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Y Cymmrodor.
Vol. VIII. “Cared doeth yr Encilion.” Part 2.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS.
By MAX NETTLAU, Ph.D.
--
The following observations form a part of my dissertation Beiträge zur
cymrischen Grammatik, the fìrst two chapters of which, containing the
Introduction and the section on Vocalism, were printed a month ago in
Leipsic. (1) I must refer my readers to this Introduction, quoted herein as “Beitr”,
for more detailed accounts of the manuscripts and books cited below. I have
collected from the sources available to me what materials I have been able to
obtain relaitng to the history of the Welsh language and to its dialects, and
a portion of these materials — that, namely, relating to the Pronouns — is
comprised in this article. My chief aim has been to define the phonetic value
of the orthographies found in manuscripts, and to separate archaisms from the
analogical neologisms in which the modern language abounds. I should be very
glad to see additions to the facts I give made by native Welshmen; they are
principally needed with regard to the more accurate localisation of dialectal
forms and to their phonetic description. I hope to have the opportunity of
publishing further articles of similar character on other parts of Welsh
Grammar.
(1) Beiträge zur cymrischen Grammatik, I, Einleitung und Vocalismus. Leipzig,
März— April 1887, 79 pp., 8vo.
VOL. VIII. I
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114 OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS.
My observations are arranged in the order of the cor- responding parts of the
Grammatica Celtica (pp. 368-409, ed. Ebel), to which they may be found to
contain some additions.
A. — Personal Pronouns.
[1.] Myíì, tydi, etc, are formed by doubling the single pro- nouns; the
accent may be on the first or on the second syllable, its position depending
apparently on the kind of emphasis given to the pronoun. Griffith Eoberts
{Gramm., 1567, p. 33[125]) and John Davies (Gramm., 1621) give examples of
both accentuations. Spurrell (Gramm., ^81) has myfí, etc. Hyhi, for hihi, is
quoted by W. Morris in Addit. MS. 14,947, l 46«, from the Anglesey dialect.
[2.] Y fi, y ti, y fe, y fo, y hi, y ni, y chwi, y nhw (y nhwy) are forms of
the colloquial language. Cf. eb fi, eb y fi, in North Wales eb yr fi (Davies,
Gramm., 1621, p. 136), eb yr di, eb yr ef, etc.; Addit, MS. 15,059, f. 209(x:
eber hwnnw; f. 21()a, ehr Q,oeg{Äraith Gwgan). The article yr became so
intimately connected with eb (heb), that the pres. sec. is not ebai yr fo,
but ebrai fo (eb-(y)r-ai fo). This morphological deformity is not more to be
wondered at than, e.g., the Lithuanian eikszte, ì.e., eik (the imp. of eimi,
I go) — sz(remains of szen, hither) — te, the termination of the 2nd pers.
pl. imp. (see Kurschat, Litanische Gram^natih, 1876, § 1178). The singular
eik-sz (eik szen), as in Welsh ebr (eb yr), was believed to be one word, and
made accordingly the stem of verbal flection. Cf. Myvyrian Ärchaiology , 2nd
edit., Preface, p. xxvi&: ebra f o, ebra hi, ebra nhw, with the a from
final ai and e of the Yenedotian dialects. I may add from Addit. MS. 14,996,
f 81ô (1750): ebre Hugh Sion.
[3.] The forms of the 3rd sing. masc. of the pers. pronoun are one of the
chief discernants of the northern and southern dialects. The efe, fe before
verbs, of the literary language
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 115
and the southern dialects, is replaced in North Wales by mi.
Cf. Peter, in V Ci/mmrodoi\ i, p. 15, aiid the following examples, taken from
letters in the Carnarvonshire dialect in Yr Arweinydd (Pwllheli, 1856-9): mi
bydda i a’r plant yma yn rhicy ddisgwil dy welad di yn dwad (dyfod) gartra;
mi rouddwn i yn dy welad ti; — ac mi rouddat ti yn ista ar ben rhicy (rhyw,
see mj Beürägc, § 110) hen focs (box) yni hi; — y rwsnos (wythnos) dwytha mi
ddaru mi (i mi) fryuddwydio bryuddwyd digri iawn am dana ti; ac mi stopiodd y
goits (coach) wth lidiart y ffor;— mi rydan ni wedi disgwil llawer iawn; — mi
welwch lidiart hyuarn a trowch trw hono ac mi gewch etc. (26, 2, 57); ac mi
ddoth AVil a’r papur newudd yma ddou, ac mi ath Cadi i ddarllan o, ac mi rodd
arni hi gwilidd, nes oedd hi bron a myn’d i’r dduar ar dy gywnt (account) di
(30, 10, 56), etc; Hanes Caban f’ ewythr Tomos, 1853 (Merionethshire): mi
alle hyny fod, p. 7, etc.
Mi can be nothing but the pers. pronoun of the Ist sing., ■which has by
the operation of analogy exceeded its proper functions. It is not clear to
me, as I do not know how old this use of mi is, whether there is any connection
between the extension of mi over all the persons, and the fact of the
South-Welsh pers. pronoun, 3rd sing. masc, efe, ef, fe, e, being totally
discarded in North Wales, where efo, y fo, fo, o, are the only forms used
since perhaps the sixteenth century. Even books written in the literary
language may often be recognised as edited in North Wales or South Wales by
using efo, fo, 0, or efe, fe, e, in preference. Efe is ef + ef, the final f
being lost in pronunciation long since, and ouly written for reasons of
etymology. Ef-o, I think, contains at the end the same pronominal element of
demonstrative meaning as yco, yno, on which see Revue Celtique, vi, p. 57.
J.D. Ehỳs(ŵ’am7?i., 1592, p. 65) writes efo, yfô, fô. Efo (he) has
the accent on the second syllable (D. S. Evans); so the unstressed e was lost
(fo), as sef sprang from ys-ef. was abstracted from efo, since e (ef) existed
besides efe (ef-ef). In the Preface to Llyfr Gîoeddi Gyffrcdin, 1586 (on
which see my Bcitr., § 12, 3) efo, fo are said to be North-Welsh. Cf., e.g.,
Addit. MS.
i2
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(delwedd B2697) (tudalen 116)
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116 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS.
31,056, f. 17«:yr ysgol fom gyrwyd {Eanes y Trwstan, Powys), etc. Enclitic fe
becomes fa in the eastern Gwentian dialects, like all e’s in final syllables;
cf. Y Tyioysog oür Crymraes (Llanelli): onite, ond do fa — do; Y Bedyddiwr
(Cardiff): on’ te f a; Y Geninen, vol. iii (see Beitr., p. 26): ontefa, in East
Glamorganshire.
[4.] There exists another efo, with the accent on the first syllable, used
only in the North-Welsh dialects, which has the meaning of “with, by means
of.” I am not acquainted with any Yenedotian manuscripts written in popular
language prior to the eighteenth century, so the oldest occurrence of this
word to which I can refer is the following, in a manuscript of Lewis Morris.
He writes (in Addit. MS. 14,923, f. 134Ò): “Efo ‘g ef,efo ‘g efo,is common in
Anglesey, for which they are laughed at by other countries; — Engl. ‘with him’.”
Cf. Hope, Cyfaîll iW Cymro, 1765 (Powys), p. 4: a chwery hefo chwe bys (by
Dafydd Jones o Lanfair Talhaearn); Hughes, An Essay oii the .... State of the
Welsh Language, 1822 (see Beitr.^ p. 26): N.W. efo ni = S.W. gyd â ni; F
Traethodydd, iii, p. 9 (in Amrywieithoedd y Gymraeg by Morris DaTÌes): N.W.
gydago, efo ag ethi hi, gydag efo, efo fo, efo ag efo, efo ag o, efo ag ethyn
nhw, efo nhwthe; in Yr Arweinydd: achos i fod o yn íîrindia gyrwinol hefo yr
hogan W. acw, 17, 7, 56, hefogo 11, 12, 56; hefo mi, hefoti, etc; Cabanf’ewythr
Tonios: hefo phethe wel hyn, p. 23, hefo ‘th di, p. 473, etc.
Éfo is very often written hefo, h being due to the stress on the first
syllable, as, e.g., hyny is nearly always written for yny in the parts
recently edited from Hengwrt MS. 59 (Eevue Celt., vii, 4). If ëfo were the
pronoun of the 3rd sing. masc, the assumption of a paratactic construction
would be required to explain a sentence like ‘ ef aeth efo mi’ (he weut he I;
he and I; he with me), and froni such sentences the use of éfo must have been
extended by analogy to the other persons. As I am not aware how old this
prepositional use of éfo is, I ought,
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 117 perhaps, to abstaiu from furtlier
conjectures, but I may say, that such an elementary parataxis seems to me to be
not very probable, and I venture to suggest another explanation of éfo
altogether. [5.] I quoted above: hefo
phethe wel hyn. The aspiration of lì
could be explained by éfo having completely tal<en over the functionof ac, a(with) , and therefore
causing the aspiration of tenues. But
there exists also an older form of the pre-
position ac, a (Ir. oc), namely, oc, o, which causes aspiration of initial tenues. Powel says, in Y Cymmr.,
vol. iii, “o is used iu the dialect of
Glamorganshire, to denote the instrument”.
Cf. Seren Gomer, vol. i (1814), No. 19, where the following Glamorganshire expressions are given: codi
glo o’r rhaw (â’r rhaw), tori cnau o’u
dannedd, taro ci o asgwrn, ffustio haiarn
o’r ordd, etc. In Skene’s Taliessin, 17, is printed: ny thy ogyfeirch o chwynogyon (that thou shalt not
be addressed by vulgar oues?). Cott.,
Tit. D. 22, f . 4: o chledyfeu (see Powel,
Y Cymmr., iii). The most numerous examples I found in the Gwentian manuscript, Addit. 14,921,
containing a frag- ment of a Welsh
translation of Sir Jolin Maundeville’s
Travels, 16th century: o cheric (with stones), f. 18«; toi o íîlwm, f. 19«, f. 20Ô (toi o blwm, f.
15&); o than yffernol, f. 28«;
thom keffyle, f. 40&; dalâ o gwaetgwn, f. 59«; ac y laddson y mydwy or kleddy, f. 46«; Uad . .
. . or kleddy, f. 21«; gwielen . . . .
or hwn y rannoedd ef (Moses) y mor
koch, f. 21«; ac or weilen {sic) hono y gnâeth ef llawer o ryfeddodây, f. 21«; (in the same manuscript
oc aud o, from, are used: gwedy y
gwitho oc ayr ac ariân, f. 62«; wedy
gnythyr ynâiU o ayr ar nâU oc ariân, f. 62«, etc). Oc, o, from, has become «c, «, in the modcrn language,
where it is con- nected with the
foUowing relative, «: Middle Welsh oc a,
a’r a; and «‘r « (written or a, ar «), is now ag «, «r «. On other instances of o becoming a in Welsh,
see Beitr., § 55. [6.] I think in éfo
(with) to be this older form of ac, a.
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(delwedd B2699) (tudalen 118)
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118 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PEONOUNS.
of wliich I just now gave examples. If ef- in éfo is the pro- noun he, the
further extension of an “ he with” could much more easily be accounted for
than the extension of a simple paratactic “ he”. But I rather think this ef-
to be a pro- nominal element of a somewhat faded demonstrative mean- ing,
which also occurs in hefyd (Middle Welsh, heuyt). On -yt see Bevue Celtique,
vi, p. 57, seq. There are, however, Breton forms of hefyd, presenting further
diffìculties. At any rate, the common usage of ag with efo (efo ag) cannot
form an argument of any value against these suggestions, unless its earlier
occurrence could be proved, as ag may be here of very modern origin, caused
by efo (and o, with) becoming obscure, since oc, o (with) was supplanted by
ac, a.
[7.] Wynteu contains wy + nt, the termination of the 3rd pers. pl. of the
verb (as Ir. iat), -i- eu, the plural termina- tion of the u-stems; ynteu
took by analogy -nt- and -eu from wynteu. There occurs also yntef, containing
the pers. pro- noun, 3rd sing. masc, ef; and this -ef was spread over all the
other persons: minnef, tithef, etc.
Cf. Owen, Ancient Laws, 1841 (fol.), p. 528, MS. a: o gwnaent wyntef;
Salesbury, New Test. 1567: yntef, mynef, minef, f. 274; mal tuhun (tithaw
{sic\ tithau, tithef), on the marg., f. 36ò; Y Drych Christianogaicl, 1585: y
gallwn innef, Cl, ninef, f. 19a; J. D. Rhys, Gramm., 1592: minnef, tithef,
etc.; Hom., 1606 (Pre- gethaii .... gwedi eu troi i’r iaìth Gymeraeg, drwy
waith Edward James): yntef i, p. 104, etc.
I cannot ascertain whether such forms were really spoken, or whether they
show only an etymological orthography, since both ynteu and yntef were
pronounced as early as in the 16th century ynte (or ynta). It is not altogether
im- probable that yntef had a real existence, as in the modern Yenedotian
dialect another combination of ynteu and ef is in common use, namely, ef
ynteu, pronounced fynta. Cf Yr Arweinydd: wrthoch chi a fynta, 17, 7, 56;
medda fynta.
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(delwedd B2700) (tudalen 119)
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OBSERVATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 119
cysdlad a fynta, 28, 5, 57; iddo fynta, 11, 12, 56; Sweet, Spoken North
Welsh, p. 441: änta, fänta (from Gwynant).
[8.] Hithi (she) seems to be a rare form, which I only found mentioned by L.
Morris in Addit. MS. 14,923, f. 134b: hithi and nhwthw, she and they, in
Merionethshire. It is, of course, a combination of hitheu and hihi, hi, as
nhwthw is of ynthwytheu and ynthwy, hwy.
[9.] The pers. pronoun chwi, chwichwi, chwychwi, chwitheu (you), seems to be
excepted from the well-known South-Welsh change of chw into hw, wh, as the
colloquial forms used all over Wales are chi, chichi, chitheu. The oldest
examples I know are printed from Llyfr Gwyn Rhydderch (E. Williams, Hengwrt
MSS., vol. ii): a mae awch kyghor awchchi wrth hynny, p. 158; o honawchi, p.
153 (hwchwitheu? p. 235). From the sixteenth century downwards: — Salesbury,
New Test.: os profasochi, byddwchithay, f. 352b; ynochi, f. 344a; cenychi, f.
348a; Add. MS. 15,986 (sixteenth century, see my Beitr., p. 19): chwchi, f.
14a, 15a; chi, f. 13b; Y Drych Christ., 1585: chwchwi, etc. In modern
dialects: Dimet.: a ody chi, Seren Cymru, i (1856-7), p. 429; Gwent.: i chi
(ydych chwi), oe’ chi, chi, Y Tyw. a’r Gymraes; Venedot.: beth ydach chi, Yr Arw.;
Powys.: mi rydach chi, Cab. f’ewythr T., p, 19, etc. Hwchwitheu is of very
doubtful existence; the scribe may have looked first only at the initial chw,
for which he wrote his hw, but afterwards seeing that the word was chwitheu,
which he pronounced chitheu, he wrote chw, as he nearly always does in this
word. I think that chi for chwi took its origin in the position of chwi after
the 2nd pers. plur. of the verb, and in prepositions with a suffixed pronoun
of the 2nd pers. plur. At the time of the other chw giving way to hw, wh, the
chw of chwi was continually influenced and supported by the ch of the verbal
termination, and thus conserved. Afterwards w was dropped in the unstressed
forms by a phonetic law, of which I do not know other
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120 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS.
examples common to all dialects; but chefrol (chwefror), chedy (gwedy),
cheugain, damchein, etc, are occasionally found.
[10.] The forms of the pers. pronoun, 3rd pers. plur., are very numerous, a
phenomenon brought about by the analogical influence of the pronouns of other
persons, by the easy change of the position of the several, still very
transparent, parts of it, and by their pleonastic doubling.
On wy-nt-eu, see § 7. From this form -teu was abstracted and transferred to
the pronouns of the other persons, where, by the influence of some fìnal
consonant, th in -theu was caused. It is almost certain that -theu originated
in the 2nd pers. sing. *Tä’-tu (the quantity of n in this pronoun depends on
the stress laid upon the form) -f- tou (*-toves) seems to have become, by
dropping the unstressed íí, *tüt-tou, hence titheu. So *mími-tou gave
*min-tou, hence minneu. The pers. pronouns, Ist and 2nd pers. pL, are
believed to have ended in -s (as nos, vos); so it is necessary to assume that
ninneu and chwitheu are formed after the analogy of the respective sing.
forms minneu, titheu. Finally, -theu was introduced into the 3rd pers. sing.
fem. (hitheu), and the 3rd pers. plur. hwytheu.
[11.] Hwy-nt + hwy gave hwyntwy (hwntw); hwyntwy “was made yntwy by the
influence of the sing. ynteu, or perhaps yntef, as ynt-wy and ynt-ef are
exactly parallel forms (yntwy, ynhwy, ynhw, nhw). Still more complicated are
nhwynte (y-nt-wy + nt-}-eu), nhwthau (y-nt-wy-|-thau), nhwthw(y-nt-hwy +
th[au] -I- wy) and wyntwthe (wy-nt-wy + thau).
Cf. Owen, Lmos, MS. A.: vintoe, p. 74; Cott., Tit. D. 22, f. 6b: 6nteu;
Salesbury, N. Test.: wyntwy, wytbeu, gantbyn bwytheu; (R. Davies): y mayntw
f. 329&; wrtbyntw f. 342a; bwyntw f. 3300, wyntwtbe f. 335ò, bwynt, wytbe
a wuant {at y C.) (Huet): oe geneye yntbwy f. 385«; Gr. Roberts, Gramm. p. 76
gwelantwy, gwelanbwy, gwelant yntwy ne ynnbwy ne bwynt ynbwytbau, yntbwytbau,
bwyutau, p. 31 (233), nbwytbau, p. (231)
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 121
Athi: Grìst., 1568: cans, yiihwy a feddianan yddaear, p. 55, cans hwyutwy pie
teyrnas uefoed, p. 55, cans ynhwy a gan, p. 56, nhwy (often); Addit. MS.
14,986, 16th cent.: nhwy, f. 376; North-W. Addit. MS. 31,056, f. 20a:
nanbwythe; Addit. MS. 14,898, f. 78ò: a nhwythai, f. 79a; Addit. MS. 15,(i59,
f. 209a: ond nhw ni welson moi gilydd erioed; Cyfaill i’r Cymro, 1765:
nhwythau, nhwythe,p. 8. In the modern language: ynhwy, ynhẃ, nhw (Rhŷs,
Lectures, ^p. 55); y nhw, y nhwy, nhwthau, nhwythau (Rowlands, Gramm., *p.
49); nhwthw in Merionethshire (L. ]\lorris, s. § 8); South-W. nhwy — North-W.
nhw (Rowlands, Wehh Ei’ercines, 1870); Y Traethodydd, iii, p. 11, has: S. W.
hwy, hwynt, hwyntwy — N.W. nhw, nhwy, nhwythau.i In the SouthWelsh (Gwentian)
MS. of Hanes Grujfydd ab Cynan, in J\Jyv. Aì’ch., occurs several times
wynteu, whilst hwytheu is given in the notes from the North-Welsh MS. (^p.
724, 730, 731).
Cf. Dimetian: u bod nw, Ser. C, i, p. 212, a nhwynte, iii, p. 324, etc.;
Gwentian: gyda nhwy, gentu nhw, Y Tyic. aV Gymr., I, p. 134; a nhwynte, ii,
p. 95; Venedotiau: nhwthau, nwtha, Yr Arw.; Powys.: ‘u bod nhw, nhwthe, Cab.f’
ew. Tom.., pp. 53, 60: o honyn nhwthe, p. 62.
1 In y Traeth, l.c, the fact is mentioned, that the South-Welshmen are
nicknamed by their northern neighbours, on account of this use of hwyntwy, — “
Hwyntwy’s”, and “ hwyntwy bach yn awr” (S. W. ‘nawr = N. W. rŵan). In a
letter, sigued “ Rhobin Ddu”, in Addit. MS. 15,030, f. I30a, gan Hwyntwy is
used to denote South-Welshmen. lolo Morganwg, in Addit. 15,027, f. 79a, calls
the North-Welshmen “ Deudneudwyr” (from the infin. deyd, gueyd), and the
South-Welshmen “Hwyntwyr”. The following, containing.other such names, is an
extract from one of the articles written in the colloquial language in Seren
Cymru (Carmarthen). A uative of Merionethshire is iutroduced, speaking his
own dialect: ma ‘nw yn y galw I yn hen Northman fel ‘tase nw yn galw hen
leider arna I; ac ma ‘nw yn galw hen Hiontws a Gwentws a phethe felly yu y
Gogledd ar wŷr y De; . . . ma llawer o drigolion Mynwy a Morganwg yn gas
filen i bobol Sir Gaerfyrddin, pan ma rheiny yn dod i’r gweithfeydd; ma nw yu
‘u galw nw yn Hen Shirgars a Heti Gardies, Shacld neici ffìam a rhyw hen
lolos felly. Cf. also Punch Cymraeg, No. 29 (Ebbw Vale): haid o Gardies. Newi
ib the Dimetian form of newydd.
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122 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PEONOUNS.
B. — SuFFixED Personal Pronouns.
[12.] The manner in whicli terminations similar to those of the verb are
suffixed to the preposition in Welsh to express a pers. pronoun clependent on
it is to a great extent common to the Welsh and the two other Brythonic
languages; cf. Corn. ynnof. ragof — genef, worthyf; W. ynof, rhagof — gennyf,
wrthyf, etc. This shows the distribution of the three groups -of, -af, -yf to
be pre-Cymric, and therefore it cannot be discussed here, where I propose to
limit my remarks to the history of the Welsh language only. The history of
these suffixed terminations in Welsh is a very complicated one, there being
numerous shiftings from one series into the other, though certain rules
governing these changes may be ascertained.
I shall exclude provisionally oc, do, aud also eiddof, which require some
separate remarks. All the forms quoted in the following general remarks will
be found exemplified subsequently under the head of the respective
prepositions.
[13.] Davies (Gramm.) gives three series of pronominal terminations: -of -ot
-om -och -ynt (er, yn, rhag, rliwng, oc[ohon-], tros, trwy, heb, hyd, is, uch;
eiddof), -af -at -om -och -ynt (ar, at, tan), and -yf -yt -ym -ych -ynt (can,
wrth). AU prepositions may follow, in the Ist pers. sing. and 3rd pers. plur.
principally, a fourth series: -wyf -wynt. The terminations -wyf of the old optative
and -of of the old conjunctive were both spread over all persons, the
extension of -wyf being promoted by its external identity with the verb
subst. wyf. This latter fact caused -yw to be suffixed to the ord pers. sing.
masc. (amdanwyf, amdenyw, like henyw, cenyw, from hanfod, canfod). The 2nd
pers. plur. arnywch, wrthywch, cenywch, may also contain the 2ud pers. plur.
of wyf, originated like amdenyw; it is also possible that the coincidence of
-ym -ych -ynt in wrthym, etc, with ym, ych
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(delwedd B2704) (tudalen 123)
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSIÎ PRONOUNS. 123
and ywch, ynt of the verb. subst., was the source of this -y wch with a
preposition (wrthywch, etc). There are in general scarcely any forms in Welsh
grammar so open to the influence of numerous analogies as these prepositions
with suffixed personal pronouns. It must, however, be pointed out that no
transgressions into tbe series -yf occur, whilst the transgression of the
-yf-series into the two others, and the mutual changes of -of and -af, are
very common.
[14.] I found a curious example of the vast influence of verbal terminations
upon these suffixed pronouns in Trijsorfa Gicyljodaeth neu Eurgrawn Cymraeg,
Carmarthen, 1770. In this periodical a letter to the editor, signed “Dafydd
ap Ehisiart”, is printed (reprinted in Y Tractliodydd, iv, p. 458), in which
the foUowing dialectal forms from various parts of Wales are cited: ynnost,
attast, i’w eu gilydd, i’w eu dwylaw, etc, allanol (oddiallan), tufewnol
(oddifewn), hyd nod (hyd yn noed), abergofi (ebargofi), o’r braidd (braidd or
o fraidd), yn eu holau (yn eu hol). I am not able to test the truth of niost
of these statements, but i’w eu gilydd (for example) may also, though very
seldom, be found elsewhere. If these statements be right, ynnost and attast
for ynot and attat are evidently formed after the analogy of buost,
gwneuthost, etc; attast is to be held for a contamination of attatt and
ynnost, though examples of doethast occur in various independent sources. I
have nowhere found an example of these or similar forms, the admission of
which, however, can do no harm, as they are neologies easily and fully
explained.
[15.] Either these pronominal terminations seem to be directly suffixed to
the prepositions, the vowels of some of whicli are altered on account of the
earlier position of the accent (as rhyngof, and wrthyf from wyrthyf) or of
certain infecting terminations (arnei: erni), or -n-, t, th, d, dd, -add-
(-odd-?) are apparently inserted (arnof, rhagddaw, onaddynt). On -n- see
below. As to the dentals, I am aware of the
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(delwedd B2705) (tudalen 124)
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124 OBSERYATIONS ON inE WELSH PRONOUNS.
explanation of theni given by Wh. Stokes (Kuhn’s Eeitschrift, xxviii, p. 97).
Ás this is a very serious question, let me point out here the opinion which I
helcl on these forms before seeing Dr. Stokes’s Olcl Irish Verb Suòstantẁe.
The dentals evidently spread froni the 3rd pers. sing. and plur., where -taw,
-tu (see below) are instances of cases of the pronominal stem to-. The
different kinds of dentals (t, th, d, dd) are the results of the meeting of
-t with the difîerent final sounds of the prepositions. The details of this
matter are e^tremel}’- difíicult, and the Breton and Cornish should be
compared in each case. In Welsh grammars most of the prepositions are said to
use more than one intermediate dental (yndo, yntlio, ynddo, etc). Torms
without dentals are aLso of frequent occurrence, especially in the modern
language (gino, etc). These seem to follow forms like attaf, where, the final
consonant being a dental, the i of -taw, -tu apparently does not exist.
[16.] The four prepositions oc, ar, tan, at, form, as is known, besides
ohonunt, arnunt, y danunt, attunt, which follow the analogy of the other
prepositions, onaddunt, arnaddunt, etc. There occur also, but very seldom,
forms with -odd- (o noddynt, arnoddynt). These forms are likely to be
considered clerical errors; but the Cornish anotho, warnozo, tend to support
them, and I will therefore give here those which I have met with: Addit. MS.
22,356, a fifteenth century Cardiganshire manuscript of the Dimetian Code of
Howel’s Laws, etc, styled S. in Owen’s edition (see my Beitr., p. 13): o
nodynt, f. 77&, 80«; y bob un o nodynt,f. 112«, 120è, 121« (o nadynt,
Owen, p. 594; o honynt, ih.; o anadynt, p. 592 = f. 76«); Salesbury, N.
Test.: o hanoddynt, f. 152«; arnoddynt, f. 212«. S. has numerous other
peculiarities of language, which are seldom met witli in manuscripts before
the sixteenth century, as oy for eu in amhoyóys, dadloeoed (cf. my Beitr., §
96, where yn Thehoibarth, Lbjfr Acliau, p. 24, may
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(delwedd B2706) (tudalen 125)
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 125
be added), rhoc (rhag, see l.c, p. 7fi), etc. Salesbury also iises many
dialectal forms on one or two occasions, as weyneb (wyueb), etc. All these
forms (-add-) are pre-Cymric (cf. Coru. auotho, warnozo, sing.; aueze,
warneze, plur.; Bret. warnezo, etc), except attaddunt and y danadduut. I
should suggest, that in a pre-Cymric period *on-tu, *aru-tu^ (to use later Welsh
forms as types) were, from some reason not traceable by me, uot formed.
Perhaps the 11 has something to do with this matter. Ou-o-tu, arn a-tu (or
rather on-o-du, arn-a-du) have the of ohonof, the a of arnaf. This means, in
other terms, that ohonof was conjugated (to risk this expression), ohonof,
ohono-t; and thence ohono-daw. The Ist and 2nd pers. sing. aud plur.
influenced the 3rd pers., as, conversely, iu most other instances the 3rd
pers. influenced the others, by spreading their dentals (t, th, d, dd) over
them (rhagddof, rhagof, etc). Both these effects of analogy are partly
pre-Cymric.
[17.] A few forms require some further consideration. The 3rd pers. sing.
fem. of many, if not of all, prepositions ends iu -ei and -i, which have been
identified with the termiuatious of the pres. sec. -ei and -i. Ou the rare -i
see E. Evans, Stud. in Cymr. Philology (Arch. Camhr., 1874), § 26, and Ehŷs,
Iiev. Celt., vi. and a are altered by the following -i into e. These doublets
are: ohonei, etc, and oheni, recdi, etti, erni, genthi, amdeui. U has beeu
trausferred by aualogy to other persons, as ohenynt, ernynt, gentho, etc.
[18.] The oldest form of the 3rd pers. plur. — common in Cornish and Breton —
ends in -u (-tu). A few exaniples exist in early Middle Welsh manuscripts
(ohonu, ganthu, racdu, etc). -nt of the 3rd plur. of the verb, as in wy-nt,
and iu later Cornish warnothans, was suffixed to -u at an early period
(-uut). In modern Welsh -ynt is usual. SincC; in the
‘ Oc and ar have both the somewhat obscure?i, which I thiuk to be in both of
the same origin; see below.
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(delwedd B2707) (tudalen 126)
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126 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PBONOUNS.
time of -unt, *-uni *-ucli never occur, I suppose -unt to have been altered
into -ynt by the influence of the pres. sec- (-ym -ych -ynt, hence wrthym
-ych; wrthynt).
[19.] There are forms of the 3rd pers. plur. in -udd (ganthudd, arnaddudd,
etc.) given in the grammars, and said to occur in early poets; I think they
are first found in Davies’s Dictionary. I have no idea as to their
explanation, nor do I know whether they exist at all. Information on this
point could certainly be given from the unedited early poets in the Red Booh
of Hergest. As t is sometimes written in eaiiy Middle Welsh for dd {Booh oý
Carmarthen) , and the line over a ii denoting n may be wrongly omitted, or
have vanished or be oveiiooked, a transcriber may be supposed to have written
ganthudd for ganthu(n)t, etc. There are scarcely any forms in Welsh grammar
more puzzling to me than these. See, however, § 37.
[20.] The following quotations are disposed under the heads of the various
prepositions, arranged alphabetically in the three groups: -of, -af, -yf;
concluding with oc, do, eiddof.
[21.] L, -of. Ur: J. D. Ehỳs {Gramm., 1592, p. 14) gives er duw, yr duw;
er duw, ir duw, er, ir, and yr ieu, as dialectal forms. I am not able to
localise these forms; I only found in Han. Qr. ah Cyn., yr hynny, ir, in the
Southern, and er hynny, er, in the Northern manuscript, as printed in Myv.,
Arch., 2p. 7350, 725a.
Erofì, ZZ. Gw. Rhydd., p. 109 (E. Williams); erom uine, Sal., N. Test., f.
227«; Addit. MS. 14,986: erochwi, f. 96; erochi, f. 25Ô; eroch, f. 265; Y
Seint Greal: yrdow, p. 20; Addit. MS. 14,973 (1640, Eees Prichard): erddom,
f. 75«; also Cann. y Cymry, ed. 1672, p. 81: erddod, p. 116 (erod, p. 254);
erddot ti dy han, Barddas, i, p. 318; erddwyf, erwyf, erof, L. Morris, Addit.
MS. 14,944, f. 81«; erof, etc, erddof, etc, Eowlands, Gramm., *p. 122.
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(delwedd B2708) (tudalen 127)
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 127
[22.] Hcb: hebof or liebwyf (Eowlands, Gramm., *p. 121); hebdaw, etc. In
Sal., N. Test., f. 341«, heibom ninay is printed. If this form can be
trusted, it is due to heibio, ]ike is, adv. iso, isof; uch, adv, ucho, uchof.
[23.] Hydot, etc, hydddo (Davies, Gramm.), hydddof, etc, isof, etc, require
no further remark.
[24.] N’ajn: uemo, except of me (Spurrell, Dict.); nemof, -ot, -o, -i, etc,
are given in D. S. Evans, Llythyriaetli. Cf. nam, named (but, since, except,
Sp., Dict.), and Bret. nameit, meit, meiton, meitous, meitou, etc, ( Vann.;
Guillaume, Gramm., 1836), nemedouf, etc (Zeuss, ^p. 728). I cannot explain e.
There are amyn, yn amyn, and namyn. Either namyn can be explained as being
(y)n-amyn — cf. mae, sef (ym-ae, ys-ef); also probably nachaf,nychaf (yn
achaf), — or amyn sprang from namyn, as hoeth from noeth, and also in a few
instances initial h from rh (by a wrong separation between, e.g., the
preposition yn and the article yr, and the initial consonant of the following
word). The forms of other Celtic languages must be compared here. Namwyn, of
which many instances exist (MS. A of the Yenedotian Code: namuin, p. 58, namuyn,
p. 59, etc [also namun, p. 58 = namwn]; Booh of Carm.: namuin, No. 5, 17; B.
of. Hcrg.: namwyn, Skene, p. 249, col. 1031; namóyn, col. 1186; Ll. Gw.
Bhydd.: namwyn, p. 135), enhances the difficulties of this matter. I shall
give the materials I have collected iu my article on the adverbs.
[25.] Bhac: rhoc for rhac occurs very seldom in Middle Welsh manuscripts. In
rny Beitr., p. 78, I was able to give eight mediíeval and oue later example,
viz., rocdi, L. (Dimet. Code,ed. Owen),p. 255; also r. = Harl. 958, f. 41íi;
Ä^Addit. MS., 22,356, f. 28«.; roc S., f. 45«, 100«; rocdüut, f. 45«; Tit. D.
22: rog, f. 7dh; rogot ti, f. 167«; also in the later MS. 15,038, f. 815:
rogddo. All these MSS. are written in the Dimetian dialect, which is peculiarly
couspicuous in S. and
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(delwedd B2709) (tudalen 128)
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128 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS.
in the Cottonian manuscript. To tliese forms, which I know, add from Bevuc
Celiiqiie, vii, p. 427, rocdi (in the fragment of Ger. ab Erlin from Hengwrt
MS. 59), and rogom ni, ih., p. 426, quoted from Yst. de öarolo Magno, which I
had not used (see Beitr., p. 15). I think rhoc is the older South- Welsh form
of rhac. Cf. Gwentian, oc, o (Instrum., see above, § 5), S. W. noc (nac), oc
a: ag a. Ehoc contains rho and oc; on rho see below, rho — rhwng.
Eecdi: B. ofTal., Skene,No. 14; Cott., O/eoj?. B.5, f. 2320 1 {Dares
Bhrygius); f. 18Sa: raghdunt. Eecdi occurs also in Hengwrt MS. 59 {Bevue
CeÜique, vii). Salesbury, N. Test.: rhacddynt wy, f. 117&; rhacddwynt, f.
79&, etc.
[26.] Bho: Davies (Gramm.), Eichards, etc, give rhôf, y rhof, poet. = rhyngof;
rhôf, rhôt, rhydaw, rhydi, rhôm, rhôch, rhydunt. Ehydaw, -i, -unt, occur very
often in Middle South-Welsh manuscripts, where the North-Welsh ones have
rhyngtaw, etc.
Cf . L. (Dimetian Code), Owen, pp. 235, 241, 252: 258: y rydunt; y ryngthunt
in J.; V. = Harl. MS. 4353 (Gwent.), f. 37b: y rydaó ynteu; W. = Clenp. A.
14, f. 35a: ỳ rỳdaó; f. 55ò: ý rỳdunt; Addit. MS. 19,709,
f. 83ò: y rydunt; Hengwrt MS. No. 59: y rydi (Revue Celt., vii).
A few instances of the other persons are: er rot ath haul (Yenedot. MS. G.,
Owen, p. 458) = ỳ rỳghot tỳ ath dýlỳet in MS. B.; y
rhom ni ac wyntwy, Salesbury, iV. T., f. 196a, etc. — Y ryoch, in Ll. Gw.
Bhydd., p. 62, is formed by analogy, taking its ry- from the 3rd person.
InZeuss, Gr. Celt^ the forms of rho and those of er, yr, are mixed up. On p.
670, yrof i a duw is said to contain er, yr. This formula, given by J. D. Ehŷs
{Gramm., p. 106) as rhofi a duw, and often thus written in mediaeval
manuscripts, is correctly explained by Ehŷs, Y Cymmr., vii. Comparison
with the Cornish re dev an tas, re synt iouyn, rom laute (Zeuss, -p. 666),
makes this evident.
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(delwedd B2710) (tudalen 129)
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 129
[27.] Rhwng. This preposition is a compound of rlio and wng. In Spurrell’s
Dict. I find (also in the English-Welsh part, s. V. “near”) wng, preposition,
near; adverb, here; which I have not met with elsewhere. In Dosparth Edeyrn,
§ 981 (Williams), yngo (formed like iso, ucho), “ hard by”, is given; cf.
also ‘n immwngc, explained in the margin disymwth, Gann. y Oymry, 1672, pp.
379, 400, 569.
In Addit. MS. 22,356 {=S., Owen, Laios), Cardiganshire, rong occurs several
times: rong, f. 60a (=Owen, p. 195); y gwan (gwahan) yssyd rog mach d. a mach
k., f. 73«; r6g — rog (=rong) — r6g, f. 11 5a, 11. 19, 20. These forms,
combined with others in the same manuscript — o h6nynt, honn6, 116fryd, etc.
(see my Beitr., p. 72, note 39) — suggest some dialectal phonetic change,
whicli brought about a close similarity in sound of o and w. It would be
important for the localisation of this manuscript (see Beitr., p. 13), to
know some details of this pronunciation from modern dialects. We for oe (see
/. c, § 80) is used in a part of Dyfed.
Some examples of rhwng with suffixed pronoun are: Eecl B. of Hcrg., y
rygtunt, col. 558, 741; y ryngtunt, col. 730, 769 (rydunt, col. 567);
ryngthi, col. 791; Ll. Gw. Rhycld.: y rygtunt, p. 3; y rygktunt, p. 315, 319;
Calicj. K.V?> {=C., Owen): er rýgth6nt, regth6nt, f. 177«; Cleop. B. 5: ý
iỳgthuht, f. 22«; y rýnthunt, f. 20«; ý rwngthunt ar Saesson, p. 97«; y
rygthunt, f. 224« 1; y ryghunt, f. 243« 1. Jes. Coll., 141 {sQQ, Beitr.,-^.
14): rryngtho, f. 49«; y rrynthvnt, f. 51«; rryngthvnt, f. 45«; rryngvnt, f.
54&. Sal., Neio TeM.: rhyngtwynt, f. 126&. Addit. MS. 31,050,
rwngthynt, f. 6«; Addit. MS. 15,059: rhynthyn nhw, f. 209«, etc.
Davies, Gramm.: rhyngof, -ot, rhyngtho, rhyngddo; Pughe, Gramm., has
rhyngwyf, rhyngthwyf, rhyngof, rhyngthof, -om, -ddom, -thom, -tom, etc.
In modern dialects: rhyngty nw, Scr. Gi/mni (Dimet.), i, p. 449; rhyngti nw,
iii, p. 45; rhwutw i, Y Giceithiwr
VOL. vin. K
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(delwedd B2711) (tudalen 130)
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130 OBSERYATIONS ON TIIE WELSH PRONOUNS.
(Áberdare), 17, 9, 1S59; rhjngo i a B., Yr Ariv. (Pwllheli), 17, 7, 56;
rhyngon, 28, 5, 57; Sweet, SiJohen North Welsli, p. 450, gives rhwngfi, rhängddoti,
rhängddofo, rhangddoni, -chi, rhwng chi, rhängddynhw, from Gwynant.
[28.] Tros: In a modern Powysian text, Caban fcv-ythr Tomos, trost occurs
several times: trost y dyn ene, p. 18; trost ben, p. 93; trost i ben nhw,
etc. In P>reton exist dreist (Léon., Troude), drès, and drest (A^ann.,
Guillanme, Gramm., p. 90). I thinh these forms in t are wrong abstractions
from trost-of, besides tros-of, t being the regular “ inserted” dental.
Cf. Addit. MS. 14,931: dorstau, f. 52a (also in .S; = 22,356: ny thelir dim
dorstaó, f. 7b; drstaó, f. 8a); trosdaó, f. Idh; drostau, f. 21?; (cf.
twrstan— trwstan, etc), Tit. D. 22: drossom ni, f. Iò8h; B. ofHerg.: drossof
i.col. 755; drosda6,col. 751; — Sal., N. T.: drosdi (amdenei), drosdei, f.
119h; trosoch eich hunain, f. 127&, drosdynt, f. 1166; drostwynt, f. 183a;
drosswyf, droswi, Cann. y Cymry.
[29.] Triüy: Cf. Clcop. B. 5: trwof vi, f. 38« (drwod, Ll. Giu. Rhyclcl, p.
139).— Sal, N. T.: trwyddhei, trwyddom ni, f. 265&; trwyddwynt, f. 195,
etc.; Athrav. Grist.: drwyddyn nhw, p. 36.— trwddi hi, Cah.feiu. T, p. 38.
[30.] Uch: odduchof, odduchtof, BosjJ. Ecleyrn (WiUiams), § 940, etc.
[31.] Yn: Sal,iV.r.: ynthaw, f. 135«; ynthei,f. 3a; ynthynt, f. 00«;
ynthwynt, f. 12ò; ynoch eich unain, ynochwi, f. 1465; ynochi, f. 344«; Addit.
MS. 14,986, f. 8&: ynto.— Davies, Gramm.: ynof, -ot, yntho, ynddo, poet.
ynto, yndo; Williams, DosjJ. Ed., § 940: ynddof, ynthof, yntof. — In modern
dialects: ynwyf, Ser. Cymru, i, p. 175, Y Tyio. a’r G, i, p. 114 (literary
language); ynthw i, Cah. fciu. T, p. 338; yntho fo, pp. 7, 252; ynthi hi, p.
252; yno fo, Yr Ariu., 17, 7, 56, yni hi ib; cf. gyno fo, in the same
dialect.
[32.] II. -af. Ar: The third personplural isgiveninDavies’ Dictionary as aruaddudd,
arnaddu, arnaddynt = arnynt; Pughe, in Coxe’s Monmouthshire, 1801, says:
Gwentian
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(delwedd B2712) (tudalen 131)
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OBSERYATIONS 0X THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 131
arnaddynt =Venedot. arnynt. This is confìrmed by the medi£eval manuscripts,
where, however, all these forms in -addunt are seldom used exclusively. In
the new edition of the Mah. I counted 10 arnadunt, 16 arnunt, 11 attunt, but
I do not guarantee these numbers to be absolutely exact. As to onadunt aud
ohonunt, the different texts of the Maì). show very different íìgures:
larlles y ffynn., 15 onadunt: 1 ohonunt; Ger. ab Urh., 25: 3; Triads, 9:1;
Fer. ab Efr., 6:5; Br. Maxen Wl., 2: — , Ll. and Llew., 6: — , K. ac Olwen, 6:
7, but Fwyll Pend. B., —: 6, Br. tercli Ll. —: 4, Man. vah Ll. —: 4, J/. ah
Math. —: 7. With this the relative proportions of a oruc and a wnaeth, etc,
in the same texts should be compared. In the parts printed from Ll. Gw.
Ehydd. onadunt largely prevails. In Hanes Gr. ah Cynan, Myv. Arch., cf.
arnaddunt — ISTorthern MS. arnynt, pp. 729, 731, attadunt wynteu — attynt
hwy, p. 731, etc.
[33.] Third sing. fem. arnei, arni,erni: cf. 5.o/Carm.,Skene, No. 13, erni
{ih., imdeni, o heni, genti); U. (Gwentian Code), pp. 305, 365, 386, etc.;
F.= Harl. 4353, f. 306; S. = 22,356, f. 5« (3); Owen.pp. 593, 600 (arneu, p.
558, -eu also for -ei of the pres. sec, pronounced -e); B. of Hcrg., col.
557, 635, 666, Skene, p. 251; Ll. Gw. Rhydd., pp. 135, 162, 167, 172 (2):
arnei 164, arney 213; March. Crioydr. (ed, D. S. Evans), 17 cent, p. 257,
etc.
Ernynt, like o henynt, occurs often in the later Gwentian texts, as Trioedd
Dyfnioal Moelmud, Barddas, etc.; cf. Owen, p. 655 {Myv. Arch., ^929), Bardd.,
i, p. 64 (erni, Owen, p. 657). In Y Gwcithiwr (Aberdare): erni nhw, 1858, No.
7 (Seren Cymru: arni nw, i, pp. 233, 292).
[34.] Some other forms are: arnam, B. of Hcrg., col. 742 (2); Sal., N. T.:
arnoddynt, f. 212a (see § 16), arnaddwynt, f. 32&, 193&, arnynt, f.
212«, arnwynt, f. 1736; arnywch, f. 376« (like wrthywch, gennywch); Addit.
MS. 15,003, f. 2a, (Owen Jones): aruat, arnot. Arnef for arno ef is mentioned
k2
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(delwedd B2713) (tudalen 132)
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132 OBSEEYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS.
by D. S. Evans {Lhjthyr); arno inaii, Y Tyw. a’r G.; arna i, ardo fo, Yr
Arw., 17, 7, 56. Arclo is an interesting form, of course quite niodern,
v»rhich I have not found elsewhere.
[35.] At: attadunt in Middle Welsh MSS.; etti, like erni, recdi: V. = Harl.
4353, f. 2b, Ua; Ll. Gw. Rhydd., pp. 141, 167, etc. Sal., N. T.: attwynt, f.
41«; atwynt, f. 140&, 3626.
[36.] Tan: This preposition is nearly always compounded with others (am, ym,
y, o, often a: a dan; also o-ddi- and inversely y a: y adanei, Ll. Gtü.
Rhydd., p. 24).
Cf. Addit. MS. 19,709, f. 9a: amdanadunt, f. 22a; ỳ danadunt
(attanadunt, f. 29&, 41&); Cleop. B. 5: ýmdanaduut, f. 216; Ll. Gw.
Rhydd., p. 35, etc.; ib.: amdanwynt, p. 227, the oldest example I know of
-wynt; Sal., iV. T.: amdanwynt, f. 77ò; am danwynt, f. \nh; Y Drijch Chrìst.,
1585: amdanwynt; amdenyw, see Dosp. Ed., § 939.
Ac adantaw ynteu, Ll Gw. Rhydd., p. 280. — Amdeni is said in I)avies’ Gramm.
to be a Powysian form; it is common in South Wales. Cf. imdeni, B. of Carm.,
Skene, No. 13; ymdeni, B. of Eerg., col. 826; deni, 843; ymdenei, 774
(ydanei, 600, 668, etc.); i^Ll. Gw. Rhydd., adanei, p. 7; y adanei, p. 24).
Sal., N. T., amdenei, f. 186; amdeni, f. 3936; Cann. y C, 1672, deni, p. 204.
In the modem Dimetian dialect: am deni, Scren Cymru, ii, p. 505; plur, am
deni nw, iii, pp. 206, 545 (cf. erni nhw); am dani nw, i, p. 272.
[37.] III. -yf. Can: e in cennyf, etc, is proper to all persons. This is due
to the infecting terminations -yf, -yt, etc, as if its extension by analogy
from the 3rd pers. sing. f em. (genthi — ganthei, like erni — arnei) were supposed,
*ernof, etc, would be expected also; but they never occur.
Ganthu, 3rd pers. pL, B. of JLcry., Skene, p. 286; trỳchan meirch
godrud — a grỳssỳws ganthud, is printed (Skene, p. 99) from the
B. of Aneurin, Gorchan Macldenu, in the handwriting of the second part of the
Gododin. This ganthud
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OBSERYATIONS ON TIIE WELSH PRONOÜNS. 133
would be a form in -udd, the only one of whicli I ani aware. Cf. perhaps also
trwyo and trwodd (= trwyodd), adv., through; the latter being a form equally
obscure, if trwyo is to be compared with heibio and the explanation of heibio
in Eevue Celt., vi (Rhŷs), is taken into account. Ganthudd, ganthu =
ganthynt, Davies, Dict.
B. üf Hcrg., Mah. (1887): genti, col. 556, 735, 745, 747, 754, 759, 823:
genthi, 15 times; gantunt, 557, 569, 735, 737, 742 (2), 744, 810, 816
(gantaunt, 671, an error); ganthunt, 569, etc.; genny?i ni, 733 (with n due,
as later in the verb, to the pronoun ni), gennwch, 733, gennóch, 737, 785,
822, Cennwch corresponds to the 2nd pers. plur. of the verb (cerwch). It is
not easy to find a link between the present teuse of the verb and the
suffixed pronoun terminations. It can only be supposed that the coexistence
of cerych in the pres. sec. and cerwch in the verb caused gennwch to be
formed instead of gennych. Ll. Gw. Bhydd.: genti, p. 217; genthi, pp. 134,
144, 170, 221; genthy,pp. 251, 259 (crogy,p. 250, paratoy, p. 251, goleuny,
p. 260).
Sal., N. T.: ganthwynt, f. 2236; a chanthwynt, f. 25«; y canthwynt, f.
52&, 1756; centhynt,aty C.,ganwynt; genwchwi, f. 175; genwch, f. 269;
genych chwi; cennwch,f. 358«; cenychi, f. 348«; genywch, f. 376«. Gr.
Eoberts, Gramm.: na chenthy- nhwythau, p. 68 (270); a chentho, p. (202);
Athr. Crrist.: gentho, pref., gyntho, p. 51; Y Drych Christ.: gyniti, f. B
2«, gantho, f. A 4, gyntho,f. A 2h, 21«,etc.; genych, f. A 2; ganthynt, f.
196; gynthyu, f. A 26, etc. Addit. MS. 14,867: ganwyf fi William Morris, 1758;
Addit. MS. 14,929: gennifi Lewis Morris, 1760 (see Cat. of the Addit. MSS.,
ii). Pughe and Dosp. EcL, § 940: canof, canthof, cantof, canddof, canwyf,
canthwyf, etc.
[38.] In the modern dialects gyda has partly replaced gann. Cf. L. Morris,
Addit. MS. 14,923, f. 134«: S. W. gyda = N. W. gantho. Also Dosp. Ecl, § 1182:
K W. y mae gennyf = Dimet. i mi (but i fi is elsewhere said to be S. W.)
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(delwedd B2715) (tudalen 134)
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134 OBSEKVATIONS ON THE WELSH PEONOUNS.
= Gwent. gydafi (?). Eowlands, Gramm., gives N. W. y mae genyf lyfr = S. W. y
mae gyda fi lyfr.
In Sercn Cymni (Dimet. dialect) gyda is nearly always used in popular
language: gyda nw, i, p. 233; da from g’dá, the unaccented vowel being
dropped; ‘da fi, i, p. 373; ii, p. 364, ‘da tithe, ‘dafe, ‘da ge, ‘dag e, ‘da
ni, ‘da chi, ‘da nw; also ‘da r hen bapyre newy ‘ma, i, p. 372. Gwentian:
geni, gen i, gento fe {Y Gwdtìiiwr, Aberdare); genych chi, gentu nhw {Y
Tijiü.a’r ŵ, Llanelli).
In North Wales the unaccented form of gann, gynn, is used with the personal
pronouns (gin ti, etc), as also rliwug fi, etc, for cennyf, etc Gin, the
pronunciation of y in a monosyllable being expressed by i, is also
transferred to the dissyllabic forms gennyf, etc: ginni(f ).
Cf. Addit. MS. 31,056, f. 137Ò: mae ginine. Yr Arw. (Pwllheli): gin i, gyno
fo, gyni hi, gynoch chi, gynun nhw, etc.; Y Gcncdl Gi/mrcig (Caernaryon):
gini, gin i, a chyno fo, gyni hi, gynyn nhw 20, 5, 1885, p. 7, col. 6; gynon
ni, 22, 4, 85, p. 6, col. 1. Sweet, Sp. N. W., p. 450: gini, ginti, gänofo,
ginofo; gänoni, gänochi, gänynliw. — Merionethsh.: cin i, gin ti, gyntho fo,
gyuthon ui, -thoch chi, -thyn nhw, Cahan /’ evK Tomos. In this book also, p.
481, gynthwn occurs, about the only example I remeniber, due, of course, to
carwn, cerwch of the pres.: gennwch.
[39.] Wrth. In p. 79 of my Beitr. I pointed out a number of forms in MSS. and
books like gwenaeth, gwanaeth, for gwnaeth, etc. I admitted them only
conditionally as historical orthographies, the pronunciation of gueneuthur
and guneuthurin MS. Ä. of the Yenedot. Laws being gneuthur, as written in the
same MS. Or, and this seems to be the case in the 16th cent. forms
(Salesbury, and Atlir. Grist.), they are the so-called “ inverse
orthographies” (umgekehrte Orthographie), brought about by the pronunciation
of gwar- as gwr- and, gr-, etc I hold precisely the same views on some forms,
gworth- gwyrth, occurring mostly in later texts, for gwrth, wrth. They are
etymologically correct, as gwrth springs from *gwerth, *vert-; cf Corn.
worth, etc.
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(delwedd B2716) (tudalen 135)
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OBSEKVATIONS ON THE WELSH PltONOUNS. 135
Cf. LI. Gw. Rhijdd., p. 236: rac dryccet y bobyl a wyrthwyneppyiit iidunt
(perhaps a scribal error caused by the following wy); Addit. MS. 14,973
(1640), Rees Prichard’s Pocms, î. 67h: gweddy worth fyned yr gwely; Add. MS. 14,974,
f. 6o: i worthladd drwg; Fox’s Battledoor, 1660: a giliasocli oddywurth iaith
ych mame, p. 6 (Gwent. dialect; firiadau, ihiddu=beiddu, hwunt, gwibod, etc).
[40.] B. of Herg.: órtliywch, col. 784; órthyóch, 727; Tit. D. 22, f. 156a: a
minneu a ymcholyaf (leg. ymchoylaf) vy wyneb y órthyóch a y 6rth aóch tei a
rywnaeth ych d6y hi6; f. 158«: kanys mi a dileaf bob dr6c a goueileint y
6rthy6ch. Sal., N. T.: o ywrthynt, wrthynt, wrthiut, f. 6«, wrthwynt, f.
178a.
In modern dialects: wrthw I, Sercn Cymru, ii, pp. 6, 262, 382; wrtho i,ii, p.
382; wrtho ti, ii, p. 382; wrtho ni, i, p. 232; wrtho chi, i, p. 272; wrtho
ti, etc, Y Gweithmr (Aberdare); wrthw I, Y Tyw. ar G., ii, p. Ç)Ç); wrtho i,
i, p. 96; etc. In the Carnarvonshire dialect wrthaf is used: wrtha i, Yr.
Ärw.{Ÿvf\\- heli), 17, 7, 56, wrtha ti, o wtha ti (cf. wth welad, wth y
droull, wth y mhen i, wth i gilidd, wth ddwad, etc, ih. The omission or
indistinct pronunciation of r is frequent, mostly in unaccented syllables,
proclitics, etc, in the colloquial language), wrtha chi and wrtho chi, etc.
In Cahan few. Tomos: wrtha i, p. 7, wrtha ti, p, 56; wrthat ti, wrtha titha,
etc Addit. MS. 31,060, f. lölh (N. W.): wrthat i. Wrthaf may be explained
like wrthof, etc.; but as the pres. sec in the Yenedot. dialect ends in the
plur. in -am -ach -ant (froni -em -ech -ent, the alternating forms of -ym,
-ycli, -ynt), the -af-” tlection” in this dialect can also be explaiued by
wrthym, etc, foUowing the example of the pres. sec.
[41.] IV. Oc: This preposition is not immediately compounded with the
pronominal terminations, but the form ohou- is used before them, which has,
with regard to its nasal, a parallel only in arn-af, if this is to be
compared. In Zeuss, ^p. 666, ohon- is said to represent an older *ocson,
which is possible (cf deheu); but the further comparison of Ir. á, as
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(delwedd B2717) (tudalen 136)
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136 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PllONOUNS.
(l. c.) is wrong. Ir. á, ass, is the unaccented (proclitic) form of the
preposition es-, Welsh, eh- (Exomnus, ehofyn, esamain); cf. Zimmer, RcÜische
Studien, ii, p. 91. Ohon- is pre-Cymric; cf. Corn. and Bret. ahan-
(preposition a, Vann. ag). I think üc (from) is identical with oc, ac (with),
Ir. oc, ac, the intermediate steps, as regards the meaning of the preposition,
being: with (sociat.) — by (instrum.) — from (without regard to an
instrumental relation, denoting simply the origin). Son- I . always thought
to be of pronominal origin, connected with Welsh hwn, but I cannot prove it.
Ohan- is very common, besides ohon-, and is due to the same causes as not a
few other instances of a from o. Also ahan-, like the Corn. and Bret. forms,
is met with.
[42.] I have not found a single example of ohan- in tlie Oxford Mahinogion,
and in the texts printed from Ll. Gw. Bliydd. Other texts I have not examiued
strictly with regard to this question. Ohan- occurs in a manuscript as early
as the BooJc of Carm.; cf. o hanaut te, Skene, No. 18. A few other instances
of olion- and ohan- are: B. of Tal., o honaöt, Skene, No. 2; B. of Herg., o
honat titheu, Skene, p. 177; o hanei, o honom ni, p. 179; o honaóch ch6i, p.
195; o honofi, col. 622; B. = Tit. D. 2 ( Venedot. Code), o hanav, f. 1«; o
hanaf uý, f. 705; o hanaf uỳnheu, f. 66« (ohan- mostly used); U.,
ohoni, p. 360; V., o honei, f. 33«.; ohon- mostly used in Addit. MS. 19,709,
Clcoj}. B. 5; Tit. D. 22 (Dimet.): o hanot
«
ti, f. 170&; o hanam, o hanam ni, f. 1476.
In later texts: Sal., JY. T.: o hanof vi, f. 16«; o hanafî, f. 16«; o hanat,
f. 74&; o hanot, ff. 5h, 11&; o hanam, f. 217. In the parts of the N.
Test. translated by E. Davies ohon- occurs oftener than in the others; Huet:
o hi (hanei), f. 393«; o honi, f. 391«; o hanoch chwi. In the 16th cent. S.
W. Medic. MS., Addit. MS. 14,91 3: yr hwnn arverir o hana (sic) yn erbyn, f.
1«. In other handwriting: o hanynt, f. 11«; a bwyttaet gwrs a lianaw bob
borc, f. 276 (o hanaw, íî. 27«, 29«, etc); cf.
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(delwedd B2718) (tudalen 137)
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSII PRONOUNS. 137
Ehŷs, B. Celt., vi, p. 45. In parts of Soutli Wales aliaiia -i (Ist
pers.) occurs.
[43.] As to -af and -of in tbe Mabinogion (1887), -of is extremely rare (o
honof i, col. 836), whilst at least 10 -af and 11 -at occur. In the Ll. Gw.
Rhydderch, -of is of much more frequent occurrence; cf. 7 -af, 8 -at, 8 -ot,
9 -am, 2 -oni, etc.
[44.] On onaddunt, see § 16, 32. The Corn. anozo, 3rd sing. raasc, anezy
fem., aneze 3rd plur., aud the Bret. anézhan, anézhi, ane^hò (Léon.), anehou,
anehi, anehai (Vann.) show that -on from ohon- is pre-Cymric. I think it is
due to the accent; *ohon-o-tú (see § 16) lost the second o, hence *o(h)notu,
onaddu (dd not explained). Can n in arn be explaiued in the same way? (*are-son-,
*ar-hon-j *ar(h)- nadú?). There occur
in 8. (Addit. MS. 22,356), Cleop. B. 5, and Sal., N. T., some apparently “open forms”, o
anadynt, o honadynt. As they are found
in prose texts, I am not able to decide
whether they are etymological orthographies or whether olion- has really been introduced into onaddunt
from the other persons.
Cf. o anadynt, S., f. 76a; o lionadunt, Cleop. B. 5, f. 15 (2); o hanaddynt,
Sal., A^. T., £f. 62«, 88ö, 1445, 253a; o hanoddynt, f. 152a; o hanaddwynt,
ff. 189, 2Û8a; o naddynt, f. 71a; o hanyut, f. 195a; a hauynt, f. 385; o
hanwynt, ff. 32a, 535, 885. — Ouadduut occurs like the third pers. sing.
pret. iu -ws, said to be S. W., also iu the Venedot. MS. A. of the Howel.
Laws: o nahunt, p. 56; ouna- dun hui, p. GO; and onad«H«<, pp. 63, 73, 75
(2), 77. Ou this -uuut I cannot rely, as it uiay have been misread for -uunt.
[45.] In the 16th cent. onof, onot, onofo, onom, onoch, onynt, are frequently
used in Griffith Eoberts’ books. I do not remember to have found them any
where else. He uses also honof for ohonof; so onof is from honof, and has, of
course, nothing to do with the old onaddunt. Cf. Athr. Grist.: ar wneuthur
honomi ewllys duw, p. 26; onofi, p. 5; onof o, p. 7; onoch, p. 7; onynt, p.
36; Graiiim., rhai honynt, p. (186);
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(delwedd B2719) (tudalen 138)
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138 OBSEEYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS.
onof i, p. 35; onoti, p. (161); onaw, p. (183); onofe, p. (95); ononi, onyn,
onynhwy, p. 52; onyntwy, p. 121, etc. At tlie same tinie monof (from
ddimhonof, (dd)monof) makes its first appearance (in Gr. Eoberts’ books). It
is now frequently used in the N”. W. literary language of no puristic aims.
In the spoken language also, nio for ddim o is used; cf Gr. Eoberts, Gramm.,
p. (389): moth henaint; Hughes, An Essay on the .... Welsh Language, 1822,
gives mo (na ddywed nio hynny) as N. W.; Sweet, Spohcn N. W., p. 442: welisi
môm tâd, mô dä dâd, etc.; na . . . . monun nhw, Yr Arw., 17, 7, 56. SaL, N.
T., does not use monof; he very often has ddim hanof: na ddanvonei ef ddim
hanynt allan o’r wlat, f. 50&; nid adwaen i ddim hanaw, f. 124a; ni
wrandawawdd y deveit cldim hanwynt, f. 149ò (pwy ‘n hanoch, f. 147a). I have never
met with *manof, and I think ddim hanof is S. W.; cf. Lewis Morris in Addit.
MS. 14,923, f. 133Ô: S. W. ni bu ddim o hano íì = N. W. ni bum i; also in Y
Traethodydd, iii, p. 13: S. W. nid oes dim o hano i yn ei nabod (= nid wyf i
yn, etc.); nid oes dim o hano fe yno ynawr; cf. Seren CymTu, i, p. 373: weles
I ddim o nhad yn ddarllen un llyfyr eriod.
[46.] heni, B. of Carm., Skene, No. 13, 18; U., p. 360 (Owen): o honi =W.o
heni (Cleop. A. 14, e.g., f. 9Sh); Q., pp, 556, 559: o honei = P., P. and S.,
S. o heni (ib. Q. arnei — F. erni); S., p. 602; V. = Harl. 4353: góedy yd el
yr eil heit o honei, and góedy ydel y tryded heit o heni, f 33a(erni, f.
30?*); B. of Herg., col. 737: o heni hitheu, o henynt (cf. ernynt, § 33);
Owen, pp. 639, 676 (o heni, pp. 662, 667); Bardd., ì, pp. 24, 32, 102, etc;
Llyfr Achau (Breconsh., 1602), p. 17; Scrcn Cymru: o heni nw, iii, pp. 207,
266, 465, 544.
[47.] OnadUj B. of Tal., Skene, p. 51; B. of Herg., Skene, p. 264 {ih.,
racdu, col. 735);, W. = Cleop. A. 14: vn o honu o talu or talaódỳr
drostaó, f 74a; ih., pop vn o honu, Owen, p. 309.
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(delwedd B2720) (tudalen 139)
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OBSERYATIONS ON TIIE WELSII PEONOUNS. 139
[48.] In modern dialects: oedd llawer o nw ‘n meddwi, Monmouthsh. (preposition
o); o hono ihunan. o honon ni, o hono nina, o honun nhw, Yr Ärw.; o hona i, o
honoch chi, o honyn nhwthe, Gab.f’ew. T.; Y Geninen, i, p. 160: o honwyf
(literary language).
[49.] V. Do: udu, udunt (3rd person phir.) are the regular Middle Welsh
forms. I cannot help assuming that y in *ydu (do-) has been assimilated to
the second li (udu), as a genuine u in udu cannot be explained in any way. In
later “Welsh, y and i, from the 3rd person sing., are reinstalled in the
plur, (yddunt, iddunt).
Cf. udu, B. of Taì., Sk., Nos. 51, 52; B. of Herg., Sk., p. 265; uddudd =
iddynt, interdum vddu, Davies, DicL; Cleop. B. 5: vdunt; Tit. D. 22:
vthvnt6y, f. 166; S.: udynt, p. 592; ydynt, p. 594. Sal., N. T.: yddyn
(ofteu), yddwynt, f.olGh; yddwynt wy, f. 225a; vddynt, vddyntwy, etc; Gr.
Roberts, Athr. Grist.: megis y darfu iddynhwythau, p. 47; J. D. Rhŷs,
Gramm.: iddint, yddynt, uddunt (dialect.); 3rd pers. sing. fem., iddei, iddî,
p. 128.
In modern dialects: iddi nw, Ser. C.; iddinhw, iddiut (Aberdare); iddun nhw,
iddu uhw, Yr Arw.; âg ithi hi, Cah. f ew. 7”., p. 200.
[50.] In Y TraetJiodydd, 1869, p. 20, ymy, yty, yny, are quoted from E. Prys’s
Fsalms (Meriouethsh., first edit. in the Bible of 1630); the forms now used
are, it is said, imi, iti, ini, and more emphatically, i mi, i ti, i ni.
Perhaps these older forms are preseiwed in ethi, ethyn (cf. efo ag ethi hi,
gydag ethyn nhw, with c for ä = y), cited in YTraeth., iii (see § 4), from N.
W. dialects. L. Morris, Addit. MS. 14,923, f. 133«, has S. W. i fi = N. W. i
mi; the same is given in Y Tracth., iii, p. 13, and 1870, p. 412 (i fi, in
WilHams Pant y Celyn’s Hymns). Cf. also Scrcn Cymru, i, p. 232, and i maes, i
faes, i mewn, i fewn, etc.
[ol.] VI. Eidof: Eiddof, einof, etc, seem to have taken their origin from the
3rd pers. sing. eiddo, a form very difficult of explanation. If y meu fi, the
mine, is “ tlie mine to me”, fi
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(delwedd B2721) (tudalen 140)
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140 OBSEKVáTIONS on the welsh peonouns.
being in a dative relation to the poss. pron., eiddo is perhaps ei — iddo, “
his to him”. At any rate the possessive ei was believed to form a part of
this form, as the poss. Ist pers. phir. ein was transferred into this forni
with the suffìxed pronoun; einym, einwch, are, I think, much later forms than
eiddo, and are formed after its analogy. I do not attach any value to ei ‘ddaw
in SaL, iV. T., as he has many merely etymological orthographies; cf. at yr ei
‘ddaw y hun, f. 131&, a’r ei-ddaw yhun, etc. Salesbury also uses yddo,
caused by the coexistence of the poss. prou. ei and y. Cf. canys yddo duw
ydynt (duw ei pieu), f. 249; ar yr yddoch ychunain, f. 294a; nyd ydywch
yddoch ych hunain, f. 249« (yr petheu eiddom, f. 325&; eiddwynt, f. 6b).
Davies, Did., has eiddo, goods,bona, orum; L. Morris, Addit. MS. 14,944, f.
795 {Additions to Davies’ Dictionary), says it is a Dimetian word. It does
not occur in the Carnarvonshire dialect; cf. Sweet, p. 442. In Spurrell’s
Dict., also, the infin. eiddio and adj. eiddiog occur. Eiddof, einof, einwyf,
etc, are given in the grammars.
[52.] There seems to have been a time when eiddo (Middle W. eidaw) was not very strongly
connected in the mind of people
speaking, or at least writing, with the preposi tion with suffixed pronoun,
as idyaw occurs in almost every Middle
Welsh manuscript.
Cf. A. (Venedot. Code): Eammereth paup er eidiau val kent, p. 53; eidyaó TJ.,
pp. 303, 330; ae eidiaó yuteu, *S’., f. 4?;, Owen, pp. 595, 613; B. of Herg.,
col. 589: yny eidiaó eliun; Ll. Gw. Ehydd.: eidyaw, p. 57; Y Seint Greal: yr
eidyaw ehun, p. 411; yn yr eidiaw, p. 196; castell a vu eidyaw dy dat di, p.
300; or bei gyn chwannocket ef yr meu ac ydiw gennyf I yr eidyaw (priuted
eidywaw) efo, p. 431; Cleop. B. 5: eidiaw, f. lòb, etc.
I am not certain whether y (j ) was really spohen here, as it was inserted
indiscriminately by the South Welsh scribes, who did not pronounce it (-yon:
-on, -yaw: -aw, etc), and who therefore lost the proper feeling of where it
was justified and
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(delwedd B2722) (tudalen 141)
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OBSEEYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 141
where not. So in Oderic’s travels, in Didrefn Gas’jliad, dwylyaw occurs
several times (f. 122&, pp. 244, 245, 252; d6y- laó, p. 266); biit I
never fouud a preposition with suffixed pronouu inserting y (j), except
tróydyaó, Bidr. GasgL, p. 245.
C. — The Possessive Peonouns.
[53.] Ist sing. masc, my, fy, y, before consonants whicli have been
nasalised, occurs very often since the sixteenth century. In the colloquial
language fy or y are of ten omitted altogether, the nasalisation of the
consonant alone indicating the poss. pron.
Cf. Gr. Roberts, Gramm., p. 70 (302): mae ‘n dda y myd and mae ‘n dda myd for
fy myd (byd); Addit. MS. 14,986 (16th cent.): gair ymron, f. 12ò; Cann. y
Cymry: 1672, p. iOO: a gwella muched; Cab.f’ ew. T.: ja Y nghalon, p. 66,
etc.
[54.] The forms of the poss. pron. Ist. pers. sing. before Yowels are,
according to Ehŷs, LecL, ^p. 52: N. W. / (f’ enw), S. W. fyn (fyn enw),
in North Cardigaushire, fyng enw.
Cf. Addit. MS. 15,059, f. 2236 (1760): fy nwylyd fenaid, fy nwyl(y)d fenaid i
(ib., mynad, cerddad); IV Arw.: ma nhewyth. Seren Cymru: newyrth, iii, p. 142;
yn cal n ffordd, iii. p. 5; a newrth (Aberdare).
[55.] The following sentences quoted from modern dialects show the very
curious nasal inflection of verbs: — Oahanfeyj. Tomos: waeth gin i pwy nghlowo
i ‘n i ddeyd o, p. 61; ac ar liyn mi nhrawodd i yn y mhen, p. 61; waeth gin i
pwy nghlowo i ‘n deyd hyny, p 155. Seren Cymru: ac am ddeg yn y nos mi
nhowlson i ma’s, iii, p. 524; also Scren Gomer, 36, p. 584: A fi ngweles I
weithian yn myn’dgyda lot o fechgyn. Here mi, fy (nasalising the verb) + verb
-I- i (fi), seem to be formed after the analogy of ei -i- {uninfected) verb +
ef; cf., e.g., from Sal., iV. T.: ac wynt ei gwatworesont ef, f. 14a; a hi ei
duc y’w mam (yddy), f. 23a; ac ei cernodiesont (bonclu- stiesont), f. 45«,
etc.; pan ei gwelwyd = pan welwyd ef,
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(delwedd B2723) (tudalen 142)
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142 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS.
etc. I liave never found tliese syntactic anomalies in otlier texts.
[56.] Meu, teu, are not used now with substantives. This usage is frequently
met with in SaL, JSÍ. Test.; cf. y tuy meu vi, y gairie meuvi a’r law veu vi
(am llaw vy hun), f. 123«; cf. also Edm. Prys’s Fsalms (according to Y
Traeth., 1869, p. 205): fy anwiredd mau, y min mau ( = f y min i), yr oes fau;
yr ebyrth tau (= dy aberthau di); dy foliant tau; llawenydd hwn mau fi a
gyflanwyd, etc.
[57.] The possessive pronouns, Ist and 2nd pers. plur., are an, yn, ein; ach
ych, awch, eich. They all occur in Middle Welsh texts; cf. o nerth an brecheu
ac yn kledyfeu, B. of Herg., col. 620; o waet an hargiöyd ni, col. 607; yn
ach clusteu, Ll. Gio., p. 260; yn aóch plith chwi, Tit. D. 22, f. 1555; ar
ych llafur, f. 1576; y dodi aóch kyrff . . ., f. 156«, etc. A close
investigation of their syntactic differences and relative age is much wanted.
An and yn seem to be accented and ■unaccented forms like ei and y,
preposition am- and ym-, etc. Ein, eich, are transformations of an, awch,
after the mitster of ei (3rd pers. sing.); the Ist and 2nd pers. plur. seera
also to have followed their own mutual analogy.
[58.] Ei and y have been explained as being the accented and the unaccented
forms (Kuhn’s Zeitschrift, xxviii). In Llyfr Gweddi Gyffredin, 1586, pref.
(see my Beitr., p. 24, 3), S. W. i, y, is noticed. Davies, Gramm., p. 179
(ed. 1809), gives the prouunciation i of ei; also Rhŷs, Eevue Celt., vi.
The connection of this poss. pron. with y (do) is of much interest, as there
exists a startling variety of forms, which are not all noticed in Zeuss^. I
know o’e, o’e y, i’w, i’w y (i’w ei), iddei_
[59.] I. Gc (to his, etc). This is the regular Middle Welsh form, used almost
without exception in tlie Maì)., Ll. Gio. Rhydd., etc. Some examples are: B.
of Carm., Skene, No. 18: inỳdel kinon iti oe chingueled; Tal., Skene,
33: k6r6f oe yfet; Addit. MS. 19,709, f. 10&: ac yn menegi hỳnỳ
oe
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(delwedd B2724) (tudalen 143)
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSII PRONOUNS. 143
gedymcleithon; TÂ. Gw. Rliydd.: j j’mgeissaw ac ef ac oy rwymaw, p. 78; oy claly
y dauaw, p. 81; oy gwrandaw ef, p. 84; na deuey ef byth oe gyuLawn lewenyd,
p. 94; ae doyn oe grogy, p. 256; Tit. D. 22: kanys du6 ehun a anuones yr
ysgriuenedic rybud honn yr pechaduryeit hyt ar allaór eglóys pedyr a phaól in
ruuein oe rybudyaó amweith sul a góyl, f. 15Sh, etc. O’e is also used in the
16th century, but I am not aware of later examples; cf. AtJir. Grist.: beth
sydd oi obeithio gentho, pref.; Y Drycli Ohrist.: rhoi bustl idho oi yfed yn
le gwin, p. 3; mal y mae llawer or lyfre hynn etto i’n plith ni oi gweled, f.
C 1; Addit. MS. 14,913, 16th cent.: oe yuet; Addit. MS. 14,986, f. 14&:
ni ai rwymwn ef oi eiste; 31,056, f. 30&: a gown a march oi wasnaethwr
(Araith Gwgan). Gr. Eoberts, who frequently uses o’e, o’i, says, in his
Grammar p. (129): i’w is u.sed in “ sir y phlint” (ef aeth iw wlad), oi in
Carnarvonshire (e dymchwelodd oi wlad, rediit in suam patriam). J. D. Ebŷs,
Gramm., 1592, gives i’w, y’w, o’e garu (p. 7); idh ei, o’i, i’w garu (p.
125).
[60.] II. O’c y: L (Dimet. Code), p. 200: ac ny ellir eu hyraell o neb fford
ytalu nac y erbynnyaw (gymryt, /.) dim dros (o, /.) alanas = ä 22,356, f. 1h
(ac ny ellir eu lcymell o n. ff.) y dala dim o alanas nac oe y gymryd; Ll.
Gw. Rhydd. {Bown TTctmtwn): ac y gofynnawd hitheu idaw beth a dybyei ef am y
palmer . . . . ac erchi idaw mynet oe y edrych, p. 142. These very rare forms
are supported by the existence of i’w y, i’w ei; see below. Oc ei becomes
also o’e (written once oe y in Cleojj. B. 5: o doeth anghev yw vrawt oe ý
weithret ef, f. 129« = 3íyv. Arch., ^p. 663&). There are in Ll. Gw.
Bhydd. some very curious examples of oc ei used in the sense of “ to his”; cf
ac anuon dy archegylyon lcyssegredic yn eu kylch; oc eu diffryt rac
tywyllwch. ac eu dwyn y deyrnas nef, p. 110 (to defend them); a gwedy hynny
yr neuad yd aethant oc eu bwyt (to their meat), p. 152 (cf. ac yna yd aethant
gwyr ffreinc o eu gwlat, p. 18; ac oe bwyt
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(delwedd B2725) (tudalen 144)
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144 OBSERYATIONS ON TIIE WELSH PEONOUNS.
yd aethant, p. 1 54); y sawl ny byryawd neit yn y mor oc eu bodi, p. 116 (he
brained . . . those who did not leap into the sea to be drowned). If these
forms were to be relied iipon, all that has been said and that wiU be
hereafter put forward on the subject of oe, would be a failure ah initio. But
I cannot make the sense of “ to his” and “ from his” agree; and so I think
that, o’e being the common result of both do ei and oc ei, some mistakes were
occasionally made by transcribers, who wanted to use oc for o, and did so at
times in the wrong place.
[61.] III. rio. Y’w, i’w, is now the only form of the literary language,
except in South-Welsh books, where iddei may be found. Examples are needless.
[62.] IV. I’iu y, i’w ei. The nearly constant use of yw y forms the chief
peculiarity of the language of the Dares PhrygiiLS in Cott., Cleop. B. 5.
This text is not connected with the other parts of the MS., on which see my
Bciir., pp. 13, 14, 16.
Cf.: pantus a óynegia y priaf ac a danllewychws yw y gyfuesseiuyeit y petheu
a glywssei ef gan euforbus y dat, f. 225a 1; priaf a rodes kennat yw lu (y
before lu is erased: the upper part of it may still be discerned), f. 2256 1;
priaf a anîioges yw y óeibyon, f. 2236 1; y gribdeilyaw elen ac yw y dwyn
ganthunt, f 2266 1; yw y logeu, f. 22661; ac a erchis yw y gedymdeitiiyon, f.
2306 1; ac a erchis dyuynwu antenwor yw y (sc. poluxena) cheissyaw ac yw y
dwyn attaw, f . 249a 1; and in eight other places.
In other places y eu is used: ac a ffoassant y eu hestyll gwyr troya, f. 2o9a
2; a gwedy dyuot gwyr groec y eu lluesteu, f. 239a 2, etc. The only other
manuscript in which I found such a form is Addit. ]MS. 19,709 {Dares
Phryfjius, Bed BooTc version; see my Beitr., p. 14): Ac ynteu a erchis y6 y
6ab a oed yn sefyll gyt a hi gal6 ector drae y gefyn, f. 4& = B. of
Rerg., coL 17: ac ynteu a erchis y vab a oed ynsefyll gyt ahi gal6 eetor
draegefyn.
[63.] Such forms are not wantiug in the modern dialects.
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(delwedd B2726) (tudalen 145)
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 145
lu tlie passage quoted above, § 14, from Tnjsorfa Chnyhodaeth, 1770, i’w eu
gilydd, i’w eu dwylaw, are mentioned. In Cadioedigaeth yr laith Gijmraeg,
Bala, 1808 (according to the Brit. Mus. Catalogue by Dr. Owen Pughe), on p.
26 are given: poss. ei, Yenedot. i; i’w, iddei, “ ac arferid wy yn fynych
gynt”, h. e. i’wy. Also in Y Traeth., iii, p. 14, and in D. S. Evans,
Llythyriaeth, i’w ei, i’w eu, are given as forms to be avoided !
[64.] V. Iddy, iddei — iddeu. These forms are said to be peculiar to the
Gwentian dialect; they are of frequent occurrence in Gwentian texts since the
16th century. Of older examples, if Liber Landav. be excepted (on which see
below), I am only aware of a few in the Dimetian MS., Tit. D. 22; cf. pobun
yth ygilyth, f. 9a; ac yny rodi yn hoU iach id y vam (B. Dewi S.), f. 150«.
In Sal., N. T, yddy is often given in the margin, but in Huet’s Giueledigaeth
Icuan it is ordinarily iu the text.
Cf. y ew duy ehun (yddy), f. 13a; a ‘hi ei ducy ‘w mam (yddy), f. 23a; yw
(yddy) vrawt, f. 289«, etc. Huet: yw ddangos yddy wasnaethwyr, f. 373«; yddy
wasnaethwr, yddy (yw) lle, f. 387a; yddy (yw) wasnaethwyr y proff wydi, f.
384Í;, etc. Y Drijdi Christ., 1585: ny bythont yn perthyn idd eu gwlad nhwy
(printed nhyw); ynhwy a roesont . . . y groes idhy dwyn ir . . . lle, f. 31a;
a roesont idho idh ei yfed, f. 315, etc. Addit. MS. 14,921, 16th cent. fJohn
Maundeinlle’s Travels), Gwentian dialect (see my Beitr., p. 83): yddy
chyssany, f. 4b; yddy fwytta ac yddy loski, f. lOa; yddy gweddie, f. lOa;
yddy bwyta, f. 11«; yddy ben y hyn, f. 14?); yddy chwâer, f. 23a; yddy ddistiblon,
f. 24a, etc. (yw gladdy, f. dOò; yw pene, yw gilidd, etc). Medcl. Mijddjai: a
dyro r claf iddei yfed, p. 92; dyro ‘r plentyn iddei yfed, pp. 99, 100, etc.
Bardd., iddei galw hi, i, p. 10; pp. 14, 54, 94, 122, etc. March. Crwydr.
(ed. D. S. Evans): idd eu delw hwynteu, p. 7; idd ei fam, p. 150; yn nessaf
ydd y croen hoeth, p. 257 (= y ‘r, see below; hoeth for noeth is S.W.). Cann
ij C., 1672: idd i weison, p. 121; idd i eglwys, p. 291; idd eu plant, p. 294;
St. Hughes: idd i bwytta, etc.
J. D. Rhys, Gramni., see § 59; Davies, Gramm., p. 173 (ed. 1809) i’w = Dimet.
idd ei, eu (also Richards^G’raHíw., 1753, p. 58); Pughe,
VOL. VIII. L
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(delwedd B2727) (tudalen 146)
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146 OBSERYA^IONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS.
in Coxe’s Monmouthsh., 1801: Gwent. iddei ben =Veuedot. i ‘w ben; Hughes,
1822: S.W. aeth iddei dy; Dosp. Edeyrn, § 1260: Gwent. and Diraetian iddei;
in the dialectal list, however, it is only said to be Gwentian. Cf. also Y
Traeth., iii, p. 14.
In modern dialects: iddi fam, iddi mham (Aberdare; mhisS.W.). Iddei, iddeu is
always used by lolo Morganwg in Y Cymmr., iv, pp. 101-5 (Glamorgansh.); beth
sydd genych chi iddu wed (= i’w ddywedyd) yn awr (Llaüelli); idd i hercyd nhw
shatre (Y Bedyddiwr, viii, p. 108, from ISIonmouthsh.; shatre = tu ag atref;
hercyd is S,W.), etc.
An accurate delimitation of the parts of Soiitli Wales in which iddei is
used, would be of great interest for the locahsation of many manuscripts,
etc.
[65.] Iddei for i’w caused, in the South Welsh modern language, i with the
article (i’r) to be supplantèd by idd y, idd- being abstracted from idd-ei.
In Traetìiawd ar laum-
lythyreniad yr iaith Gymmracg, gan John Jones
(Ehydychen, 1830, 8°), idd and odd are said to be regularly used in the S. W.
vulgar language before the article: awn idd y tŷ, for i’r ty or i y ty
(this latter form is only a construction of the author). D. S. Evans,
Llythyraeth, mentions odd ei, odd eich, odd eu, for o’i, o’ch, o’u; and
iddei, iddeu, iddein, iddeich, iddy, for ì’vf, i’n, i’ch, i’r. Eowlands,
Gramm., ^. 118: ydd y tŷ, odd eu tai. These forms really occur in the
literary language of South Welsh periodicals: cf. Seren Gomer (Swansea, 1830),
p. 80: gyda phob parch idd eich gohebydd; xxiii, p. iv (written by the
editor): idd ein gohebwyr; vol. v, p. 364 (1822): neu cyfieithiad W. S. ac y
Dr. M. odd y Bibl Cymreig; ib. Dr. Pughe is said to write always idd yr; vol.
xxvi, p. 271 (1843): some write am beth ag oedd yn bodoli, for am b. oedd yn
b., odd y tŷ, odd ei ben, idd y dwfr, etc.; Y Bedyddiwr (Cardiff), 1851,
p. 10: ac a adroddodd yr achos oddei ofwyad. These forms are not difficult of
explanation. Iddei, iddeu, was separated into idd- and the poss. ei, hence
idd with other possess. pronouns and with the article (idd ein, eich, y).
Oddei, of course, follows iddei, as the full form of
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(delwedd B2728) (tudalen 147)
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 147
the preposition is oc. Odd- in oddei was eitlier wrongly abstracted from oddiwrth,
oddiallan, etc. (: iwrth), or — and this is more probable — oc ei was
transformed into odd ei after the model of idd ei, by reason of the meanings
of the two prepositions (to and from) being strictly opposed to each other.
Such contrast of meaning very often contributes to the mutual assimilation of
two words or forms; a large number of examples of this kind of analogy were
collected by Brugmann in his article on èví, iv, etç (Berichte der Sächs.
Ges. der Wiss., 1883, pp. 181-195). Irish examples are sósar — sinser, tess —
túaid, etc. (see Stokes in Bezzenberger’s Beitr., ix, p. 92); cf. “Welsh
asswy and asseu — deheu.
[66.] In Lihcr Landavensis some instances of iddy seem to occur. This is not
surprising, as the probable explanation of iddy, iddei, requires the
assumption of the existence of the initial d of the preposition, which is
indeed sometimes kept in L. Landav., a Gwentian text. I shoidd put fuU.
confìdence iu these forms, if this text were more carefuUy edited and from
the original manuscript, still in existence. In the great charter on pp. 113,
114: ac idythir hac idi dair (of eccluys Teliau). In the same charter:
har-mefyl har sarhayt, etc, a guneel brennhin Morcanhuc hay gur hay guas (and
his — ) dy escop Teliau hac dy gur (to his — ) hac dy guas (to his — ); ha
diguadef braut diam y cam a diconher dy escop Teliau ha dy (to his) gur ha dy
guas. If these dy, “ to his”, are to be relied upon, they are forms of very
great importance, and, as far as I know, unique.
[67.] So we find o’e (o’i), i’w, o’e y, i’w y (i’w ei), y ei, eu, iddy
(iddei), and perhaps dy, used to express “ to his, her, their.” In the
foUowing paragi-aph I will outline some guesses on the connection of these
apparently disparate forms. The chief difíìculty is the form of tlie poss.
pronoun. *Do-í becomes *di (cf. Corn. dy, Bret. de, and probably Welsh dy in
L. Landav.). To this, at the time when the initial d
l2
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(delwedd B2729) (tudalen 148)
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148 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS.
stiU existed, at least in sorne positions (sandhi), as in L. Land., di was
prefixed, giving di-dy, i-dy, later iddy, and, later, iu the accented form of
the poss. pronoun, iddei, iddeu. Cf. Ir. chucmn, chucutj etc.? Dó-ei, do-i,
gave o’ei, o’e, o’i, which existed till the 16th century, if not later. The
reasou of its disappearance is probably the exclusive use of o’i, o’e, for “
from his”, after oc (oc ei) fell out of use in North Wales. In South Wales iddei
prevailed, and oddei for oc ei followed its analogy. The explanation of i’w
offers by far the greatest difíìculties. Rhŷs, Revue Celt., vi, p. 57 cí
seq., explained bwy in bwy gilydd, etc. (or mor bwy gilydd, etc, often in
Middle Welsh texts), from po-i (i being the poss. pronoun). The colloquial
form is bw. Inthe Book of Tal., Skene, pp. 138, 154: y ren róy digonsei, r6y
digones; r6y goreu, p. 158; n6y kymr6y, p. 147; rwy golles, Myv. ÄrcJi., ^p.
160a {Cynddelw), etc; cf. Ehŷs, Revue Celt., vi, p. 50 et seq.: rwy-,
nwy-, are rho-, no-, and the infixed poss. pronoun i. The conditions of
accent, etc, under which in pwy, rwy-, nwy- wy, sprang from *oi are not known
to me; but these examples enable me to assume *do-i (tohis) becoming under
certain circumstances *dwy, *wy {d lost). There exists ry6goreu, B. of Herg.,
Skene, p. 233, confirmed by Rhŷs, l. c. If this form is to be trusted,
and if others similar to it exist, it would be possible to assume yw (written
y’w) to come from *wy (do-i). But I prefer the following explanation: the
loss of the initial d is certainly due to the influence of the different
final sounds of previous words and their greater or lesser syntactic
connection with *do. If, therefore, di exists in so late a MS. as L. Landav.,
this is no argument against assuming a much earlier loss of d in this
preposition in certain positions. To this *wy, as in i-dy *dy, y was
prefixed, giving *dy\vy, *yẁy. The usual forms, y’w, i’w, are to be
explained Like bw from bwy, -ws (3rd pers. sing. of the s. pret.) from -wys.
By the way, I think this South Welsh -wys to be formed after the analogy
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(delwedd B2730) (tudalen 149)
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOÜNS. 149
of -wyt (part. pret. pass.), since -as -es -is, and -at -et -it (-wyt)
coincided in vowel. -Wyt itself is not clear at all; it seems to be a wrong
abstraction from ttie part. pret. pass. of the verb substantive, containing,
besides the sufíìx, a part of the stem of the verb. The question now rises as
to oe y, yw y, and i’w ei. It is a very seductive supposition, to take y w y
in MS. Cleo]}. B. 5 (see § 62), for the y-wy which I thought to be the source
of y’w, like -wys, so often written besides -ws. Is the modern i’w, ei, eu
the successor of an older i’w-y, like iddei, iddeu, and the older iddy? Or
was i^v too obscure, and ei, eu reintroduced to enforce the possessive
meaning? And is this perhaps also the case with yw y in Gleop. B. 5? Oe y
almost points in this direction, if it is to be relied upon at all, of which
I am not whoUy convinced. I am not able to decide this question, but this
does not tend to disprove the other assumptions. In conclusiou, I would draw
attention to py (or mor by gilydd), occurring besides pwy (bwy, bw); bwy (bw):
by, correspond exactly to *wy (y’w y, yV): dy .(Z. Land., Corn., Bret.; i-dy
in South Wales).
As to the explanation of i’w by Rhŷs, Bev. Celt, vi, if it is to be
preferred to that proposed above, I would rather explain the V in the poss.
3rd pers. sing. by an analogical transfer from the teu (*tevos) of the 2nd
pers. sing., as was the case with meu (Ist sing.), and Ir. mo (see Kuhn’s
Zeitschrift, xxvii, p. 401, note 1).
D. — ThE PtELATIYE PrONOÜNS. [C8.] The
“relative” pronoun a in its double function as simple relative and as so-called verbal
particle (in construc tions where its original demonstrative sense has faded
away — see Zimmer, Kelt. Studien, ii,
p. 59) is supplanted by y in South
Welsh, niore especially Gwentian texts, sincethe 16th
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(delwedd B2731) (tudalen 150)
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150 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PEONOUNS.
century — at least, I am not aware of any earlier instances. As to the
explanation, see perliaps Eliŷs, Ledures, ^p. 147. Y, saicl to be the
form of the oblique cases of a, has exceeded its proper domain of use; the
reasons and the history of this analooical transírression are obscure to me.
Cf. Llìjfr Gweddi Gyffredin, 1586, pref.: “ a being relative or a Yoyce
expletive for y, not used to them of South Wales”; and “ y being rel. or a
kind of exp]. for a, vnto the North Welsh readers.” J. D. Rhys, Gramm.: mi a
garabh, peth a gaffer, and mi y g., p. y g. Davies, Gramm., p. 182 (1809):
Dimetian mi y garaf (also in Eichards, Gramm., 1753, p. 60). Williams, in
Dosp. Edeyrn, § 823 and § 1116: Dimet. y for a (probably meant to denote
South Wales in general, as always in Davies), and in tbe dialectal lists:
Gwentian mi y garaf .
[G9.] Sal., N. Test., uses y very often for a; c.g., pa beth y dderbyneist ac
y glyweist; — am y pethe y ddywedesit yddynt can y bugelydd, f. 83&; ir
apostolon y ddetholesei ef, f. 170a; y gwyr y ddodesoch yn carchar, f.
177&; am y pethae hyn y ddywedwn, f. 178a; yno y gesodesont (yd
anvonesont) wyr y ddywedent; ni y (== ei) clywsam ef yn llavaru . . . ., f.
179«; etc. In Huet’s Gweledigacth leuan it occurs even more frequently. Cf.
yr hon (sc. gweledigaeth) y rroedd dyw yddo ef yw ddangos yddy wasnaethwyr
yrrein y orvydd yn vyan ddyfod y ben; ac y ddaugosoedd gan y angel yddy
wasnaethwr loan (ac ef y ddanvonoedd); yr hwn y dystolaethoedd o eir dyw ac o
dyst. I. Chr. . . . ac pob peth ar y weloedd ef, f. 373«; ac ef y ddayth ac y
gymerth y llyfr, f. 379«; a’ phwy y ddychyn sefyll, f. 380Ô; (= a phwy a
ddichon sefyll, ed, 1873); happys ywr neb y ddarlleyo ar rrei y wrandawant
geyryey y bryffydolaeth hon, f. 373è, etc. —
Also frequent in Addit. MS. 14,921, 16th cent. {John Maundevüle’s Traveîs,
Gwentian dialect); Addit. MS. 15,038, f. 7Sb: am y wneythoclii ero = Addit.
MS. 14,973: am a wnaethochi erof; Lìyfr Achau (Breconshire, 1002), Edward
Kaer yn Arfon Yr Ayle y Bryudes
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(delwedd B2732) (tudalen 151)
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OIJSERYATIONS ON THE WELSII PRONOUNS. 151
Elsbed, ii, p. 11: ar wraig hono y fyssai yn bricd a — , p. 39; Tydwal . . .
y fraethwyd yn y glyn . . ., p. 16, etc; Addit. MS. 14,973 (Rees Prichards,
Poems, 1640): am bob gweithred ddrwg y wnelom ar gair ag y ddwettom, f. 102b;
‘r maint y wueitho y, f. 65«, etc; Caìui. ofer y Cymry, 1672: mae yn vfFern
fil o filiodd— o wyr Ifaingc y bwrpassodd (a fwriadodd) — yn eu henaint brudd
difaru— heb gael arfod wneuthur felly, p. 108; tâl yn gywir am y gefaist, p.
173; a hyw ‘n ôl y wers y ddyscont, p. 229; cynta peth y wuel dy ddwylo, p.
264, etc (see pp. 234, 261, 321, etc). In some of the manuscripts used in the
critical edition of three of lorwerth Yynglwyd’s poems (in Y Cymmr., vol.
vii), p. 185 (er a wnelom): B. 10, y nelon; (i alw a wnaid o lynn nedd): R, i
naid; B 10, p. 187, Uyma gowydd y wnaeth I. V., p. 187 (pa vn a ofyn pa nwyf):
B 10, y ofyn; p. 191 (a ddvg, relat.): R, i ddvg, L, y ddyg; (S 1 a helm a
ddwg haul): L, helem ü ddwg hael; p. 193 (düw a ddowad): L, ü ddwad; L, er
edn ü elwir üdwyf, etc.
E. — The Demonstratiye Pronouns.
[70.] Hyn, liynny, are said to be used in South Wales for masc. and fem.
both. See Davies, Gramm. (Zeuss, ^p. 394), Y Traeth., iii, p. 10; WiUiams,
Dosp. M., § 1274. In Addit. MS. 14,921 (16th century, Gwent.), yr hwn (rwn)
is used at the beginning of a relative sentence for sing. and plur. Cf. yr apokalyps
yr hwn sydd yny bibyl, f. 3a; yr syttai .... yr hwn sydd . . . ., f. 3a; or
hoU ilonds yr hwn oedd yddi hi, f. 4&; a ffob reliks rwn oedd, f. 21rt; y
llethyr[e] yr hwn, f. 47rt; llawer o ilonde a thiroedd . . . . yr hw fydde
ryhir draythy o hanynt, î. 48«. Also hwnnw: y tirredd hwnw, f. 13«.
[71.] Hwna, hona, are of frequent occurrence in the modern language. They are
formed after the model of yna, Hwno also occurs, but very seldom. Cf. Sal.,
JSÍ. Test., hwnaw (pron. hwno, as he writes also ynow, o ddynow, f. 4a, 98a,
104«, etc), f . 7«, 40, etc.
[72.] These pronouns are variously altered, if they are used as proclitics or
enclitics. Gweithian, noson, rŵan, are the results of gweith — hon, nos
— hon, yr-awr — hon. Cf. gweithon,
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152 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PEONOUNS.
nunc, Zeuss, ^p. 618; gweithon and gweithian, Spurrell’s Didionary (now).
Jwas most probably introduced from the plur. gweithiau, after the fact of
gweithon, gweithan being a compound of gweith and hon had been forgotten.
Noson, f. night time, certain night, one night, Sp., Dict
[73.] Yrŵan, rŵan, existed as early as in W. Salesbury’s time, who
writes {N. Test.) yrwan, f. 352a. Thereí’ore all other orthographies,
apparently intermediate forms in Salesbury’s N. Test. and in some later
manuscripts, are forms of no real existence, tending to reconcile in
-wrriting the spoken rwan and the literary yr awr honn. It is, however, of
interest to record them, as they clearly show how little in many instances
apparently genuine and phonetic spellings in later manuscripts can be relied
upon.
Cf . Sal., N. Test.: yn yr awr honrio, yr awr hon (ynawr; this is S.W.), f.
590; yr awrhon, f. ba; yr owrhon, f. 159a; ac owrhon hefyt, f. 325Ò; yr owron
(Huet), yr owhon, £f. 235a, 239«; yr owon (nawr), ff. 107«!, 167ò, 175a;
ynawr (yrowan), f. 103&; yrwau, f. 352a; Gr. Roberts, Athr. Gr.: yrowron,
pref.; Y Drycli Christ.., yr owran, f. A2. Addit. MS. 14,986 (16th cent.): yn
rawr hon, f. 20«; yr awr hon, yr owron, ff. 20Z^, 35a; yrowan, ff. 1-íh, 30«,
32ò; yr wan, f. 29a. In this text, a religious drama, on which see my Beitr.,
p. 19, 5, the metre (verses of seven syllables) helps to establish the
original (S. W.) text, cf. f. 27a: yr ywan wrth orchymyn vynhad i — Iddwy vi
yr ywan yn kodi, where ‘nawr for the bisyllabic rŵan mnst be read. In
other mauuscripts of this text: Addit. MS. 14,898, f. 70&, rowran; Addit.
MS. 15,038, f. 62b, yr owau = rwau in 14,973 (yr owan, f. 5«), etc. E. Lhuyd gives N. W. yrŵan, S. W.
ynawr. All other sources tend to confirm this. In Scì-en Cpnrn, i, p. 192, a “
Northman” is laughed at on account of liis rŵan. [74.] Hynny is an enclitic after
prepositions, etc, and after y rhei,
and is much shortened and altered in the col loquial language. Cf. Sercn
Cymru: am ‘ny, iii, p. 224; fel ‘ny,
iii, p. 186 (i6., fel ‘ma, iii, p. 227; fel ‘na, i, p. 162; y siop dma, Seren Gomer, xxxvi, p. 37); Yr. Arw.,
erbyn hni, 17, 7, 56, etc.
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 153
[75.] J. D. Tdìỳs^Gramm., gives for the literaiy y rhei liynny (aud
hyn): yr hain, ‘rhain, yr heinei (?), yr heini, yr heiny, yr hai, ‘rhai, ‘rheieu
(five times); o’r hai, o’r r’hai, o’r r’heieu. Davies, Gramm.: yr rhai ‘ny,
rhei ‘ni; this was wrongly separated yr — heini, hence “ heini barbare”; cf.
yngaser i (razor, Powel, Dimctian Loanwords, p. 29, etc.; ogla = arhoglau,
rhoglau, Sweet, p. 431, etc). Gambold, Gramm., p. 94: rhei ‘ni, rhei ‘ny,
rhai ‘n. Sweet, Spokcn North IV., p. 442: rhgin, rheiny, rhaina.
Cf. Sal., N. T.: yr ei, f. 171 />; y ‘rhe ‘ini, f. llla; Huet: y rrcin, f.
385«; yr rein, f. 382a. Athr. Grist.: yr heini, p. 33. Addit. ÄIS. 14,921
(16th cent., Gwent. dialect): râi, f. bbh; yrhai, f. 13i; yrahai, ff. 106,
42è; ar hai, f. 42/* (and), arhâi, f. 596; or râi hyny, f. 29ö!; sef oedd
raiui, ff. 40«, bba; y rainì. f. o^a; ac ar yrhaini, f . bba; ar raini, f. 39ẃ;
ar haini, ff. 36a, 366, bba; arahini, f. blb; arâhini, f . bbh; arhin oU, f .
9a (and). Addit. MS. 14,986 (16th cent.): yrheini, f. 126; barna hyrein i, f.
156.
[76.] In the colloquial lahguage y rhai hyny is also used after substantives,
instead of hyny alone. Y dyddiau rhain, y munudau rhain, are quoted in Scrcn
Gomcr, 1818, p. 328; y geiriau rhai ‘n, Y Beirniad, iii (1862), p. 344. Cf.
Rowland, Gramm., *p. 51; Cah. fcvj. Tomos, y briwars (Eng. brewers), rheini,
etc.
[77.] Demonstrative pronouns are proclitics before some local adverbs: nacw =
hwn acw (Sweet, p. 442), nwne = hwnw ene iu Merionethshire. Cf. Cah. fcio.
Tomos, dwi’n meddwl y try nwne allan yn dderyn go dda, p. %Q (“troi allan”,
to turn out); neno fy nain, Holyhead {Punch Cymracg, No. 3, p. 3) = hon —
eno. Cf. ene, Cah.fcw. T., pp. 18, 47; dene, pp. 7, 9, 345, etc. The
counterparts of uacw, etc, are wnco, onco, ynco = hwn (y)co, hon (y)co, caused
by the different position of the accent (hynco, D. S. Evans, Lhjthyr.,
index). Wnco, onco. are said to be S. W. (D. S. Evans),
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(delwedd B2735) (tudalen 154)
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154 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS.
r. — The Interrogatiye and Indefinite Pronouns.
[78.] Pwy (cf. poebennac, MS. A. (Yenedot. Code), p. 41; puebennac, p. 42) is
used in certain texts to denote things as well. In the BooJc of Herg. it
relates to collective nouns, comprising a number of persons; e.g., col. 562,
p6y y vydin burwenn racco; col. 763, y wybot p6y y niuer racco; but also col.
558, dywedy di ynni p6y dy lyssen6. Pwy is used almost exclusively (and pa
given in the margin by the editor) in Gann. y Gijmrij, 1672; cf. pwy ddaioni,
p. 254; pwy faint (pa), p. 256 j pwy Uês (pa), pwy bethau (pa), p. 292; pwy
wlad, p. 362; o bwy le ei ceisiwn (pa), p. 373; etc.
[79.] Pwy un, py un, become pwy’n, py’n. Cf. pwy’n yw hwn, a — Sal., N. T.,
f. 95«; pwy’n a pha ryw wreic yw hon, f. 946; pwy’n pynac a ddaw, f. 92&.
Lewis Morris, Addit. MS. 14,944, f. 138Ò, quotes from John ap Howel: Bun
bengall bwynbynnag oedd; notice the cynghanedd. Addit. MS. 14,913, f. 58&:
pyn a vo y klwỳ, aý — aỳ — . In the Booh of Hcrg. occurs pun: pun
wyt, col. 680 (pa un). *
[80.] Pa and py, in pa achaws, pa ryw, etc, are used apparently
indiscriminately in a number of old texts. Both often occur close together. A
special investigation of Middle Welsh manuscripts is needed with regard to
this question. I wiU only note that in some parts of the Mab., larllcs y
ffynn., Per. ah Efr., and K. ac Olwen, py is extraordinarily frequent,
totally outweighing pa.
Cf. col. 637-652: py weidi y6 li6nn, py diaspedein yó h6nn, py dr6c y6 hynny,
py der6 itti, gofyn . . . py beth a holynt, etc, at least 10 times; col.
661-702: y wybot py gyfranc y6 yr eida6 ef, py gybellet odyma y6 y cruc, etc,
5 times; col. 811-814: py liuy di, py dr6c yssyd arnat ti, py ystyr, py hyt
bynnac; and col. 831-837, 5 times, etc.
[81.] Paham, — Zeuss, -p. 399 (pa-am), — becomes pam; p(a)ham, p(h)am being
the intermediate forms, as the fol-
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(delwedd B2736) (tudalen 155)
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OBSERYATIONS ON TIIE WELSH PEONOUNS. 155
lowing similar facts tend to sliow. Pabar (A., Yenedot. Code: pa har emae
macht ae ar pelit mauur ay ar peth beccan, p. 56; pa/íar emae ebridiu ef ae
ar pedeirarugein ae ar keuiauc, p. 64) = pa ar as pa am; pyr seems to be
pa-yr, cf. gvae vi pir wuuf ar di kivuolv, B. of Carm., Skene, p. 4.3; guae
ti din hewid, pir doduid imbid, il).; guae uinheu pir deuthoste imgotev, No.
6; pyr na threthóch traethaöt, B. of Tal, No. 7.
[82.] Pa han: o ba han y daw ffydd, Sal. N. Test., f. 234« (whence). I
suppose han to be identical with han- in han- fod, and both to be = ahan,
ohon, the preposition oc with the obscure -*son- (see above, § 41). Whether
this -son- be of pronominal origin or not, at any rate ohon- is pre-Cymric,
and the alteration of *cs into h and the use of ohon- with suffìxed pers.
pronouns necessarily destroyed the perception of its origin, and it was
treated like an independent preposition. Theloss of the unaccented o is not
irregular; cf. mae, nachaf, moes(?), gwneuthur, etc. This assumption will
probably be strongly supported by a form in the oldest Yenedotian MS. A., if
there be no error or misprint: pa hon emenno dystrihu etestion, p. 77 = bahan
in MS. J., py ford in MS. D.
[83.] Pan (whence) is used in Middle Welsh texts in a peculiar manner at the
commencement of an afíìrmative sentence, after it has been used regularly in
a preceding direct or indirect interrogative sentence. Cf ba hid ei dý a phan
doit. Ban deuaw o caer Seon, B. of Carm., Skene, No. 35; B. of Hcrg., col.
886: a govyn ida6 o pa le pan hanoed; panhanóyf i o ífreink (Bown o Hawtwn);
col. 612: o ba le pann dathoed. ac o freinc panóyf; col. 661: pa le pan deuy
di; pan deuaf o Iys arthur; py le pan doei; pan deuaf o . . . . col. 665,
etc.; Ll. Gw. Rhydd: . . . . o ba le pan dathoed; ac o ffranc pan wyf, p. 8;
cf. pp. 124, 132, 142, 144, etc. This construction invoIves a kind of
attraction, as it is called in classical grammar. It is impossible, on
account of Ir. can (whence),
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(delwedd B2737) (tudalen 156)
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156 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PEONOUNS.
to explain pau in o ba le pan as pa — han, like pam, etc, thongh all other
circumstances are apparently in favour of this.
[84] Pawedd becomes in the colloquial language pwedd, bwedd; cf. bwedd y
gallsei, Cann. y Cymry, 1672, p. 325. This illustrates the origin of pam from
paham, and shows that pôdd from pa fodd went through the intermediate form of
*pfodd; cf. p’odd, Sal., N. Test. (I have lost the reference to the f.);
pôdd, J. D. Pthŷs, Gramm., p. 128; bodd y chwi = pa fodd a ydych chwi
(Hughes, Än Essay on . . . the Welsh Language, 1822, p. 30, from South
Wales). Another example of an / apparently lost between vowels, but really
dropped to facilitate the pronunciation, after a consonant (cf, tf, pf), is
dôd, from dyfod by the medium of *dfod. *Dfod was dialectally altered in
another manner: dwad; the awkward collocation df being thus avoided also. Cf.
also cyfodi, codi, and cwad, like dwad, from *cfod. Dwad occurs in Y Drych
Christ., f. B 16, Cann. y C, p. 61, Williams Pant y Celyn, Yr Arweinydd,
Cahanfeiü. Tomos, etc. On cwad, cf. Addit. MS. 15,038, f. 606: kwad i vyny =
14,973 (the same text), cwad i fynu; 15,059, f. 223«. On w from/, cf.
sgwarnog = ysgyfarnog, sgweny = ysgrifenu, cwarfod = cyfarfod, etc, in
ISTorth Welsh dialects.
[85.] Pynnag in pwybynnag is a most interesfcing word, common to Welsh,
Cornish, and Breton. There exists a Welsh dialectal form, cynnag, which is
extremely seldom met with. I wiU first illustrate the forms and usage of
pynnag by a few examples.
Cf. pa uacht panaac a vrthego, Yenedot. MS. A.^ see Zeuss, ^p. 400; L.
{Dimet. Code), p. 198, póybaunac; S. (Addit. MS. 22,356), P6y bynaac syrhao y
gilyd 6erin y pedeir gólad hyun . . . taled pedeir bu, etc, f. 104«. These
are the only examples I know of jmuaac.
Tit. Jy. 2 = B. { Yenedot. Code): a phóebeunac, f . ha {ib., enteu, heunỳ);
Harl. 958= 2’.; p6y bỳnhac hagen ný boida6 etiued o gorff, f. 49ü!;
kauýs ỳmpeth bÿuhac ý bo breint ýu yr vn rỳ6, f. 25a; B. of
Herg.: a ph6y varcha6c bynhac a vynuei bot — , py beth bynhac ar y fei o
nerth yno (col. 175, 178); Addit. MS. 19,709:
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(delwedd B2738) (tudalen 157)
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OBSERVATI0KS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 157
py dió bynac y bo haelder anianaól —; Ll. Giv. Rhydd.: a pby gyhyt bynnac, p.
195; pa gyhyt bynnac, p. 173.
Sal., N. Test.: a phwy pynac a’r ny’s derbyn chwi, f. 15a; a’nd ( =• ond)
pynac a dyngo i’r offrwrn — , a pha tuy pynac ydd eloch iddo, f. 97a; am yr
holl pethae bynac a’r a roddeist imi, f. 161a; y sawl bynac na does ganthynt
y ddusc hon, f. 376« (Huet). Addit. MS. 14,986: pwy bynac ag a ddysgo y
kylandyr hwnn, f. Sb; Bardd., i, p. 334: bynnacryw o beth y bo hynny. [86.] The modern forms, which I am about to
record, require an explanation in two
particulars: bynna occurs besides
bynnag, and bennag, benna, are found in South Welsh dialects.
Cf. Cann. y Cymry, 1672: i beth bynnag fo duw ‘n ddanfon, p. 206; and
crêd beth bynna ddweto ‘r ffeiriad, p. 404; pwy bynna fytho, p. 238; ple
bynna’r elwyf, p. 324; pwy bynna geisio maddeu, p. 82, etc. Addit. MS. 14,973
(1640, S. W.): beth binnag; E. Lhuyd, Arch. Brit., pref.: pwy binnag; but
Seren Cymru (Dimet. dialect): beth bena’, iii, pp. 5, 45, etc.; pwy bena’,
iii, p. 186; beth benna (Aberdare), etc.; Medd. Myddf.: pwy achos benna ag y
bo, § 324; pwy benna gaffo, § 187, etc,
As I think the -ac in pwybynnac (Old Welsh papedpinnac, patupinnac, Marc.
Cap.) to be the preposition oc (ac, o, a), the occurrence of pwybynna is in
no way surprising. Pwy- bynn- ac a is “ whosoever of (these) who”; cf the
common use of oc a, ag a, o’r a,a’r a. In the Southern dialects the y in the
penultima, etc, is pronounced rather as i (see my Bcitr., § 64-74); and so
pinnag is regularly written. But pennag, penna, is rather more common, and
must be compared with pethewnos (and perhaps pesawl) in the same dialects. I
cannot explain these anomalies.
[87.] In my Bcitr., pp. 78, 79, I gave all the instanccs that I know of
cynnag. This is the only form (occurring nine times) used in the Gwentian MS.
14.921 {John Maundevilles Trarels). Cf pwy gynac elo, f. 8ò; ac phwyby gynnâg
a ddarffe — f. 11&; ac pwy wr kynâ ac ele — pa gynâ pwy glefyd y fai arno
— í. Tlh; pagynâ fo ‘n kydnâbo — i. 36a; a ffa ârcli
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(delwedd B2739) (tudalen 158)
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158 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS.
pwy gyiiâ fyno (= ofyno) yddi, f. 49a; a fíetli bygynâc y dynese o hano, f.
50a; a cliynâ pwy yfo, î. 59a; pa gyna pa yfo, f. 596 (tlie fuller context is
printed l. c.) The two bygynac are of course clerical errors, which show the
tendency of the transcriber to use the dialectal form.^ I never met with
cynnag in any other text; but Davies, Dictionary, has: pwybynnag, etc, et
dicunt demetice Gynnag pwy, gynnag pa beth (he never separates the Dimetian
from the Gwentian dialect). The same is to be found in Eichards’ Dict.
(1753), and Spurrell too has: cynag, adv. soever.
[88.] The Cornish penag and the Bretonpennac show that pynnac (panaac, pynaac?)
is a pre-Cymric form. If -ac is separated (see § 86), the remaining *pan
(pana-?), *pyn, is evidently identical with Sanskr. cana (in kaçcana) and hun
in Got. hvashun (Skr. ni kaçcana = Got. ni hvashun). Cana contains ca, Gr. re
(hence c from k), and the negative na. The Gothic -hun is the unaccented
form, as un, the Gothic representative of unaccented *en (nasalis sonans),
shows. In the modern German irgend the accented form is preserved. (Middle
High Germ. iergen, from io wergin, êo hwergin; hwargin, hwergin, “ anywhere”,
ags. hvergen = the local adverb hvar (Gothic), (Lithuan. kur) -h gén, g
according to Verner’s law.) In the Brythonic languages pana- is exactly the
Gothic hun, an being the equivalent of Gothic un, the nasalis sonans (cf.
cant, dant, etc). Py- in *py — na-, pyn-, Corn. and Bret. penn-, originated
independently in each of the three languages by the shifting of the accent to
the closely adjacent -óc a, -ác a (as li in the frequent Middle Welsh pynhac,
as h in the conjunctives — mynho — and in the comparatives, etc, shows); cf
the preposition am- ym-, etc
[89.] As to cynnag, I cannot explain it. Until more details are available as
to its area of prevalence, and perhaps as to alterations of other pronouns in
the respective local dialects,
1 I now hold by- to be rather py of py-gynnac, pa-gynnac [4, 7, 87].
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(delwedd B2740) (tudalen 159)
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 159
it is equally easy and unconyincing to assume merely an assimilation of the
consonants (cynnac like gangos for dangos?), or a corruption of pwy bynn —
aca and pwy aca into pwy g-ynnac a, or to connect c with cw, cwdd {B. of
Tal., Skene, pp. 127, 145, 146, etc), on which see Ehŷs, Bev. Celt., vi,
p. 57, seq. Cf. also Ascoli, Sprachwiss. Briefe, 1887, p. 165, n. 1.
[90.] On pwy, pw, py (from po-i) in pwy gilydd, etc, see Eliŷs, Bemic
Celt., vi, p. 57, scq. A few examples are: or mor pygilyd, Mcib. (Guest),
iii, p. 265; or mor bwygilid, Ll. Gvj. Bhydd., p. 21; kyut bwy kynt (sooner
or later), p. 82; or mor pwỳ ỳ gilyd, Cleop. B. 5, f. 9Sa (cf. yw
y?, § 62); bygylydd, Sal, N. Test., f. 395; or iaith bigilidd, Gr. Eoberts,
Gramm., p. 106; cf. L. Landav.: or carn dicilid, p. 183; Addit. MS. 19,709:
or mor y gilyd, f. 14«, etc
[91.] Peun-, and by a wrong separation peu-, was abstracted from the old
peunydd, peunoeth (see Zeuss^, 618), and transferred to various other nouns,
denoting “ every”.
Cf. peiinos, Spurrell’s Dictionary; peutu (on each side, on both sides), ib.
A dialectal difference is to be noted here. Y Traeth., iii, p. 13: N. W.
oddeutu = S. W. o beutu. Cf. Medd. MydJfai: o beutu ‘r wialen, p. 106; o
beutu ‘th liniau, § 378; etc.; Seren Cymru .• o beutu, i, p. 272; boutu,
p.449; o boutu, ii, p. 226, iii, p. 306; o boitu, ii, p. 262; iii, p. 104;
Gwent. dialect: boitu (Y Gwladgarwr, Aberdare, 2, 6, 1860), etc,
Beunóeth, B. of Herg., col. 523. lolo Morganwg (Addit. MS. 15,003, f. 94Ò)
gives the foUowing South Welsh forms: beunos, beunydd, beuparth (everywhere,
or in every part), beutu, beugilydd (everyone), beulin (every kind, species,
genus), in which beu- replaces bob-. Cf. beuparth, Mcdd. Myddf, § 439.
[92.] Let me, in conclusion, mention a North Welsh and a Dimetian idiom,
neither of which has as yet been sufíìciently illustrated to permit an
opinion on it to be formed.
Y Traeth., iii, p. 13: N. W. bod ag un, bod y pen = S. W.
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(delwedd B2741) (tudalen 160)
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160 OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOÜNS.
bob un, bob yr un, bob pen, are given; cf. also D. S. Evans, Llythijr.: bod ag
un (= bob un). These forms really occur in popular texts. Cf. Seren Cymru, i,
p. 192: “ Y dyle ni bod y gun fyned y wrando fo”, is said by a native of
Merionethshire, whereupon a Dimetian, mocking him, says: “ Beth yw ystyr ‘
bod y gun’, a ‘ rwan’ “ (see § 73). The same “ Northman” says (i, p. 292): “Bron
bod y gun o’r capeli acw rwan”; and (i, p. 373): “ Yu agos bod y gun.” Yr
Ärweinydd (PwUheli j: ynd ni chyiff pob math o Twy hen flagiard (rhyw,
blackguard, cf. bachgian) ddim loidgin (lodging) yno, ynd mi gan damad bod yg
un hefud, 2, 10, 1856; Y Genedl Gymreig (Caernarvon): Pobol y set ( =
society, cf. Powel, Dimet. Loan Words, N. W. seiat, pl. seiâde = S. W. seiet,
pl. seiëti) fawr ynte oeddan nhw bob yr uu (1885). Bod yr un seems to be a
half dialectal, half literary (bob yr un) f orm; Cdban few. Tomos: mae o’n ‘u
nhabod bod ag un, p. 138.
[93.] The Dimetian peculiarity I wish to draw attention to is the use of w,
which is said to occur at the end of short sentences, questions, or commands,
but is not limited to them; e.g., ble’r ych chi yn mynd w? Dowch yma w ! I
found it in Seren Gymru, ii, p. 105: fachgeu, ble rwyt ti yn mynd, w? It is
unexplained.
May 2, 1887.
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(delwedd B2742) (tudalen 161)
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OBSERYATIONS ON THE WELSH PRONOUNS. 161
NOTES BY PROFESSOR RHYS.
Professor Rhŷs, who has kindly aided in looking through the proofs of
the above paper, has appended the following annotations: —
P. 114, 11. 7, 8. They are only accented on the first syllable in Merioneth,
as far as I know.
P. 114, 1. 16. Eh yr fì, for which one may also hear hebrfi, has the yr
wrongly separated from the rest of the word in mediaeval Welsh, as hebr(fi)
is a survival of the deponent verb, corresponding to the Irish sechur, Latin
sequor, aud used in the sense of “ I reply” or “ I rejoin”. That the supposed
yr is not the definite article is seen from such instances as heb yr Arthur, “says
Arthur”, which should have been written in mediaeval Welsh, hebyr Arthur, and
in modern Welsh, hebr Arthur. Mediaeval Welsh hebyr had the sound of modern
Welsh hebr.
P. 115, 1. 2. Mi: this is used in all the dialects, I believe. It is at any
rate as common in South Wales as in the North. It is also pronounced me, and
it is nothing but fe or fi put into a quasi-radical form,
P. 116, 11. 7, 8, 9. It is also used in South Wales.
P. 153,1. 6 from the bottom. Neno fy nain stands for “yn enw fy naìn, “ in my
grandmother’s name”. The demonstrative in Gwynedd is nwna, fem. nona.
P. 153, last 1. In N. Cardiganshire the forms always are hwnco, fem. honco,
with an h.
P. 160, 1. 2. Bod agun seems to stand for bôb af ûn, or bawb ag ûn, “each and
every”, or more literally, “every and each”.
P. 160, 11. 12, 14. Y sêt fawr is well known to be “the big seat” in which
the elders in a Nonconformist chapel are wont to sit around the pulpit; it
has nothing to do with seiet or seiat.
VOL. VIII.
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