhar, p. 165, dydyccar, p. 166(2); a emda- flawr, na pharawr, B. of An.; etmychar, B. of Herg., p. 222; ni chaffar, p. 235. Many other examples will be found in the poems of the earlier incdi?eval bards. Except in these old poems and others in the Book of Hcrgest these forms occur, to my knowledge, only in Arwydon riju dyd brawt (Ll. Gio., p. 274, gwelhitor), and in late Gwentian texts, as Barddas, i (pwy arweinittor y treigl hwnnw? p. 244, ar a welittor, p. 246, gwydditor, bythawr, p. 152, a deall a dichonawr arnaw, p. 330), and the Thirteenth Book of the Welsh Laws, written in 1685 in Glamorganshire (-awr only): mal y gallawr ymgyunal, p. 635, onis gwaretawr, p. 636, a wnelawr, p. 647, na phei heb hyny y bythawr, p. 648, gallawr, p. 647, a ddotawr, p. 650, a gatwawr, ]). (55, a gymcrawr, pp. 659, 677, barnawr, p. 674; evidently in most cases modern forms (dodi, cymmerid, etc.) 1 Cf. B. of Hirg., col. 164: gedy daruat hyny (darfod); U. Gvo.: drossawm, p. 212. D. S. Evans, Llythyr, 197, mentious that Dafydd luuawr wrote -awu, -iawn, -awd, fur the plur. terminations -on, -ion, -od !


wedd 1365) (tudalen 75)

■ 75 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS F. Part. Pret. Pass. 28. Phŷs, Rcv. Cclt,, vi (Some Welsh Deponents, 9), tries to explain the now existing use of these forms in -et, -it, -at, -wyt to denote the perfect passive, by assuming them to have been originally deponent participles; the passive form of bod, giving the passive meaning, having been omitted. This theory, of course, does not affect their passive character in point of forrnation, which has in part been very largely altered by the subsequent effects of analogy, and corresponds in a certain degree to that of the s-aorist. Lls and gwŷs (Zeuss, 2 p. 531) are remains of the old participles in -to- (s from *d-t). Williams (Dosp. Edeym, 717) gives lls as a Gwentian form. It is very frequent in the Middle-Welsh MSS., but lladded and lladdwyd are not wanting (cf. lladyt, B. of Hcrg., cols. 685, 841, 842(2), etc). Gwŷs occurs in modern Gwentian dialects; cf. wys neb i 'ble, Y Tyw. ct'r G., ii, p. 241, etc. Gwyddys is a combination of *gwydded and gwys; cf. ni wyddys, Hgt. MSS., ii, p. 327; Davies, Gramm., etc. A single instance of such a neo-formation if not a clerical error is also lladass, B. of Hcrg., col. 841 (besides llas and lladyt, ib.). 1 29. We find forms in -s compounded with bwyt, -pwyt, formed from nearly all the verbs which append the termina- 1 If we notice words like gorddiwedd and gorddiwes, etc. (see 32), it is difficult not to assume a siniilar connection between lladdu and lleassu; lleas (leturn, caedes, Davies, Dict.) is not infrequent in Middle- Welsh; cf. cyn Ueas, B. of Tal., 41; o leas cledeu y teruynir, Ll. CJir., p. 283; lleas, MS. Tit. D22, f. 13a; rac drycket gennyf gelet lleassu (to becoine slain) gas kyn decket a thi; p6y am lleassei i heb y peredur, B. of Uerg., col. 679; pan allo lleassu pab uelly, col. 680; pan yinleasso, Didr. Casgl, p. 248 (Oderic's Travels): if he kills him- self. In Myv. Arch., 2 p. llb (Gododin), gwnelut leadut llosgut is printed. and ladut is given from the other MSS. Leadut is an unique form. Probably the old lleassut was replaced by the later lladdut; hence the conf usion of the transcriber.


wedd 1366) (tudalen 76)

■ 76 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS tions -som, etc, and not -assom, -yssom, to their "Welsh stems to form the s-aorist; e.g., dechreusom dechreuspwy t. Dywespwyt occurs more frequently than any other of them, and is said by Davies (Gramm.,\). 197) and Williams, etc, to be a Dimetian peculiarity. Notwithstanding this, which the later MSS. indeed tend to affirm, it is also found in MSS. of the Venedotian Laios, viz. MS. Tit. D2 (=B), a dỳwesput, ff. Ob, 42; rdỳwesput, f. 48; MS. Galig. A3 { = 0), redỳwespwỳt, f, 1786, But it is incomparably more frequent in S. W. MSS. Cf. dỳwespyt, Owen, p. 172 (3 MSS.), p. 212 (7 MSS.), pp. 188, 253, etc.; B. of Eerg.: dywespyt, col. 317; Add. MS. 19,709, f. 47; Cleop. B5, f. 227 2; Tit. 1)22, ff. 7, 15a, etc.; Add. MS. 22,356 (=S): deesbyd, p. 195; deesbyd, p. 550; desbyd, p. 593 (dyespyt, p. 212). (Sal., N. T: dywetpwyt, f. 4a; dywedwyt, dwetpwyd, f. 380a; doytbwyd, f. 3306; doytpwyt, f: 33); Add. MS. 14,921 (16th cent.): dwesbwyd, f. 38; wespwyd, f. 23, etc. (7); wesbwyd, f. 34; a ddwedsbwyd (sic), f. 41a; Medd. Myddfai: a ddywespwyd, 94, 97, 98, etc.; Barddas, i: wespwyd, p. 208, etc. 30. In Harl. MS. 958 (=T), f. 40, is written: kht ac y dwedaspỳt 6r. A clerical error may certainly be surmised here, the transcriber having possibly intendcd at irst to write dwedas sam (we have said), and omitted to erase -as- after writing -p6t. But if we recall "a dywed- adoed",MS. Cleop B5, f. 247 2 Dares Phrygius), and "wal y dawedadoedit idaw", Ll. Gio. Bh., p. 269, we may with confi- dence hold dywedas- to be a combination of dywedad- and dywes-; cf. gwyddys. Similar neo-formations are mynassuedd, planassoedd, rodassoedd. Cf. y mynassoedd Cli. ymhoelut oe nerthu (Ch. would have returned to help him),Z/. Gw., p. 108; y gwielin a blanasoed voesen yno, p. 246; rodassoed, MS. B of Brut y Tywys., p. 290 = roessoed in the B. of Herg. I am unable to accede to the obviously more simple opinion that mynassoedd: mynasswn (second s-aorist) is an imitation ff aethwn: aethoedd, doethwn: doethoedd, etc, owing to the


wedd 1367) (tudalen 77)

■ 77 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS numerous forms which exist in -ad-oedd, -yd-oedd, evidently containing participles. On these see E. Evans, Stud., 20, and Ehŷs, l. c. Cf. MS. Gleop. B5: archadoed, f. 230 1; Add. MS. 19,709: ny orffoyssys corineus or ruthur hono yny oed kainn6yaf ỳ elynyon yn anafus ar ny ladadoed onadunt, f. 15; Ll. Gw. Bh.: mal y barnadoed idaw, p. 270; nyni ganadoed yna, p. 263; y haffadoed, p. 265; rynodydoed, B. of Herg., col. 841; dysgydoed, Ll. Gw., p. 135; ganydoed, pp. 135, 142, 154; Y S. Gr., p. 377; Add. MS. 19,709, f. m> etc. 31. Forms similar to dywespwyd occur further in: Glywed: a glywspwyt, Y S. Gr., p. 216; ny chlywyspwyt, Yst. Gwl. Ieuan Fencl, p. 327. Dechreu: dechreuspwyt, Y S. Gr., p. 29 . Bhoi, rhoddi: rossoedit, Brut y Tyw., MS. B (Dimet.), p. 192; y rossoed, Y S. Gr., p. 236; a rassoedynt, p. 399; a roespwyt, pp. 238, 354; rodassoed, roessoed, see 30; Salesbury, N T.: a roed, marg. roespwyt, f. 237; a roespwyt, marg. roddet, f. 227; rhoespwyt, f. 293, B. D., f. 3176; rroyspwydd (sic), Gwel. leuan, f. 381. Cafacl: 1. Y S. Gr. (a MS. abounding in these forma- tions): a gawssoedd, pp. 303, 382; mi a gawssoedwn, pp. 231, 278, 322; pei cawssoedut, p. 247; hawssoedyat, p. 406; nych., p. 208; c, pp. 306, 313; Ll. Giv. Bh.: hawssodyat, p. 224 deg. hawssoydat?); y cawssoedat, ib. 2. Pei cassoedyat, Y S. Gr., p. 297; ny chassoed hi, p. 412; pei cassoed} T nt, p. 429. 3. Didr. Gasgl., f. 398: ac ymgaru yn va6r awnaethant yn y byt h6nn try weithredu bei katlioedynt gyfle a meir6 vuant heb gyffessn y p6nk I1611116 . . . .; Sal., N. T.: pa vodd y cawseief, marg. cathoddei, f. 148; Y Drych Ghrist.: 1585, a gathoedhei, f. 30. Cathoeddwn is formed after the model of gwnathoeddwn, etc. In the modern dialect of Carnaiwonshire this imitation, caused there probably by the s-aorist of aeth, doeth, etc. (s


wedd 1368) (tudalen 78)

■ 78 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS coinciding in appearance with cs, / had), took place on a large scale. Sweet, p. 450, gives, Sec. Pres.: kawn, kaythat, kv, pl. kaythan, -ach, -an; s-Aor.: kefs, ks, kst, kafodil, kdd, kth, pl. kaython and koyson, etc. (like awn, ewn, oythwn?); t, y, pl. oythan, n (?), oythach, -an; ais, s, oist, st, th, pl. oython, oyson, etc. 4. Y kaffadoed, Ll. Gw. Rh., p. 265. 5. Cespwyd, Bardd., i, p. 268; Evans, Llythyr, 162. Gweled: gwelspwyt, Sal., N. T., f. 259; y welspwyd, f. 386. Gymeryd: y gymerspwyd, Sal., N T.; Gwel.Ieuan, f. 386. Gwneuthur: gwnespwyd, Barddas, i, p. 250; gwnaes- pwyd, ib. 32. Gwes-, dywes- in dywespwyt cannot be an old par- ticiple in -to-, since t(*v<t-) + t is known to become tk in Welsh. So it must be the result of *vet- + s, like the s- future of gwared: gwared, Perf. gwarawd, s-Fut. gwares (*gwo-ret-s-), Rhŷs, Bev. Cclt., vi; so dywed,dywawd (dywod, dywad), *dywes. These forms in s of dywed do not seem to have been all lost, for it is just of this verb, and, as far as I know, of no other in the same texts, that s-aorists like dywessont occur. It is perhaps not practicable to regard them all as clerical errors, for why should clerical errors occur in the same word in different texts, and in that word alone? At the best one may look upon the more recent of them as recent formations caused by dywespwyt itself. I have found, B. of Herg.: y dywessont, col. 804; L. G>r. lh. 'Y Cfroglth): Tony ychyna deueist dyhun. heb y yrenhines. bot y <,'\veithredoed yn betruster ydyweist. heb y iudas, p. 262 (a corrupt pissage); MS. 3 (Owen, p. 515): a ddewast di; MS. /1 (<!>., p. 768): dywedeist and dy weiat; Salesbury, N.T. .- dywesont. f. 1706; ry ddywesei, f. 17-ia (y dywetsei ef, a ddywetsont, ff. i'2b, Sb; a ddywetsant, f. 46/>; ddywedsant, f. 7l)b); ctc. Dyweist: dywesam, probably like careist: caryssam, is perhapa due to a wrong separatiou (dyw-esam); dywessom is


wedd 1369) (tudalen 79)

■ 79 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS not affectecl by the existence or non-existence of dyweist. Perhaps the coexisteuce of rhoddi and rhoi (but cf. also Bret. reif, Corn. ry) is due to the formation of an old s-aorist: *rhossom (lst pl.), or a -Part. *rhos, the existence of which the above-quoted rossoedit, rossoed, tend to establish. In *rhossom the d (of the root *d) perished in its encounter with s, and hence rho-, like gwel- of gwelsom, seems to have been wrongly abstracted and transferred to other tenses. I suppose arhosi and arhoi, also 3rd sing. erys and ery, etc. (Ir. arus), have been differentiated by the same analogical in- fiuence of an erroneous separation in an s-form. 33. As far as this point phonetic laws empower us to go. For what reason the s-form dywes- was introduced in the place of an old Part. Perf. Pass. I cannot ascertain. It is, however, clear that the other s-forms (clywspwyt, etc.) are imitations of dywespwyt, caused by dy wessom: dywespwyt. All these verbs have commonly -som, and not -assom, -yssom, except rhoddi, rhoi (see 23). Ehoespwyd, cespwyd, gwnes- pwyd, have to all evidence -es- directly taken from dywes-; while rhossoedd, cawssoedd, are imitations of the principle of dywes-. Rhoespwyd, cespwyd, have advanced a degree further, and imitate it even literally. 1 34. As to the single participle in -ed, -id, -ad and (-eid), -wyd, the first three must be separated from -wyd, which is a South-Welsh termination, replacing more or less all others in certain texts. Cf. ỳ rodat, Clcop. B5, f. 161a (ordinarily rhodded); y rrowd, Sal., N. T, f . 382Z, (Huet) (Add. MS. 14,973, f. 79, trowd); rhodd- wys, Cann. y C, p. 404, Trioedd Barddas in Poems Lyr. and J'ust., ii, p. 238, etc. L. Morris, Add. MS. 14,945, f. 273a, transcript of an old MS.: pan wneithbwit, ac distrwt, ỳ gwisgwt (lej. wt). In modern S.W.: rhow'd, aw'd, caw'd, gwnaw'd, clow'd (Y Tratth- 1 Rhoss, however, may be an old Part., and rhoes- a doublet of rhoddes-, combined of *rhos and rhodded, like gwyddys.





wedd 1370) (tudalen 80)

80 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. odydd, iii, p. 11), clywspwt, bwriwd, clwyfwd; Y Bed. 10, p. 8, ctc. -wt is written far less ofteu than -ws for -wys, since its con- nection with the Verb. Subst. was still more or less transparent. For a hypothesis on -wys and wyt, see 22. G. Infinitive. 35. The infinitives in -o, Middle-Welsh, -aw, represent ah older -*m-, like llaw (hand) from *plm. Llaw: unllofyauc (Mab.), llofrndd, rbaw -iau and rhofiau (infin. rhawio, rhofio), crawen and crofen (crust) are doublets of a kind which must also be expected in the infinitive, and there are indeed traces of infinitives in -of. Cf. gwallaw and gwallawf, findere, Davies, Bict.; gwallo, gwallof, gwallofaint, Spurrell, Dict. Gwallot, gwallofaint, contain gwallof (/ kept in the inlaut) + -i, -aint. So probably also cwyno and cwynof-ain, to wail; cwynof-aint, wailing; wylo. to weep; wylof-us, wylof-aeth, ' wylof (Sp.), weeping. -if (frequent as -im in the old Brythonic glosses) occurs (see Rev. Cclt., ii, p. 135) in the Mcb. Eilhwch ac Olwen; cf. ae dodi ar eu hol. ac aruoll aoruc bedwyr ae odif ynteu, col. 825; kymryt aoruc ynten yreilllechwae... ae odif areu liol, ib.; and tliree other times, ib. I have not found it else- where in texts. In gweinif-iad: gweini (Sp. has also gwenif, ministration),/is kept in the inlaut. 36. The intnitive of the verbs in -aaf, *-agaf, ends in -iiu, but also sometimes in -a. Davies, Gramm., gives bwyta and llewa as South-Welsh forms; also Hughes, 18l ) i ) , p. 32: S.-W. bytta; Y Gwyliedydd, 1828: S.-W. para, gwella (=}iailiu, gwellhu). Bwyta (and byta; see my Beitr., 103) occur, however, in all dialects; cf. buyta, MS. A, pp. 15, 21 , 22, 23, 24, 3,0, etc.; Sal., N. T.: bwyta, f'. 40, 59a; Add. MS. 14,913 (lGth ccnt., S.-W.): bytta, f. 84a; Sweet, SpoJcenNorth-Welsh, p. 423: byta; Yr Arw.: i futa, 20, 1, 59; uii futa i, Cb.few. T.; byta, Seren Cymru, i, p. 373, iii, 447. This verb offers certain other particularities too. Bwytavss- awch, y bwytawssant, Y S. Gr., 68, may be forms not to


wedd 1371) (tudalen 81)

OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERYATIONS ON TIIE WELSH VERBS. 1 be relied pn. In Ll. Gw. Rh., p. 265, wynteu ae kymerawss- nthwy is printed, caused, if not an error, by the coexist- ence of gadawssant, and, e.g., a adassant, MS. A, p. 1, MS. G, p. 105; gadassant, B. of Herg., col. 705. The opt;itiv<> bwytafwyf occurs in Salesbury's N. T, f. 124 (twice bwyta- vwyf), and in Add. MS. 14,986, f. 336: ond kyn i bwytavwy ddim bara. Davies, Gramm., quotes bwytathwyf (corrupte), following, in his opinion, rhothwyf for rhoddwyf. This neo- formation (if th, dd, f are not simply exchanged, as they are in many other words) seems indeed to have sprung from an erroneous abstraction of -thwyf in rhothwyf, since the other forms of rhoddi, rhoi are partly used without dd (rhoddaf, rhoaf, rhf, etc). In grammars (Gambold, Eowlands, etc) the 3rd sing. bwytty,G.,bwwty, R.,pery (of parha, parhu),E., are given, like gwrendy, gedy, tery, eddy, of gwrando, gado, etc. (Middle- Welsh gwerendeu, gedeu, tereu, etc). 1 So bwyta partly follows the analogy of the verbs in -aw, -o. Spurrell has ciniaw, cinio, ciniawau, dinner; ciniawa, to dine. Many infi- nitives in -a are formed from substantives, and express a collection of the thing which the substantive denotes (" verba colligendi", Davies): cneua, afaleua, ytta, gwiala, coetta, cawsa, ceiniocca. They contain real plurals, like afaleu, cneu, gwial, etc. 37. E.Evans (Stud., 27) first noticed the Infin. cadwY-l (besides cadw); an imitation of dywedyd, dychwelyd, in his opinion. Dywedwyd, on the other hand, occurs not infre- quently in very old texts for dywedyd; also cyscwyd; B. of Tal.: a ddostti peth 6yt pan vych yn kysc6yt. Cf. MS. A: deueduyt. pp. 43, 46, 52; deweduyt, p. 66; deueduit, p. 63; deveduit, p. 70; deueduyd, p. 52; dewetduyd, p. 71; dewetuyt, p. 70; dewedyyt, p. 70. MS. Tit. D2 (=B): dweduet, ff. 18, 1%; 1 Cf. Lew. Gl. Cothi (ed. 1837): chwery, tery, p. 41; ni thery, e dery, p. 102; pery, p. 134 (ŵ, a dau, p. 31; D. ab Gw.: ni thawaf, o thau, p. 253, froui tewi). VOL. IX. G


wedd 1372) (tudalen 82)

82 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. deweduet, f. 20b; dỳweduỳt, f. 63. Ccrfig. A13 (= C): dewedwt, f. 152; dwedwỳt, f. 179. Add. MS. 14,931 (= E): dỳwedut, f. V2b. Hctrl. MS. 958 (= T, Dimet.): dwedỳt, f. 20a. Add.MS. 14,903, a 17th ceut. MS. of Br. y Brenh.: doydyd, f. 20a, besides the old dỳwedwyt, ib. Also in old derivatives: Pa dywedydat oed h6nn6, B. of Herg., col. 740; dywedwydyat, a babbler, Y S. Gr., p. 171; ar eu dywe- dwydyat, talkativeness, p. 179; Add. MS. 14,912, f. 496, dywe- dwydal. In the translation of Dares PArygius, in the old MS. Cleop. B5, dywedwydawl is written (ff. 228al, 229a 1), where in the later MS., Jes. Coll., 141, the modern dywediadawl has been introduced (f. 19a). See also Pughe's Dict. s. v. So the older yachwyawdr (c.g., iachwyawdyr, Y S. Gr., pp. 240, 260, 268; iachyadyr, Tit. D22, f. 185a; yachwyawl, Ll. Gw. Rh., p. 264) is now iachawdwr (saviour). I carmot say whether dywedwyd is formed after the model of cad- wyd, though the pronunciation of cadw as cad seems to support this explanation, for cad, cadwyd, 3rd sing. ceid (pron.), dyweid might easily have given rise to the wrong notion of an ending -wyd (-vyd). 38. Tn later Welsh -ud, -yd, -id tend largely to replace the infinitives in -u, -i. The verbs dywedyd and ynich- welyd (in Middle-Welsh ending in -ut), which occur so very frequently, were the models of these neo-formations. Salesbury, N. T., has, c.g., gwneuthur (gwnauthur, f. lOoa; gwnewthur, f. 240; gwneuthr, at y C.; gwneithr, f. 377/', Huet); gwneuthu, f. 91, gwneuthy, f. 215&; and gwneythyd, gwneuthy'd. He prints also wneythy'r, d'anvon, etc. In the modern dialects gwneyd is the common form: cf. Yr Arw.: gneud, gnyud, 17, 7, 56; Cardigansh.: gneid, Y Cymmr., v, p. 122; Aberdare: gneud, gneithir, Y Gwcithiiur; Ebbw Vale: wedi gnd nyna (= hyn yna), P. C., 28 (ib.: gwd, to say). Gneyd is an imitation of dyweyd, gweyd, used iu the same diiilects; see 42. J. 1). Rhys, 1595, givesin his Grammar, p. 128, mynnud. )V Arw.'. carud, 18, 12, 56, pcrud, tawlud, oanud, yn sgwenud (ysgrifonu), OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1373) (tudalen 83)

OBSERYATIONS ON TIIE WELSH VERBS. 83 prydDawnud, 17, 7, 56, collid, 12, 2, 57. Cab.few. T.: gwerthud, heuddud, penderfynud, gyrud, medrud, tynud, sychud, gallud cnoid, cospid, collid, troid, rhoid, etc. Cwrddyd (e.g., V Gwron Cymr., Caerfyrddin, 20, 5, 1852) for cwrdd is reproved, Y Gwlad- garwr, 14, 5, 1858; etc. 39. -an, -ian is a very frequent moclern termination, principally used in words denoting a repeated noise, and still living, as it is the ending of many English loan-words. Cf. Dimet. mcian,ppian (topeep), Powel; Cann.yCymry, 1672: chwarian, p. 244; beggian, p. 128; begian (marg. ceisio), p. 61; moccian (marg. gwatwor), p. 154; bribian, brwylian, etc. Seren Cymru: yn clebran byth a hefyd am ryw gyfrinion sy 'da nhwy, iii, p. 22 (clebar, clebren, Spurrell; IV Arw.: ac yn clibir di glebar yn y riaith Sasnag, 17, 7, 56); llolian and llolio, hwtian and hwtio, Sp., Cb.few. T.\ yn clecian ac yn crecian, p. 46; screchian, p. 120 (to screech). Y Genedl Gymr.: yn brygawthian, 6, 5, 1885, p. 7 3 . 40. Some minor dialectal differences are: dringad for dringo, quoted in Y Traeth., 1870, p. 412, from Williams Pant y Celyn; cf. ei dhringad, marg. dringo, Hom., 1606, iii, p. 217. Ib.: damsiad for damsang or mathru (to tread, to trample), used by the same author. 1 L. Morris (Add. MS. 14,944) mentions nadu from Anglesey, nadel from Merioneth- shire (na-adael). Hely and hela, daly and dala, do not conie under this head, since their difference is a phonetic one, the result of a different treatment of the group *lg, as in boly, bola, eiry, eira, etc. Hla, to drive, to send, to spend, is S.-W.; cf. E. Lhuyd, A. Br.: S.-W. hel, hela, to send; L. Morris, Add. 1 As to these words and their synonyms, cf. seingat, a trampling, B. nf Au., pp. 85, 72; maessing, myssaing: sathru, G. Lleyn's Vocab. Davies, Dict., s. v. calco: sathru, mathru, mysseing, sengi, troedio. Sp. has maessyng, totrample about, and mysangu, to trample, the latter for *ymsangu, hke mysygan f., soft expression, and sygan, whisper, mutter. Homilies, 1606: a sathrodd, marg. ddansiolodd, iii, p. 121; y methrer hwy dan draed, marg. dansielyr, i, p. 108; mathru, marg. ddansial, iii, p. 272; ymsang, marg. ymwasc, iii, p. 261. Cann. y C, 1672: damsing, marg. sathra, p. 86; 'n damsing, marg. sathru, p. 198; i'w ddamsian, marg. i gerdded trosto, p. 432. Llyfr y Resol.: N.-W. fathru(i6.: also folestu, etc.) S.-W. damsang. Hughes, 1822: S.-W. damsang N.-W. sathru. Y Gwyl, 1828: S.-W. sengyd N.-W. satliru. G 2


wedd 1374) (tudalen 84)

84 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS MS. 14,923, f. 134: S.-W. hala, to send, to earry N.-W. gyrru, carrio; YGwyl, 1828: S.-W.hla; 7 Traeth., iii: S.-W. hala lii i'r lan = danfon lii i fynu; wedi hela triugain mlwydd = w. treulio neu fyw t. m.; halas i, Y Gwyl. (Aher- dare); etc. In Y Traeth., iii, p. 10: Dimet. meithrynu (mei- thrin), barni (barnu), costi (costio), rhosti (rhostio); D. S. Evans, Llythyr., 154: N.-W. peri S.-W. peru; N.-W. cymylu S.-W. cymylo; N.-W. gwalu S.-W. gwalo; etc. H. On the Verbs Dywedyd and Ymchwelyd. 41. These two verbs do not belong to the so-callcd irregular class, but they exhibit in difereut periods and in different dialects such a variety of external variations as to justify mydwelling further upon thein. They present such striking similarities to each other that copious e&amples are necessary to show that these similarities are, in all probabi- lity, not the result of mutual influence. The uncompounded gwedyd is the common South-Welsh form. Cf. MS. TiL,IY22: ar hii a wetto, f. 2 (Dimet.); Add. MS. 14,921 (16th cent.): ny wedaf, f. 52&; hwy wedan, 'i'. 19, lb, 42, 43b, 5%, etc. Hughes, 1822: South-Welsh gweyd, gwedyd. Seren Cymru: gweyd, i, p. 192; wedest ti, p. 232; wedsoch chi, ib. (Car- marthenshire). Y Gweithiwr: Imp. gwed, Inf. gweyd (Aber- dare). Y Tyw. a'r G.: i weta chi, i, p. 94; gwetwch, p. 93; ond wetas I, p. 95; Inf. gweyd, gwed. YGt ninen, iii, \k 19: East Glam. i wd = North-Welsh i ddweyd. Y Bed.: wetaf, 'jiiu wetyd, gwed; gweyd (Monmouths"hire). P. C.,28: wedws, gwd (Ebbw Vale); etc. 1 Dywed- is also written doẅed- 1 Further illustrations of different prepositions used in dialects are: South-Welsh dillwng = gollwng, Davies, Dct. North-Welsh dobr = gwobr, Han. y Ffydd, index. South-Welsb dyrru, to drive = gyrru, Daries, Dict.; cf. ac achelary a dyrrad ffo;ir y llu h6n6, Jl. of Herg.. f<>\. i' (in tliis MS. of the Dares Phrygiiis, but not in tlie other four known to me, achelarwy is commonly written for achel, echel, A.cbilles); ymddwyn, to conceive with young,in Powys dymddwyn, ib.\


wedd 1375) (tudalen 85)

OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS. 85 (see niy Beitr., 40); and, owing to the loss of pre-tonic syl- lables, dwed-; cf. Add. MS. 22,356 (= S): 3rd sing. deeud, p. 591; deid, ib.; hyd y detto, p. 590; megis y dedir, p. 593; desbyd, deesbyd (see 29); Add. MS. 14,912: dwespwyt, f. 41a; dwesbwyt, f. 34&; dwetpwyt, f. 41, 42. Salesbury, N. T.: ni dowot; dowait, dowaid, f. 3276. Athr. Grist: doUaid,p.46; dowaid, Add. MS. 31,058,f.69a; dowedyd, Add. MS. 15,058, f. 59 (17th cent.); etc. 42. Froni the 16th century downwards, dyweidyd, dwei- dyd, deidyd, and doedyd (doydyd) occur frequently in books and MSS. Cf. Salesbury, N T: besides'dywedysont, f. 36; dywetsit, f. 4a; dywedesit, f. 4&; dywetpwyt, f. 4.; dywedwyt, f. 46; dyvawt, f. 149; dyvot, f. 2226; dowot, dowaid, etc; y doedaf, f. lb; mal i doydais, at y C, doytpwyt, f. 30; Inf. doedit, f. 66; doydyd doedyt. R. Davies: doydaf, f . 3126; a ddoytont, f. 31 1; a ddoyd asont, f. 3596; a racddoydasant, f. S61b; y doytbwyd, Inf doydid, f. 328a. Huet: y ddwedasont, f. 3806; y ddwetpwyt f. 3796; y ddwed, f. 3766; etc. Athr. Grist.: a doedasom ni p. 14; doydyd, p. (3). Y Drych Christ.: doydais, f. 156; doyd- iadeu r saint, Cl; dau dhoyded, Aja (also in Sal., N. T.: yn doyded, f. 3606, R. D.); megis i dwed, Aij; o dweid, Bijb; u doedud pro dowedyd et dwedud pro dywedyd", J. D. Rhys, Gramm., 1595, . p. 128. Add. MSS. 14,986 (16th cent.): dweydyd, f. 13a; dywevdwch, f . 14; yn dywevdvd, f. 14; dywevdyd, f. 17; in another hand: ar a ddywoydo wrthyd, f. 59a. Add. MS. 14,979 (Life of Petrus); doydud, dowaid, often; dyweydyt, f. 157; a ddoydassont, f. 160&. Add. MS. 14,913 (South-Welsh, lth cent.): val y dyweid, f. 16; addweid, f. 15; doetbwyd, f. 8. Add. MS. 14,898: doidaist. f. 72; mi a ddoyda, f. 406; doydyd, f. 416 (another hand). Add. MS. 14,989 (17th cent., prose): yn dicoeydyd, ff. 87, 906; and doydyd, ord sing. dowed, rhagddoedwr, f. 876 (in the same text dallt and deyallt, clowed, edrch, sevll, cylfyddod, diwioldeb, etc). Add. MS. 14,987 (17th cent., Araetli y Trwstan): doudud, f. 816. Add. MS. 31,057: doydwn, f. 156; na ddowaid, f. 15; a ddowaid, f. 156. South-Welsh goddef (frequently in the Hom., 1606) = dioddef, Hughes. 1822; South-Welsh dyro = rho (give), Davies, Gramm., frequently written doro, e.g., Add. MS. 14,912, f. 30; 15,049, ff. 3a, 36, 46, 5, etc


wedd 1376) (tudalen 86)

86 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS. Add. MS. 31,060: ganddedyd, f. 2l7a. Add. MS. 15059: dwyd- wch, f. 222b (North-Welsh popular lauguage, 18th ceut.). Add. MS. 31,056: gwrandewch arnai y dwydyd fy rneigl om ifiengtid, mi ddoudaf i chwi, etc, f. lla; deudyd, f. 18&; a ddeuden, ib. m i ddoeda itti, f. 10b a ddoede, f. 34a; doyde, f. 199a; mi ddweudwn, f. 20a. Add. MS. 14,97-4 (17th cent,): yn doeyd, f. 78b; da niedrid di yn rwydd ddoevd kelwvdd, f. 79. Hope, Cyf. Vr, 1765: a ddwed, p. vii; gwir a ddeidi di, p. 12; ui ddweyde, p. 22; dweud, p, vii; dweudỳd, p. 32. Doedyd is of most frequent occurrence in the works of Griffith Eoberts, and in niany MSS. in prose and verse of the lGth and 17th cent., some of which bear characteristics of Northern dialects, as miewn for mewn, etc. In modern dialects: Carnarvonshire: Infin. dayd; 3rd sing. dwd, dfyd, doydith; s-Aor. plur. daydson and dwedson; Imp. dwad, dayd, plur. dwedwch, daydwch, Sweet, p. 449. IV Arw.: mi dyuda i chi, 20, 1, 59; dyudis i, 12, 5, 57; mi ddeydis, 17, 7, 56; Iuf. dyud, ib.; dywudyd, 19, 11, 56. Merionethshire, Caban f'ew. T.: deydwch, p. 19; wal y deydodd hithe, p. 36; yr hyn a dwedodd, p. 36; deydist, pp. 7, 109; deydsoch, p. 475; Inf. deyd, p. 56; deydyd, p. 7; deydis, Yr Ainserau, 17, 12, 1846 (Hen Ffar- mwr). In the South-Welsh dialects gwedyd is used, on which see 41. 43. Ymchwelyd: ymchoelyd, ymhoelyd apparently represent the same phonetic- changes as dywedyd, dwedyd: doedyd. This external similarity, however, is not sufficient, and the time and dialect of hoth forms must be considered. Ymhoelyd is said by Powel (annotations to MS. Tit., D22, f. 15, Y Gymmr., iv) to be a Dimetian form; 'mhoylu teisen, 'mhoylu gwair, llafur (South-Welsh for yd), etc. It occurs frecpiently in Middle-Welsh MSS., forms of which are: MS. A: or pan emcuelo, p. 157; nyt hcmchuel, p. 159; kanyd emchel, p. 46; cny emchelo, p. 392 (ib., chewraur, p. 68 = chwef- rawr). MS. C, p. 157: emchwelhoent (D, B, K, yuichoelont). !\1S. /,', f. 6O<0: pan einchuelhoent, the usual form in this MS. MS. E: nỳ iuchwelo, p. 266; etc B. of Carm.: mchueli, l.">; />'. <>f Tal.: ymchflcnt y perth gled, ynichoelant, 5 (in /./. '.'//. Rh.: ac amhaelawd ar processiwn yr eglwya, p. L96)


wedd 1377) (tudalen 87)

OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS. 87 MS. W (Gwentian Code, Cleop., Al4): hỳn ymhoelo, f. 60a; ỳd mhoelir, f. 97, etc. MS. 5 (Add. MS. 22,356): yd ymhoilyr, f. G46; ymchoylyt, f. 166; nyd ymhelant hynteu, f. 166; yd ymchoylr, f. 486. Add. MS. 19,709: ymchoelut, f. 226; ymhoelut f. 10fl. In the Mbinogion and Triads, B. of Herg. (Oxford, 1887), I found at least 39 times ymchoelut, -yt (Infin.), -ad, -es, etc; once ymhoelad, col. 672, and probably never ymchwelut. In the parts edited by R. Williams f rom Lhjfr. Gwyn Rhydderch: in Charhmagns Yoyage, only ymchoelut (p. 2, -es, 4), and ymhoelut, p. 17, occur. In Turpin's Chronicle, ymchwelut, -ws, -assant, etc, occur 17 times; ymchoelut. etc, 3 times (ymchoel, p. 87; ymchoylei, p. 46; -wys, p. 44); ymhoelut, 22 times (ymhoylut, p. 43; ymhoyl, p. 82, etc). In Bown o Hamtwn: ymchwelut,p. 127; ymchoelawd, p. 188; ymhoelut (ymhoyly, 2nd sing., p. 138; ymoel, p. 138), 30 titnes. In Purdan Padric: ymchwelut, etc, p. 192(2); amhaelaud, p. 196; ymhoelut, 10 times. In Yst. Giulat Ieuan Vend.: ymhoelyt, p. 328, -u, 2nd sing., p. 328; ymhoel, pp. 328, 334 (Select. from Hgt. MSS., vol. ii). Salesbury, N. T: ymchwelyt, f. oa; ymchoelyt, f. 1716; nad ymchoelent at, marg. y dychwelasant, f. 36; ydd ymchoelodd, f. 266, etc. In later MSS. ymchwelyd usually occurs, also in those which contain regularly doedyd. 44. Like dyweidyd (see 42), ymchweilyd occurs very seldom. I found it in only two MSS., viz., in Cleop., B5 [3rd sing. ymchweil, f. 686; Inf. dchwelut, f. 1536; mch- elut, f. 1386; dchelut adref, f. 152; Imp. mchwelet, f. 107, etc; but odno ỳỳmchwoyl, f. 62<x (like MS. S); and d ỳmchweilent, f. 63; a mchweilir, ff. 65, 676; d ruch- weilant, f. 67; a mchweilassant, f. 90; a mchwelws, f. 1006; a hnn oll a datỳmchweilies nnev, f. 1086; a dchweiliassant, f. 141; pan ỳmchweilit, f. 129], and in the prose textBuchedd yr anrhydeddusBedr,m Add. MS. 14,979 (16th cent.): ymchweylt a dwedd, f. 1586; onid ymchwelai, f. 162; ymchwevlyd, f. 163; ymchweyldt, ib.; besides ymchwelodd, f. 1576; etc. In the later MS. doydud and dyweydyt occur (see 42; as to , cf. ib. onaddnt, f. 155; dallt, gan e broclr, f. 1596; etc.


wedd 1378) (tudalen 88)

88 OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. 45. Tt results from the above quoted examples that ym- lioelyd is a Middle- Welsh form surviving iu the South Western dialects, whilst doedyd oecurs not earlier thau aboutthe lGth century, and is not seldom met with in MSS. which for other reasons sliould be attributed to the Powysian dialects. The phonetic processes which are apparently common to both must therefore be held to be different ones, and cannot be further discussed here, though the phonetics of the modern dialects, which are up to the present very incompletely known, might perhaps illustrate them. Dyweidyd and ymchweilyd probably contain the ei of the 3rd sing. dyweid, ymchweil, which was analogically transferred into tliem at the time when the 3rd sing. dywed, ymchwel, formed after the model of cymnier, began to replace dyweid, ymchweil. At that time the coexistence of dywed and dyweid caused dyweidaf, like dywedaf, etc, to be formed. The modern deidyd shows the group clw before vowels, simplified by the tliiuination of w; we may remeniber dd from *dfod, besides dwad (dyfod). The 3rd sing. Pret, of dywedyd is dyfod, dywad, dywawd (Davies, Gramm.). On these forms see Ehs, Rev. Gelt, vi, p. 17, who obseiwes that dywad, still used inGwyuedd,is fornied " withthe modern preference for wa over ico". Like gwared gwarawd gwares, an s-form of dywei 1 dywawd existed also (dywes-), on which see above, 32. I. Tiie Veimj Si;bstaxtive. 4G. The forms <>f wyl', oeddwn, compounded with yd-, ytt- 3 and with the preceding verbal particles ydd-, yr- (Xcnss. -\). 551), show some phonetic and dialectal peculiarities not mentioned in Zeuss. 5Td-, ytt- d some South-Welsh MSS. from the L5th cent. downwards, and iu the later colloauial OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1379) (tudalen 89)

BSEEYATIONS ON TIIE WELSH YEliIS. 89 language, generally appear as od-, ott-, sornetirnes wd-. 1 ( !f. from Brut Gr. ab Arthur, in MS. Oleop., 135 (the only Middle- Welsh MS. in which I found these forms): val r ottoedwn, f. 60; thra ottodit, f. 73; gwr a ottoed, f. 90; r ottoednt, f. 60&; a phan ottodnt, f. 10; marwo nychdod ir odwyf, Eobin Ddu, 1460, quoted Add. MS. 14,944, f. 134.


In the Gwentian part (Huet) of Sal. N.T., very seldom: yrodoedo 1 , f. 386a. n forms occurring in the Gwentian Add. MS. 14,921 see my Beitr., 41 (odwi, ody, ni dody, ny dodi, nydody, odyn, ny dodyn, odoedd, odys). In Marchawg Crwydrad (printed from a South-Welsh MS.): lle nad ody, lle na bu a lle na bydd byth, p. 2; er nad ody aur ac arian ond . . ., p. 148; y rhai a odynt yn eu harfer, p. 145; ody duw yn 'wyllysu, p. 144; nid ody yn gwneuthur, p. 143; yr arglwyddes Fenws yr honn ody yr holl garedig gariadon yn foddlon iddi, p. 141; petheu .... drwy yr hwn y byd odys yn ei drallodi. L. Morris, Add. MS. 14,023, f. 132//: y in South- Welsh pronounced as o in Cdym, North-Welsh ydym, di, North- Welsh ydyw.


In modern dialects: Dimetian: a odi chi yn meddwl, Ser. Cymru, i, p. 429; a odi Mari . . . ., p. 231; a odi chi yn dost? p. 251, etc. Gwentian: Ehys, Lectures, 2 p. 45, gives oti, from a part of Gwent, that in which the medise are pronounced in such a manner as to be commonly written tenues, cf. jocal = diogel, in Neath, etc. Aber- dare: odi (Y Gweitlwr). Llanelly, Cyf.yr Aelwyd: ydw, p. 68; ydy, ydach chi, p. 20; besides ody? answered by odyn, p. 68. Y Tyw. s'r G.: odi e'n ddrwg, ii, p. 66; oti chi, i, p. 154; otuchi, pp. 94, 117; neu otu chi, p. 117; otuch I, p. 94 (ydu chi, b.); otus ddim . . . ., p. 96. Monmouthshire: Y Bedyddiwr: otw, otw, viii, p. 174; nag oti, p. 107; odi, p. 174; nag odyn, p. 174; etc.


Wd.: Seren Cymru: yr wdw i, iii, p. 264; wdw I, i, p. 232; Gwron Cymreig: rwdwi, wdw i, 20, 5, 52; ib. wes, wedd, rwedd, trwed for ces, etc. Carnarvonshire: mi rwdwi, Yr Arw., 9, 4, 57; yr wdw i, ih.; rwdwi yu deud, 11, 12, 56; ac yr wdw ina yn cael . . . ., etc. On similar phonetics in other wordsseemy Bcilr., 1 yd before consonants occurs frequeutly in the old poems and in the so-called Gogynfeirdd. Cf. i'rom Dr. Davies' MS. (Add. MS. 14,8i e.g., yd vernir, f. 55a, yd rotir, y gelwir, yd gedwir, yt (= ydd) ergryner f. 56a, mal yd glywir f. 706 (Cynddelw), etc.


wedd 1380) (tudalen 90)



40-48; cf.,e.r/.,bychan, bachan,bochan,bwchan (Wogan,Vwghan, in the English part of Lhjfr Arhau, pp. 55, 56); to the forins of the Old Welsh Catguocaun, given /. c.,40: Cydwgan, Ewdogan, Kodw- gan, Ewdwgan, Eodogan; add. Eydogan, Ll. Achau, p. 22, Eadogan, p. 15, Eadwgan, p. 15; etc. 47. Davies, Dict. and Gramm., p. 182, gives ydd-instead of yr- as the Dimetian form. So also Pughe, in Coxe's Monmouthshire: Gwent. yddoedd = Yenedot. yroedd; Dosp. Edcijm, 824: yd- 3 ydd- are " more generally" used in South- Welsh, y-, yr- in North-Welsh. This dialectal difference may be seen in the t"\vo texts of Gruff. al> Cynaris Life used in Myv. Arch.,\o\. ii; cf. ac yna ydd oeddynt, 2 p. 723 (South- Welsh), yr- (North-Welsh); ydd oedd, 2 p. 724: yr- (Xorth- Welsh); ac yny lle ydd annogasant wynteu, p. 724: yr anno- gasant hwytheu; also pp. 730, 731: ydd erchis yr archodd; etc. But yr- is not wanting in South-Welsh' texts and modern dialects,at least as they are written in Scren Cymru, Y Gicron Cymrcig, etc. These different forms are due to the generalisation of mutations incurred before certain consonants, like the different forms of the article in Welsh and Breton. Yd-, notwithstanding its frequent use in the form of od- in South-Welsh, is said by Davies, Gramm., and others to be more generally used in North- Welsh. Cf. Davies, Gramm.: Pass. ydys; poet.. Dimet., Powysian, ys; poet. also ydis. Hughes, 1822: South- Welsh wyf rather than ydwyf. lowlands, Gramm., 4 p. 7G: South-Welsh wyf, pl. ym, ych, ynt; North-Welsh ydwyf, etc. Y Geninen, iii, 19, Glamorganshire: shwd i chi = sut yr ydych chwi. 48. The prohlem of the origin of wyf and oeddwn inWelsh, ouf and of, oann and en, etc, in Breton and Cornish, has been very differently treated by Ilhŷs, Lccturcs, 2 p. 234, R. C, vi, p. 4D, u. 1, and by Stokes, Kuhris Zcitsclu\, xxviii, p. 101 ->"/. I am of the first opinionof the former, that these forms belong to the root es-; ys = Ir. is; 3rd pl. iut, ynt = *enti 'or OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1381) (tudalen 91)

OBSERVATIONS ON TIIE WELSH YEIBS. 91 *s-enti, causecl by *e- s- m . . . of the lst pl. From the very early periocl when the vowel of the root, lost in the plural, was reintroducecl in the lst and 2nd pers. pl. in which persons it was afterwards altered, as the Cornish and Breton fornis show the singular is supposed to have assumed thematic flexion: *esemi, *esesi. Perhaps the assumption of another analogical process, of the retransgression of the e of the plural into the singular, or of the * (from the augment c + c of es-) in the imperfect,would also meet the difficulties here existing: *esmi gave *em or *ym (hence -m in buum bm, I was,etc); *esi gave *ei, *esti gave ys, which has been kept; *e-esmi (or *e-em) or *m, *si or *i, *sti or *s gave *wym (altered later into wyf, like all other verbs), *wy (later wyt, with t of the pronoun), oes, which still exists. An argument in favour of the theory of thematic flexion is furnished by the 3rd sing. yd-y, ycl-i, Corn. us-y, Bret. ecl-y, if -y is from *eset, and y w, Corn. yu, eu, Bret. eu, is to be explained by the supposition of an afxed pronominal element (Ehŷs). However, *set would give *wy; and nyw-: nwy-, y'w (do), etc. caution us against denying the possibility of *wy becoming yw under cer- tainyetunknown conditions, ataveryremoteperiod,it is true: cf. the Corn. and Bret. forms. These forms are analogically transformed during their history in Welsh itself. J. D. Rhŷs, Gramm., 1595, gives the pl. ym, yn (like all later plurals, following the pron. ni), ych ancl ywch, ynt, Ywch, ydywch, yttywch are ascribed byDavies to the Dimetian dialect and the poets. Dosp. Ecl, 653, gives even lst plur. Dimet. wyn, 2nd. ywch, ywch. The modern South-Welsh dialects, how- ever, use ych. Ydem, ydech, are the common North-AYelsh forms, identical in termination with the modern Pres. Sec. in -em, -ech, the only terminations of this tense used in these dialects. So probably when -em was generalised in the Pres. Sec. (see 17) ydym followed this model, like wrthachi for wrthywch, etc. See Obs. on the Pron., 40.


wedd 1382) (tudalen 92)

92 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS. Cf. Add. MS. 15,059 (18th cent., North-Welsh): pa beth ydachi 'n geisio, ai ceisio rychwi 'r fargen . . . ., f. 223b (ib.: nis gwn i beth a ddywedach, pe gwelach; lst sing. a gefis, etc). Venedotian, Sweet, p. 449: dw dwy dw, wyt wt, di di yw? (măy mă, ys, sydd sy); dan, dach, dyn. Yr Arw.: ydw, 18, 9, 56, mi rydw ina, 17nettlau-, 7, 5G; tydwi, 9, 4, 57 (I am not); yr wit ti, 11, 12, 56; y rw ti, 17, 7, 56; nid ydan ni, beth ydach chi, 18, 9, 56, etc. Powysian: pwy ydech cliwi, Y Cyf dyfyr, 1883. In Cab. few. Tomos, a is written for final e in this verb, as in Carnarvon- shire, though it is ordinarily written e in other words. Cf. ini rydw i'n cofio, p. 7; nieddwl rydw i, p. 15; yr ydw i'n gweld, p. 18; ne dydw i'nabod; mi rwyt ti, p. 14; ydi 'r llyfr ddim yn . . . ., p. 11; ydan ni, p. 77; 'r yda ni, p. 135; ond 'r ydach chi, p. 135; mi rydach chi, pp. 19, 53; ai dydyn nhw (nad), p. 33. Cann. y Cymry, 1672: rwi 'n tifedd, p. 276; ar sawl wi 'n nabod etto, p. 337; 2nd plur. ych. Dimetian, Ser. C.: yr w'i yn meddwl, i, p. 212; w'ine, ii, p. 184; beth w'ti yn, f. iii, p. 142; shwt w'ti, ii, p. 262; yr w'ti, iii, pp. 305,603; i nw, i, 251. Gwentian, Aberdare: dwi ddim . . . ., ond w i yn meddwl, Y Gw.\ Llanelly, V Tyw. 'r G.: dw'i ddim, i, p. 94; ond dych chi ddim, 1 chi, ib.\ a pha beth i chi 'n ydu chi, i, p. 134; nad i chi, etc. Monmouthshire: y'ch chi, Y Bed., etc. 49. Tn the modern dialects, instead of oeddwn, etc., forms are used, given by Rowlands, Gframm., 2 248, as own, oit, plur. oem, oech, oent. The earliest reliable examples of theiu which I know of are 'roem (oeddem), Gann. y Gymry, 107-, 1.:!74, and South-Welsh oen, " they were" North-Welsh oeddyn, L. Morris, Add. MS. 14,923, f. lUa; Williams Pant y Celyn: o'wn (quoted in Y Tracth., 1870, p. 413); o'ent in tlie magazine Trysorfa Gwybodaeth, etc, Carmarthen, 1770 (ina passage reprinted in Y Traeth., vol. iv). A oeint, O v wen, Lttms, p. 304 (Crwcnt. Cod<\ MS. Y), and y ddoyent, /J. Acnw, l>. 17 (ib., y doyeth = doeth, ]>. (iU), are of conrse doubtful. Dimetian, Seren Oymru: own I, i, pp. 233, 272; yr own I, p. 232: ond'down I, U>.\ o'et ti i, p. 373; pan o ti iii. p. 184; yr o ti, |i. 142; yr o ni. p. I 17; \v chi, p, 22; yn well nagonw r dyddie basodd, yi- o'n awy i, p. 292 (er aad o <is i, p. ^7.'!). Seren (lomer, :!'i: yr oet ti, pan oent, p. 362; o'i chi, p. 268. OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1383) (tudalen 93)

0BSEEVATI0NS ON TIIE WELSH VEEBS. 93 Gwentian, Aberdare: yr own i, Y Gweithiwr, 1858, 5; oen nhw, ib. (odd e, dos = nid oes, ib.). Llanelly: pan own i, paham o' it ti 'n chwerthin, Cyf. yr Ael., i, pp. 68, 32; Y Tyio. a\ 67.: yr own I, oe' chi i, p. 94; oe' nhw, p. 96. Neath: own i, oit ti, dd, oin nw. Monmouthshire: dyma 'r peth own i'n hela ato, YBed., 8, p. 106; o'wn i, p. 174. Ebbw Vale: o'n i, lst sing.; o ni, o chi, P. Cymr., 28, 37. Uorth Wales: in Yr Arw. I have noticed only oeddwn, written, e.g., pen ouddan ni, 19, 11, 56; but Sweet, p. 449, gives 6n, lst sing.; and so in Y Gen. Gymr. (Carnarvon): o'n i yn gwel'd, pan yr own i, rown i, down i (nid), etc, 20, 5, 1885, p. 7 6 , etc. These forms possess a strilring similarity to tlie Breton oann, oas, oe, oa, oamp, oach, oant, and to the Cornish en, es, o, 3rd plur. ens. Bnt their late appearance cautions us against the assumption of their identity, and against attri- buting the existence or non-existence of dd (from j) to different accentuation, etc. I presumethat at thetimewhen oedd was pronounced dd it was identified in termination with the secondary presents in -odd, carodd, rhdd, fromrhoi, etc.; and that o (as rho in rhdd), the supposed stem, was conju- gated like another verb in the Pres. Sec.: o-wn, o-it, plur. oem, oech, oent, like rhown, etc. -odd, it is true, belongs now to the system of the s-preterite, and so we must probably attribute to the inuence of oeddwn itself the fact that own, and not *oais, was formed. Perhaps forms like dathoeddwn, 3rd sing. dathoedd, pron. dathodd, also contributed to the forma- tion of own, and not *oais. Oedd in these compounds, on which see below, was further assimilated to the Pres. Sec.; cf . y cawsei ef, marg. cathoddei, Sal., N. T., f. 148. Ym oeddy w pro oeddwn, Add. MS. 14,944, f. 134. 50. As to the forms of the verb substantive commencing with b (it is not safe to speak of them otherwise, since they are attributed to so many different roots), the old forms of the conjunctive and optative, imperative, present second, etc, are being replaced in the modern language, at least as it is given in grammars, by forms of byddaf, conjugated like any other verb. Of this stem bydd- forms with o occur in the most


wedd 1384) (tudalen 94)

94 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERTATIONS ON TIIE WELSH YEEBS. recent centuries and in the modern dialects, nearly all con- junctives. Cf. bythoch or bothoch = byddoch, "that you may be", Ihŷs, Lect., 2 p. 232. Th in the conjunctive is due to the old accentuation, which also causes teccach, teg, etc. So: hyt pann vethont, Ll. Gw. Bh., p. 289; pan vethont, MS. Tit. D22, f. 156&; tra vythw vi, Add. MS. 14,986, f. 25; bythwyf, rhothwyf, Davies, Gramm. Cf. Add. MS. 14,898 (17th cent.): lle botho ych ffansi, f. 74; Add. MS. 14,938: pen fotho, f. 6Sa; Add. MS. 31,060 (18th cent.): fel y botho gwiw ych caru, f. 137a. Hope, 1765: botlrwi, p. vii; fodde, p. 5 (byddei). Cahan f'ew, T.: tra botho nhw 'n dal. p. 132; and also pp. 14, 116, 117, 134, 135; am byd bothol ber- ffaith, p. 278. Yr Amserau: nes botho bi, 4, 5, 48; gore pomwua o blant fotho gin bobol i fund ono. 29, 3, 49; etc. Ono, dono and ene, dene are equally often used in these ttythyrau , rhen fjfarmwr; ib. neu bomtheg o byrsonied, 30, 12, 47, cf. i bwmthegarugen, Hen Cymro in Y Gwron Cymreig, 6, 5, 1852 (Carmarthe). All these texts belong to the North-Welsh dialects. 51. Davies, Gramm., gives the Opt. Eesp. Conj. as bwyf, bŷch, bch, b, bom, bch, bnt. In Carnarvonsh. (Sweet, p. 449): b, bt, b, bn, bch (?), bn. Boent and bwyntoccur frequently in Middle-Welsh texts. Cf. MS. A, p. 77: elle ebont = e boent; B, J, K: yr nep pyeufoent, p. 157; Tit. D2 (= B): ket etuoent, f. 22b; herwd e lle e boent endau f. 32a; gwedỳ bunt, f. 37; Add. MS. 14,931 (=-#): a gfarfoent, f. 17a; ŷn wlat d anhodnt ohone, p. 77,= hanuoent, B, = henynt, K, Tj (Dimt Gode); lcynn bynt, p. 268, =: bont, <7, K; cyd bwynt in later texts. In modern texts these forms, with tra preceding, lose the initial /: trech = tra fech. The vowel of the proclitic tra was dropped like ther pre-tonic vowels, and the group trf + vowel became tr. Taswn for ped faswn (see below) is a similar case. Cf. Cann. y Cymry, L672: trech (tra fyddtch), p. 130 (2); trech liyw, jpp. 2 11, 295 (//>., lle bych dithc, marg. byddych); byth tro ganto, marg. tra fo cf. In )' Traeth., iii, p. 8, tr'cch, tr'o are said to be South-Welsh. From Williams Pant y Celyn tr'wi is quotcd, Llyfryddiaeth, j>. 397; thisisfrom tra fwyf. OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1385) (tudalen 95)

OBSERYATIONS ON TIIE WELSH VEEBS. 95 52. On the perfect (bm) see Bhŷs, Bcv. CelL, vi,p. 1 9 seq. Both a and o occur in Micldle-Welsh in the terminations of the lst and 3rd pl.; in the B. of Herg. and Ll. Gw. Bh. buam, buant largely prevail. On the modern South-Welsh neo-for- mations bues, buest, see 19. Another dialectal peculiarity is buo (lst sing.) in the Dimetian dialects. Cf. Davies, Gramm.: bum, poet. buym, buum; buo Demetarum vulgus; also eutho, deutho, gwneutho (for euthum, etc). L. Morris, Add. MS. 14,923,1 1336: South-Welsh buo, buofi, I have been. Hughes, 1822: South-Welsh buo = bum. Spurrell, Gramm., 3 189: South-Welsh buais, bues, buo. Cf. March. Crwydr. (17th cent., South-Welsh MS.): mi gwybuo, p. 150; pan gwybuo, p. 152; nid aetho, etc. Cann. y C: a wnaetho i 'n derbyn, p. 141; ar y wnaetho i maes o'th feddwl, o bwy nifer o bechode wnaetho i 'n d' erbyn, p. 400; pob ffolineb ag a wnaetho, i, p. 451; etc. Y Cymmr., iv (Iolo Morganwg): o fod gymmaint ag y buof i maes yn y tywydd. Y Tyw. V G.: fe wnaetho I, iii, p. 192; Monmouthsh., Y Bed.: y buo i 8, p. 106; a wnaetho i, p. 108; etc. Similar forms exist also in Carnarvonshire: lst sing. buom, 3rd sing. buo; cf. Sweet, p. 449: lst sing. byom, bŷm; 3rd sing. byo, bŷ. Ehŷs says that bom i, which he thinlcs to be old, is used in North- and South-Welsh (l. c. p. 20). Cf. Yr Ariv. (Pwllheli): ac mi fuom yn hir iawn chwedun yn misio .... 26, 2, 57; a gallwch feddwl wth a ddyudis i, y buo hi yn fud garwinol arna i, ond ddyudis i mo hanar y ffrigwd wrtlio chi, 17, 7, 56; mi fuo yr un o'r rhyini, 2, 10, 56; mi fuo fo, 13, 11, 56; ma nhw yn bobol nyisia (Eng. nice, superl.) a ffryindia fuo rioud ar y ddyuar yma, 2, 10, 56; etc. These forms (North-Welsh buom, South-Welsh buo = buof, fnal/not being pronounced, and therefore not written in these new forms, of which no historical orthographies existed, and North-Welsh buo) are evidently formed after the model of the conjunctive bf, pl. bom, boch, bont. Bum and bu, isolated forms in the scheme of the verb, were either


wedd 1386) (tudalen 96)

96 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERYATIONS ON TIIE WELSH VERBS. directly made bu-of, bu-o, or o was at least combined with bum, the North-AYelsh bu-o-m resulting. A still more probable explanation seems to be the fol- lowing: buom buoch buont lost their isolated sing. bm, bu, and formed buof, buo, like caraf, cara; pl. caram, buam,cersom, buom. In Neath, byo, byot, and byost, by a (ef); also etho i, detho i, gnetho i, ceso i (cafael), 2nd sing. ethot and ethost, dethot and dethost, etc, occur commonly. The doublets in the 2nd sing. show the influence of the optative and also the exact origin of attast, arnost, also wthtost, etc, quotcd in Obs. on the Pron., and in common use at Neath. 53. The secondary preterite of the Verb Subst.,in Middle- Welsh bu-asswn, bu-ysswn, becomes in modern Welsh, by dropping the unstressed u, basswn, bysswn. Buswn also occurs in theliterary language (bu-swn, like gwel-swn). Of. Zeu8S, 2 p. 5C3, and Ll. Gw. Rh.: a uuyssyut ae nabuyssynt, pp. 192, 206; Cleop., B5: pan uuessynt, etc. Salesbury, N. T.: pe byesiti, f. lb\b. R. Davies: pe biase, f. 3046; pe biasentwy, f. 340a Huet: by biasey, f. 379a; beBdes pe's bysei, f. 946; ys gwybysei, besei, ff. 170, 220; ny besei, f. 1516; a ddarvesei, f. 174; pe bysem, f. 38a; ny vesetn ni, f. 38; pe besent, na wybesynt, f. 3606. Y Drych Christ., 1585: a fuassei, p. 3; besides pei bysswn i, ni byssei, pei, ony byssei, f. 216; pei bassai, f. 216; a phet fassci, f. 16; fe fassei dhyn, f. 216; etc. Cann. y C.: ony bysse, ony basse, p. 139. E. Lhuyd, A. Br., [ntroduct.: bisse, pe bissent (South-Welsh). Noih Welsh, Sweet, p. 449: baswn, basat, basa, basan. basach, basan; y basswn i, Yr Arw., 30, 10. 56; piti garw na baset ti, mi faswn i, Ca6. f'ew. T. South-Welsh: ni fyswn I, I byswn I, Ser. C, i, p. 449; buse, na buse fe. a fusc chi, /b. Llanelly: fuse hi, )' '/'. n'r G., , p. 65. Moniiidutlish.: a fysse, os bysa hi, Y Bed., viii, p. 44, etc; y busai yn ddyinunol, etc. (literary language). 54. After ped, " if ", the/ of fawn, fewn, fasswn, etc, is dropped: petawn ="ped"- fawn. Even the vowel of the pro- clitic "ped" is lost, and *p-t becomes /,the result being tawn, taswn, <((., the common forms of the modern colloquial language. In certain Middle-Welsh MSS. we find forms '.-, ",- OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1387) (tudalen 97)

BSERVATIONS ON THE WELSII VERBS. 97 which one might call " open forms", ancl which shall be further discussed below; but the existence of forms like pettei in the same MSS. shows that they are merely historical orthographies. Cf. B. ofBerg.: pei yt uen i yn dechreu vy ieuenctit, col. 745; beyt uei, col. 638. Ll. Gw. Rh.: pettei a allei eu caffel, p. 226; a phettut, p. 315. Y S. Gr.: a phei at vei o haearn pygyeit, pp. 195, 389; megys pei at uei milgi, p. 336; a phei at ueut, 2nd sing., pp. 392, 420; pei at uei marw, 64, 67; besides a phettwn inneu, p. 278; pettut, 27, p. 349; a phettei, 62, pp. 179, 243; a phettit, p. 284, Pass. Salesbury, N. T.: val petei, f. 1796; mal petyn, f. 63<r; megis petyn, f. 212a; val petent, val petaent, etc. Gr. Roberts, Gramm.: petten, p. 14 (YDrych Christ.: pe y baem, D la; fal pe y baynt, C 16; pe i bysswn i, 3). Add. MS. 14,986 (16th cent.): pe dfai e, be bai. Add. MS. 14,921: fal bebai, f. 376; fal bebay, f. 276; fal be bai, f. 19a; fal betai, f. 15/;; fel betai, f. 46; betaichwi, f. 446; a ffetasse, f. 31 (fal bebassent, f. 45a). Cann.y C.: peteitin gwybod, p. 505; pyt fae, pp. 260, 545. In Grammars: pettwn, pettit, pettai; pettym, -ych, -ynt (Row- lands); petaem, - aech, -aent (D. S. Evans). Carnarvonshire, Sweet, p. 449: taswn, tasat, tasa, ta; tasan, tasach, tch, tasan, tn. Yr Arw. \ taswn i, ta titha yn gwbod, wel dachi yn . . . 17, 7, 56; dae ti yn myned, 15, 1, 57; wel, dasa . . . 20, 8, 57; etc. Merioneth, Caban feiv. T.: wel, tawn i, tase r llyad wedi syrthio trw'r to, p. 61; etc. Carmarthenshirc, Ser. C.: tawn I yn gwbod, 'tawn I, iii, p. 382; ta, i, p. 292. Gwentian dialect: fy licwn tau'chi 'n esbonio, Y T. a'r G. i, p. 1 17; ta chi, ii, p. 67; etc. 55. As pei at-,owing to its non-accentuation,becomes ped in the later lauguage, so pes (if) must be supposed to be a proclitic contraction of pei as-, pei ys-, in which combination s is an infixed prononn; cf. pei as gypn, mi ae dywedn, B. of Herg., col. 835; Y S. Gr., 2, 26, 46; etc. In Gann. y G, 1672, pes is still printed pe's, p. 414. Davies, Dict.: pes from pe ys. Salesbury, N. T.: pe's bysei hwn yn pr., ys gwybysei ef; pe's adwaenesoch vi, ys adwaenesoch vy tat hefyt, f. 145&; dywedaf ychwy pe's tawei i'r ei hyn, ys llefai VOL. IX. H


wedd 1388) (tudalen 98)

98 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERVATI0NS ON TIIE WELSH VERBS. yr main, marg. ceric,the South-Welsh word (pe tawai y llefai, ecl, 1873); etc. Compare also neur, neucl, neus ancl nicl, nis. Though, with perhaps one exception, no "open" forms are retained, ot and os, or, if, besides o (aspirating), if, certainly contain the same elements as the second parts of pet, pes. Or, probably from *o yr, is given by Davies and others as South-Welsh. It is not so easy to separate the spheres of ot, os, or, as those of pet, pes. Cf. B. of Hcrg.: namyn ti a gyr dy ty a eill dial owein or llas, neu y ryclhau ot ydiw ygkarchar. ac os bu y dyn gyt a thi, col. 642. As I pointed out in my Bcitr., 55, o (aspirating) lost in certain positions its final tenuis, like a and ac (and), but *oc seems still to exist in agatfydd, agatoedd, an olcl compound which has more or less lost its verbal character, and become an adverbial formula. Otherwise, *o atfydd, perhaps *otfydd, would have sprung up. That ag at- is really the representative of a later o at-, is perhaps supported by the once-occurring o gattoeth (MS. S. f. 63a: Pob gad hagen gann dyg k6byl a vyd digan [MS. digiga6n] yr g6ad6r ac yr reithyr o gattoeth kynny bo g6ir), by the occurrence of a, at, as, ar (if), common, c.g., in Salesbury's N. T., etc, and perhaps by osgatfydd, ysgatfydcl (Spurrell), forms in which os (if), unstressed ys, was reintro- duced, at a time when agatfydd was no longer known to contain a word denoting if Cf. acattoed, ac attuyd, B. of fferg., col. 673; agattoed, Ll. G>r. Ih.,-p. 85; ac accattoed, p. 2G3; agatfydd, scatfydd, yscatfydd, J. D. lhys, Gramm., p. 106. Atfydd alone occurs, e.g., in B. of I/( rg. t col. 740: a phei mynnvt gyuoeth eiryoed atuyd y kaffut ti hnn. )'.s7. Gwl. leuan \\m/., p. 331: rac attoeth cayu y ddayar arnaw; atoedd (otherwise), Sp., Dct., etc. Adfydd is used quite as an adrerb, and even compounded with di-; cf. diedfydd, ccrte, procul dubio, Davies, Dict. J. COMPOUNDS WITII THE VERB SBSTANTIVE. 56. The verb substantive exists in all its forms in com- position witli the prepositions gor-, can- (ar-gan-), d-ar- and OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1389) (tudalen 99)

OBSEKVATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. 90 " han-" (on whicb see my Obs. on the Pron., 82); with the unexplained pi- or pieu-; and with tlie verhal forrns (not stems, of course), gwydd-, gnaw-; as well as in the Part. Pret. Pass. with forrns externally similar to gwydd- in all verbs (e ducpuet, MS. A, p. 48, etc). Other apparent com- pounds, like taluaf, MS. A, p. 58, o deweduuant, p. 69, dywetpynt, MS. F, p. 390 (dywettynt, MSS. G, U), are extremely rarely met with, and if they are not errors, they are occasional results of the compounds with bwyt (buwyt), -pwyt. The early compounds are in later times con- jugated like byddaf, a regular verb, or else the first elements of the compounds, together with the initial b, modifed according to the consonant preceding, are erroneously abstracted as the stem of a verb, otherwise conjugated regularly. So gwypwyf is gwyddbwyf; but gwypwn, Imp. gwyped, are formed from the pretended stem *gwyp-. So from adnabod: adnappwyf, adneppych, adnappo, etc.; but also adnappwn, adnapper. E-f becomes r-ff. So arose darffwyf, gorffwyf, which were imitated in hanffwyf (and hanpwyf). Hence hanffwn, hanffer, hanffasid, and even hanffaf, henffi, 3rd sing. henffydd (*hanff is likely to have been avoided), pl. hanffwn, henffwch, hanffant (Davies, Gramm.). Cf. yr nep y gorffer arnaw, Ll. Gw. Rh., pp. 34, 43 (y goruydir arnei, p. 34; a orffo, p. 34); pan ar ganfer gyntaf, Add. MS. 14,912, f. 17b. The kind of infection of the initial consonants in the second element of these compounds varies, as shown by the different degrees seen in can focl, gwy bod, gor ffwyf, which were imitated by the other verbs, c.g., hanfu and hanbu (like gwybu), canffydder, canffer, and canfydder, etc. 57. Yd henwyf o honei, yd henyt tithen, B. of Hcrg., col. 711. Cenyw, D. ab Gw., Poems, p. 205. Amdenyw is evidently an imitation of deryw, etc.; cf. Dosparth Edeyrn, 939. Goryw is given, ib., 813. Ny dery, B. of Herg., col. 740; pa dery itti, col. 751. The common form used in H 2


wedd 1390) (tudalen 100)

100 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERVATTONS ON TIIE WELSH VEEBS. the B. of Henj., liowever, is derw, for examples ot' wliich see my Beitr., 110 (cols. 568, 639, 642, 660, 661, etc.). 1 Fut., a derbit y euo, Ll. Gw. Bh., p. 268; Imp., derffit, B. of Herg., col. 566. The Perf. darfu becomes in the modern lnguage daru, which is used with an infinitive following, especially in the Northern dialects, to circumscribe the preterite of such verbs as make little use of their s-aorists. Hnghes, 1822, says: " In North-Welsh they are fond of darfu; beth ddarfu iddo wneuthur?'' Cf. also Sweet, p. 445, and the dialectal texts, in which be haru, ba haru is sometimes written for beth ddarfu: be haru chi hyiddiw, Yr Arw., 17, 7, 56; ba haru mi yn wir, ib.; be haru ti, Cab. few. T., p. 337. Cf. myrolaeth, Stowe MS. 672, f. 230, etc. 58. Pi-, pieu-, in composition with bod, denoting to " pos- sess", is one of the most enigmatic Welsh ẁords to me. A few examples are: MS. Calig. A13 (=C): ỳr nep pỳeiffo e da, f. 177?;; pye6, f. 182*. MS. L: bieu, p. 240; biỳnt in M. B. of Herg.: p6y bieynt h6y, col. 752; bioed, cols. 655, 662, 663, 668, 691, 775; bieuoed, col. 658; bieiuu, col. 775. Ll. Giv. Eh.: ni ae pieuvydwn hwy, p. 64; bieiuyd, p. 81. Y S. Gr.: ny wydit pwy byoed, p. 337; pioed gwr ef (whose man he was), p. 215; piwyt gwr di? (whose man art thou?), p. 222; (y bwy yd oed gwr ef , p. 252). Salesbury, N. T.: pwy bieivydd, f. 106>; ny phyeivydd ef hwnw, f. 231a; duw ei pieu, f. 249n; y pieffont tymasoedd y bud, f. o85b (Huet). It is still used, since I have read, e.g.t, pia, Cbfew. T., p. 7; waith taw chi pia hi, Y Bed., viii, p. 107 (Monmouthshire); etc. As to the etymology of this word, I can only say, that its use in sentences like those quoted from Y Scint Greal is 1 In " A Treatise on the Chief Peculiarities that distinguish the Cymraeg, as spoken by the inhabitants of Gwent and Morganwg respectively", by " Pererindodwr",in the Cambrian Journal, 1855-7, derw occurs in the following sentence: ydych chi wedi derw liau gwinith? Odyn, ni gwplaon ddo (Monmouthshire and East Glamorganshire): wedi darfod hau gwenith, niddarfyddson ddo (West Glamorganshire), and: odich chi wedi penu (dybenu, darfod in Cardiganshire), hoi gwenith? Odyn, ni benson ddoe (Dimetian dialects). OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1391) (tudalen 101)

OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. 101 suggestive of pi- being a case of tlie stem of tlie interroga- tive pronouns, and its combination with -eu- being similar to that of ei in eiddo, if this be really froni *ei-iddo (see Obs. on the Pron., 51, 52). The sense would be: cui est and cui suum est (pi oed, pi eu oed). But I cannot explain the phonetics of pi, also written py. *po-i gives pwy, pw, and py; but i in pi-, pieu- is nearly constant in the MSS. Cf. of course Cornish pyw, pew (pewo, a bewe, ty a vew); Breton biou, byou, e.g., rac me biou, Sainte Barbe, 37. I have not yet seen Ernault's opinion on pieu in his Middle-Breton Glossary. 59. On the perfect gwn, gwddost, gwyr, etc, of gwybod, see Wny$,Rev. Celt., vi, p. 20-21. Sweet, p. 450, mentions the 2nd sing. gwst from Carnarvonshire, directly forined from gwn. Old-Welsh amgnaubot, Oxon. 1: in the South-Welsh dialects gnabod is used for adnabod; cf. Powel (Annotat. to Tit. D22, f. 7): Dimetian nabod. In ISTeath: gnapod, 'n napod, nabyddas, -ast, -ws, -son, -soch, -son; fe nabyddwd. Add. MS. 14,986 (16th cent.): yny gnebydd di dy hvn, f. r o%; Cann. y C: 'n nabod. Aberdare: yn cadw cnabyddiaeth a yn gilydd, Y Gweithiwr, 1858, 5; yn nabod, yn gnabyddus iawn, ib. (cn probably as in " cnawd, vulgo perperam pro gnawd, Consuetum", Davies, Dict. I cannot discern whether by a phonetic change or by a neo-formation, gnabod being believed to be in the status nfectus); Monmouthshire: a nabyddswn yn dda, dwy 'n nabod, Y Becl., viii, p. 106. Also dynabod is written; Add. MS. 14,986: reol i dynabod, f. 16 (ydnabocl, f. 17; hydnabyddwch, f. 19; kyndnabyddwch, f. 23a). Add. MS. 14,913: yddnabod (cf. hiil, ff. 'a, 4J, ib.), f. 16; ay ddynabod y hynan ac y ddynabod y aiddio y hyn rac aiddio arall, f. 16. Y Drych hrist.: dynabod, Cl (ednabod, f. 17). Lewis Morris, in Add. MS. 14,944, f. 206: dynabod in Anglesey = adnabod. Perhaps it is only a phonetic variant of adnabod, ydnabod,like ymsangu,mysangu?


wedd 1392) (tudalen 102)

102 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSEKVATIONS ON TIIE WELSH YERBS. 60. Adwaen, in the B. of Carm. once adwoen, as the rhyme shows (see Ecv. Oelt, vi, p. 22), is from *at-gwo-gn- *u-ve-gn-, corresponding to the Irish aithgn, from -ge-gn-. In the B. of Herg. and Ll. Gw. Eh. adwen is the conmton form of the lst and 3rd sing. Cf. B. of H> > ;/.: atwen, Shene, pp. 261, 268; col. 772, 781, 8376. Ll. Gw. Eh.: nii ath atwen, pp. 73, 89; yd atwen i, p. 97; mi a attwen, p. 101; 3rd sing. ani hattwen, p. 235 (besides yd atwein i, p. 102; hyd yd atweun [cf. deutb, or Icg. -v/enn?] i, p. 95; nys ctwenwch, p. 235; canyt etweynwch chwi, p. 33; attwaenat, p. 10G; ny ani ydwaynat ef, p. 205; yny ettweinit, p. 217). Probahly the old ord sing. edwyn, frorn *ed wwyn, the result of ad wo en + a slender vowel, *wwy becoming wy, was the source of atwen, forrned like gwel-: ord sing. gwyl. Wy in edwyn was v+y; *edwn never occurs. K. The Eoot *ag in the Vebb, and its Compounds. 61. Ag- simple, and ag compounded with do- and " gwn-", furnish part of the forrns denoting to go, to corne, and to make. As to gwn- 1 have not found mentioned in the proper place in Zeuss 2 (though occasionally quoted,p. 600) the older forms gwen- and gwan-, which are of very frequent occurrence in the oldest Venedotian MS. A., but which are extreniely seldom met with in other texts. Cf. in MS. A: gueneuthur, pp. 6, 10, 11, 12, etc. (24 times) gueneutur, pp. 14, 18, etc. (six times); gueneythur, pp. 15, 892 gueneythr, p. 18; regueneutur, p. 43; besides guneuthur, p. 53 guneyhtur, p. 66; guneythur, p. 67; guneithur, p. 62; gunehui p. 65; gneuthur, pp. GG, 388; gnethur, p. 69; gneutur, p. 393, gneihiur, p. 65; gneihur, [>. 65; gneisur, p. 62 (in certain parts of tln.s .Ms. /,, ///, s are tmtten for th; s occurs also in the fragment in older orthography in MS. E; kefreisial = cyfreithiol, p. 407); ineuthuredyc, p. 389; 8rd Bing.: guenel, pp. 6, 10, 13, etc. (22 mes); besides gunel, p. U; gnel, pp. 20, 22, 155; 3rd sing., guana, pp. 10, II, 57; guna, p. 1U; a guanant, p. 46; Imp. guanaet l'-;;:I1 i ''' lenelheŷ, p. 1; guenelỳnt, pp. 153, 389; besides gnelei, p. 63; guenelhont, p. 161 j guanaeth, p. 55; guanaet, p. 154; gnaeth, p. 55 j gnaet, p. .'. I; gnayth, p. 66; gueneler, p. 10, 31, etc. isix times) j geneyr, pp. 3, 37. OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1393) (tudalen 103)

OBSEEVATIONS ON THE WELSH VEEBS. 103 Add. MS. 14,912, Middle-Welsh, containing Meddygon Myddfai, etc.: awyneler, f. 296; awyna, pop petli a wynel, a wyneler, a wỳneler, pop gweith awynelych, f. 30a; a wyneler (twice), f. 30; a wynelych, a wnelych, f. 31a. These are the only instances occurring in this MS., which, by the way, abounds in South-Welsh dialectal peculiarities; cf. gedu hỳnuỳ, f. 40; gedu darfo, f. 22b; o honu, f. 27b (3rd sing. fem.); besides neb auenno, f. 27b; echedic, f. 40&; efuet, f. 40; a oba, f. 46a; dechrer, f. 31Z>; pl. erill, ff. 36a, 37a; dffr, f. 40; dwfr, f. S7b; llester, f. Ub y pym mylyned, f. 30a; degmylned, f. 31a; auu, f. 406; yn hoeth, ff. 4lcr, 41t; llyssewyn, f. 36; giewyn, f. 36; bola, f. 39a; mis whefrar, f. 196; hwer, f. 16; y wechet dyd, f. 30a; cawat, f . 28a; anaddyl, f. 94a; hiddyl, ff. 437>, 48a; dan waddneu, ff. 26, 34; breudydon, f. 31b, breidydon, f. 30&, breuddon, f. 30, breithyt, f. 31a, breuthton, f. 30J; dwesbwyt, f. 34&, sp, f. 41a; regedac, ff. 145, 18a; uỳnd, f. 23a; etc. In other texts I have only found that in MS. 21, p. 516, is printed: my a dystyaf na wanevthost nev my dystyaf a dywedaist (corruptly in MS. M, na wanay tyst). Salesbury, N. T, f. 297a: eithyr ys da y gwanaethoch ar ywch gyfrannu i'm gorthrymder i, marg. am blinder (= er hynny, da y gwnaethoch gydgyfrannu 'm gorthrymder i, ed. 1873); gweny- thei Marc 15, 8, is a printer's error for gwneythei. Athrav. Grist., p. 18: pa beth a uennaeth Crist yn arglw. N. pan dyscyno^ ef i uphern. Add. MS. 19,874 (17th cent.): Gwrandewch bawb a dowch ynghyd i gyd mewn ysbryd ddiddig, etc, f. 112a: Ir Tad ar mab ar ysbryd glan gwanawn ine gan o volian val y dylem bawb dan go roi iddofo r Gogoniaut, ib.; ysbrvd, plur. bigelvdd, a ddoede, doeda, vddvn, golini, etc.; gwanawn was pronounced as a monosyllable (gnawn or gnwawn). Rees, C. Br. Saints, p. 225: gwynei, gwyney. These do not exist in the MS. (Tit. D22), nor does wam. ntiyr, ib., p. 105, note, from a Jesus College MS. (Lyfr yr Angcyr, No. 119, where y bnneuthur is written in that passage). 62. Gwan-, gwen-: gwn- exhibit the sanie loss of the pre-tonic vowel as gwar-, gwer-: gwr- ancl gor, from gwor- in gwarandaw, gwerendeu, gwrandaw, gworescyn, gorescyn; and indeed gwan- is nothing else than gwar-, gwor- (ver-); as the other Brythonic languages and the Welsh goreu, goruc show. iV has not yet been explained (see Rev. Celt., vi, p. 31); I think that it first arose in compounds w T ith el-, forms like *gwer eler, etc, being altered to gweneler to avoid the


wedd 1394) (tudalen 104)

104 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH VEEBS. awkward recurrence of r and l. Though the orthographies gneuthur, etc, in MS. A, show that gwn- was then pro- nounced as in modern times, the orthographies guen- and guan- in this MS. and in the otlier Middle-Welsh MS. are, in my opinion, historical ones. Not so the few later ones, which may be so-called "inverted orthographies", imitations of gwar-: gwr-, both being pronounced gn-, gr-, or gnw-, grw-, as Sweet describes these groups of consonants in the Carnarvonshire dialect. 63. Doeth, daeth, deuth are all frequent in Middle-Welsh MSS. Doeth is said in K. Jones' Worhs of Iolo Goch, 1877, p. 13, n., to be S.-W. 1 Daeth, deuth are imitations of aeth, euthom (like caer, ceurydd, maes, etc). MS. A: e doeht, p. 50; e doythant, e doetant: ethaethant, p. 50. Only by full collections from more extensive texts could the chronological and dialectal differences in the use of doeth daeth deutli be shown. Doeth, the form most used in the best Middle-Welsh MSS., dis- appears iu later texts. From Sal., N. T., cf. y ddaethant, f. 214/;; na ddauthym i, f. 186; pan daethesei, f. 2016 (wnaethesent, f. 233a); athant, f. 199a; dathant, f. 200. Huet: deyth, f. 3896; deythont, f . 388a (eithont, f. 393a; mi eythym, f. 3846); daythont, f. 3816; y ddoyth, f. 382a; y ddoethont, etc. 64, In the compounds of aeth-, doeth-, gwnaeth- with forms of bod (aethoedd, etc.),in the B. of Hery., Ll. Giu. Jlt. and the later Middle-Welsh MSS., ath-, doth-, dath-, and gwnath- are very common. Cf. B. of Herg.: athoed, cols. 715, 78G; dothoed, cols. 662, 706; dathoed, cols. 658, 659, 673, 705, 786; dathoedynt, col. 841; a wnathoed, col. 723; nathoed, col. 839; gnathoed, col. 802; a nathoedit, col. 732. Ll. Gw. Rh.: athoed, p. 98; athoedynt, |,|.. 108, L16; dothoed, pp. 160, 201; dathoed, p. 116; dathoeth, 1 L. Monis, in Add. MS. 14,731 (Poems of Lewis Glyn Cothi), . I ! /. ootea: doetfa prodaeth,;i Bolecism (c). OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1395) (tudalen 105)

OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. 105 p. 55; ry wathoed, pp. 103, 263. Add. MS. 19,709: y dothoedynt, f. 486; dothoed, ff. 286, la, 66a; rydothoed, etc. Y S. Gr.: gwnathoed, p. 219; gwnathoedwn i, p. 198; na wnathoedut, p. 274, etc. Cleop. B5: r pan dathoet paganieit, f. 566; ỳno dothoed G., etc. Darcs Phrygius: a athoedynt, f. 225?; 2; na dothoed,f. 236al, 240 1 (doethoedynt, f . 226a 1; doethoed, ib., f. 2236 1, etc). Pughe (in Coxe's Monmouthshire) gives dothoeddynt as the Gwentian, daethynt as the Venedotian form; this relates to the Middle-Welsh Gwentian MSS. In the two MSS. of Buci. Gruff. ab Cynan (Myv. Arch.) cf. rhyddothoed, 2 pp. 723, 731 (North-Welsh MS.: y daethai); a ddathoeddynt (North-Welsh; a ddaethant), p. 725; ac oddyna i doethoedynt (North-We]sh: oddiyno ydaethant), ib.; rhyddoethost (North-Welsh: y daethost), p. 726; doethant (North-Welsh: daethant), p. 724 (twice), etc. 65. Davies, Gramm. (cf. Zeuss, 2 pp. 590, 591), gives etliwyf D. G.; eclclwyd D. G.; ethyw, vet. poet., eddy w; deddy w D. G.; dothyw, Bleddiu Fardd, 1246; doddyw, y dydd eddyw in Powys = y dydcl a aeth, qui praeteriit; gwneddwyf D. G.; gwneddyw D. G.; gwnaddoedd D. G. Cf. from Add. MS. 14,869 (John Davies' transcript of the Gogynfeirdd): Meilyr: ny dotynt, f. 185a. Gwalchmai: ny daw ny dotyw, f. 1886; pan dotwyd, f. 197a; ethyw, f. 1886; na dotyw, f. 136. Cynddelw: nyd athwyf, f. 43a; nyd adwyd, nyd etiw, f. 43a; athwyd, dotyw, f. 58a; dothwyfy, f. 61a; dotwyf, dothyw, f. 62a; ny dotwyf, f. 796; neum dotyw, f. 7la; neud adwyf, f. 856; etyw, ff. 74a, 756; nyd etiw, f. 83a. Gwynnuart Brycheinyawc: ethwyf, ethynt, f. 1146. Einyawn wann: detyw f. 95a; neut eddwyf, f. 99. Bletyntuart: nyd etiw, f. 2086. Llywelyn Fardd: Ysgwn cwdedyw ny un cwdaf, dothwyf. Pryd. Bychan o Ddeh.: athwyf, f . 143a; ethym (twice), ib. Pryd. y Moch: dydotyw y dyt, dydel, f. 1606; cf. dydaw, dydeuant, dybyt, dybu, dybwyf, dybo, Llyw. Fardd, f. 1186; dotyw, f. 194a, etc. T= dd in this MS., which is copied from a much older one; cf. f. 2376: finis. 16 April. 1617. Totum scripsi ego Jo. Davies. Hyd hyn allan o hn lyfr ar femrwn, a scrifennasid peth o honaw ynghylch amser Ed. 2. ac Ed. 3. fel y mae 'n gyffelyb: A pheth ynghylch ainser Hen. 4. [a. 6. added later\. Yr hen lyfr hwnw a fuasai yn eiddo Gruff. Dwnn, ac yn eiddo Huw llŷn, ac yn eiddo Rys Cain ac yr awrhou sy eiddo Robert vychan or wen graig ger llaw Dolgelleu. Scrifenyddiaeth y llyfr hwnnw oedd fal hyn yn y law hynaf.


wedd 1396) (tudalen 106)

106 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERVATIONS ON TIIE WELSH YERBS. Cf. also B. ofHerg.: kyllell a edy ym byt, col. 812; ys ethyw gennyf deuparth vy oet, col. 813; yny del gereint . . . . or neges yd edy idi, col. 780; neut athoed hi heiba, col. 715, = neur ry adoed hi heibya, col. 716; ydodyf, col. 718; y dodwyfi, col. 718; dodyf, col. 77o; ny dody vyth dracheuyn, col. 806; neur dethynt ythmis, col. 411. Ll. Gw. Ilh.: y dyd a ediw ar nos a deuth, p. 166; y dyd a ediw ar nos a dyuu, p. 171. A ethy, ny dodynt (dodyw, B. of Herg.), Rev. Celt., viii, pp. 23, 25. In Dafydd ab Gwilym's Poems (ed. 1789): deddyw, p. 4; gwneddyw, p. 429, a wneddwyf, p. 115. Though ae and oe were pronounced ā, ō, in the South- Welsh dialects as early as in Middle-Welsh (see my Beitr., 79), it is not probable that this pronunciation should have been so often expressed in athoed, dothoed, whilst in the same MSS. hardly any other instances of ō = oe occur. The decisive point in this question is the existence of ethyw, eddyw, which are formed from athwyf, like henyw, deryw: hanwyf, darwyf. Hence eth-, edd-, dedd-, gwnedd- were analogically transferred to other forms. The origin of ath- and doth-, add- and dodd-, is obscure to me, if they are not mere alterations of aeth-, doeth-, a and o being introduced from f, doaf = deuaf, etc. 66. Deuaf has been explained by Ehŷs from *do-(a)gaf. It has not yet been shown how the 3rd sing. daw and the Ist sing. doaf and daẅaf accord with this assumption, unless we inay assume a double treatment of g in certain positions between vowels similar to that of *v in ieuanc: *iewanc, iefanc, ifanc; of *w in taraw, gwrandaw: 3rd sing. tereu, gwerendeu; and also in ceneu: cenawon; llysewyn: llysieuyn; giau: ui<'\\ yn; etc. 1 Then it would become necessary to regard deuaf and daw as old forms, and doaf, doi or deui as analo- 1 Eiddew, ivy: ar erinllya ac eiddo ỳ ddaŷar, Add. I\IS. 1 4,912, f . 236; eido y ddayar, f. 58; eidyo y ddayar, f. 63a; eiddyaw y ddayar, I t,918, f. 626: itsha, used at Neath, BUggest even a triple treatment of the roup; cf. eisio: eisieu (lilceitshafrom ei</ieu d unesplained) on oue side, and gieu: giewyn (ciddcw) on the other. So daw-: do-: deu-? f course Cornish and Breton must also be taken into account.


wedd 1397) (tudalen 107)

107 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS "ical formations. As the reasons of this double treatment of the consonants have not yet been made out, and as it may depend on the quality of the following vowel or even on the accent, one cannot trace the exact worldng of the analogy arising from deu- and daw-, do-. Both occur in the oldest Middle-Welsh MSS. Cf. B. of Carm.: a doant, 18; doit, 35. B. of Tal.: o dof, 8. MS. A: doet, p. 50; doent, p. 73. MS. L: doant, p. 228 (deuant in J and Q); doet, p. 210 (deuet in J, P); ony deuant, p. 242 (doant in /, O, P). Harl. MS. 958 (= T): or doant, f. 24; ony deuant, p. 33a. B. ofHerg.: doch, Imp., col. 782; doei, col. 665; 2nd sing. deuy, cols. 661, 774, 788; Iinp. deuet, col. 659; etc. Ll. Gw. PJi.: doy, 2nd sing., p. 138; dowch, Imp., p. 152; na doent, p. 170; doei, p. 226; and doy (3rd sing.), p. 207; ny doynt, p. 194, etc.; besides deuant, p. 226; deuit (Imp.), p. 51 (deuity gof it dywedut yn let it come to thy remembrance to inform us. The imperativein -it ceridduwfi, Davies, see 3, and cf. bid, bandid occurs very seldom in Middle-Welsh prose; another example is: y neb a gredawd mywn kelwydeu. madeuit duw udunt, p. 85). MS. Tt. D22: doant, ff. 1, a; doe, f. oa (dech, f. 13b). Only in MS. Clcop. B5, I have found on deuwei, f. 75a; ndeuwei, ih.; a deuwant, f. 61. In the same MS. beuwd, f. oa (bywyd), ancl gwas ieuwanc, f. 60, are written. Pro- bably these forms were pronounced dewant, dewei. In Add. MS. 14,912: ac 6nt a ddoant oll allan, f. 60&; ac 6y a ddant (o later inserted), ib.; 6ynt a ddoant, f. 626. 67. From the 16th cent. dawaf is frequent in South- Welsh dialects. Davies, Gramm., has deuaf, deui, daw (old diddaw), deuwn, -wch, -ant; vulgo dof, doi, daw, down, dowch, dont; Dimetian dawaf, clewi, plur. dawn, dewch, dawant; Imp. deuedj vulgo doed, Dim. dawed; Pr. Sec. deuwn, etc, vulgo down, doit, dait, doi, dai; pl. doeni, daem, -ech, -ent, Dimetian dawn, dewit, dawai (da6ai, Myv. Arch., x ii, p. 84); pl. daweni -ech, -ent; Pass. deued, doed, Dimet. daed; deuir, doir, dewir. Dait, dai, daem, etc, are imitations of ait, ai, like daeth and doeth. -i in the 3rd sing. of the Pres.


wedd 1398) (tudalen 108)

108 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERVATIOXS OX THE WELSH VEKBS. Sec. is indeed uiore frequent in this verb than in others (see L3), but cf. doei, B. of Herg., col. 665; Ll. Gw. Rh., p. 206, etc. Gambold (1727) has also deir like eir. i f. also L. Morris, Adcl. MS. 14,923, f. 133: South-Welsh deuwch, dwch = North-Welsh dowch. YTradh, iii: South- Welsh dawaf, dewch, dawant; dawer, dewir = North-Welsh deuer, doir; Infin. dawed; heuce dawediad (e.g., Seren Gomer, i, p. 160) = dyfodiad. Salesbury, N. T.: dawaf, f. 247/); dawant, ff. 726, 3346; Imp. dawet, yr hon a ddoy, marg. ddawei, yn dawot, ff. 46, 66, 126, '..!/*; dewot, f. 886; besides ua ddauy allan oddyuow, f. 76; y dauei, f. 1156; a ddauent y mewn, f. 37a; pan ddeuawdd, marg. ddaeth, f. 3596 (R. Davies), is seldoin met with. Y Drych hrist.: na dhawei, f. 29; sy n dwad iti, B16. Add. MS. 14.921 (Gwen- tian dialect): ny ddawant, f. 386; y dawant, f. 53; y dawan, f . 57a; Inf. dofod, ff. 12, 416, and dyfod. Add. MS. 14,98G: a ddawa, f. 37; dowch, f . 386; dywod, f . 346 (also given Ln Davies, Gramm., as occurring " aliquaudo"). In the Poems of Iorwerth I ynglwyd, in Y Cymmr., vii: I dawaf J, MS. 11, p. 194; y doya vi, MS. L (Stowe MS. 672), a curious f orm; ib.: doyau, 3rd pl., f. 317 (misbound); Gwentiau dialect, cf. ny thjoedd, y dyoedd, aissiay, aissoes, cailog, etc.; ddwad, p. 193 (see Obs. on the Pron., 68, 69); and doro, p. 192 (dyro). Cann. y C, 1672: dawe, p. 25; dewe, p. 30; doe, p. 27; o'r doi, marg. os bydd itti ddyfod; Inf. dwad, p. 61. E. Lhuyd, A.Br., uses dad (= dwad). Williams l'ant y Celyn, according to Y Traeth., 1870, p. 412, wrote dewa, 3rd sing., a form of dawaf, like the modern cara, doda, -a beiug borrowcd from the verbs in *-agaf . 68. In tlie modern dialects df is usediu North-Welsh and dawaf in South-Welsh 1; the infinitives (besides dawed) are dd and dwad, dŵad. Cf. Yr Arw., 17, 7, 57 i clwad; also in Ob. few. T., p. 7; etc. Both dwad and dd are due to accentuation of the second syllable, y being dropped. From 1 Cf. Cambrian .Iminial, 1856, p. 216: Dim. o ble doest ti, o ble deithoch chi: Glam. and Monm. o ble dest ti, dethoch chi; p. 251: Glam. (ast), Mimin.: des: Dim. dathym? Detho i is used at Neath; ib.: dŵa i (bo, (.//., na ddŵa ddim, )' Fellten 16, 2, 1870), dewi di (doip di, Poutypridd), daw; Inf. dud and dŵad. OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1399) (tudalen 109)

OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. 109 *dfod arose dod, froni *dwod (cf. Davies, Gramm., dyfod, ali- quando dywod): dwad, dŵad, like cwad from cyfod (Add. MS. 15,038, f. 606: kwad i vyny; also in Add. MSS. 14,973 in the same text, and 15,059, f. 223a; Y Cymmr., vii, p. 186: kyfod, cyfod, kywod MS. S5, cywod MS. B) besides codi from *cfodi. Wa for older wo, like dwad, dywad for dywod, dywawd (he said); marwar, B. of Tal., p. 119, marwor, Mcdd. Mijcldf., p. 91: marwar and anwar, dr, llachar, rhyming, Gwaiti Ll. Glyn Cothi, p. 61; marwar, Davies, Dict.; etc. 69. The imperative dos is proved by the Corn. dus, des, Breton deux, to be an old form, but it has not been ex- plained. Does also occurs, perhaps caused by the 3rd sing. doec. J. D. Rhŷs, Gramm., conjugates dos: ds di, dosset ef, dosswn, etc, on which forms Davies remarks that they are " sine ulla auctoritate ne vulgi quidem". Since moes is ecjually obscure, we must refrain from comparing its forma- tion to that of dos, does. In the B. of An. occurs deupo, 20, 28, 29, 81 (God.); in the B. of Tal. ae deubu, 48. Duu, An., 59; dyuu, B. of Hcrg., col. 810; dybi (fut.), col. 825; a ffan rydyuu amser, 12. Gio., p. 119. Dyda rhymes with o hona, gla, la, in B. of Herg., Shcnc, p. 304; dydo with bro, bo, ffo, p. 305. Dedeuant etwaeth, dedeuho, dydeuho, B. of Tcd., 10. Dedeuhar, ib., pp. 212, 213, a deponential form, on which see Rcv. Cell., vi, p. 40 scq. 70. The other persons of aeth, doeth, gwnaeth are con- jugated after the model of the perf. buum: euthum, later euthym, etc. In modern times eis, dois, gwnais, eist, doist, gwneist, etc, have been formed, " balbutientium puerorum mera . . . barbaries" (!) according to Davies. Cf. Cann y C; st, p. 585. Venedotian: mi yis, Yr Aru\, 17, 7, 56; gnyis, 13, 10, 56 (euthum ina, 17, 7, 56; mi ath, mi ddoth etc). Powysian: mi eis ine, Cab. feiv. Tom. Dimetian: mi es, Ser. C, iii, p. 525; pan ddes ati, p. 446; na'nese nw ddim on'd wherthin, i, p. 332 (Pret. Sec); ond 'nest ti, iii, p. 624 (fe etho


wedd 1400) (tudalen 110)

110 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH VEEBS. ni, iii, p. 4 17; gnethe lii, i, p. 251; chi neithoch chi, a'netho nw, i, p. 351; ib.: gna 3rd sing., os na 'nele, na 'nelset ti, iii, p. 184, etc). Eisym, deisym are combinations of eis and euthum; cf. eisym, deisym, Y Cymmr., v, p. 166. Davies, Dict.: ceniddum D.B. = cenais, cecini; this is from Marwnad Dafydd vab Llywlyn by Dafydcl Benfras, 1240 {Myv., 2 p. 222). Sweet, p. 450, gives the secondary present doythwn, gnaythwn, gnaythat, and gnt 1; etc. In this dialect also cafael is partly influenced by doythwn, etc.; cf. keythat, etc. (see 31). 71. Goruc (*ver + uc as in dwyn, amwyn, etc.) is said byPughe(iu Coxe's Monmouthshire) to be a Gwentian form; Hughes also, 1822, gives Silurian oryg North-\Velsh darfu. In the Southern Middle-Welsh MSS. goruc is of extremely frequent occurrence, though it is possible by counting the iustances of goruc and gwnaeth that occur to establish differences even in the various texts of the same MS. So in the Mab. (1887), a wnaeth, etc, is rather more frequent than a oruc in Pwyll pend. Dyfed and the following stories, whilst in Gereint uab E., Per. ab Efr., Kulh. ac 01., a oruc largely prevails. By comparing 32 of my Obs. on the Pron. it will be seen that these rough results to some extent coincide with the relative frequency, as therein stated, of the G went ia n onaddimt and of ohonunt. E. Lhuyd, Arch. Br. (translation 1 Gwncuthur is often pleonastically used in Northern dialects. At 1 [olo Morganwg quotes, in Add. MS. 15,029, f. 114 (or 174a),from Nb. 1 of F Gh'eal, blue wrapper: y gwna bawb wneyd eu goreu; and remarks: "But a Northwallian can never sjteal or write without these abominable ausliary yerbs" (to wbich also darfod belongs; see g 57 i. Ib.: be calle na wnelont frwyscau, na wnelont ddyscu, etc, in the Statute of Gruff. ab Cynan (also printed in Y Greal), "dull Gwynedd". In )' Brython, L859, p. 208, l. ">". cerdd Imr ei gwneuthur ;i wnaeth occurs iu a jioem of Iolo Goch, to which the same writer, E. Williams, remarks: "ef a wnaeth gwneuthur, a Northwallici.-in."


wedd 1401) (tudalen 111)

111 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS of the Gornish Tale), writes pan orygym dhacl (I went), and pan orygsoch. L. Cafael. 72. This verb (Corn. cafos, caffos, Bret. cafout, caffout) occurs in Welsh as caffael, cafael, cael; and as gafael in ym afael (Ir. gabail, *gabagli-), gafaelu, gafaelyd, and ymaflyd, ymaelyd (besides ymgael). Davies, Gramm., gives cf, cai, cei, caiff, cawn, cewch, cnt (and caffaf, ceffi, caffant), caed, caffed, etc.; cawn, cait, cai, caem and ceym, etc.; caffwn, caffem, ceffym, etc.; cefais, -aist cs, cst, cafodd, cdd, 1 cs cafas, cawsom, etc.; ceusym, p. 259; cafwyf, caffwyf, pl. cafom, caffom, caom, etc.; cafwyd, caffwyd, caed, cd, cafad caffad; caid, ceffd, cawsid, etc. Thehistory of these different forms is not clear; the first requisite is to collect the forms existing in the more extensive Middle-Welsh MSS. I have done this with regard to the Mao. (1887) and the texts printed from Ll. Gw. Rh. (initial c and k are both written as c in the following lists). Cf. B. of Herg.: Ger. uab Erbin: caf (3 times), ceffy (11): cey col. 807, ceiff (5), caffn (3), ceffch 784, caffant (2); caffyf (4), ceffych 773, caffo (2); caffn 795: can 774, caffut 775, caffei (2), ceffynt 807; sarhaet a geis 775: ceueist (5), cauas (6), cafas 779: cassant (3); cassei 800; caffer (3); cahat 771; caffel (4): cael 773 (ymgauas 780, dyrchauel (4) ). Per. ab Efr.: caffaf 685; ceffy (12), ceiff (3), caffn, cols. 662, 664, caffant 700; caffyf (2), ymgaffyf (3), ceffych (2); can 671, caffut (3), caffei (9); ceueis (3), ceueist (4), cefeist 695, cauas (7), cafas (2), cassant 659; cassei 672; ceffir 683; cahat 669; ceffit 695, 700: ceit 668 (dyrcheuit 698); caffel (10): cael (4) (dyrchauel (3), drychauel 679). 1 Cdd occurs frequently in North-Welsh prints (18th cent., e.g., a gdd, Trefriw, 1778, Y Traeth., 1886, p. 282; a gadd, Shrewsbury, 1763, ib., p. 271; y cadd, Trefriw, 1798, ib., p. 424, etc.; and cf. ni chadd, Y Cymro, Bangor, 1,1,1 849, etc. Gwdd (e.g., ac mi gafodd y tenantiaid i gwadd ono i ginio, a dono Ue buon nhw . . . ., Yr Amserau, 25, 2, 1847) for gwahodd, to inyite, appears similar to cdd, from caodd?


wedd 1402) (tudalen 112)

12 OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS Iarll. y F/ynn.: ceffy (2), caffn (2), ceffch 645; ceffych 630, caffo 630; caffei 655, yingaffei 636; cefeis 633, cauas (2), cafas (4), cassam 654, cassant 641; caffel (5); (dyrcbauat 636, dyrch- afel 639). Kulh. uc Olw.: caffaf 6, ceffy (17), caffy 827: cey 824, ti a gehy 826, ceiff 830; caffyf (3), ceffych (32, etc), caffo 811, caffom 821; caffut 844, caffei (3), ceffynt (2); ceueis (8), cauas (7), cassant (2); caffat (4): cafat 843: cahat 818; ceffit 818; caffer (3); ceffir (4); caffel (28, etc.): cael (3); (dyrcheuch, dyrcliauei, dyrchauad; ymauael, ymauel, ymauaelad). Bn "'/. Rhon.: ceffch 558, caffant (2); caffei (2); ceueis 559, ceueist 559, cassant (2); (dyrchefit 566; dyrchauel 566). Cyfr. Llud a Llcu.: ceffych (2); cauas (2); ceffit 706; caffel (2), (ymauael 769). Pwyll pt nd. Dyuet: caffaf (1), ceffy (4), ceiff (1), caffn 724, ceffch 723; caffo718; caffn 718, caffei 723; ceueis (2), ceueist (3), cauas (4), cassam 715; cawssei 724, caffel (3): cauael 714; cael 715. Brnw. rerch Llyr: ceiff (2), ceffch 734; caffo 732, caffom 734; caei 728, 730, 732; ceueis (2), cauas (4), cassant 731; cassei (2); cahat 728, 733; caffael 739: kynn kael o dyn yny ty gauael arna 736, cael (6); (dyrchauael 727, dyrcbauel 732). Man. rah Llyr: ceffy (5); caffon 742; caffn (2), caffut 740, caffei (1) caei (1); ceueis (5), cassont 742, -ant 743; ceffit (4); (ydymeveil 745, 3rd sing.; ydymauelad 744, ymauael (3) ). Math vb M.: can, lst pl., 753; cassant 753; ceffir 752: ceir 753; cael 752. /,/. G'ir. llh.: Campeu Charl.: ceffy, p. 15; caffei 14; cauas 7; caffat 6. /;//. Tnrp.: caffaf 69: o chaf 54, ceffy (8), ceiff (3); caffwyf 51, caffom (2), caffwynt 98; caffei (3), o chafyn nynheu .").">, ceffynt, 32; ceueis (5), ceueisti 68, cauas (13), cawssant 70 (ymgawssant (2) ), cawsant 112; cawssei (ry-, 6); ceffir 108; caffat (4); cawssitll7; caffel (ry-g., ymg., 16); (ymavaelaf 112, ymauaelawd 56; der- cheueist, derchauel). Bown o II.: caffaf (4): cahf 126, caf (3), ceffy (4): cey (4), ceiff (2), (dyrcheif 1 "..">, cawn 182, ceffwch (2); cewch 128; caffo 1 16; cawn (4), caei (1), cai 140, 1 14, 154, ceynt (2); cefeist (3), cauas (7), cafas (I), cawspam 127, cawssont 167, -ant (3), cawsant(2); caws^ei (2), cawssynt 11:5; cawssoedei 170, caffat L79, caliat 156; ceit 144; caffel (5): cael (6); (dyrchafyssant 155 Purd. Padr.: caffaf (1), ceffy (2); ceffych 199; caffut 199, caffei OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1403) (tudalen 113)

OBSEBTATIONS ON THE WELSH YEBBS. 11 c (8): cai 193, ceffynt 190; cauas (2); caffit 199, ceffit 2C2 caffel (2). Buch. Meir Wyry: ceffy 214, ceiff (2), caffwn (1), caffant (1); caffora 227; caffwn 213, caffei 227; ceueis (1), cefeis (1), ceueist (2), cauas (6), cawssam 212, -ant 227; cawssoedat 224, kawssodyat 224; caffat 234, ny chat 222; ac yna y caffet ygkygor 218; caffel (7); cael (3); (dercheuis 230). From the other parts I only quote caffael, p. 241; cawesent, p. 248; caffey, p. 262; caffadoed. p. 265; dyrcheif, p. 274; caffem, pp. 289, 311; cael, pp. 311 (2), 314; cawsei, p. 310; na chyffit, p. 322. YS. Gr., p. 180: val y cahat. Add. MS. 14.869: kein uyget am drefred dryfrwyd | kert gan gyrt amgylch y allwyd | ceffid eu keinllith kwn kunllwyd | lceffynt veryon yoreuwyd | lceffitur ymdwr am drwyd | heuelyt | Twrchteryt y ar vwyd | caffawd beirt eu but yn yt wyd | keffid noeth noted rac anwyd | lceffitor ym prufnad ym proffwyth | areith ym pryffwn waedwyd, f. 56. Salesbury, 2V. T.: pam a gaffat, f. 184; cahat, f. 2b. Huet: ny chafad, f. 386/); ny chad, f. 39 b. Barddas, i: cafad, cad, cafwyd, p. 32; caed, p. 64. Medd. Myddfai: cafwyd, p. 89. 73. The 3rd sing. of the s-Pret. is cafas, cafocld and cs, cdd (given by Davies, Gramm., D. S. Evans, Llythyr.); cf. ni chas, marg. chafodd, Gann. y G, p. 185; ond ni chas efe, Iolo MSS., 28; a gadd, thrice on p. 22 of Lewis Dwnn's Herald. Visit., vol. i; besides a gawodd, p. 34; a gavas, often; Pass; a gad, p. 59 (cafes, Bardd., i, p. 238). Whilst dyrchafael forms the plural of the s-Pret. in -assom or -yssom, etc, cafael directly appends the characteristics of the s-Pret., cawssom, etc, being the result. Only in MS. Cleop. B5 have I found written sef cafsant, ff. a, 7b; na chafsant f. 55&; a gaussawch, f. 92a; caussant, f. ha; n gaussant, f. 16&; besides cawssant, f. ba (a drchauassawch, f. 186). Cafesont is used by Sal., N. T., f. 159. Aw, from *af, is treated like the old aw from *, and becomes in the later lan- guage ow, o, yw; cf. my Beitr., 97-99 (Jes. Goll. MS. 141: kowsant, kywsant; Add. MS. 14,986: a gosoch; Yr Arw.: mi gywson i, mi gywsa (Middle-Welsh cawssei), cywsach chi), VOL. IX. i


wedd 1404) (tudalen 114)

114 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. and ff< rald. Visit., i: a gowssant,pp. 22, 60, 90; a gowsant, p. 12 (2); Hope, 1765: ni chowse chwi, p. 7; Cdb. few. T.: mi gowset ti, p. 39; os cowse fo, p. 15; na chowsan nhw, p. 39; etc. In other dialects these forrns are replaced partly by cel- (see 74), partly by ceis, formed like eis, gwneis; cf. cs, Cann. y C; ces i, Scr. C, ii,p. 6; cesest ti, p. 423; Cb. fcw. T: ni ches i, cest ti, p. 6. G'eusym for cefais, like eisym, archesym (for erchais), cersym and caresym, began to spread, according to Davies, in his time. 74. In the Gwentian Add. MS. 14,921 (Maumdedlle's Tratch) occur: ti gay, di gai, kyff, kn; kaffo, caffon; Pr. Sec. y kay ef, ef a gay, e gae, y kaef (ef), f. 49Z>, kaffynt; cafas, kawson; kafad, kfad; cael, cel, gaeffel, f. 22 (an error similar to kaifail, MS. A, p. 68). F. 37 exhibits the first example known to me of a flection common in the modern South-Welsh dialects, viz., that based upon cel- as a presumed verbal stem: y kelse. The Infin.cel (a chel) occurs in Ll. Achau, p. 64. Cf. Y Traeth., iii, p. 12, where pe celai e fyned, fel y celent, are ascribed to the Gwentian dialects (for cai, caent). So in Y Tyw. a'r (!.: ti gelset, ii, p. 66; Y Cymmr., iv (Iolo Morgauwg): ai celai ef fyned i'r gwely; Y Fellten (Merthyr Tydfil): ni chelai, 1, 4, 1870; Y Bedyddiwr, viii, p. 4-4: celsai. At Neath are used: c, cf, ci di, me geny, cfinw; ceso i, cesosti, cesoti, fe gs; celwn i, celiti, cela fa, celyni, celyclii, celynw; fe gespwd; i>.: gnethwd, gnespwd, fe wetwd, fe g(y)merwd, fe welwd and fe welswd (a combinatiou of gwelwyd aud gwelspwyd); cl (cjl, Pontypridd). Bnt it is also written in texts intended to represent the colloquial Language in tlie Dimetian parts of South-Wales. Cf. Seren Cymru (Carmarthen): 'chelwn I ddim, i, p. 374; chele ui ililiiu degwn na treth eglws, iii, p. 5; chele 'r ddou grwt 'na ddim o p. 227; ond chelswn I ddim, p. 226 ctc. Seren Oomer, xxx\ i: ia chele fe, fe alle y cele dyn da gam gyda ni, p. 362; a chele, ac fe gele, p. 157. In Add. MS. L4,921 ymaelyd also occurs: ar tan yn OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1405) (tudalen 115)

OBSERVATI0XS ON TIIE WELSII YERBS. 115 dechre ymaelyd, heb yr tan gael ymylyd ac hwynt; cf. B. of Hcrrj.: ymauael, col. 824; yn ymgael ac ystlys y llannerch, col. 700; o yingael ar gr a dywedy di, col. 711. M. Ox various Verbs, mostly Defective. (Zeuss, Gramm. Cclt., 2 p. 604-6.) 75. On cigleu, ciglef, see Rhys, Rev. Cclt., vi, p. 24; cf. B. of Herg.: ry giglef, ny chiglef i, a giglef, cols. G74, 800, 801, 835, 836; ny chigleu i, col. 834; 3rd sing. kicleu, col. 780. Add. MS. 14,869: y clywspwyd, f. 240. For examples of clowed and clwed for clywed, clohod for clyhod, see my Bcitr., p. 43. Cf. clwas, clwasti, clyw, ni glwson, Inf. clwad, in Neath; North-Welsh: pen glwan nhw, Yr Ams., 4, 11, 1847; mi glwis i, 1, 7, 1817; clwad (Imp.), 15, 1, 1851, etc. *Clev-, *clov- became *clow (pre-tonic clyw) and *clou-, cleu, perhaps also clo- (clo-bod, cly-bod), depending probahly on the quality of the following vowel; cf. taraw, tereu, etc. (Q6). In the South-Welsh MS. of Han. Gr. cib C. cigleu is used; in the North-Welsh MS. clybu, cly wodd, Myv. Arci., 2 pp. 723, 725, 726, etc. 1 Davies, Dict., gives degle, ehodum, heus, ausculta (Spurrell has degly v., to hearken, to listen), probably 1 In Seren Gomer, 1814, p. 19, clywed peth drewedig, clywed blinder, clywed bwydydd blasus are given from South-Welsh dialects, clywed being used there for arogli (L. Morris, Adrl. MS. 14,923, f. 1346, mentions arogl (scent, smell), brŵd (hot, warm), rhawg (for a long while), fo, gan, efo, as words not occurring in South-Welsh dialects). Teimlo, archwaethu: In the Camhrian Journal, 1856, p. 248, is given: beth yw 'r blas cas rwy'n archwaethu ar y cig y-ma? in Dyfed, 'ndeimlio iu West Glamorganshire, ^n glywed in East Glamorganshire and Monmouthshire; clywed ('' to taste" and ' to smell"), in Monmouth- thire and East Glamorganshire, but never in AYest Glamorganshire. D. S. Evans, however, saysthat clywed is also used in Dyved in that sense. Add. MS. 15,049, f. 22b: yn ylle i clowo y klaf y dolur. To this corresponds what is said in vol. ii of the led Dragon (pp. 38-40), Cardiff, 1882 et seq., that Welshmen speahing English say "to hear a smell''; also " to sing a piano''; cf. canu telyn. i 2


wedd 1406) (tudalen 116)

116 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. *de-gleu; cf. Daf. ab G\v., Poems: degle ferch, p: 112; degle 'n nes, p. 218. 76. Davies, Dict., has *handid, idem quod hanfydded, sit, existat; *handoedd, pro hanoedd, fuit, erat; *handym = y.lym, sumus; *handyfydd, pro hanffydd, erit. Examples of handid are frequent in Middle-Welsh prose; the other forms occur in the older poets; cf. Add. MS. 14,SG9 (Gogynfeirdd): Cyd vuam gyd ac ef handym oll gyuaclef handid tegach teulu nef, f. 193&; heueis dwy handid mwy eu molawd, f. 234a; handid, f. 70&; handwyf, f. 745; handoet eu hachoet kyn eu hechig, f. 85. Eleven forms occur in the poem of Llywelyn Bardd y Lywelyn vab Ioruerth, f. 1165 (printed in Myv. Arch., i, p. 358 = 2 p. 247): handid (twice), handwyf (twice), handwyd, handyuyt, handym, handoetud, handoet (Iwice); " handythuagwyd peuyr yn penn erchwys yn oreu keneu kynon vegys." 77. On dyre, colloq. dere, see Ehŷs, Rcv. Cclt., vi, p. 26. B. of Ilcrg.: na dyret ti, col. 794; dyret, cols. 776, 799, 800, 801; dyret, Ll. Giu. Rh., pp. 120, 173, 187. Deret gyt ami, li. Cct., viii, p. 9; dyret, p. 21. L. Morris, Add. MS. 14,923, f. 133a, has.: South-Welsh dere 'n gloi North-Welsh tyr'd yn gwit, sydyn, fuan (come quickly); he also gives tyr'd from Anglesey (Add. MS. 14,944, f. 153&); cf. tyd, Sweet, p. 420. Richards, Dict. (1753): South-Welsh dyre, dere NTorth-Welsh dyred, tyred. Dera gyta f, Neath; dera geno i. Aberdare. 78. Zeuss, 2 p. 60(1, merely mentions liwde (ecce, accijic, sume). Cf. Ll. Gfw. llh.: a hwdy ditheu ef, p. 52; hwdy vy ffyd, p. 5 1; hwde, ]. 179. Davies, Gramm., gives hwde, liwre, accipe, pl. hwdiwch, hwriwch, \\\\ rewch. Rowlands, Gramm., *107, and Williams (Dosparth Edeyrr) give North-Welsh hwde, South-Welsh hwre; Williams has also hwda, hwra (cf. )' Brython, 1861, p. 112: hwda, from Denbighshire). The etymology of these words is obscure. The only cxi>la- OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1407) (tudalen 117)

OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. 117 nation of them not altogether improbable is, in my opinion, that hwre stands for *wre, *wyre, on which see Rev. Celt., vi, p. 28 seq. Calliug to mind Corn. wette, wetta, otte (Zeuss, 2 p. 006) from *wel-te, ancl the Welsh tyd, from tyred, ex- hibiting phonetic changes due to that advanced degree of phonetic evolution to which isolated words like these inter- jectionally-used imperatives have attained, I would suggest further that hwde contains hwre with the pron. of the 2nd pers sing. It would be more satisfactory, of course, if hwre could be proved to contain a deponential ending. Or is it merely a phonetic change, like Breton hirio: W. heddyw? 79. Dabre is not mentioned by Zeuss. Spurrell, Dict., has dabre, come, come hither, and dabred, dabredu, dabrediad, which latter words I do not remember to have met any- where. Cf. B. of Herg.: dabre, col. 717. Ll. Gio. Rh.: dabre di bellach, p. 72; dabre yr maes, p. 159; na dabre di, p. 54, etc.; Y S. Gr., pp. 160, 167, 169, etc.; Add. MS. 14,969: uy adas ny debre, f. 148 {Gwalchmai i Efa ei wraig); Daf. ab Gw., Poems: debre 'r nos ger llaw 'r rhosydd dan frig y goedwig a'r gwŷdd, p. 31, also p. 134; Salesbury, Dictionary: debre, harken; JY. Test.: dyred, marg. does, dabre, f. 41; dabre ac eclrych, marg. dyred a' gwyl, f. 379 (Huet); tyret ac edrych in Morgan's eclition (1588). Davies, Dict., gives also anebre, marked as obsolete: " vid. an an-nebre, ab an et debre." 80. Moes, pl. moeswch, da, praebe, age; moeswn, moesant " nonnulli dicunt", Davies, Gramm.; cf. moes vy march B. of Hcrg., col. 717; moysswch y llythyr am march am cleclyf im, Ll. Gw. Eli., p. 131. It stands probably for ym oes, and if moeswch is a neo-formation like doswch, it would be formed similarly to does, and allow us to assume, if neces- sary, an older *ym os (see 69)? 81. The deponent verb hebr has been pointed out by Pihŷs in the ordiuary orthographies heb yr (Y Gymmr., viii,


wedd 1408) (tudalen 118)

118 OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS OBSERVATI0NS ON TIIE WELSII YEEBS. p. 161, with reference to page 114). Cf., c.ej., Gnocl. Bardd Cwsc, 1759: ebr un, ebun arall, ebr finneu, ebr ef, ebr y trydydd, pp. 4, 5, 6. L. Morris, Add. MS. 14,92:3, f. 134, gives South-Welsh rnenta fe North-Welsh meddai fo; also D. S. Evans, Llythyr.: Soutli-Welsh, myntai = ebai, raeddai; cf. mynta fi, Y Bcd., viii, p. 100; mynta finau, ib. (Mon- mouthshire). Septembcr 30, 1887. APPENDIX. In my Bcitr., pp. 78-9, and Obs. on the Pron., Y C, viii, pp. 157-9, 1 drew attention to cynnag pwy, etc, occurring in the lOth cent. Add. MS. 14,921, and in the dictionaries (Davies, Pichards, Pughe, Spurrell), but not, as far as I was then aware, occurring in other MSS. or mentioned in books, etc. I have lately loohed through the first ten volumes of Yr Amserau (Liverpool, 1843-1852, fol.), and read Llythyra/u 'rhen Ffarmwr, in which, by the way, few dialectal forms or words occur which are not known also from Cab.few. Tonios, the Letters of Wmffra 'rgwŷdd in Yr Arweinydd, a plagiarism of the " Old Farmcr's" letters, etc. Before these letters begin to make a regular appearance two evidently fictitious letters of an opponent are inserted, written in a Sonth-Welsh dialect, or, rather, containing idiomatic forms of several Southern dialects. In these, ganta pvr'n, ganta p'in, for bynnag pwy uii, }>a im, occur; cf. darlleniais yn eich papẁ wythnos i hedd-i l/'th/r oddiwrth ^Hn Ffannwr" yn gweid yn erbio dẁg ganta pwi'n iw e, mai yn d;i////-//<>s nad ois dim mohenofe gwedi ca ond riw gettin bir o addẁg. Mai yr hn ŵr (n</ weddw ganta p'ir), yu gwrthddeid ei hin yn ofnadw; .... ond ganta pwi 'n iw e, Yr Ams., 17, 12, 1840. Shortly after OBSERVATI0NS ON THE WELSH VERBS


wedd 1409) (tudalen 119)

OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH VERBS. 119 reading these letters I was told 1 that gynta p'n, gynta beth were commonly used in Glamorgan, and also 'ta pn, ta bcth (so at Neath), the first syllable of gynta, which is less strongly accented than p'un or beth, being dropped. Cf. 'dos dim tu fas ta bcth, falla fod llawer tu fewn, Y Fdltcn, (Merthyr Tydfil), 1, 4, 1870 (Glyn Ebbwy). The connection of these forms with cynnag pwy, etc, is obvious, but it remains an open cpiestion, worthy of further consideration, whether cynnag is an old form and cynta a modern etymolo- gising transformation of it ('ta beth, for beth bynnag in North Wales, meaning " the frst thing" in the sense of the German "das erste beste ding",for "whatsoever"), or whether cynnag is a combination of bynna(g) and cynta(f). In Add. MS. 14,921 cyntaf is twice written cyna; cf. ac or il hono y ddir y siprys lle my llaweredd o winwydd. yn gyn ymynt yn gochon a chwedy hyny yn wynon yrhan fwya, f. 5a; yno y dwad yn harglwydd gyn wrth samywel, f. 30. I have not noticed such orthographies elsewhere, and they are possibly caused by cynt being pronounced cyn. 1 I received this and other information on the dialect of the Neath Valley, quoted in part in the preceding pages, from my friend Mr. S. Mainwaring, a native of that part of Wales. January 31, 1888. NOTES BY PROFESSOR RHYS. To footnote on p. 75: lladd and lleas. Lladd, "to cut" or " kill", is for slad, as in the Irish saidim, of approximately the same meaning, while lleas is a derivative (like priodas, cymdeithas, galanas, etc.) from lle for seg or slig, as in the Irish sligim, " I slay". To p. 101, line 19: cnbyddiaeth. Cnabyddiaeth or cynabyddiaeth is for cydnabyddiaeth, like prynhaum or pyrnhawn (better prnhaicn), for prydnawn, always accentuated on the nhawn; compare also crynu, "to trernble", for *crydnu. 120 xxxxx








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