kimkat0374k Lectures on Welsh Philology.
1877. John Rhys (1840-1915).
16-05-2018
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LECTURES ON
WELSH PHILOLOGY. |
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300 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Ogam on the stone now occupying
our attention is to be regarded as making one name Awwiboddib- or Awwi
Boddib-, it must mean ' Nepotis Bodi-bevi.' The only thing which prevents me
from reading the whole thus: Bewwlf] Awwi Boddi-blewwi], " B. nepotis
Bodibevi," is the fact that it is not usual to begin with the right
edge; but that is perhaps not a sufficient reason for not doing so here. This
remarkable stone, then, commemorates either two or three distinct persons,
who are shown, however, to have belonged to the same family by the
name-element bev or bewm. 17. Brecknockshire. — A stone now standing near Sir
Joseph Bailey's residence in Glan Usk Park, near Crickhowel, reads in Ogam: —
' " 1 1 1 /////x I I -n II I II I =- T u rpil... ...1 u n i which may be
restored as meaning Turpilli [maqvi] Trilluni, seeing that the Latin reads
Turpilli Ic Jacit Puveri Triluni Bunocati. 18. A stone preserved in Trallong
Church in the neighbourhood of Brecon reads in Ogam: — Cuuace n n i wi +
+^+H-7T-T^-T^^^^^^-^-++ I 1 w w e to |
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LECTURE VI. 301 The Latin reads: — CVNOCENNI FILIVS CVNOCENI HIC
lACIT, whence it would seem that Cunacennini is a kind of patronymic meaning
C. filius C, and that Ilwmeto is an epithet. The broader end of the stone
hears a cross enclosed, excepting the shaft, in a circle. 19. Glamorganshire.
— On the roadside between Margam and Cynffig stands a stone which reads: —
PYiTPEIVS CARANTORITS. The Ogam begins near the top on the right edge and
reads: — P[o]p e ... which appears to
make Pope; but one cannot go further with any certainty of being right, as
the original number of vowel notches terminating the name cannot now be
determined; but they seem to have been between seven and ten, and it may be
supposed that the name was Popei or Popeu. Both Popei and Punpeius are forms
of the more usual Pompeius, and the explanation of them is to be sought in
Latin, as was pointed out in the previous lecture. The character here guessed
to |
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302 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. mean p has not been met with
elsewhere. The Ogam occupying the length of the right edge is too far gone to
be deciphered; it seems, read downwards, to show the digits standing for — r
— I — sm — qv — II —?z..., which, if read upwards, would make ...c — dd — n —
mc — d — r.,.. On the whole I am inclined to think that all the Ogams formed
one inscription continued round the top of the stone, where now, it is true,
there is no trace of a letter. The stone now stands erect, but it has not
always been so, if I am right in thinking that what is now the top has been
worn smooth by the tread of feet. 20. The Eoman altar at Loughor, the Cas
Llychwr of the "Welsh, and, according to some, the Leucarum of the
Eomans, bears an Ogmic inscription which is, unfortunately, almost entirely
illegible, excepting the last two groups' of digits, which make ic. Various
guesses may be given, the two extremes of which would be Lekuric and
Vehomagic, or, as I would put them, Lehuri C. and Vehomagi C. If the c stood
for a word, the inscription was probably in Latin; but the altar shows no
trace of any other letters than Ogams. 21. Devonshire. — A stone taken from
Fardel, near Ivybridge, and deposited in the British Museum, has on it three
different inscriptions, two in Eoman capitals more or less debased, and |
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LECTURE TI. 303 one in Ogam, to which repeated reference has been
made — it reads upwards on both edges: — nil III! 'I' ll III I I I! mil -
Swaq qvuc i / I mil inn m" mi l n" i ii ii -^ M a qv i Qv i c i The
Koman letters on the face bounded by these edges read: — FANONI MAQVIRINI.
The third inscription is on another face, and consists of the name Sagranui
in letters which are considerably later than the foregoing ones, the r,
especially, being of the early Kymric type and the n formed like an h. 22.
One of the three tombstones at Tavistock was brought thither from a place not
very far off called Buckland Monachorum: it reads in Eoman capitals: —
DOBVNNI FABEI FIl[l?]i ENABARRI. This explains the only portion of the Ogmic
inscription still legible: -rnrr-^n-^ ///// ///// n aba r r 23. Cornwall. — A
stone on Worthyvale farm, in |
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304 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. the neighbourhood of Camelford,
shows traces of an Ogmic inscription ending in 1 1 1 1 1 , i: the preceding
letter is rather doubtful, but it may be an r. The other inscription is in
debased- Eoman capitals with one or two Kymric letters intermixed, especially
s and m: — LATINI 10 lACIT FILIUS MA...ABII, Let us now return to the Ogam
alphabet and try to force it to tell its own history. In one of the Irish
alphabets, which have evidently been based on it, the letters had the
following names, which I copy from O'Donovan's Irish Grammar, p. xxxii.: — B
ieith, the birch. M muin, the vine. 1 luis, the mountain ash. g gort, ivy. f
fearn, the alder. ng ngedal, the reed. s sail, the willow. st or z straif,
the sloe-tree. n nion, the ash. r ruis, the elder. H huath, the hawthorn. A
ailm, the fir-tree. d duir, the oak. o onn, furze. t tinne (unknown). u ur,
heath. c coll, hazel. e eadhadh, the aspen. q queirt, the apple-tree. i
idkadh, the yew. This is the Bethluisnion alphabet, so called from its first
letters: in another the letters are called after Biblical names, of which the
first two are Bobel and Loth, whence it is called the Bobelloth alphabet.
Consider now for a moment the cha- |
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LECTURE VI. 305 racter of the four groups into which Irish
tradition was wont to divide the letters: — i- i II III nil m il 3, 7 // ///
//// m B, 1, w, s, n. M, g, lig, z, r. 2. I II III nil Hill 4. +^- 1 1 1 nil
I W+ Ch, d, t, o, qv. A, o, u, e, i. It is highly improbable that this
grouping can be as old as the alphabet itself; for it is not much of an
attempt to classify the sounds indicated, while it is a classification of the
symbols used. The sort of arrangement which it presupposes was, I conjecture,
the following or some other one nearly resembling it: — I I ' / II 11.,"
// III III ' " / / / UN - a, b, chjin, o, 1, d, g, u, w, t, Dg, e, MM
"" ////m i l m il '"" ///// s, c, z, I, n, qv, r. This
conjecture is, I must tell you in passing, the most important of a good many
which I am going to submit to you in this and the next lecture, and with it
would fall most of my conclusions with respect to , the origin of Ogmic
writing. If this is borne in mind, it will be needless for me to repeat it as
we proceed. ' If you look again at the different kinds of digits, the
question may occur to you, why the long ones are not allowed to cross the
edge of the stone written upon at right angles. Now it is not im- u |
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306 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY, probable that, at one time, tbe
vowels were of the description here suggested and not mere notches.* It is so
at ^ny rate in one class of Irish Ogams, which are not, it is true, attested
by the oldest monuments: still it may be that this peculiarity they show
comes down from much earlier times. In them a would be not + but |, which
would render it necessary to write m -f, and so with the other four. All this
points to the conclusion that the oblique group is of later date than the
other three, and the order last given may be allowed to give way to the
following: — I , 1 II ,11 I II ,,, III nil ,,,, nil ' I " II "I III
I'" III! a, b, ch, o, 1, d, u, w, t, e, s, o, m il Hil l '""
III III nil mil 1, n, qv, m, g, ng, z, r. There are other reasons for supposing
the oblique group merely supplementary to the others: thus /// for ng dates
probably after -f-j; g, and is formed from it by adding a score; but it must
have been settled before ///// was hit upon for r, otherwise nobody would
have thought of representing by means of the most cumbrous symbol in the
alphabet the consonant which of all others is the one most frequently used in
Welsh; and it is hardly otherwise in the case of the other Celtic * It is
right the reader should know that the Ogams for the vowels in this volume are
represented as much longer than, in strict proportion to the consonantal
digits, they should be.^ |
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LECTURE VI. 307 tongues. Hence it follows that ng, z, r, only got
to be written j-j-j-, -j-fjj, ///// by way of addition to, or readjustment of
the alphabet as previously used. Further, as the Ogam in one of the orders it
admits of begins with + («), j (b), which may be treated as the equivalents
in it of aleph, beth, or a, /3, we may go further and assume -'- {ch) to be,
for some reason or other, the Ogmic equivalent of gimmel or y: this is
confirmed by the fact of g appearing as -fj- in the later group, which
suggests the same sort of relation between -•- and jj- as between the Latin
letters C and G. Now, treating +, ■]-, -•-, as the historical
equivalents of aleph, beth, gimmel, the Ogmic alphabet may be said to have coincided
with the Semitic alphabet in its first three letters, excepting that the
Irish grouping does not enable us to decide which of the six sequences — a,
b, ch: a, ch, b: b, a, ch: b, ch, a: ch, a, b: ch, b, a — was the one adopted
in the Ogmic system. Is this coincidence, it may be asked, purely accidental,
or does it tend to prove that the framers of the Ogam were acquainted with
some one or more alphabets of Phoenician origin? The answer to this question
is to be sought in the number of combinations, as mathematicians term it,
which the letters of the Ogam alphabet admit of when taken three and three
together. But as the long group does not appear to have belonged to the |
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308 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. alphabet in its earliest form, we
can only calculate on the remaining fifteen letters. Now the number of
permutations which fifteen letters admit of when taken by threes is 2730,
which, divided by six, gives us the number of combinations as 455; that is,
the chances against the coincidence being accidental are 454 to 1. But, to be
on the safe side, let us discard -LU-Li, qn^ as being possibly a later
addition to complete the scheme. The letters then are fourteen, which, taken
by threes, admit of 364 combinations; and this reduces the chances to 363 to
1. But some writers appear to believe that it is, somehow, natural for
alphabets to begin as the Semitic ones are found to do. Now these last begin
with aleph, a consonant which a European would probably not have honoured
with a place in an alphabet at all. If, however, it is our European a that
nature intended to take the lead, the Shemites failed to obey the promptings
of nature on this point: the same applies with still more force to the Irish,
when they put together the Bethluisnion alphabet, and the Teutons, whose
Kunic alphabets are found to begin withy, m, th, a, r, k, although the
symbols for them were borrowed from the Latin alphabet, which did begin with
A. Thus the facts within our reach seem to warrant our leaving out of the reckoning
the alleged naturalness in question, so that, when it is found that the |
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LECTURE VI. 309 chances are over 300 to 1 against the coincidence
being accidental, it is highly probable that the framers -of the Ogam alphabet
were acquainted with the Phoenician or some one deriyed from it. This being
so, it is also probable that the sequence of the first three letters in the
Ogam was no other than a, 6, ch, as in the trial alphabet mentioned above: —
I , I I I ,, II III ,,, III nil ,,,, Mil I I II II III III i"i nil a, b,
ch, 0, 1, d, u, w, t, e, s, c, M il l inn ' "" I II lli ll ll mil
i, n, qv, m, g, ng, ^ A little further scrutiny of this last arrangement
leads one to observe the apparently artificial quartering of the vowels in
places 1, 4, 7, 10, 13. So, to get at the sequence which preceded this, we
should, among other things, have to expel the vowel from its present
position, which would admit the d to advance and the m to return from the
supplementary group to the place which it probably occupied before it was
relegated there. We should then have the following: — I I " III III '
" ' I II a, b, ch, d, 1, m, u, w, t, e, I II iini II 1 1 III" II 1
1 1 a, e, i, n, qv. Thus we seem to get a glimpse into the history of the changes
which the Ogam alphabet has under- |
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310 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOftT. gone, at the same time that, by
restoring d to what was probably its old place, we nearly triple our former
estimate of the probabilities of the case, the chances now being (without
taking the sequence I m into account) exactly 1000 to 1 in favour of the
supposition that the Ogam alphabet is connected with the Phoenician. So far
as we have gone, the connection seems to amount to this: — 1. The framers of
the Ogam alphabet did not take up all the Phoenician letters, but only about
14 or 15 of them. 2. These they took in their order in the Phoenician
alphabet. 3. They translated the Semitic characters into straight lines,
probably because they found them easier to cut on wood, which, it may be
presumed, was the material which they mostly used to write upon, but chiefly,
perhaps, because they may have already been in the habit of cutting scores
resembling Ogmic digits on wood, horn, or bone. Such scoring, considered as
mere scoring or carving, and without reference to its meaning, has been traced
so far back in Europe as the quaternary period and the end of the mammoth
age: a specimen from the sepulchral cave of Aurignac is described by M.
FranQois Lenormant in the second edition of his Essai sur la Propagation de V
Alphabet PMnicien dans VAncien Monde (Paris, 1875), i. 7, 8. So far no
attempt has here been |
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LECTURE VI. 311 made to show with which of the Phoenician
alphabets, that is the Phoenician alphabet properly so called, or some one of
those of Greece or Italy which have been traced to it, the Ogam is connected.
History and geography do not encourage ■one to expect to find any
immediate connection between the Ogam and the alphabets of Greece: the
ordinary Roman alphabet hardly suits, as it has only the one symbol v for u
and?», not to mention other reasons which might be adduced: similarly we
might go on excluding the Etruscan and Runic alphabets. For the present,
then, we shall rest content with the bare fact, that the Ogam is in a manner derived
from the Phoenician alphabet, without proceeding to attempt to trace the
connection between them step by step. The rest of this lecture will,
accordingly, be devoted to a brief mention of some of the Goidelo-Kymric
traditions bearing on the origin of writing among the Celts. The allusions in
Irish literature to the Ogam are various and numerous, and a succinct account
of the grammatical treatises, which deal with it, will be found in the
following paragraph quoted from an abstract of a paper read before the Royal
Irish Academy in 1848 by Prof. Graves, now Bishop of Limerick: — " The
Book of Leinster, a MS. of the middle of the 12th century, contains |
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312 LECTURE,S ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. a passage in which it [the key
to the Ogam] ia briefly given. The Book of Ballymote, written about the year
1370, contains an elaborate tract, which furnishes us with the keys to the
ordinary Ogham, and a vast variety of ciphers, all formed on the same
principle. The Book of Lecan (written in the year 1417) contains a copy of
the Uraicept, a grammatical tract, perhaps, as old as the 9th century, in
which are many passages relating to the Ogham alphabet, and all agreeing, as
regards the powers of the characters, with what is laid down in the treatise
on Oghams in the Book of Ballymote. Dr. O'Connor, indeed, speaks of a manuscript
book of Oghams written in the 11th century, and once in the possession of Sir
James Ware. Mr. Graves has ascertained that this is merely a fragment of the
above-mentioned Ogham tract. It is now preserved in the library of the
British Museum, and does not appear to have b,een written earlier than the
15th or 16 th century." Some valuable extracts from, and fac-similes of
the Ballymote tract have lately been published by Mr. G. M. Atkinson in the
Journal of the Kilkenny Archceological Society (vol. iii. pp. 202-236), to
which we shall have occasion to refer more than once. There, in answer to the
question, " By whom and from whence are the veins and beams in the Ogaim
tree named? " |
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LECTURE TI. 313 we have the curious reply: — " Per alios. It
came from the school of Phenius, a man of Sidon, viz., schools of philosophy
under Phenius throughout the world, teaching the tongues (he thus employed),
in numher 25." But, to pass by the other traditions respecting this
early Fenian, we come to Ogma, who is said to have been the inventor of the
Ogam, and from whom it is called Ogam, also Ogum, and, in later Irish, Ogham
with a silent gh. Ogma is described as the son of Elathan of the race of the
Tuatha de Danann, whence it is clear that he is as mythical a personage as
Irish legend could well make him. And from his being called, as appears from
Mr. Atkinson's paper, Ogma the Sun-faced, it seems probable that he was of
solar origin. Ogma being much skilled in dialects and in poetry, it was he,
we are told, who invented the Ogam to provide signs for secret speech only
known to the learned, and designed to be kept from the vulgar and poor of the
nation. . For not only was a system of writing called Ogam, but also a
dialect, or mode of speech, bears that name. Of this O'MoUoy, cited in the
preface to O'Donovan's Irish Grammar, p. xlviii., says: " Obscurum
loquendi modum, vulgo Ogham, antiquariis Hiberniae satis notum, quo nimirum
loquebantur syllabizando voculas appellationibus litterarum, dipthongorum, et
triphthongorum ipsis dumtaxat notis." O'Dono- |
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314 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. van further quotes an entry in
the Annals of Olonmacnoise to the following effect, as translated, in 1627,
by Connell Mageoghegan:— " a.d. 1328. Morish O'Gibelan, Master of art,
one exceeding well learned in the new and old laws, civille and cannon, a
cunning and skillfull philosopher, an excellent poet in Irish, an eloquent
and exact speaker of the speech, which in Irish is called Ogham, and one that
was well seen in many other good sciences: he was a canon and singer at
Twayme, Olfyn, Aghaconary, Killalye, Enaghdown, and Clonfert; he was official
and common judge of these dioceses; ended his life this year." To pass
by, for the present, the motive attributed to Ogma in his invention, we seem
to find him here in the character of the man of letters, and this is quite in
harmony with the only trace of his footsteps which has been discovered on
Kymric ground, namely, in the Welsh derivative ofydd, which probably stands
for an earlier omUS = ogmi^, and seems to have formerly meant a man of
science and letters; now it is defined to be an Eisteddfodic graduate who is
neither bard nor druid, and translated into ovate. Thus, perhaps, it would be
no overhasty generalising to infer that with the insular Celts Ogma's
province was language as literature, as the record of the past and the repository
of knowledge. The Gauls, on |
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LECTURE VI. 315 the other hand, looked at their Ogmius, according
to Lucian's account, from the point of view of language as the means of
persuasion; for they represented him as an extremely old man drawing after
him a crowd of willing followers by means of tiny chains connecting their
ears with the tip of his tongue. Otherwise, be it observed, he seems to have
had the ordinary attributes of Hercules, whence it would seem that he, like
his Goidelic namesake, was of solar origin. It is probable, therefore, that
his influence over the crowds who rejoiced to follow him was in the first
instance due, not to his oratorical skill, the sweetness of his voice, or his
power of persuasion, but to the contents of his words, to the wisdom he had
to impart, and the wonderful experiences he could relate. . How could it be
otherwise in the case of one — to borrow the words applied in the Odyssey to
the sun — "^0? TravT e<j)opa km iravr eiraKovei? The Irish were
perhaps alone in attributing to him the origin of letters and the cultivation
of a dialect not understood by the people: at any rate Welsh tradition would
seem to point in quite another direction. But it is hardly necessary to state
that, owing to the Ogam having got out of use in the West of Britain as early
as the 8th or 9th century. |
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316 LECTURES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY. the allusions to it in
Welsh literature are exceedingly faint and nebulous. It may possibly be
proved that those about to be here mentioned do not in any way refer to the
Ogam; but the point I wish to insist upon is that they agree with Irish
tradition in placing the origin of writing — whether Ogmic or other — before
the Christian era. In the lolo MSS. (pp. 20'3-206), there are a few
paragraphs on the Welsh alphabet from manuscripts supposed to be traceable to
the possession of Llewelyn Sion, a Glamorganshire bard and collector of
antiquities, who died in the year 1616. Certainly there seems to be no reason
to think that they are, in the shape in which we find them, of an earlier
date; but that does not prove them not to contain a slender element of
ancient tradition beneath the incrustations of later times, and in spite of
their evident reference, in the first instance, to the bardic alphabet called
Coelbren y Beir.dd, which may be briefly characterised as the form the Eoman
alphabet took when carved on wood by the Welsh in the 15th century: see
Stephens's essay on the subject in the^rc^ Cambrensis for 1872, pp. 181-210.
One of these paragraphs runs thus: " In the time of Owain ap Maxen
Wledig the race of the Cymry recovered their privileges and crown: they took
to their original, mother-tongue instead of the Latin, which had well-nigh
overrun the Isle of Britain, |
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LECTURE VI. 31 and in Welsh they kept the history, records, an
classifications of country and nation, restoring t memory the ancient
Oymraeg, their original wore and idioms. Owing, however, to their forgettin
and misunderstanding the old orthography of tl ten primary letters they fell
into error, and thi arose a disagreement as to [the spelling of] severs
ancient words." The writer goes on to give ir stances which show that
the latter part of tl passage is a mere corollary to the preceding par and
applicable to nothing earlier than the numeroi foibles of Welsh orthography
in the Middle Age Another of the paragraphs alluded to is to the fo lowing
effect: " Before the time of Beli the Gres ap Manogan there were but ten
letters, and the were called the ten awgrym, namely, a, p, c, ( t, i, 1, r,
0, s: afterwards m and n were discoverec and afterwards four others, so that
now being sij teen they were established with the publicity an sanction of
state and nation. After the coming ( the faith in Christ two other letters
were adde( namely, u and ^, and in the time of King Arthi there were fixed
twenty primary letters, as at pr( sent, by the advice of Taliesin Benbeirdd,
Urie Rheged's domestic bard. It was according \ the alphabet of the eighteen
that was arrange OIU, that is, the unutterable name of God: b< fore that
system it was 010 according to the si2
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318 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. teen. Of principal awgrymau there
are not to the present day more than twenty letters or twenty awgrymy The
writer dwells on the repeated additions made to the alphabet, and the numbers
he gives at successive stages are 10, 12, 16, 18, 20, which are clearly not
all to be taken au pied de la lettre; for national sanction is not mentioned
by him till we come to the alphabet of 16; and to what Aryan alphabet could
10 and 12 apply? He has supplied us with the key to his blundering in the
word awgrym (now 'a hint or suggestion,' plural awgrymau), which is simply
the 0. English word awgrim, augrim, algrim, borrowed. Now the Craft of Algrim
was arithmetic (on the history of the word, see Max Miiller's Lectures^ ii.
p. 300, 301), and it is clear that he has set off his account of the alphabet
by a strange attempt to base it on the decimal system of numeration. It is
not to be forgotten that Llewelyn Sion had probably heard of the algebraists
and arithmeticians Vieta, Harriot, Wright, and Napier. Perhaps it is in the
same direction we should look for the explanation of the mystic 010. In
another version the arithmetical and alphabetical elements are kept somewhat
more apart, the former showing an inveterate tendency to secrecy, which is
not so evident in the |
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LECTURE VI. 319 case of tlie latter: " la tine principal
times of the race of the Cymry the letters were called ystorrynau [supposed
to mean cuttings; but if cuttings, ^hj jaot fractions Pi: after the time of
Beli ap Manogan they were called letters, and before that there were only the
ten primary ystorryn, which had been a secret from everlasting with the bards
of the Isle of Britain for the preservation of record of country and nation.
But Beli the Great made them sixteen, and subject to that arrangement he made
them public, causing that thenceforth -there should never be secrecy with
regard to the knowledge of the letters, subject to the arrangement which he
had made touching them, while he left the ten ystorryn under secrecy. After
the coming of the faith in Christ the letters were made eighteen, and afterwards
twenty, and so they were retained to the time of Geraint Fardd Glas, who
fixed them at twenty-four." The next extract is from a document on
Bardism cited by Mr. D. Silvan Evans in Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales
(ii, 324): he assigns it to the end of the 15th century, and gives references
which will here be utilised. The passage in point is not very lucid, but it
seems to mean this: " The three elemeiits of a letter are /|\, since it
is in the presence of one or other of the three |
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320 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. a letter consists; they are three
beams of light, and it is of them are formed the sixteen ogyrvens, that is,
the sixteen letters. Belonging to another art also there are seven score and
seven ogyrvens, which are no other than the symbols of the seven score and
seven Welsh parent-words, whence every other word." The /|\ would be a
correct analysis of the letters of nations who habitually wrote on slips of
wood, as the nature of that material would compel one to avoid the use of
curves and horizontal lines: thus it would apply to Ogams and Eunes as well
as to the Coelbren y Beirdd, which the writer decidedly had in view. The
three beams of light was an after-thought, or a bit of another tradition; but
what mostly interests me in this extract is the word ogyrven. The sixteen
ogyrvens are evidently the same as the sixteen letters of the previous
extracts; but the seven score and seven seem to refer to some theory of
root-words, and their number was not, as might be expected, very definite;
for, to go still further back, in a passage in the Book of Taliessin, a
manuscript of the 14th century, they are given as exactly seven score (Skene,
ii. 132, 325):— "^eith vgein ogyruen , Yssyd yn awen" i.e., there
are in awen [muse, poetry] seven score
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LECTUKE VI. 32 Ogyrvens. The two kinds of Ogyrvens woul seem to
match the Ogam alphabet and the Ogai dialect of Irish tradition, but what is
more remart able is that Ogyrven is the name of a person, an a person not a
whit less mythical than Ogmj He is variously called Ogyrven, Ogynven, Ogyrfai
and (with the prefixed g of late Welsh) Gogyrfai as in a popular rhyme
referring to bis daughte Gwenbwyfar, Arthur's wife: — " Gwenliwyfar f
erch Ogyrfan gawr, Drwg yn feohan, gwaetli yn fawr." Gwinevere, giant
Ogyrvan's daughter, Naughty young, more naughty after. He is better known in
Welsh poetry in connec tion witb Ceridwen, the lady who owned tl cauldron of
sciences (jpair gwybodau), and whos inspiring aid Welsh poets are still
supposed t invoke: thus in two of the poems in the Blac Book of Carmarthen, a
manuscript of the 12t century, we meet with a formula of invocation i which
she is called (Skene ii. 6, 6) Ogyrve amhad, which is supposed to mean "
Ogyrven offspring." They are also associated in severs poems in tbe Book
of Taliessin (Skene ii. 15' 156), and in one of the instances Ceridwen
cauldron is called Ogyrven's: — " Ban pan doeth o peir \ig[ When up the
Muses three Ogyrwen awen teir:" ) ' ( From Ogyrven's cauldron can X |
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322 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGr. However, Mr. Silvan Evans
translates it " High when came from the cauldron the three awens of
Qogyrwen." The difference is immaterial here, as he calls attention to a
poem of Cynddelw's where Ceridwen and Ogyrven are associated by the poet — he
flourished in the 12th century — who calls himself a " bard of the bards
of Ogyruen," with, probably, the same meaning as though he had said
" of Ceridwen:" see the Mi/v. Arch, of Wales, p. 167 of Gee's
edition (Denbigh, 1870). To project this on the solar myth theory, Gwenhwyfar
and Ceridwen are dawn-goddesses, and their father Ogyrven must be the
personification of night and darkness; and this is confirmed by the etymology
of the word Ogyrven, which would have been in 0. . Welsh probably Ocrmen,
divisible into Ocr-men. The first element ocr seems to have been meant in the
Luxembourg Folio, where atrocia is" glossed arotrion, which appears to
be a clerical error for arocrion, if that indeed be not the correct reading.
Now, just as Welsh ac, oc, ' and, with,' stand with respect to such words as
Greek ayxa>, Latin angustus, German eng, so ocr, ogr, stand to the words
which Fick, in his dictionary^ (p. 9), derives from anghra, such as Zend
angra, ' evil,' anra, ' evil, bad: ' for a few parallels see the Eevtie
Celtique, |
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LECTURE VI. 323 ii. 190, The other part occurs also in tynghedfen,
a word which is used as a synonym of the simpler tynghed, 'fate, destiny.*
The former was probably at one time meant to express the personification more
clearly than the latter, though it does so no longer. The men (mutated fen or
ven) in question can hardly be of a different origin from the English verb to
mean and its congeners, among which may be mentioned Greek fievos, Sanskrit
manas, ' courage, sense,' manyus, ' courage, zeal, anger, rage,' Zend mainyu,
' spirit, sky.' This last qualified by anra, ' evil, bad,' makes in the
nominative anro mainyus (Justi), ' the evil spirit par excellence, Ahriman,
or the devil of the Persians and the great adversary of Ormuzd.' Thus our
Ogyrven seems to be almost the literal counterpart of Ahriman, and might be
rendered the evil spirit: Ogyrwen, if not a mere phonetic variation, would be
he of the evil smile, while Ogyrfan shows the same element fan (for man) as
in Cadfan, on an early inscribed stone Catamanus. In both it is probably of
the same origin and meaning as the English word man, so that Ogyrfan would
have meant the evil man, and even now we call the devil y gwr drwg, ' the bad
man.' His attributes are, unfortunately, so weather-worn that Welsh
literature hardly enables us to make them out, which is, perhaps, partly |
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324 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. due to His having been dethroned
by the devil of the Bible, and partly to his connection with Ceridwen and
Gwenhwyfar. But a clue to them appears to be oifered us in another form of
his name: in Gee's Myv. Arch, of Wales, p. 396, it is Ocurvran, that is in
later spelling Ogyrfran, which would mean the evil crow, and suggests a
community of origin with the Irish Badb: see Mr. Hennessy's article on the
latter in the Revue Celtique, i. 32-57. The Badb is described as having the
form of a crow and as a bird of ill omen, confounding armies, impelling to
slaughter, and revelling among the slain. This will serve as a provisional
key to the meaning of a reference to Ogyrven in one of the poems in the Black
Book already alluded to: the lines are very obscure and run thus (Skene, ii.
6): " Ry hait itaut. rycheidv y naut. rao caut gelin. Ey chedwis detyf.
ry chynis gretyw. rac llety w ogyrven.'' The meaning is by no means clear,
but " rac caut gelin^'' which cannot but mean " against the insult
of an enemy," suggests that its parallel in the following line, rac
lletyw ogyrven, must be "against a sinister fate," or something
nearly approaching it, as indicated by the adjective lletyw, now written
lleddf. Similarly we are enabled to guess what Cynddelw meant {Myv. Arch, of
Wales, p. 154) when he praises a certain
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LECTUEB VI. 32 man as being " a hero of the valour of Ogyrfan,
gwron gnryd Ogyrfan, where Ogyrfan seems 1 mean war and slaughter, probably
personified. In support of this view of Ogyrfen, we hav( besides tynhedfen, a
third compound, namely Aei fen, which, as aer is battle, war, must mean
spirit or divinity concerned with war: it is, accorc ing to Dr. Davies's
Welsh-Latin Dictionary, foun used in the feminine and applied to the riv(
Dee, which need not surprise you, as the De Deva, probably means ' the
goddess,' and as tl river is still called in Welsh Dyfrdroy, ' the wat( of
the divinity: ' Giraldus calls it Deverdoeu, tl full spelling of which would
now be Dyfrdwyw i Dyfrdroyf, whereby he upsets the popular et; mology, which
explains the word as meaning tl water of two {rivers). On river-names of th
class see M. Pictet's paper in the Revue Celtiqu ii. 1-9. However, the word
occurs also in tl sense of war or battle generally, as in Englynion Gdrugiau
{lolo MSS. 263), where we read: — " Goruc Arthen ap Arth Hen Rhag ffwyr
esgar ac asgen, Llafn ynghad ynghadr aerfen; " i.e., Arthur ap Arth Hen
against foeman's attai and injury made the blade (for use) in battle, stout
war. But why should the origin of letters have bei |
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326 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. connected with Ogyrven, whose
character was from the first that of a dark and concealing heing? One might
answer that it was for the same reason which made the Irish attribute the
motive of secrecy to Ogma, though that ill agreed with his solar origin: both
versions, it may be, merely reflect the feeling with which the ignorant many
would regard the language, whether written or spoken, of the learned few. On
them the impression of mystery and awe produced by the sight of certain
characters cut on wood may easily be conceived to have led them to call them
the un\gogyrven ar bymtheg, that is, as though we called them ' the sixteen
devils.' Later, however, a solar patch was, so to say, sometimes sewn on the
tradition, in the shape of a reference to the three sunbeams /|\, which still
hold their place as a sacred symbol or talisman at the head ' of Eisteddfodic
announcements. But perhaps the question as to the relation in which Ogyrven
stood to letters is best disposed of by asking another, namely. How it is
that there exist even now people who think that knowledge and science are of
the devil? In former times this was, no doubt, very much more commonly the
case than it is now. The cryptic view taken of writing by the ignorant, and
incorporated in the Irish tradition touch-
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LECTURE VI. 32 ing the Ogam, has sometimes led Irish archaeolc
gists into the error of thinking that the Ogam wa really a cryptic
contrivance. It is true that in i1 last days it may have fallen into the
hands ( pedants, but it still remains to be shown that eve a single Ogmio
monument of respectable antiquit in Ireland can in any sense whatever be said
to I of a cryptic nature. It is, of course, but naturs that writers, who have
no wish or no time to stud the laws of phonetic decay, should find in earl
Irish names merely disguised forms of the: modern continuators. Their view is
also suppose to derive support from a passage in Comae's Gloi sary, which
explains the Irish word fd as " wooden rod '• used by the Gael for
measurin corpses and graves, and this rod was," we ai told, "
always in the burial-places of the heather and to take it in his hand was a
horror to ever one, and whatever was abominable (adetche) f them, they used
to put in ogham upon it {^i6ke&' Three Irish Glossaries, p. Iv.). Here it
ha been supposed that we have an allusion to cryptic fashion of recording the
sins of a decease person; but it is difficult to see anything crypti in the
whole proceeding, unless it be the act ( leaving the/"^ in the
burial-place, which, in thE case, may have been meant to suggest, in a del; |
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328 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. cate manner implying no ignoring
of tlie faults and shortcomings of the departed, that thenceforth his name
would have the full benefit of the maxim: " De mortuis nil nisi
bonum." ( 329 ) |
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LECTURE VII. " Nous nous sommes efforcfi jnsqu'3. present de
reconstituer les etapes successives qui couduisirent depuis la premidre
origiue de I'art d'6crire jusqu'^ rinvention dSfiuitlTe de I'alphabet. Nous
avons vu combien cette graude et f6conde inTention, qui aiuena recriture a
son dernier degre de perfection et en fit un instrument completement digne de
la pensee humaine, fut lente El se produire, combien p^ni- blement elle se
dggagea, par une marche graduelle, de I'ideograpbisme originaire. Nous avons
vu comment pour y parvenir il avait fallu la combinaison des efforts
successifs et des gSnies varies d'un peuple philosopbe, les Egvptiens, qui
sut con9evoir la decomposition de la syllabe et de I'abstraction de la
consonne, puis d'un peuple pratique et marchand, les Pheniciens, qui rejeta
tout Element id€ographique et reduisit le phonetisme, demeur6 seul, k
I'emploi d'une figure unique pour representor chaque articulation. Mais aussi
cette invention, qui demeurera I'etemelle gloire des fils de Chanaan, ne fut
faite qu' une seul fois dans le monde et sur un seul point de carte, et, une
fois accomplie, elle rayonna partout de proche en proche." — Pbakjois
Lenoemant. This lecture will be devoted mainly to conjectures, and tlie facts
adduced, it may as well be admitted at the outset, will be few and far
between. Of the latter, the principal one is the Phoenician alphabet, for
which, however, we have to use the Hebrew version, as giving us the order of
the letters, and also their names in a form which cannot be materially
different from that which they had in Phoenician. The other leading fact is
the Ogam system as attested by the oldest monuments extant in Wales and
Ireland. Given |
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1 2 aleph beth a b a b a b
1 2 3 4 gimel daleth ch d ch d
oh d 3 4 5 he — — —
6 waw — — — 7 zain — — — 8 cheth — — — 9 ieth — — — 10 11 12 yod caph lamed 1
1 1 5 13
mem m m m 6 14 nun
n u 7 15 saxaech
— — 16 ain u u
8 17 18 pe tsade P s
9 10 19 20 koph resh c r
r 11 12 21 shin, sin s
13 22 taw t t
14 |
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LECTURE VII. 331 It appears accordingly that the Semitic letters
from 4 to 12 were altogether discarded, and that we have now to set out from mem:
consequently one cannot help referring n, c, r, t in the Ogam, to nun, koph,
resh, taw respectively. Further, as he, maw, yod had been passed over, the
only remaining letter which could be treated as a vowel was ain, which the
Greeks made into o. It looks as though this was treated at first as u in the
Ogam and written -|-[-j-, that character having probably only acquired later
the value of w in order to differentiate it from +++• If this is right, then
samech is to be regarded as thrown out, for the Ogam leaves it no room
between ^ and -'-'-'■. The result so far as we have gone is shown in
column iii.: still we have only 11 letters for the 22 of the Phoenician
alphabet, while the Ogmic scheme offers room for 15, so we take in the
remaining ones which have not been excluded, and the result is column iv.,
which, arranged Ogmically, gives us the following trial alphabet: — 1- I I '
II II " III III '" 'III nil "" mil mi l a, b, ch, d, 1,
m, n, u, p, s, c, i, B, t. Here, it will be observed, we have two sibilants,
namely, from tsade and sin respectively: in trying to make these square with
the details of our hypothesis, one is led to conclude that the latter
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332 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. set apart for z: the alphabet
will then stand thus: — 2- 1 I ' 'h i " i iii ii ' " i i iii ii i
""in i ii iiii a, b, oh, d, 1, m, n, u, p, B, c, t, i, t. The next
point to be noticed is that this shows only two vowels, a and w; even so it
had the advantage in this respect over the Semitic alphabets, which had none.
Now if the Ogam is connected with the Phoenician alphabet the values of ff ,
+++, ' WW, +++++, would seem to have been at first d, n, s, z, while their
only attested values are found to be 0, u, e, i respectively. It follows that
the consonants must have been ousted by the vowels; but as this does not
appear to have been done at once or methodically, one must infer that at one
time the symbols in question had two values each, the one consonantal and the
other vocal: accordingly -H- had the values of d and o. This I would write
shortly do, without, however, giving the Ogam +1 the value of the syllable
do, but the separate values of d and o; and so with the others, thus: — I I I
I I ni l mil do, nu. Be, zi. That the vowel values are here of later date
than the consonantal ones, is also probable from the regular intervals at
which they occur in the arrangements suggested and presupposed by the |
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LECTURE VII. 333 grouping of the Irisli Ogam, wliich has already
been referred to in connection with its leading letters b, h, m, a, and the
permutations they admit of. But how did the vowels get into these positions,
and how were the consonants dislodged? We seem to have a clue to the answer
in the case of nu, which one cannot help regarding as suggested by the
letter-name nun: similarly zi, for si, is to be referred to the name sin. The
case of ++, do, looks as if the spelling daletk of the Hebrew name of the
fourth letter did not exactly give the pronunciation, which the first Ogmists
learned to give the word as they heard it. Was the latter more nearly doleth,
which approaches, I am told, the Arabic pronunciation of the word as used for
the letter and for door at the present day, or are we to assume rather that
they translated the word into their own language, that is into an Aryan
equivalent beginning with do, such as would, for instance, be Welsh dor, and
drws (for dams'), Irish dorus, all with dor for dvor, 0. English dor, ' door
'? Lastly, the vowel e was probably associated at first with the name pe or
resk; but sooner or later the analogy of +, ++, +++, f|-l4+, would naturally
lead to the use of fH-F or se with the values of s and e, and perhaps even to
the modification of its name into a form more nearly approaching sede than
tsade. Of course, if one could |
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334 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. assume that the Phoenician
pronunciation of the word had e and not a in its first syllable, a shorter
path to the same result would lie open. In case it should appear more
satisfactory to bring on the scene a deas ex Tnachina and to suppose a
systematic modification of the alphabet by a grammarian, it is to be observed
that such a modification must have been confined to giving some or all of the
Ogams new names instead of the Semitic ones. The former in the cases in
question would have to be regarded as either beginning with, or consisting of
the syllables do, nu, se, zi, or else od, un, es, iz, or some of both sets.
For our present purposes, however, the ambiguities of the Ogam at this stage
may be represented as follows: — 3- I I ' I I II " III II I ' I I
"" IIHIll l l l a, b, ch, do, 1, m, nu, u, p, Be, c, r, zi, t. The
answer to the other question as to how d, n, s, z were dislodged, will offer
itself as we go on: the next step in advance which seems to have been taken
appears to have been the filling of the cadre of the Ogam by the addition of
a symbol for qv, thus: — 4. I I ' I I II I ' I I I I I I III nil n i l a, b,
oh, do, 1, m, nu, u, p, se, c, "" II i i r -^ I-, Zl, .t, qv. The
further working of the same sense of system
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LECTURE VII. 335 seems to have sooner or later occasioned c and r
to change places, so that c and qv should stand side by side: — f\ 1 I I I II
III III 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0. 1 I -" II II " 111 111 iiii nil a, b,
ch, do, 1, m, nu, u, p, se, r, c,
"" IIII! zi, t, qv.
So far the ambiguities in our versions of the Ogam alphabet have been
left standing. Now the symbols in places 1, 4, 7, 10, 13, have throughout
retained the vowel values here attributed to them, while the consonantal
values of those in 4, 7, 10, 13, are unknown to the Ogam system, as attested
by our monuments. Hence the simplification was effected by providing other
symbols for the four consonants in question. Let us begin with ++, do, and
see how matters will then look. If one leaves ++ to represent o, how is d to
be written? Three courses suggest themselves: d may be written ^ and a new
symbol invented for m; it may be written jj-, which would necessitate a new
symbol for I; or lastly, a new symbol may be provided for d without
disturbing any other letter. The last would seem to recommend itself in point
of simplicity, but it has against it the circumstance that m is, as a matter
of fact. |
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336 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. represented by / in the oblique
group: the course adopted then was as follows: — 6-^1 ' II II " Ml II I
'" I'll n il "" a, b, ch, 0, 1, d, nu, u, p, Be, r, c, ^^ m il
' "" / zi, t, qv, m. Now the foundation had been laid of a new
group: the first addition was a symbol for g, "which had been left
unprovided for when ch took the place oi gimel: — 7 I , I II ,. II III ...
Ill nil Mil /. I I ' II II III III III! MM a, b, ch, 0, 1, d, nu, a, p, se,
r, c, + 11 1 ' IIMI - ' "" /// ZI, t, qv, m, g. The next addition
was, naturally enough, to provide for ng: — 8- I I ' II II " III III
'" I 'll MM "" a, b, ch, o, 1, d, nu, u, p, se, r, c, + IIII
mi l '"" ////// zi, t, qv, m, g, ng. The next step was to dispose
of zi: this was done by relegating z to the new group: — Q I I I I M ,1 1 m
MM mi y. +■■ I II .11 III 111-'" iin-im a, b, oh, o, - 1, d,
nu, u, p, se, r, c, 'I'll mil '"" ////////// i, t> qT, m,g, ng,
z. The case of se seems to have been dealt with |
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LECTURE VII. 337 differently, s being written jjjj, and r
relegated to the new group: — 10. I I ' II II 11 111 I II I I ' M i l ,111
nii a, b, ch, o, 1, d, nu, u, p, e, s, ■ c, mil iii i i '"" I
II III nil Hill 1, t, qv, m, g, ng, z, r. The symbol for p was found to be
useless as such, owing to that sound not being used in the languages of the
Celtic nations: its place was utilised for t, whereby d and t were brought
near one another: — n. I I I II II II III I II II I M i l 11 ,1 I'll a, b,
ch, o, 1, d, nu, u, t, e, s, o, mil M ill ' "" III III nil IIIII i,
— qv, m, g, ng, z, r. The way was now open for nu to be disposed of, so the
consonant was placed in the place vacated by t: nu was allowed to stand so
long, probably, because -j-p]- was available for u: — J2. I I I M ,1 "
III 1,1 "I MM 11,1 "" a, b,cli, 0, 1, d, u, u, t, e, s, o, m
il M i l l ' ^ ^ ^' J -H- lll nil IIIII i, n, qr, m, g, ng, z, r. The anomaly
of having two symbols for u in the alphabet was disposed of by setting jjj
apart for m, Latin v. Otherwise the Celts have never shown themselves anxious
to distinguish in writ- T |
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338 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. ing between the semi-vowels and
the corresponding vowels. After this final touch the Ogam alphabet stood as
follows, from which we set out: — 13. +-H-^f-Tr^^4 l II I I N Mil nil i l M
a, b, oh, 0,1 1, d, u, w, t, e, s, c, mil mil ' "" hll HI nil mil
1, n, qv, m, g, Dg, z, r. Let US here pause to look around us and try to ascertain
whether they are not mistaken who regard the Ogmic alphabet as an isolated
phenomenon in Europe. We fail in the direction of Greece and Eome, so let us
look nearer home, to the Teutonic nations, especially as there is reason to
believe that the last word has not yet been said on the history of the Eunic
alphabets, which they formerly used. Fortunately for one who is not at home
in Scandinavian languages and antiquities, an important work has lately been
published on the origin and development of Kune-writing in the North, by Dr.
Wimmer, a Danish scholar who is well known in the philological world, and who
has opportunities of personally examining the most important Eunic monuments
of the North (JRuneskriftens Oprindelse og Udvikling i Norden of Ludv. F. A.
Wimmer: Copenhagen, 1874). |
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LECTURE VII. 339 Kunic monuments may be roughly said to have been
found in all countries inhabited by nations of Teutonic descent, but the
oldest of those monuments cannot be regarded as dating before 200 A.D. There
are two chief varieties of the Runic alphabet, one consisting of 16 letters
and the other of 24. Dr. Wimmer undertakes to show that the former is derived
from the latter, which is arranged into three groups, as follows: — 1. f, u,
Ip, a, r, k, g, w — 8. 2. h, n, i, y, eu, p, z, s — 8. 3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng,
o, d — 8. The Eunes representing most of these letters turn out to be the
capitals of the Roman alphabet of 23 letters, borrowed from the Romans during
the Empire not long after the time of Julius Osesar. The others are later
additions formed by modifying some of the earlier ones; and they are the
Runes for y, w, y, eu, ng, d. Thus for the form of the remaining 18 Runes one
can account by the direct means of the Roman alphabet, while it leaves their
arrangement a question which Dr. Wimmer, like those who have written before
him, cannot answer. This, then, is our next great fact, namely, that the
Teutons must, in all probability, have had a prae-Roman alphabet of 18
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340 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. which at the time when they were
induced to adopt the Eoman characters instead of their own stood as follows:
— 1. f, u, p, a, r, k — 6. 2. h, n, i, p, z, s — 6. 3. t, b, e, m, 1, o — 6.
The fact of the Eunic alphabet or the Futhark, as it is called from its first
letters, being from the first arranged into groups, appears to be a distinct
indication that it is the outcome of some such a system of writing as the
Ogam. So I venture to proceed to show how it can be connected with the
alphabet which has served as a key to the history of the changes which the
Ogam may have undergone at the hands of the Celts. But before beginning to do
so, it is to be noticed that the Celtic 6, cA, d have to be translated
into_/, h, J) in order to comply with the usual way of transcribing the
Futhark: and for its earlier history the change here implied is very little
more than this, as will be made clear later. Our first three alphabets as
given in the foregoing series will accordingly stand thus: — i.
+-T-i-H-n-^w-TTT-^-tw-rrrr ^^ i ' ' 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 a, f, h, Jj, 1, m, n, u, p,
s, k, r, a, t. a, f, h, J), 1, m, n, u, p, s, k, r, z, t. |
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LECTURE VII. 341 iii. +.^-L++.^-il.+++.^ill.^+.^.iiil.+^.^^^ a>
f, ^, fo. 1. m, nu, u, p, se, k, r, zi, t. The systematising tendency
confined the vowels to one kind of characters, and -p|-|ceased to be used for
u:— iv. +-T-L++-^-li-+f|-^-iii.+^.^.lLU.+^^.^^ a, f,li,]jo, 1, m, nu, — , p,
se, k, r, zi, t. This allowed r to move one place forward and to enter
another class: — ■ V. +-^i-++-^ii-+H-^-Li^-++++-TnT-^-+++++-nm a, f, h,
j)o, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k, — , zi, t. Now it was possible to separate the
two values of ■mn thus: — vi. +-^i-^-^-ii-+++-^-iii-+^-^-iiii-++m-ymT
a, f > ^, Jjo, 1, m, h", '•> p. se, k, z, i, t. The next step
seems to have been the invention of a new symbol for t: let us suppose it to have
been an oblique score: — vii. i-pl-ii-^li-ni-pp^-LU1 1 1 1 ,1 1 1 -Ull.fH^.y!
a, f , h, Jio, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k, z, i, t. This naturally became the
commencement of a new group: the fitst addition was a character for 6, which
had previously been expressed by the same means asy.— viii. I I ' II II
" IH"||| '" III! a, f, h, yo, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, nil
"" mil /// k, z, 1, t, b. |
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342 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. The next step taken seems to have
been to separate the values of ])<?. This was done by writing Jj either jj
or ^, and that hesitation rendered it necessary to have new symbols for I and
m: — ix. I I I II II II III III I" nil a, f, h, o, J>, }), nu, r, p,
se, nTT-^-+4+H^ // /// //// k, z, i, t, b, m, 1. Why m should precede I in
the new group I cannot say, and it should be borne in mind that the Runic
alphabets are by no means uniform as to the sequence of m and I: Dr. Wimmer
(pp. 190-196) thinks, it is true, that the sequence was at first invariably m
I, but I am not quite convinced by his reasoning that that o{ I m may not be
equally old. Eventually ^ ceased to be used for J), and became available for
the consonantal power of nu: — X. + I I II II II III II I III nil a, f, h, o,
J), n, u, r, p, se, n i l ' " 1 1 II nil mil k, z, 1, t, b, m, 1. Now a
new symbol was invented for s, which should stand by the side of that for the
nearly-related sound of z: — xi. I I I I I II II I ll -Ill II I I II! 1, f,
t, 0, J), n, u, r, p, e, Ti ll " " mi l ' "" //////.////
k, z, i, B, t, b, m, 1. Here we have an alphabet, which I would call a |
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LECTUBE VII. 343 Teutonic Ogam, consisting of four kinds of digits
admitting of being grouped as follows: — xii. 1. a, 0, u, e, i — 5. 2. f, }),
r, k -4. 3. h, n, p, z, s — 3. 4. t, b, m, 1 — 4. And tbis is, in fact,
precisely the order of tbe consonants in tbe tbree groups of tbe pra3-Roman
alphabet of tbe Teutons as proved by tbe Futbark; and we migbt stop bere. For
tbe dispersion of tbe vowels among tbe consonants in tbe latter creates no
difficulty wbicb we are bound to account for. It probably only marks another
step in advance, when the Teutons gave up writing their Ogam on two
conterminous planes, and took to tbe laths or planed rods of historical
times, wbicb make it hopeless now to find an early specimen, and with regard
to wbicb Dr. Wimmer quotes the words of Venantius Fortunatus in tbe 6th
century: — " Barbara fraxineis pingatur runa tabellis, Quodque papyrus
agit, virgula plana valet." It may be supposed that it was found
inconvenient to distinguish four kinds of digits on one surface, and that
this led to one of them being given up. On what principle the vowels were
distributed in the other groups it is not easy to see; but the |
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344 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. broad vowels a, u, are placed in
the i^-group, the narrow vowel i in the ZT-group, and in the remaining one
the transition vowels e and o, which were once supposed not to have existed
in the early stages of the Teutonic languages; but that theory is now
exploded:. — xiii. 1. f, u, ]j, a, r, k — 6. 2. h, n, i, p, z, s — 6, 3. t,
b, e, m, 1, o — 6. These were the letters for which the Teutons adopted the
Eoman characters; a single instance will suffice to show how additions were
made to this Futhark. The Eune for k was the Latin C, reduced into straight
lines, thus <: two of these placed thus x were invented to represent y,
and appended to the J'-group by the side of the Eune for k: somewhat
similarly was formed the Eune for ng, which was placed in the T-group. The
number of the Eunes in the ^ET-group was kept on a level with the other two
by the invention of one for y (as in Mod, English ye. Old Eng. ge), the place
of which was settled by its affinity for the vowel i: — xiv. 1. f, u, ]), a,
r, k, g — 7. 2. h, n, i, y, p, z, s— 7. 3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o — 7. |
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LECTUEE VII. 345 Then Eunes for w and d seem to have heen added to
the first and third groups respectively: — XV. 1. f, u, y, a, T, k, g,w — 8.
2. h, n, i, J, p, z, s —7. 3, t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o, d — 8. To make the second
group of the same number of Eunes as the other two, and of the same number of
vowels in particular, the doubtful expedient was resorted to of inserting a
diphthong in it: — xvi. 1. f, u, \), a, r, k, g, w — 8. 2. h, n, i, y, eu,
]>, z, s — 8. 3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o, d — 8. It is to be observed with
respect to the shorter Futhark of sixteen letters which Dr. Wimmer derives
from the longer one, that, while it has dropped three of the eighteen
original Eunes and modified the values of some of the others, it includes
only one of the six post-Eoman ones; so that it may still perhaps be
questioned whether the other five ever got all into general use. But this and
many other points, on which I should like to have dwelt, do not affect the
order in which the Eunes are grouped, and by means of which the prse-Eoman
alphabet of the Teutons seems to prove itself to be of the same origin as the
Ogam of the Celts. |
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346 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Here is the place to call
atteation to the direction of the writiDg: the Ogam is, as a rule, written
from right to left, and as to the Eunes, Dr. Wimmer concludes "that they
were originally so written too, but that, as they very readily lent
themselves to the contrary direction, the latter also was at times adopted
with the former, giving rise to ^ovarpo^Bov writing of the ordinary kind.
There was, however, a simpler Bustrophedon which he calls snake-twisted
(slangedrejet), in the course of which the person writing turned the object
he wrote upon round, or, where that was not feasible, as in the case of a
large stone, shifted his own position: the writing would then run thus: — A,
b, c, d, e, f, g, ^ C— I. •oig 'd 'o 'u 'm \ ^\ This you will have noticed
was one of the ordinary methods pursued by the writers of the Ogmic monuments
of Wales. In the case of the Eunes, Dr. Wimmer admits that it is common
enough on the later monuments, whereas- he has found it only on one from the
older Iron Age, and then in conjunction with the common or inverted
Bustrophedon. Nevertheless, if Eune-writing is but a continuation of the
Ogmic system, it can only be |
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LECTURE VII. 347 an accident that it has not been more frequently
met with on the older monuments. The inverted Bustrophedon is to be met with
in some of the oldest Greek inscriptions, and occasionally in Etruscan ones,
whereas the simpler one is rarely detected in Greece or Italy, and its
appearance in Wales. and Teutonic countries is a point in favour of the view
that the Runes and the Ogam are connected with one another. Why both were
written mostly from left to right, while the Phoenicians wrote from right to
left is a question which I am not prepared to meet; but the answer is perhaps
to be sought in the fact, if such I am right in thinking it to be, that when
cutting a series of scores or notches on a piece of wood, one is able to work
with more ease and neatness by beginning at the end nearest one's self than
at the other. Assuming that it has been shown to be probable that the Ogam
and the prae-Runic alphabet of the Teutons are connected, one may ask how
they may be connected? that is, are we to regard one as derived from the
other, or both as independently derived from the Phoenician alphabet, whether
directly or indirectly? Clearly one has no business to try the latter
alternative, unless the other turn out inadmissible: then our first business
is to try to ascertain whether the Teutonic alphabet is derived from the
Celtic one or vice versa. Not |
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348 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY, to depart from the order we have
hitherto followed, we shall in the first place suppose the Celtic entitled to
precedence. In the absence of historical data the question must be settled on
phonological ground. We have a ready test in the Ogmic ch: how is it that,
while betk and daleth yielded Ogmic h and d, gimel on the other hand yielded
ch, and not g? To this the Celtic languages can give no answer, but the
Teutonic ones can, which compels us to suppose the Celts to have had their Ogam
alphabet from the Teutons, and derives confirmation from the fact that the
sound of ^ or _/ remained withoujt being provided for, at least by a strictly
Ogmic symbol. This leads me to consider very briefly some points in the
phonology of the Teutonic languages, which, I feel assured, you will consider
no hardship, seeing that the English we are at this moment using is one of
them, and that it is nearly related to our own Celtic vernacular. When it is
said with regard, for instance, to the words irrepdv and feather that the y
of the latter is the p of the former subjected to provection, this assigns
only the limits of the change: at any rate one of the latest writers . on the
subject would place between p and Teutonic / the intermediate steps of b and
v: I allude to Mr. Henry Sweet in his History of English Sounds (pp. 76-81),
and in an |
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LECTDKE Vn. .349 appendix to his edition of King Alfred's
West-Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care (pp. 496—504). The conclusions
he draws in the latter may be tabulated thus: — Aryan Parent-speech. Teutonic. Stage i.
Stage ii. T D DH d t dd dh (th). d. P B BH b v(f). P- b. K G GH . gg kh, h -.
k. g- If this is nearly correct, as I
suppose it to be, one would have to suppose the Teutons to have got their
Ogam at a date corresponding to the first Teutonic stage in this scheme, that
is after they had reduced Aryan t into d, but before the latter had been
reduced to dh (= th in this), whence later th (as in thin). Here it will be
observed that the guttural surd was subjected to more changes than the
corresponding dental and labial. *' The explanation must be sought," Mr.
Sweet thinks, "in an important phonetic law: general weakening
tendencies attack the strongest articula-
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350 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. tions first. Accordingly we find
that while original d and b [our Teutonic stage i.] have only passed through
one stage of weakening, original initial g has passed through no less than
three: gh, kh, and h, in the last reaching the extreme of phonetic
decrepitude " (Appendix, p. 502). That is, the changes in question would
stand somewhat as follows if we regard only their chronological order: —
Phoenician . . h(eth), g(imel), d(aleth). Teutonic 1 . . b, g, d. ,, 2 . . b,
gh, d. ,, 3 . . b, kh, d. „ 4 . . V, h, dh. From this it appears that
Teutonic phonology fully meets the difficulty which presented itself in our
former supposition, and that we have, therefore, to abide by the other,
namely, that the Celts got their Ogam from the Teutons, and the latter
directly or indirectly from the Phoenicians. Now we are in a position to
bring our supposed Teutonic Ogams into more complete harmony with the history
of phonetic decay and change in the languages of that name. The first would
be more correctly written thus: — I. I I II I II I I I II III III n i l nil
"" a. b, g, d, 1, m, li, u, p, B, k, r, H-m-
nrr t. -LECTURE VII. 351 In No.
II. we should have to recognise the change of g into gh^ thus: — II. I I I II
I I II I II i ii-iH I II I! a, b, gh, d, 1, m, n, u, p, 8, k, r. mil rmr z, t. In the next we have to suppose a
further change of gh into kk or ch: — III. 1 I I II II I' I I I I II III nil
ni l a, b, kh, do, ], m, nu, u, p, se, k, "" IM II mr /, Zl, t.
This is now the stage in which the Teutonic alphabet must have been when the
Celts became acquainted with it and borrowed it, if, as I believe, we are
right in thinking them to have done so. Alphabets IV., V., VI., VII. will now
stand thus: — IV. +^^- 11 II II III I I I '" MM i m- a, b, kh, do, 1, m,
nu, — , p, ae, k, III! inii ll'll-jiill r, zi, t. V. I I ' II II " I I I
I I I I'l nil n i l a, b, kh, do, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k, "" mil ii
iii ZI, t. VI. -I-T-M+- II II III I I I III M i l nil a,
b, kh, do, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k. |
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1 1 " n i l i, t. |
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352 LEOTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. ^"- n ,' ' " N "
'" IN '" "" II" a, 0, kn, do, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k,
I ' ll m i l -/ z, i, t. At this stage one finds reasons to conclude that b
had been reduced to v (as in vat), but not so universally as to make a
character for b unnecessary: on the contrary alphabet No. VIII. provides for
it: — VIII. I I I I I I , I I II I I I I I I I nil n i l a, V, kh, do, 1, m,
nu, r, p, se, k, i i ' i mil / // z, i, t, b. Alphabets IX., X., XL, XII.,
and XIII. will then run thas: — IX. I I I I I II Ill III n i l n i l a, V,
kh, o, d, d, rni, r, p, se, k, "" iNii I II iii -m z, 1, t, b, m,
1. X. +-^^ 11 I I II III III ' " nil nil a, V, kh, u, d, n, u, r, p, se,
k, "" I'M I II III nil z, 1, t, b, m, 1. XL ^T^+i- n II 11 1 III
'" II " mi "" a, V, kh, 0, d, n, u, r, p, e, k, z, I '
'" I II III nil i, B, t, b, m, 1. XII. 1. a, 0, u, e, i — 5. 2. V, d, r,
k —4. 3. kh, n, p, z, 6 — 5. 4. t, b, m, 1 — 4. |
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LECTURE VII. 353 XIII. 1. V, u, d, a, r, k — 6. 2. kh, n, i, p, z,
s — 6. 3. t, b, e, m, 1, o — 6. Now we have come somewhere near ths time when
the Teutons translated their Ogmic digits into the letters of the Eoman
alphabet; and it is found among other things that kk had been so far modified
in sound, that is as an initial, and especially perhaps as the initial of its
own name, as to allow of its being represented by Latin H, whence the Rune
for it. D got to be represented by the Latin Z>, whence the Rune p, which
is merely D with the perpendicular prolonged; and Dr. Wimmer thinks he
recognises in the Rune for the sonant sibilant the Z of the Roman alphabet.
It is not very clear why F was chosen to stand for j: was it that F
represented the Latin consonant which most nearly approached Teutonic V, or
was it that even then the latter, as an initial, had begun to assume the
sound ofy as in English and German at the present day? The foregoing alphabet
will- now stand thus: — XIV. 1. f, u, J), a, r, k— 6. 2. h, n, i, p, z, s —
6. 3. t, b, e, m, 1, o — 6. At this stage it is probable that the S'-Rune
stood not only for k but also for cA and y, until at |
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354 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. length the last-mentioned
consonant got to he thought of as more nearly related to k, and a symbol for
it invented from the ^-Rune as in alphabet XIV.:— XY. 1. f, u, J), a, r, k,
g— 7 2. h, n, i, y, p, z, . s— 7. 3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o — 7. The last
addition of importance to the Futhark was a Eune for d, which was formed by
joining together two J)-E.unes. The necessity for this arose from the fact
that the sound represented by ]) underwent, more or less generally, a change
from d into _dh (liable under certain circumstances to be further modified
into th in some of the Teutonic languages). Not only were these the last
changes to which the Futhark bears testimony, but it seems doubtful whether
they have ever been gone through by some of the languages in question. Mr.
Sweet, however, is inclined to think otherwise: his words are — "At
first sight we are tempted to assume retention of an older pronunciation, at
least in the case of Dutch and German, where the d appears in the earliest
documents, but the non-occurrence of an analogous h for the actual w or _/
makes it almost certain that the d in Dutch and German, like the
corresponding stop of the Scandinavian languages |
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LECTUEE VII. 355 has arisen from earlier dh " (App. p. 499).
The Fathark, then, in its complete state is the following, which has already
been more than once mentioned: — XVI. 1. f, n, ],, a, r, k, g, w— 8. 2. h, n,
i, y, en, p, z, s — 8. 3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o, d — 8. It is right, however,
to state that some Futharks lack some of the additional Eunes alluded to,
while others have several more than have here been mentioned; moreover, while
the latter are placed at the end, there is, as might be expected, some
-difference as to where the former are inserted in the Futharks containing
them. Thus on a knife found in the Thames in 1857, and guessed to date about
the year 700, the order is as follows: — 1. f, u, J), a, r, k, g, w— 8. 2. h,
n, i, y, eu, p, z, s — 8. 3. t, b, e, ng, d, 1, m, o — 8. It will here be
observed that the Eunes for ng and d have been inserted next each other after
e, but without inverting their order, in the third group, which is otherwise
highly interesting as giving us the variant sequence I, m. Before proceeding
further a word may not be here out of place as to the number of changes
crowded into our conjectured history of the Ogam, |
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356 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. whether Celtic or Teutonic. In
the first place, then, that crowding is more apparent than real, as the Ogam
seems to have been many centuries in use before the oldest specimens known to
us were produced. On the other hand it is not to be overlooked, that an
alphabet like the Ogam, which is composed of scores and groups of scores
would naturally change much faster than if it were not so, as a change in
respect of one symbol would naturally induce other changes, which need not
take place in an alphabet consisting of symbols the individuality of which
depends on their difference of form. Now I shall have to say something on the
difficult question of the names of these letters; but I can only call your
attention to a few of the leading facts, passing by many points which I
cannot profess to deal with. Any one, however, who wishes to make a special
study of this subject will have to consult Mr. George Stephens's massive work
on The Old Northern Runic Monuments of Scandinavia and England (London and
Copenhagen, 1866-67). Perhaps I could not here do better than place side by
side a certain number of the alphabets in point for your inspection. The
names in column i. are from an alphabet contained in an old English
manuscript ( Cotton. Otho. B. 10) now lost: it has been hesitatingly assigned
to the 9th century by Mr. |
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LECTURE vn. 357 f^ 9
9 ,£> •5 » ,S -2 3 9 s -3 So S a S s ° -o 3 g
S 1 1 =• 'I '1"^ " s,'E, ■
'1=3 1 g.^ = - ■ &i g ^ H
o i^ a^ 3 .JO, .:;: •::: , S^-3 rfi,>o2j« se JH.2 aS" BS s '. f-* '. Oil;«343:: e— ";dc3 _, fl cio JS: *2 t4 "Sots t, itj: d h
^ 1 i . I i r.-s g life g-'i'U Jll.
=^ I |l >M MS 3 2 ,a.-i3 <8
h,J^35»!*S^ c.« p,N n*3 « 0) Srf o |
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358 LBCTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Stephens, whose No. 5 it forms: a
copy of it is also given in fac-simile by Dr. Wimmer, p. 79. Column ii. is
taken from an alphabet in a Vienna MS. {Codex Salisb. 140) which Grimm
supposed to be a transcript from an English original brought to Germany
towards the end of the 8th century: the transcript is considered as dating
from the end of the 9th century or the beginning of the 10th by Dr. Wimmer,
who gives a fac-simile of it by the side of the one just mentioned. Column
iii. is from the so-called Abecedarium Nordmannicum of a St. Gall manuscript
of the 9th century: it forms Stephens's No. 6, and is given in fac-simile by
Wimmer, p. 191. Column iv. is copied from Stephens's No. 46, and comes from a
Yienna manuscript ( Cod. 64): it appears to be of High German origin. Column
v. is from Wimmer's names of the letters of the shorter Futhark as he finds
it used in the later Iron Age in the North, p. 153. Column vi. is the same,
as given in the Book of Ballymote, an Irish MS. of the 14th century, extracts
from which have been published, with tracings of the original, by Mr. G. M.
Atkinson in the Journal of the Kilkenny Archaeological Association for 1874,
pp. 205-236: ar for ur is due possibly to a clerical error, and the
abbreviated name of the 5- Rune is perhaps to be read bergann. Column vii. is
from the alphabet attri- |
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LECTURE VII. 359 buted to Nemnivus in a manuscript of "Welsh
origin, now in the Bodleian, and dating from the 9th century. Stephens's No.
53 seems to be a copy of it, though not a very exact one. The account given
in the original of the history of this alphabet is more curious than correct:
" Nemniuus istas reperit literas uituperante quidam [sic] scolasticus
saxonici generis quia brittones non haberent rudimentum at ipse subito ex
machinatione mentis suae formauit eas ut uituperationem et hebetitudinem
deieceret gentis suae." Then follow the Runes, which Nemnivus cannot
have invented; so that nothing remains to be attributed to his inventiveness
excepting perhaps some of the "Welsh names of the letters, and that only
in a very qualified sense. Columns viii. and ix. are taken from the extracts
already referred to as made by Mr. Atkinson from the Book of Ballymote. The
names here given to the letters are those of trees and shrubs; and column ix.
does not materially differ from the letter-names already cited from
O'Donovan's Irish Grammar, excepting that the spelling in the former is
older. Beginning with the first six or Teutonic columns, we have feoh, ^orn,
os, rod, ceriy hcegl, nyd, peorfS, eolhx, sigel, tir, man, lagu, occupying
positions where some traces of the Semitic names might be expected. It is,
however, clear at a glance that |
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360 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. we have here to do with several
which are beyond all doubt Teutonic. Thus hcegl and its congeners are the
Teutonic words for hail, chosen probably with a view to their suggesting the
two sounds of the Ogam ^, namely kh (or K) and g. '0. Norse sol means sun,
and 0. English sigel or sygel appears to have had the same signification.
Eolhx or ilcs was, according to Dr. Wimmer, p. 119, in an earlier stage
elhyaz, elMz (Scandinavian elMr, owing to the change of z to r), containing
the Z-sound as its final, because ■ it did not occur initially: compare
the case of ing. The name, however, led to confusion and misunderstandings as
to the value of the Rune, which I need not enumerate. Lagu in 0. English
meant law and lake, with the latter of which the 0. Norse logr appears to
agree; but in the St. Gall Abecedarium we have the Rune called lagu the
leohtu, which is duly rendered in Nemnivus' alphabet by louber, i.e.,
lleufer, ' a light, a luminary.' Neither have the extant names of the old
^l-Rune anything to do with the Semitic name of aleph, as they are supposed
to go back to an earlier Teutonic form, ansuz, which, becoming in the course
of phonetic decay ans, os, &c., led to various modifications of the old
Rune: one of these had the name aac, ac, ' oak,' another asc, asch, ' ash.'
In passing it may be mentioned that somewhat similar changes |
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LECTURE VII. 361 occurred in connection with the (5-Eune, and that
in the Scandinavian languages Ger, Yer, or Ydr, the name of the y-Rune was,
in consequence of another process of phonetic decay, reduced to dr, which
supplied the North with another yl-Eune. The reason why the name of the
y-Rune is mostly given as beginning with g is the same why ye and yes are in
0. English written ge and ges, which cannot be here dwelt upon. Now there
remain to be traced to Semitic origin the Rune-names feoh, Qorn, rad, cen,
nyd, pear's, tir, man, namely to beth, doleth (for daleth), resh, koph, nun,
pe, taw, mem. Now, supposing the Teutons to have adopted these names with
their knowledge of letters, directly or indirectly, from their Semitic
teachers, they would, in compliance with a law which obtained in Teutonic at
a very early date, curtail them (see Schleicher's Compendium,^ pp. 338-340)
into be, dol, re, co, nu, me, leaving pe intact, and probably treating tarn
as tau. Later they would seem to have completed these syllables into words
with definite meanings, apart from their being names of the letters. Thus be,
passing into ve, fe, was extended into feoh, fech, whence also feu and other
shortened forms, all of which are phases of the word which in Mod. H. German
is written vieh, ' a beast.' i<!e was made into some -such a word as |
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362 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. rceda: rad and rat with the vowel
a owe that vowel only to the intimate connection between a and ee in Teutonic
declensions: compare the case of man, to be noticed shortly. Other forms of
the Rune-name not given in the table are r^, rehir, rehrt. One finds a trace
of the name ko (from kopK) in kaun, chaon, con, and chon, some of which have
in some alphabets been appropriated by q: besides cen, it is found that chen
and che are given, suggested perhaps by ce, the Latin name for c; but it is
far more likely that the vowel e was selected to indicate that the consonant
had a palatal sound, and to distinguish it from the corresponding velar
sound, for which it is said an English Rune called kalk was used: see
Moller's Palatalreihe (Leipsic, 1875), pp. 18, 27. Nu (from nun) is more regularly
represented in nyd, naut, naud, not, 'need.' Pe is lengthened into peor^S,
peord: pert, perd, peoih also occur, but as to perc and perch they seem to be
provections of here or beorc, the name of b, for which accordingly other
names, such as birith and the like, were provided. Tare treated as tau
appears to have naturally led into the Teutonic forms corresponding to Greek
Zev'i, Vedic Dyu, represented in English by Tues-day for Tiwes-dmg: the 0.
Norse name of the same divinity in the Edda is given as Tyr, genitive Tys,
accusative Ty; the 0. H. |
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LECTUKE vir. 363 German forms are Ziu or Zio, genitive Ziwes. In
most of the alphabets where dceg, dag, is provected into toe, the T-Eune
becomes Ziu. How tir and ti stand with respect to Tyr and Ziu is not clear.
Me extended into men would lead into the declension of man, which would then
naturally- become its name, as will be seen from the foUow- insr: — 0. English. 0. Norse. Singular. Nom. man, mon. mannr, maSr. Gen. mannes. .
manns. Bat. men. manni. Ace. man. mann. Voc. man. Inst. men.
Plural. Nom. men. menn, mennr,
me8r. Gen. mannk manna. Dat. mannum. . monnum. Ace. men. menn. Voc. men. Inst, mannum. The presence of n also in wen, uyn, the
name of the 1^-Rune, would seem to indicate that the lengthening of the
Rune-names into significant words belongs mostly to a time after the Teutons
had adopted the characters of the Eoman alphabet. The thorny case has been
reserved to the last: the name of the Rune in question occurs variously as
\orn, dorn, "pur, pars, purs, doro, and derhu. |
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364 LEOTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. The shortest form to be inferred
from these appears to be dor or Jjor, which, not being do or J)0, agrees well
with the supposition that we have to set out fronj doleth. On the other hand,
I have no reason to give for the change of I into r. Join to this the
difficulty as to the vowel, and it must be admitted that the history of the
names of this Rune is far from satisfactorily made out. This does not,
however, materially affect the foregoing theory: for as far as regards the
supposition that the Ogam ++ acquired the two values of d and by reason of
its name one might, had one adopted a different arrangement, argue backwards
from '^orn, ^ors, instead of the other way from daleth. Let us now turn to
the Welsh and Irish columns of the table. The Welsh words cusil, guichr,
hull, iechuit, traus may, for anything one can now say to the contrary, be
the ones which suggested themselves to Nemnivus on the spur of the moment:
braut, rat, parth, muin, louber are also Welsh words, but a glance at the
Teutonic and Irish names of the corresponding letters makes it highly
improbable that the choice made of them was altogether accidental. Dexu,
nihn, surg, egui are obscure; but dexu reminds one of derhu in Stephens's
alphabet 47, nihn of Irish nin, and egui of eh and eho: ieil was borrowed
probably |
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LECTURE Til. 365 from a Teutonic source, and so undoubtedly was
jich. Not only were the writers of the medieval tracts on Irish Ogam well
acquainted with Eunic alphabets, but most of the points of similarity between
the Celtic names, whether Welsh or Irish, and the Teutonic ones point to the
direct influence of the Runes, more especially after the coming of the
Northmen and their settlement in Ireland. This circumstance greatly
diminishes the value of the evidence afforded by the Celtic alphabets cited.
In two or three instances, however, we seem to detect in them traces of an
earlier tradition coming down possibly from the time when the Celts adopted
the Ogam from the Teutons. To this category I would refer "Welsh alar
and Irish ailm, as reflecting, hardly by mere accident, the first syllable of
aleph. Similarly Irish dwr, also duir and dair, 'oak,' are remarkable for
their agreement with Teutonic thur^ thor-n, thor-s: possibly dexu is a
clerical error for deru, now derw, 'oak,' As to beitk, beithi, bethi,
'birch,' it may be that we have here only a translation of beorc, ' birch,'
or else forms of much older standing, being the Irish extensions of the
Semitic beth, borrowed from the Teutons before they had discarded the final
consonant of the word. However this may be, the position of beith at the head
of the Irish alphabet was probably what led to the |
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366 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. unlucky freak of giving all the
other letters the names of trees and shrubs. The reason why the names of the
three letters in question should have escaped the later influence of the
Runic alphabets, would be that the Runes originally corresponding to them had
in the meantime changed their values, that for a having become o or o, and
that for b having acquired the value v, _/, and that for d the value of dh,
th. Not to pursue this subject of the names of the Runes further, it may be
said that some of them appear to favour the view that the latter are
descended from the Phoenician alphabet, which is, however, only a portion of
the theory which I have endeavoured to set forth in this and the previous
lecture. Its chief points are the following: — The Ogam alphabet is of a
double origin, forming a sort of compromise between the East and the West.
The characters used, if considered merely as writing and without reference to
their meaning, are European and traceable to the quaternary period: the same
may probably be said of the direction of the writing from left to right. The
order of the letters, on the other hand, and some of their names, admit of
being traced to a Phoenician origin. The Celts appear to have got their Ogams
from |
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LECTURE VII. 367 the Teutons, who seem to have used an alphabet of
that description before they adopted the characters of the Eoman alphabet.
Here I stop, leaving unanswered such questions as the following, which the
foregoing conjectures naturally suggest: — Were the Teutons the original
framers of the Ogam alphabet, or did they merely adopt it from another nation
in more direct communication with the East? "Was it based on some
prehistoric version of the Phoenician alphabet in use in Italy or Greece,
among Slavonians or Scythians, the latter of whom Eustathius mentions as in
the habit of writing on small boards or wooden tablets (o-av/Ses)? Could the
Teutons have come in direct contact with the Phoenicians on the coast of
Thrace, or on the Danube? Had they a trade-route connecting Germany and the
Baltic with the Euxine or the Bosphorus? It is enough for our present purpose
to find that there is no reason to think it impossible for a knowledge of
letters of Phcenician origin to have reached Germany in very early times; and
even the mythical history of the Greek alphabet brings Cadmus not only into
Greece, but also into Thrace and in contact with the lUyrians. There can be
no objection to these attempts to divine the history of Ogmic writing being
ended where they were begun, namely, with the mention |
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368 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. of a few points which seem to
favour the conjecture that the Irish adopted it from the Kymry. In the last
lecture it was suggested , that if we might venture to follow the supposed
westward course of civilisation and culture, we might assume the Ogam to have
made its way from Britain to Ireland: in support of this application of that
generalisation, we may appeal to the analogous case of the introduction into
Ireland of the Kymric way of forming the letters of the Eoman alphabet,
whether as debased capitals or as the still further modified characters which
have ever since been used in writing and printing Irish: nay, I would go
further, as will presently be seen, and suggest that it was the very same men
who taught the Irish to cut Eoman letters on stone who also taught them to do
so with the Ogam, whether they were previously acquainted with the use of it
on slips of wood or not. An early specimen of the more modified form of the
Roman letters or, as I would term them, early Kymric letters, occurs on a
stone at Inchaguile in the county of Galway, which reads in mixed capitals
and Kymric minuscules Lie Luguaedon Macci Menueh; and we meet with slightly
debased capitals on the Killeen Cormac stone reading iwbne drwidbs, with NE
conjoint and the S reversed. The view here advocated is supported also, as
far as it goes, by |
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LECTURE vir. 369 the fact that the Ogmic method of writing fell
into disuse and ohlivion much earlier in Wales than in Ireland. The same
thing -would also follow from the supposition that the Celts did not invent
the Ogam but adopted it from the Teutons, who may be thought to have more
readily come in contact with the Celts of Britain than with those of the
sister isle, whether directly, or indirectly through the Gauls of the
Continent. Of Irish epitaphs in Ogam those where we meet with full
case-endings form, in all probability, the oldest class. One of these is the
Killeen Cormac stone, reading Uwanos Ami Enacattos, and in Latin Juvene
Druvides in Roman capitals as already stated. Here the presence of the two
inscriptions strongly reminds one of those of Wales, not to mention the fact
pointed out on another occasion, that the Latinity is such as might have been
learned in Wales. Altogether one is tempted to attribute the whole to some
Irish ecclesiastic who had studied in South Wales, or at home under an Irish
teacher who had derived his ideas of Latin from some such a source. In any
case it dates, no doubt, after the introduction of Christianity into Ireland.
Perhaps the most interesting stone in Ireland 2 A |
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370 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. is that on Brandon Mountain, said
to read on one of its angles, lim^y^.^+H+-/-+fH+^-++W ///// ///// I l-TTTT
i.e, Qwimitirros, in which Irish archaeologists rightly recognise the
genitive of a word which meant priest. Later it appears as cruimter, hut most
commonly cruimther and cruimhther, genitive cruimtkir: it is repeatedly
written crubthir in the Latin life of St. Oybi published in the
Cambro-British Saints, pp. 183-187. An interesting article occurs on cruimther
in Cormac's ■ Glossary, which is rendered thus by Mr. Stokes: — "
Cruimther, i.e. the Gaelic of presbyter. In Welsh it is premter: prem ' worm
' in the Welsh id cruim in the Gaelic. Cruimther, then^ is not a correct
change of presbyter: but it is a correct change oi premter. The Britons,
then, who were in attendance on Patrick when preaching were they who made the
change, and it is primter that they changed; and accordingly the literati of
the Britons explained it, i.e. as the. worm is bare, sic decet presbyterum,
who is bare of sin and quite naked of the world, &c., secundum eum qui
dixit ego sum vermis, &c." The literati of the Britons are proved by
the allusion to prem, now pryf, ' worm,' to have been men of considerable
etymological resource, but their attempt to connect |
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LECTURE VII. 371 premier with it must be declared a failure, the
word being in fact merely the form taken in Welsh by the Jja,tin prcebitor, '
giver, supplier, purveyor.' The following hexameters quoted by Ducange under
prcebendarius are to the point: — ■" Praebitor est, qui dat
pisebendas: suscipiens has PrsBbendariua est, sicut legista docet nos."
And prcebendarius was otherwise called provendarius — " qui provendam
sen praehendam percipit," whence the Cornish proundeir, pr outer, ' a
priest or parson.' If we look at the Latin praebitor it is probable that the
O. Welsh form, here given as premier Oind. primter, would have been, more
correctly reproduced, premitr, or, with the irrational vowel expressed,
premitir or premiter, which had it not become obsolete would now be prefydr
or possibly prefydwr — the equivalence of m and b has already been instanced
in the case of the bilingual stone at Pool Park near Euthin. From premitr the
Irish would appear to have formed Qvrimiterr, and the modification of i into
u in cruimtker and crubthir must be due to the influence of the v in qv;
compare the case of 0. Irish coic, ' five.' Thus the genitive Qvrimitirr-os,
later cruimthir is an equivalent of the Latin prcebitor-is, whence it would
seem that the genitive ending of imparisyllabic nouns in Irish was as
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372 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOOr. Latin -is, G-reek -o?, Sanskrit
-as, which is also the way Mr. Stokes would explain Uwanos as the equivalent,
on the Killeen Cormac stone, of ivvene[s] for Juvenis. But what interests one
most is the qv which we find here for Latin p; and this raises the question
as to who effected the suhstittltion — was it the Irish or was it the Welsh?
If the latter they must have done so when they had as yet no p in their
language, and when qv was the nearest approach they could make to it: in that
case the Irish adopted the initial as they heard the word from Patrick or his
followers, and in Welsh itself the qv here, as everywhere else, would in the
course of phonetic decay be modified back again later into p. But the
substitution of qv for p is a greater change than the facts of the case seem
to warrant us in supposing — the usual assumption that the Irish substituted
c for p ignores them altogether and is out of the question. By qv I mean the
combination written qu in German, that is a velar k followed by a w
pronounced by means of the lips and without the assistance of the teeth,
which, on the other hand, take part in the pronunciation of English v, Welsh
_/; accordingly, as Early Welsh qv has yielded p, and as the language may be
supposed to have proceeded in this instance, as elsewhere, gradually and not
by leaps or ' strides, I would assume the steps to have been |
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LECTURE vir. 373 successively §•», joo, p. Now supposing the Kymry
to have borrowed Latin words with jo at a time when their qv had become jow,
a combination which may be heard in such French words as puis, and when they
had no other jo in their language, nothing would seem more natural than that
they should unconsciously substitute their pv for Latin p and make such a
word as prcebitor into pvrebitr or pwemitr: when the Irish came to adopt the
latter from their Celtic neighbours, they, as not being used to the sound of
p, would probably be forced to change pv into qv, which is a much smaller
change than the substitution of qv for p. This seems to have been also the
history of the words — r 0. Ir. clum, Welsh pluf, ' plumage,' 0. Ir. corcur,
Welsh porphor, ' purple,' Ir. caisc, Welsh pasc, ' Easter,' Ir. eland, Welsh
plant, ' children,' from Jjatinpluma, purpura, pascka, and planfa, to which
one might possibly add Irish j^dckell from an early form of the Welsh
gmyddhwyll, ' chess or draughts: ' the passage of these words and of pnsbitor
through or from Welsh into Irish I should assign, roughly speaking, to the
time between 450 and 650. Both on account of the labialising of qv and of
borrowing proper names and other words from Latin, which involved p the Kymry
had occasion for a special symbol for p in Ogam: we have met with two such,
and one of them was borrowed by the |
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374 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGTi Irish to represent the later
Irish p produced by the provection of h, as in poi already alluded to as
occurring in an epitaph reading Broinioonas poi netat Trenalugos. But this
appears to have been the result of acquaintance with the last addition to the
Kyniric Ogam rather than a matter of orthographical necessity as poi
continued to be written also boi '^fuit or qui fuit:'''' for instances of p
and h in the Irish verb ' to be ' see the Grammatica Celtica,^^^. 491—501.
After the Irish had developed the sound oi p in their own language in the way
alluded to, there was, of course, no reason why they should modify it when
they came to borrow ecclesiastical terms involving it from Latin in the 8th
and 9th centuries: such is, probably, the origin of the majority of the words
which show p in later Irish. The stone on which Qvrimitirros occurs is
inscribed with a cross; the same is the case with the one reading Tria maqva
Mailagni, and probably with many more, but I have no adequate information on
this point. So, taking all things together, I should be inclined to ascribe
the earliest Irish monuments in Ogam to the 6th or the latter part of the 5th
century, and there seems to be no reason why the Ogmic method of writing may
not haive been first introduced into Ireland by Kymric missionaries or by
Irish ieccle- |
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LECTTTKE VII. 375 siastics who had been educated in Wales. There
is, however, a notion abroad that the Ogam was essentially pagan, but in
reality it was no more so than the Roman alphabet: the only distinction we
find made between them was simply this — when Latin was written, the characters
used were the letters of the Roman alphabet more or less modified, but when
Early "Welsh was to be written the Ogam was resorted to. Change the
scene to the sister isle and one would expect to find the monuments of that
country consisting of Latin in Roman letters and Early Irish in Ogam: it
turns out to be so, excepting, of course, that the former are very few in
number, as knowledge of Latin was probably rare as yet in Ireland — the case
must have been somewhat different later when that country no longer received
missionaries from other nations, but sent her own sons forth in that capacity
to all parts of the west of Europe. The correctness,' however, of the view
here suggested must, to some extent, depend on the answer which Irish history
and archaeology can give to the question, whether there are traces of any
religious establishments of Kymric origin in the south of Ireland, from which
as centres the practice of writing epitaphs in Ogam might have extended
itself to those parts of the island where Ogmic monuments have been
found. |
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376 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. This leads to a short notice of a
somewhat different theory, based on the distribution of Ogam-inscribed stones
in Ireland: I allude to the following words in a paper read before the Royal
Irish Academy, Nov. 30, 1867, and entitled " An Account of the Ogham
Chamber at Drumloghan, County of Waterford, by Richard R. Brash,
M.R.I.A." (Dublin, 1868), pp. 14, 15:— "The great majority, then,
of our Ogham monuments are found in the province of Munster, and principally
in the counties of Kerry, Cork, and Waterford, embracing a large extent of
the south and west coast, from Tralee Bay, in Kerry, to Waterford harbour. As
near as I can ascertain, the following numbers of monuments have been found:—
in Kerry, 75; Cork, 42; Waterford, 26; Limerick, 1; Clare, 1. These are all
in the province of Munster. All the rest of Ireland supplies but 10; of these
5 are in the county of Kilkenny, still a southern county; the others are
divided as follows: — 1 in Wicklow, 1 in Meath, 2 in Roscommon [where the
remaining one is we are not told]; so that for the purposes of our argument
it may be fairly assumed that the three southern counties named above form
the Ogham district. Again, it is worthy of remark that the majority of these
monuments are found on the seaboard of the above-named counties — very many
of |
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LECTUKE VII. 377 them on the strands. The Drumloghan find is
within three or four miles of the sea, as are many others of the Waterfor-d
and Kerry Oghams; those found in the county of Cork are more inland."
Though the late Mr. Brash's conclusions were seldom such as I could accept,
he seems to have been thoroughly acquainted with the Ogam district, and I
have no reason to doubt the substantial accuracy of his figures, or to
suppose that subsequent finds have materially modified the ratios between
them. His inference from them was that the Ogam was not invented in Ireland,
but introduced by a maritime people, who landed on the southern or
south-western coast of the island: he would identify them with the Milesians
of Irish legend, and suppose them, accordingly, to have come from Spain, and
originally from Egypt. This last piece of extravagance, which he was willing
to accept, needs no discussion, but I would not go so far as to say that
Ireland was never invaded from Spain, or that the Milesians went forth from
Britain, but I would suggest that the Ogam-writing invaders of Ireland, if
such are to be postulated, for which, I must confess, I see no necessity, are
far more likely to have set sail from our own shores, say from Pembrokeshire,
which is the leading Ogam county this side of St. George's Channel, than from
Spain. Supposing such an |
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378 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. emigration to have happened in
the 5th or 6th century, one would naturally look for the primary cause of it
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(379 ) APPEINTDIX.
A.— OUR EARLY INSCRIPTIONS. Bepoee giving a list of our Early
Inscriptions, a ■word is necessary as to the nature of Aryan
nomenclature. The subject has been lucidly treated by Dr. Fick in his recent
work on Greek personal names {Die griechischen Personennamen, Gottingen,
1874). The materials which he has there brought together clearly show that
originally every Aryan name of man or woman took the form of a compound of
two single words, and that this, more or le.ss modified, has come down to
historical times among the various Aryan nations of Asia and Europe,
excepting in Italy and Lithuania. As instances may be mentioned such names as
the Sanskrit Gandrardja, from catidra ' shining ' and rdja ' king,' or the
Greek @i6diasog, from ^eo's ' god ' and 33goi/ ' gift.' The number of words
used in this way does not appear to have been at any time very great, but in
many cases each pair yielded two names, as in the following: Sanskrit
Deva-gruta, Cruta-deva, Greek Qio-bta^og, Awgo-^sos, Servian Milo-drag,
Drago-mil, 0. German Hari-herht, Berht-hari, Early Welsh Barn-vend-i,
Vendu-har-i, Mod. Welsh Cyn-fael, Mael-gwn. From the older class of full
names most Aryan nations also formed eventually a number of shorter ones by
omitting one of the constituent parts, the remaning one being used by itself,
either. with or |
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380 LECTTJEBS ON WELSH PHILOLOGT. ■without a special
termination, as in the case of Sanskrit Datta from Beva-datta, Civa-daita, or
the like, and Greek N/xlas, N;z/a5, 'Slx.uv, together with a good many more,
from N/xo'-/ia^os, N/xo'-ffrjaros, or a sijnilar full name. By way of
classifying the contents of the following inscriptions, it may be premised
that they contain about 160 different names, several of which occur more than
once. About 30 are either incompletely read, or, for other reasons, difiScult
to classify; the remaining ones are partly Celtic and partly Latin, in the
proportion of about three of the former to one of the latter. The Celtic ones
are of two kinds, namely, those which belong to the Aryan system of names and
those which do not. The latter are comparatively few, and may have originally
been epithets or qualifying words appended to the full names: (a) some nine
or ten of them seem to be quasi-compounds, such as Mucoi-breci and
Maqyi-treni, while (fi) about half a dozen are adjectives formed from common
nouns by means of the affix ac or oe, Mod. Welsh awg, og, such as Bodvoci,
Der^aci, Lovernaci, Senacus, Tegernacus, Tunccetace. The former may be
classified as follows: — 1. Considerably more than one half of them are
compounds made up of two simple words, and of these last (a) the greater
number are of four syllables, such as Barri-vendi, Netta-sagru; others have
been reduced to three syllables by the loss of the connecting vowel, as in
the case of Clotuali for Glutovcdi. (j8) A few beginning with prefixes such
as so- or do-, as in So-lini, J)o-hunni, may be regarded as having never been
more than three syllables long, while, on the other hand, we have no certain
instance of a compound of more than four syllables in length, excepting (y)
those involving tigirn or tegern, as Gato-tigirni and Tegerno-mali: it is
doubtful whether the e in Camelorigi be not an irrational vowel, which would
reduce the name to four syllables. (3) To these must be added two derivatives
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APPENDIX. 381
from full names, namely, Cunacenniwi and Qvenvendani, which imply Cunacenni
and Qvenvendi respectively. 2. Names of the type of Gwyn 'white,' Arth 'a
bear,' are not unusual in Welsh; but to one looking at the meaning of such
words it is seldom apparent why they got to be used as proper names, while
the analogy of the nomenclature of other Aryan nations makes it certain that
they mostly came to be so used, not so much by virtue of their fitness in
point of signification, as by way of abbreviation of full names: thus Gwyn,
for instance, stood originally for some such a form as Gwyndaf or Penwyn, and
Arth for Arthgen, Arihfael, or the like. Our early inscriptions yield us the
following instance^ in point: Bandus, Bladi, Broho, Comne, Cavo, Daari,
Magli, Meli, Porius, Qvid, Tren, Valci, Vetta, to which may be added
Rialo-brani as probably involving the Goidelo-Kymric name Bran qualified by
an adjective: compare English names like Littlejohn. 3. The shorter forms are
more usually met with in our Early Inscriptions with special affixes appended
to them. The most common of these is -agn-i, as in Broccagni, Corbagni,
Gurcagni, Gurcagnus, Ercagni, Maglagni, Ulcagni, Ulcagnus, to which must be
added one in -egn-i, namely, Gunegni. Besides these we have two in -mi-i,
Fanoni and Vendoni (twice); two in -uc-i, Fannuci and Swaqqvuci; two in
-ic-i, Berici and Torrid; two in -iv-i or -iw-i, namely, Ercilivi and
Nogtivis, to which it is right to add the name ending in -urivi on the stone
lost at Llandeilo: this termination may, as was seen in the form Cunacenniwi,
be used in the case of a full name. The remaining derivatives are few and
various. Besides the foregoing names we have about twenty epithets or
qualifying words attached to the former in our inscriptions. Of these about
two thirds are of Welsh origin, while the rest is Latin. Altogether they are
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382 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. more miscellaneous than the names
they accompany: one of them, Ordous, seems to refer to the tribe of the
person commemorated; one, Gocci, ' red,' is an ordinary adjective, and
Tovisaci, 'having the lead, a leader or prince,' is a noun of adjectival
origin; next comes Maqvirird, which may be a quasi-compound. Then we have two
adjectives compounded of a noun and an adjective, as in many other instances
in Welsh — I allude to Anate-mori, ' soul-great,' and Ei-metiaco, '
cere-Jiastatus.' Lastly, passing by Seniargii and Kedomavi as obscure, we
come to Bwrgo-cavi, Duno-cati, Il-wweto, and Monedo-rigi, which may be
guessed to mean ' city-guardian,' ' town-warrior,' ' much-speaking ' and '
mountain-king ' respectively. It is almost needless to state that Early Welsh
names hardly contain anything that does not find its continuation or
counterpart in those of later periods in the history of the language; but to
do justice to this would, to judge only from the materials I have already
collected, probably require a larger volume than this. It may, however, be
here pointed out that the printed books containing the greatest number of
Welsh names are the following: Liber Landavensis, the - Camhro-British
Saints, the Myvyrian Archaiology of Wales, Annales Camhrice, Brut y
Tywysogion, the lolo Manuscripts, and t/ie Mahinogion. The best collection of
Breton names known to me is that in the indexes to De Courson's edition of
the Cartulaire de I'Abbaye de Redon (Paris, 1863): a number of Cornish names
occur in the manumissions in the Bodmin Gospels, published by Mr. Stokes in
the Revue Celtique, i. pp. 332-345. For Irish names I have used the indexes
to the Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters (Dublin, 1856),
the Martyrology of Donegal (Dublin, 1864), Reeves' Adamnan's Life of St. Columha
(Dublin, 1857), and other books. Lastly, my references to Teu- |
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APPENDIX. 383 tonic names are based on the first volume of Dr.
Ernst Fbrstemann's AUdeutsches iVaJwenSwc^ (Nordhausen, 1856). A word now as
to the formulae of the inscriptions. As a rule they are of the simplest kind
— occasionally, for instance, the whole inscription consists of only one
proper name, but more frequently it is followed by that of the father of the
person commemorated, making A. films B., or in the genitive A. fili B. with
corpus or sepulcrum to be supplied by the reader, to which one may add that
any personal name used may have an epithet or defining word attached to it.
In other instances we have hie jaeit, but the adverb, written also ie, may be
omitted, while, on the other hand, we once meet with jam ic jadt and with hie
in tumulo jacit or in hoc tumulo iacit. And as to iacit ioTJacet, it is to be
noticed that it is the form regularly used, there being only one certain
instance in which iacet is known. The substitution of -it for -et in this
word may possibly be altogether due to Welsh influence, as -it seems to have
been formerly the prevalent Welsh ending of the third person singular of the
present indicative of the active voice, while -et was probably more usually
associated with the' imperative or potential mood. However, it is right to
add that Frohner, in his preface to his very handy little book entitled
Inscriptiones Terras Coctce Vasorum Intra Alpes, Tissam, Tamesin Bepertce
(Gottingen, 1858), cites, p. xxvi., the forms habit, valiat, hahiant,
porregerit { = por- 7-igeret), cessissit, a,nd potuissit. Lastly a t is
prefixed to every epitaph which happens to be accompanied- by a cross of any
kind on any part of the stDne inscribed, as well as when the stone itself l^s
been fashioned into the form of a cross, which is seldom the case. In a few
instances the monogram of Christ forms the heading, which is here indicated
by prefixing the Greek letters, XPI, which it implies. |
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384 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGr. ANGLESEY. 1. Hie Jacit Maccudecceti
(Penrhos Lligwy). This name may be treated as Maccu Decceti or Maccu-Decceti:
as to maccu see Appendix B., and as to Decceti and Decheti see pages 174,
175, 176 180, 181, 203, 274, 277. 2 origi Sic Jacit (Llanbabo). I have not
seen the stone, and this is all I can guess with any approach to certainty
from the fac-similes of the inscription in Hiibner's collection. The name
intended is evidently of the same formation as Gamelorigi and the like. 3.
Culidori Jacit Et Orvvite Mulier Secundi (Llangefni). Here mulier would seem
to mean uxor. Culidori is a name I cannot trace later, but Orvvite, on which
see pages 210, 211, may be the early form of Erwyd in Ponterwyd ■ in
Cardiganshire, which druid-mad charlatans are sometimes pleased to transform
into Pont-derwydd. The formula of this epitaph stands alone. 4. Hie Beatu^s]
Saturniiius Se\_pultus\ [J]aeit . Et Sua Sa^ncta] Conjux . Palx]
(Llansadwrn). The stone has been damaged so that the inscription is
incomplete: Hubner makes svasa into Suasa, but such a name is quite unknown
to me, and as the line is incomplete I have ventured to suggest SIM sancta as
the full reading, but this is only to await a better guess. 5. Gatamanus Rex
Sapientisimus Opinatisimus Omnium, Eegum (Llangadwaladr). Gatamanus occurs later
as Gatman, Gadfan, and as to King Cadfan and his name see pages 168, 169,
212, 323. CARNAEVONSHIEE. 6. Meli Medici Fill Martini Jacit (Llangian). This
would seem to mean Gorpus Meli Medici Hie Jacit: Mel occurs as the name of a
disciple of St. Patrick, and first bishop of Ardagh [Four Masters, under the
year 487); it |
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APPENDIX. 385 also enters into the composition of several proper
names of men, such as Melldeyrn. With medici here compare fahri on one of the
stones at Tavistocji. 7. Veradus Pbr Hie Jacit (Cefn Amwlch). There is
nothing to prevent our regarding Veradus as the same name as Guroc in the
Liber Landav., p. 170, if it be not of Latin origin. 8. Senacus Prsb Sic
Jacii Cum Multitudnem Fratrum Prespiter . . . (Cefn Amwlch). Multitudine is
shortened one syllable, and ended in a silent m (see p. 208). Senacus would
seem to consist of sen-, whence our hen ' old,' Ir. sean, with the affix ac
attached to it, and to be exactly equivalent to the Irish name Seanach;
however, it is unusual to attach the affix ac to an adjective, and but for
the Irish name one might explain Senacus as meaning Senacus from the sen-
possibly implied by our Mod. Welsh hoen ' vigour, liveliness.' 9. Jovenali
Fili Eterni Hie Jacit (on the farm of Ty Corniog in the parish of Llannor).
The first name is better known as Juvenal, and appears in the Liber
Landavensis (pp. 166, 259) as Jouanaul, a form which it assumed, instead of
the Jouenaid to be expected, probably under the influence of the 0. Welsh
Jouan ' John,' with which it may have been popularly associated. The other
has survived in the name of Llanedern or Edern, still borne by a neighbouring
village. 10. Yendesetli (buried in the same place with the last mentioned).
The name survives as Gwennoedyl (Gambro-Brit. SS., pp. 267, 268), Gwynhoedl
{lolo MSS., p. 141), Gwynoedl, Ghvynodl {Myv. Arch. pp. 741, 426): the last
of these is borne by the neighbouring church of Llangwynodl, now commonly
curtailed into Llangvmodl or Llangvmadl, the founder of which is supposed to
have lived in the 6th century: see the passages alluded to in B |
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386 LECTURES ON WiSLSH PHILOLOGr. the Gamhro-Brit. SS. There can,
I think, be little doubt that the stone bearing the foregoing inscription was
meant for him. 11. Alhortus Eimetiaco Hie Jacet (JAs,TX&&\h.ai2icri).
This is the only instance perhaps, we have of jacet in its correct Latin
form. Alhortus is read also Ahortus; see pages 205, 279. If the correct
reading is Alhortus, it is probably to to be analysed into Alhrort-, of which
the syllable alh has been mentioned page 279; the other, ort, may be the same
which occurs in the form Orth as a man's name in Lewis Morris's Celtic
Remains, p. 176': it may be of the same origin as the Latin portare. As to
Eimetiaco, see pages 179, 207, 215, 225, 279, and Appendix C. 12. Fill
Lovernii Anatemori (Llanfaglan). Here corpus or sepulcrum is to be supplied,
but even then it is not easy to say how it is to be construed: it can hardly
mean Anatemori Fili Lovernii, for the arrangement of the words is against
that view, and Anatemori looks more like an epithet than a leading name; nor
can I accept Hiibner's reading it upwards — it stands thus: FILI LOVEENII ANATEMORI So I am inclined to regard it as being
FilinLovernii Anatemori, which, but for the inscriber's wish to show off his
Latin, would most likely have been left Maqvi-Lovernii Anatemori: compare
Maqvitreni in Ogam, and Maqyeragi in Ogam and in capitals. As to other points
connected with this epitaph, see pages 209, 212, 216. 13. XPI. Carausius Hie
Jacit In Hoc Congeries Lapidum (Penmachno). I cannot explain the bad Latin of
this inscription as far as concerns gender, but with the |
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APPENDIX. 387 s of congeries compare tlie case of Nogtivis, p.
208;. nor can I find any trace of the name Caratisius in later Wekh. 14. Cantiori
Hie Jacit Venedotis Give Fuit \C'\ons6brino Ma[g\U Magistrati (Penmaclino).
Such genitives as magistrati were usual as early as the time of the Gracchi,
nor does the inscription contain a single fault which is not justifiable on
Latin ground: see pages 168, 179, 213, 215. The c of consohrino is tolerably
certain, and so is the g of Magli, which appears later a,s Mael, and enters
into the composition of other names: the Irish form is mdl, said to mean ' a
noble, a prince, a king,' and not the maol or mael of such Irish names as
Maolpadraig or Maelpadraig, 'the tonsured servant of P.,' which is more
likely to be the formal equivalent of our moel ' bald, without hair, without
horns.' As to Cantiori, I would regard it as a nominative standing for an earlier
Cantiorix, and would treat the whole as meaning — Cantiorix Hie Jacet:
Venedotius Civis Fuit, Gonsohrinus Magli Magistratus, which is tolerably
simple Latin, whatever may be said of its elegance. But I should add that
Professor Hiibner construes it thus: Cantiori. Hie iacit, Venedotis cive(s)
fuit, \e^nsohrino{s) Ma[g]li magistrati. 15 oria Ic Jacit (Penmachno). This
is a part of an inscription probably commemorating a woman. 16. iSanct. . . .
Filius Sacer[dotis . . . .] (Tyddyn Holland, near Llandudno). The stone is
described in a book entitled " The History and Antiquities of the Town
of Aberconwy and its Neighbourhood, with Notices of the Natural History of
the District, by the Eev. Robert Williams, B.A., Christ Church, Oxford,
Curate of Llangernyw" (Denbigh, 1835). At page 137 it is said that the
following inscription was copied from the stone in question in the year
1731: |
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388 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. SANCT ANVS SACEI ISIS This
convinces me that the epitaph was then as incomplete as it is now, for I feel
confident that what was then read ANTS is the FiLivs of the above reading,
which is, it is true, far from certain. But since then the difficulties of
the inscription have been greatly increased by the fact that the late
occupant of the cottage close by undertook to deepen some of the letters for
the benefit of English tourists. As it now stands, the ct of the old copy is
a big D reversed. I have failed to read isis, or to satisfy myself that the
line of which it formed a part was ic iacit. If it formed an epithet to the
father's name it would be useless to attempt to guess the original. The
reaiiing of the rest of the inscription was probably either Sanctus Filius
Sacerdotis or Sancti Filius Sacerdotis with Sancti for Sanctis = Sanctius:
one of these perhaps is implied in the O. Welsh name Saith (Liber Landav., p.
200), and probably also in Sant, the legendary name of St. David's father. Or
else it may have been Sanctanus or Sanctagnus Filius Sacerdotis; for, that
Sanctagnus or Sanctagni occurred as a name used at one time by Kymric
Christians is rendered probable by the Welsh derived form Seithen-in, and by
a passage in the preface to Saneldris Irish hymn in the Liber Hymnorum which
is thus rendered by Mr. Stokes: " Bishop Sancton made this hymn, and
when he was going from Clonard westward to Mat6c's Island be made it. And he
was a brother of Mat6c's, and both of them were of Britain, and Mat6c came
into Ireland before Bishop Sancton." According to another account they
were grandsons of Muireadhach Mulndearg, king of Ulidia, who is |
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APPENDIX. 389 stated to have died in the year 479 {Four Masters,
ii. p. 1190): Matbc is most decidedly an early form of our Welsh Madog. With
Sanctanus compare Justanus, the name of a bishop of St. Patrick's creation in
Ireland. DENBIGHSHIKE. 17. Broliomagli Jam Ic Jacit Et Uxor Ejus Caune
(Voelas Hall, near Bettws y Coed). Brohomagli and Caune are nominatives: see
pages 177, 179, 181, 203, 204, 223, 276. 18. Vinnemagli Fili Senemagli
(Gwytherin). The second name occurs also as Senomagli: it should in later
Welsh be Henfael, but it does not seem to occur, while Vinnemagli duly appears
as Gwenfael, in the lolo MSS., p. 144, for an intermediate Vennemagli. 19.
Saumilini Tovisad {in capitals) | (Pool Park, near S — helino \To\wisaci {in
Ogam) ) Euthin). The difficulties of this inscription have been noticed on p.
290: Tovisad is undoubtedly the early form of our tywysog ' a prince, a
leader,' but as it is left untranslated, it is likely to have been here
regarded more as an epithet than an indication of the man's rank. FLINTSHIRE.
20. Hie Jacit Mulier Bona Nobili (Downing, brought from Caerwys). Here mulier
bona may possibly have been meant as an equivalent for the Welsh gvireigdda '
good wife,' and Nohili, for Nohilis, was, I am inclined to think, her
husband's name: if it is to be treated merely as the ordinary adjective
nohilis, the epitaph has no parallel on Kymric ground. MONTGOMERYSHIRE. 21.
Hie \In\ Tumulo Jacit E\e\stece Filia Paternini Ani XIII In Pa (Llanerfyl).
The inscription is not alto- |
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390 LEOTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. gether legible, and it is
impossible to guess with certainty the second letter of the first name; but
it was probably E or 0. Ani stands probably for Annis, but the age look?
rather like an ixiii. MEEIONETHSHIEE. 22. Oavo Seniargii (Llanfor). Others
may prefer dividing it into Gavoseni Argii: it is written like one word,
though it can hardly be one. As to Cavo, see pages 215, 223: Seniargii is
difficult to explain beyond the fact that it probably stands for Senja-argii
and not Senaargii, as the latter would have yielded not Seniargii, but
Senargii; it is further possible that -ii is the antecedent of our modern
termination ydd in personal nouns such as cynydd ' a huntsman,' from cvm '
dogs,' dilledydd ' a tailor,' from dillad ' clothes:' the same perhaps
applies in the case of Lovernii . see pages 209, 215, 216, 223. Lastly, it
should be mentioned that what I have here supposed to be // should possibly
be read H, which sometimes in Roman inscriptions resembled ||j but it is
hardly probable. 23. Porius Hie In Tv/mulo Jacit Homo Ghristianus Fuit (Llech
Idris, near Trawsfynydd). The first two syllables of the adjective are
represented by the Greek abbreviation xpi: it is to be noticed that Porius
stands over jacit at the end of the second line, so that it is not improbable
that it is to be read after tumulo or jacit — in the former case we should
have a sort of a rude couplet running thus: — Hie In Tumulo Porius Jadt; Homo
ChristianViS Fuit. The name Porius survives as^ Pir in Mainour Pir (Liber
Landav., p. 117), now Manorbeer, in Pembrokeshire, Pii'-o (pp. 14, 17), later
Pyr. |
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APPENDIX. 391 24. Ccelexti Monedorigi (Llanaber, brought from a
farm in the neighbourhood). On Ccelexti for Ocelestis, see pages 207, 208.
Monedorigi seems to be an epithet composed of monedo-, now mynydd ' mountain
' (compare the Sc. Gaelic monadh ' moor, heath '), and rlgi, for ngis, the
genitive of what would have been in the nominative rl, for an earlier rlx,
now rhi ' king, lord; ' so Monedorigi probably meant ' mountain-king.' 25.
Pascent. This is said to have been on a stone which once existed at Towyn:
the inscription is probably incomplete, and the name meant was most likely
written Fascenti with a horizontal I. 26. Rec Jacet Salvianus Bwrsocavi
Filius Gupetian. This is reported to be the reading of a stone which was
found at Caer Gai, near Llanuwchllyn: it has long since been lost, but the
inscription may be conjectured to have been Hie Jacit Salvianus Burgocavi
Filius Oupetiani, also with a horizontal I, which the antiquaries of former
days did not always copy, as they did not know what to make of it. Salvianus
and Cupitianus are Roman names which are otherwise known in Britain: see
Hubner's Inscr. Lat. Brit, Nos. 986 and 887. Burgocavi, which is here a
nominative, evidently involves the name Gav-o, which we have on the Llanfor
stone in the same neighbourhood: the common element in Gavo Seniargii and
Burgocavi very possibly implies the blood-relationship of the two men meant,
and it is natural to conclude that Gaer Gai, which translated into an older
form must have been Gastra Gavi or Gavi Gastra, bears the name of some person
of the same family, perhaps of this very Burgocavi mentioned in the lost
inscription. S is very frequently misread for G in our Early Inscriptions,
and the name here in question was probably Burgocavi, in which we sholild in
that case have the Welsh equivalent of hurgh, borough: horg was |
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392 LECTDEES GN WELSH PHILOLOGy. used by Cormac and others as an
Irish word for town. So Burgoeav-i would mean ' he who watches over, provides
for, or takes care of the town.' As to the origin of Cavo and Caune,
suggested at page 223, see Curtius' " Outlines of Greek Etymology,"
No. 64, and compare the names Ayii/iOxouv, 'iw'Troxotav, and the like.
CAEDIGANSHIRE. 27. t Bandus Jacit (Silian). The first letters of this
inscription are bisected by the shaft of a small cross horizontally placed
before the epitaph. 28. Corhalengi Jacit Ordous (Cae'r Felin Wynt, near
Penbryn). As to Ordous and the case of Corhalengi, see pages 177, 207, 212.
Corhalengi appears to be composed of corba, of the same origin as the Irish
corb, which Cormac mentions as meaning ' a chariot: ' the Welsh words related
are corf, corof, corfan, carfan, whence corba in Corhalengi may have meant '
a beam,' ' a frame-work,' or ' a chariot.' The other element in Corhalengi.
msLy be of the same origin as the Irish lingim " salio; " but I am
rather inclined to regard it as the Celtic equivalent of Latin longus,
English long, and this would harmonise with Evolengi should that turn out to
mean ' long-lived.' 29. Velvor Filia Broho (Llandyssul). It is not evident
whether the inscription is complete or not, but I am now inclined to think it
is. Broho we have already met with in Brohomagli .- see pages 177, 181, 203,
204, 276. As to Velvor, it is to be divided into Vel-vor, of which vel-
stands for val-, as in Clotuali and Cunovali, and represents a pree-Celtip
valpa, Gothic vulfs, English wolf, but why it has e is not clear. Nay, in
Forstemann's AUdeutsches Nameribuch we have the exact Teutonic equivalent of
our Velvor in the feminine Wolf war from Salzburg. Eormally the vor of Velvor
is best explained by supposing it to be
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APPENDIX. 393 the antecedent of our gwr 'man,' plural gwyr; but
gwr is now only mascullDe, but that it was once feminine -or common as to
gender is possible — compare dyn ' a man,' which, was habitually used in the
feminine by the Welsh poets of the Middle Ages. 30. Trenacatus Ic Jack Filius
Maglagni, and in Ogam Trenaccatlo (Llanfechan or Llanvaughan, near
Llanybyther). The syllable tren is represented in later Welsh by tren '
impetuous, strenuous, furious: ' the other element is now cad ' battle, war,'
and Trenacatus means ' impetuous in battle.' Of Trenaccatlo I can only make
Tren ac Gatlo, ' Tren and Catlo,' which would now be Tren a Chadlo. Gatlo
stands for Catu-lo with the same catu as in Trenacatus and Catotigemi; the
meaning of lo is not so easy to guess, but it may possibly be the Early Welsh
equivalent of Latin lupus, ' a wolf,' though the derived forms show not o but
ov, ou in Loverni, Lovernaci, and the Breton louarn ' a fox.' Accordingly
Catlo would mean ' the wolf of battle: ' other names to be compared are
Cynllo and Trillo. Maglagni survives as Maelan in Garthmaelan, the name of a
place in Merioneth. For some account of related forms see the remarks on the
Llanfaglan stone, Carnarvonshire, and the Merthyr stone, Carmarthenshire; see
also pages 212, 290. 31. Potenina Muliier (Goodrich Court, near Ross, whither
the stone was taken from Tregaron). The rest of the inscription is gone, the
above being on a fragment of the original stone. Above the first n there is a
small hollow, which if not a mere fray in the stone may mean that one is to
read nt, and to regard the name intended as Potentina and not Potenina. The
name Potentinus occurs in a Roman inspription at Caerleon, and Potentina is
mentioned in Becker's collection, JDie romischen Inschriften und
Steinsculpturen des .Museums der Stadt
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394 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. BEECKNOCKSHIEE. 32. Rugnia — o
\FiYi Vendoni (Devynock). The first name has been read Pugniacio, but I read
it evgniatto, EVGNiAvio or EYGNIAVO, making into V, in the last-mentioned
guess, what others have read as a sort of open followed by /. The first part
of the name is no doubt represented by the later Run, Rhun, and JRugniavio or
Rugniavo might be explained as belonging to that class of names which end in
jaw or jo, such as Oeidjo, Peibjo, and also Teilo, which is the regular
Southwalian continuator of the O. Welsh Teljau, Teiljmi. In the Liber
Landavensis (pp. 31, 86, 96) it occurs also written Teliau-us and Teliau-i,
which come pretty near our Rugniavo; but as this is a genitive, the
nominative must have been either Rvgnjus or Rugnjaus, and so in the case of
Teilo probably, and all names of the kind. The two first letters of Fili were
on a part of the stone which has been cut off, but I do not think that there
is a letter wanting at the beginning of the first name, which, as it now
stands, begins with a good R, and there is no excuse for reading it P. The
name Vendoni occurs also on one of the Clydai stones, and seems to be
continued in the Welsh feminine Gwenonwy. 33 Filius Victorini (Scethrog, near
Brecon). The first name is hopelessly gone, owing to the stone having been
used as a roller: I have guessed it to be Nemni, whence Nemnivus. 34. Dervaci
Filius Justi Je Jacit (on an old Roman road in the neighbourhood of
Ystradfellte). If Dervaci be a Latinised form for jDervacis, Dervaciiis, then
the name may be analysed into an adjective formed by means of the affix
-<Sc, from derv-, now derw, ' oak.' A Justus, traced by some to Wales,
assisted St. Patrick in Ireland. 35. Turpilli Ic Jacit Puveri Triluni
Dunocati, and in Ogam Turpil\li Tri\lluni (Glan Usk Park, |
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APPENDIX. . 395 near Crickhowel). The Ogam notches for the first i
are gone, and the first I in Trilluni is somewhat doubtful. Some think there
are Ogams on the top of the stone after Trilluni, but I can make nothing of
them. On most of the peculiarities of this inscription see pages 21, 167,
175, 176, 177, 178, 182, 210, 211, 220, 300. Triluni no doubt stands for
Trilluni, the first element in it being the Welsh numeral for ' three,' which
must have the I doubled after it, as Trilluni would be the representative of
an earlier Tris-luni. The name may, therefore, be explained as Triformis by
identifying lun with our modern word llun, 'shape, form; ' but this can
hardly be said to be confirmed by Lunar\c\hi on another stone. 36. t
Gunocenni Filius Citnoceni Hie Jacit, and in Ogam Cunacenniwi Ilwweto
(Trallong, near Brecon). On this epitaph see pages 30, 162, 172, 173, 177,
178, 211, 212, 296, 300, 301; and as to Ilwweto, see pages 210, 300. It may
be added that the word is probably to be analysed into Il-wwefo, whereof il
is identical with ill in Illtud, Illteym, and, probably, with el in the 0.
Welsh names Eljud, Elhearn, and the like — Illtud also occurs as Eltvtiis: in
Irish it is always il, which is an U-stem, meaning ' much,' and of the same
origin as Greek woXu?, Ger. viel. The o of wweto would seem to be the ending
of the genitive, for an earlier -os, and the whole appears to be identical
with Fifho, the genitive of the O. Ir. name Feth (Stokes's Goidelica,^ pp.
84, §5). Fetk and wweto come perhaps from the same source as gwed in the
Welsh verb dy-wed-yd, ' to say, to speak: ' if so, Ilvrweto might be
explained as meaning ' much-speaking,' or possibly ' much-spoken-of: '
compare TIoXu^riTtjs, UoXuptj/jLoc, and the like. 37. Adiune (Ystradgynlais).
This is probably a fragment, but Adiune seems to be a nominative feminine:
see page 217. |
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396 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. 38. Hie Jacit ....
(Ystradgynlais). This is also a fragment, but it is distinct from the
preceding one. 39 «... curi In Hoc Tumulo \Jacii\ (Abercar, on the way from
Merthyr Tydfil to Brecon). There is no reason to think that this inscription
is incomplete, but the stone has been built into the wall of an outhouse at
Abercar. 40. Tir . . . Fili\u,s Catiri. This belonged to the same neighbourhood
but has been destroyed or lost; the first name is said to have been read
Tiheriiis; and Catiri, also given as Catai, is otherwise unknown to me.
GLAMOEGANSHIEE. 41. Vendumctffli Hie Jacit (Llanillteym, near Llandafif).
This inscription is in early Kymric letters. Vendu in Vendumagli is identical
with the first part of Vendoni, of Vendubari, of Vendesetli (otherwise
Yennisetli), and of Viniiemoffli, which is, in fact, the same name as
Vendumagli in spite of the difference of spelling. 42. Tegernactis Filius
Marti Hie Jacit (in a field near Capel Brithdir). The letters are very rudely
cut, and the G marks the transition from G to 3, being of the same form
almost as an inverted Z or an angulated *S^, and identical with the g on the
Inchaguile stone in the county of Galway: some of the other letters are Eoman
capitals, but the early Kymric character prevails on both stones. Tegernacus
is now Teyrnog, Irish Tighearnach, Anglicised Tierney; Marti is probably the
genitive of Martins. I have found no other trace of it in Welsh nomenclature.
43. t Bodvoei Hie Jacit Filius Catotigirni Pron/epus Eternali Vedomavi (on a
mountain near Margam). Some of these forms have been discussed pages 31, 92,
207, 212, 213, 223, 224. The name Bodvoei is said to occur as Boduacus on
a |
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APPENDIX. 397 stone dug up at Nismes in France (see the Arch.
Gamhrensis for 1859, p. 289). In that case I should treat Bodvoci as a
modification of Bodvaci, and analyse it, like Dervaci, into Bodv-dc- or
Bodv-oc-, with bodv- of the same origin as in the Gaulish Boduo-gnatus and
the \C'\aihv,'bodvae of a Gaulish inscription, in which Mr. Hennessy
recognises the Badh-catha or war goddess of Irish mythology (see his
interesting paper in the Rev. Celtique, i. 32-55), which we meet with as a
man's name, Boducat, in the Cambro-Brit. SS., pp. 105, 123; we trace bodv-
also in the name which is variously written Blbodtiffo, Elbodg, and Elhodu in
the Amiales Gambnae, pp. 10, 11. 44. Punpeius Garantorius, and in Ogam Pope
(Cynffig, near Margam). The first name does not seem to appear elsewhere on
Welsh ground, but Garantorius may possibly be identical with the Gerentir-i,
Gerennhir, Gerenhir, Gherenhir of the Liber Landav.; pp. 175, 191, 202, 203,
228, 230. As to other points connected with this inscription, see pages 21,
206, 207, 215, 301 of this ■volume. 45. Macaritini Fili Beri\d\ (The
Gnoll, near Neath, whither it was brought from the parish of Llangadog).
There is some doubt as to the last letters of the father's name: both that
and the son's are otherwise unknown to me. Macaritini stands probably for
Maceratini, and is a derivative from the name given as Macerati by Desjardins
in his Notice sur les Monuments Epigraphique de Bavai et du MusSe de Douai
(Paris, 1873), p. 136. 46. PavXi . . . Eili Ma ... (a fragment at Merthyr
Mawr, near Bridgend). These names may have been in full Paulini and Maqveragi
or the like. 47. . . . ic, in Ogam on the Loughor altar: the rest is not to
be made out with any certainty: see page 302.
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398 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. CAEMAETHENSHIEE. 48. Hie Jacit
Ulcagnus Fius Senomagli (Llanfihangel ar Arth). The first name occurs also in
Cornwall, and in an Irish inscription as Vlccagni: the nearest form which
survives in Wales is perhaps Ylched in Llechylched, in Anglesey, and -wlch in
the name Ammwlch, for Amb-ulc-, in Cefn Ammwlch, in Carnarvonshire, and
possibly in Llanamwlch, near Brecon: see pages 205, 206. 49. Qvenvendard Fill
Barcuni (Parcau, near Whitland): see pages 22, 23, 170, 254, 281. 50.
Gurcagni Fill Andagelli (Gelli DywyU, near Newcastle Emlyn). Gurcagni
survives in the form Circan in the lAher Landav., p. 153, and on Irish ground
both Corcan, probably for Corcdn, and the shorter Gore are to be met with as
personal names: they may possibly, if standing for score, be of the same
origin as scale, " servus," in Teutonic names. Andagelli in its
first element reminds one of the Gaulish forms Andecumhorius, Anderovdus,
Andecamulum, &c. The other element gell- seems to meet us in Gellan
{Liber Landav., pp. 138, 146, 193, 195), and it may perhaps be of the same
origin as the verb gallu, ' to be able; ' but nothing certain could be said
of the composition of the word as long as no modern form of it is known. 51.
£arrivendi Filius Venduhari Hie Jacit, and in Ogam . . . Magyi M . . .
(Llandawke, near Laugharne): see pages 171, 212, 298. These names are in
Irish Bairrfhinn and Fimibharr, of which the former is in Welsh Berwyn, and
the latter would be Gwynfar, but I am not aware that it occurs: the meaning
of the former is ' white-topped or white-headed.' 52. Mavoh .... Fili
Lunar\c\hi Cocci (Llanboidy). The first name is incomplete, owing to the end
of the stone having been broken ofi^, and it is possible that |
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APPENDIX. 399 Lunarchi had no c. As to the former, it may have
been in iull Mavo-heni, for an earlier Mavo-seni dating before Welsh s began
to be changed into h: see pages 223, 224, 278. 53. . . . turn . . . This is
all that is legible of another inscription at Llanboidy: the stone now stands
erect in the churchyard, but it must have long lain in a very different
position, as it is worn smooth, the foregoing being the only legible portion
of an epitaph which probably contained the formiila Hie In Tumulo Jacit. 54.
t Bladi Fili Bodiheve, and in Ogam Awwi Boddih .... and Bevrw . . . (stone
found at Llanwinio, taken to Middleton Hall, near Llanarthney): see pages
217, 218, 299. The reading of Bladi is doubtful, but if it should turn out to
be Bladi, this would probably be found to be of the same origin as hlavd in
Anhlaud in the Camhro-Brit. SS., p. 158. In Davies' dictionary hlawdd is
quoted as meaning " agilis, celer, gnavus, expeditus, impiger,
properus,'' and the compounds aerfiawdd, cadflawdd, cynjiawdd, gorflawdd,
trablawdd are mentioned. Bladi cannot, I think, be identified with blaidd ' a
wolf.' 55. Gaturugi FUi Lovernaci (Merthyr, near Carmarthen). The i of
Gaturugi is horizontally placed, and rather faint, but I think it is there. The
name analyses itself into catvr, identical with the cato- of Catotigerni,
Mod. Welsh cad ' battle, war,' Irish cath, the other element, rug4, is not
easy to identify, but it may be presumed to be the same which we find in a
longer form in Eugniavo, and if it be of the same origin as our modern rhu-o
' to roar,' Latin rugire, Caturugi would mean he who roars in battle; but the
older meaning of the root rug seems to be to break, in that case the name
would mean he who breaks tlie battle. Lovernaci is of course of the same
origin as Lovernii, and both come from a shorter loverrin, which, though lost
in Mod. Welsh, occurs in Cornish as |
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400 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. lowern ' a fox,' Bretoa louarn,
the same, Irish Loam, Anglicised in Scotland into Lome. Traces of it occur in
the lAher Landav., pp. 135, 166, 251, in Gruc Leuyrn, Louern, and Crucou
Leuim, and several localities in Wales are still known by the name of
Llywemog, which would be formally identical with Lovernac-i, but meaning
probably ' abounding in foxes,' whereas as a man's name it is more likely to
have meant ' foxy, or like a fox.' Lovern- possibly stands for Za[p]-arK-,
from the same origin as Latin lupus ' a wolf; ' the simple form perhaps
occurs as lo in Catlo and Cynllo, which last can be matched by a Conlouern
from the Liber Laiidav., p. 146: see also the remarks on Lovernii in No. 12.
Others connect lovern- with Laverna. 56. Gorbagni Filius Al . . .
(Pantdeuddwr, near Abergwili). The second name begins with A, followed, I
think, by an L, which suggested to me the name Alhorti. Gorhagni is a name
which also occurs in an Irish inscription, and I would identify it with
Garfan in Llancarfan and Nantcarfan, in the Liber Landavensis Nant Garban and
Vallis Carbani. As to the change of vowel, compare corfan, ' a metrical
foot,' with car/an as in car/an gwehydd, ' a weaver's beam,' car/an gwely, '
a bedstead,' carfan o wair, " hay laid in rows," which I copy from
Pughe's dictionary, where one meets with the followingquotation
fromSalesbury: "Eisteynt yn garfanau ofesur cantoedd, a deg
adeugeiniau;" " they sat down in rows of the number of hundreds and
of fifties." Hence it would seem that corfan and carfan are desynonymised
forms of the same word. See also the remarks on Gorhalengi in No. 28. 5f. +
Gunegni (Traws Mawr, near Carmarthen). This name is singular in its being
Gunegni and not Cunagni, which is the form analogy suggests; but it should
perhaps be regarded as offering us an early instance of a modulated |
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APPENDIX. 401 into e by the influence of i in the following
syllable, a change well-known later in Welsh. In that case Cunegni would be a
variant of Cunagni, which is to be regarded as the early form of the name
which appears subsequently as Gonan, Ginan and Cynanl 58. Severini Fili
Severi (Traws Mawr). Severi occurs in Cornwall also. 59. Regin . . . Filius
Nu[v]inti (Cynwyl Caio). The first name is now incomplete, but so much of it
as can be read corresponds to the later name Regin, Rein; the v in Nuvinti is
also a matter of guessing, as it has disappeared from the stone, and the name
is otherwise unknown to me, unless we have it in Ednywain. €0. Talo\ri\
Adven\ti] Maqv[eragi] Filiu[s] (Dolau Cothy). The parentheses enclose letters
which are no longer on the stone, but were formerly read on it. Whether
Adventi should not have been read Adventid = Adventicis = Adventicius, which
in late Latin meant advena, it is now impossible to tell, nor can one say
that Adventi = Adventis = Adventius is out of the question: further, it is
difficult to decide whether it is nominative or genitive, and, consequently,
whether it or Magyeragi is to be regarded as the epithet or surname. So,
though I should treat Talorl as a nominative standing for an earlier
Talo-rix, I have to leave it an open question whether the epitaph means Talorix
Filius Adventi Maqveragi or Talorix Adventis Filius Maqveragi. As to
Magyeragi, Dr. Haigh thinks that he has found it also in Ogam on a stone at
St. Florence in Pembrokeshire. 61. Servatur Fidcei Patrieque Semper Amator
Hie Paulinus Jacit Cu[lt]or Pie[nfi]sim[us ^qui] (Dolau Cothy). This Paulinus
is supposed to have attended the synod of Llanddewi Brefi some time before
the year 569: see Haddan and Stubbs' Gouncils and Ecclesiastical 2 |
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402 LECTURES ON WELSH PHTLOLOGT. Documents, i. p. 164. As to the
peculiarities of the spelling, see pages 215, 216. This epitaph forms a kind
of a distich: — Servatur Fidaei Patriequ? Semper Amator, Hie Paulinus Jacit
Cultor Pientisimus Mqui. 62. Vennisetli Fill Ercagni (Llansaint, near
Kidwelly). As to Vennisetli, which is the same name as Vendesetli, see No.
10. Ercagn-i occurs as Erchnn in the Liher Landav., pp. 146, 191, and a farm
in the neighbourhood of Aberystwyth is still called Rhoserchan; we have also
early forms nearly related to Ercagni in Ercilivi and Ercilinci on the
Tregoney stone in Cornwall. Irish has the stUl simplei form Ere, and in Welsh
erch, erckyll, means 'terrible, formidable, dismal.' 63 Jacet Cureagnus urivi
Filius. This is an inscription which Edward Llwyd, in a lettei published in
the Ar. Cam., for 1858, p. 345, gives as beinj at Llandilo, but nothing is
known of it now — his Jacet is not likely to have been so written on the
stone. 64. Decabarbalom Filius Brocagni, and in Ogaw Deccaibanwalbdis: the
stone is said to have been a' Capel Mair, near Llandyssul, but it appears to
be de stroyed, and the foregoing cannot be an accurate copy of it Brocagni,
more correctly written, would have beei Broccagni: it is the early form of
the well-known nami Brychan, and is in Irish Broccdn. See pages 181, 291.
PEMEEOKESHIEE. 65. Solini Filius VendQui (Clydai). The first name i to be
detected possibly in the Liber Landav. pp. 190 193, in the form Hilin, which
would in that case be Hylk or Hylyn if it occurred: this would exclude the
possibilit; of the name being the Koman S6linus. It would b |
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APPENDIX. 403 interesting as giving us the early form so- of our
prefix hy-. See also page 171 and No. 32 in this list. 66. Etterni Fill
Victor, and in Ogam Ettern\{\ .... 7[ic\tor (Clydai). See pages 182, 293. 67.
t Dob . . . . i \F\ilms Evolengi, and in Ogam DoM ...t..Ci.s.. (Dugoed, near
Clydai). The final i of EvoUngi is horizontally placed in the bosom of the G,
and is so faint that some maintain that there is no such a letter on the
stone. If leng- means, as has already been suggested, ' long,' then
Evo-leng-i may mean ' long-lived or he of the long life,' as there is no
obstacle to our supposing evo- to stand for evo- and to be the Early Welsh
equivalent for Latin cevum and its congeners: the Irish form is eva in
Evacattos, and f roni the Continent we have Evotalis given by Frohner, p. 42,
as found at Reinzabern. See also pages 206, 212, 244, 293, 294. 68. t
Trenegussi Fili Macutreni Sic Jacit, and in Ogam Trlnagusu Maqyi Maqvitreni
(Cilgerran). As to Trenagusu or Trenegussi, the syllable trerir is
represented in later Welsh by tren 'impetuous, strenuous, furious,' and the
other element appears in O. Welsh as gust in Gingust, Irish Congus, Chirgust,
Ir. Fergus, JJngust, Ir. Oingus, Anglicised Angus: in Irish there are a good
nM,ny more of these compounds, and they all mal?e their .genitives in o{s),
as in Fergus, gen. Fergusso or Fergosso., and an inscription offers the
genitive Cunagussos, whence it may be inferred with certainty that the
Goidelo-Kymric form implied in these names was gustus, genitive gustos,
formally identical with the Latin gustus of the f7-declension. But as the
Welsh retains the st without reducing it to ss or s it is likely that the
nominative was shorn of its termination at an early date: thus while a
nominative Trenaausius became Trenagust, the genitive- Trenagustos |
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404 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. or Trenagustwos became by
assimilation Trenagmsos, Trenagusso, Trenagussu: the retention of the t was
favoured also by the accent falling in Welsh on gust which we know must have
been the case with Ghiorgust, as it has passed through Gwrgwst, Gwrwst into
Grwst as in Llanrwst. The use of macu and magy-i as synonymous in this
inscription is to be noticed. See pages 30, 180, 211, 212, 293, and Appendix
B. 69. t Nettasagru Maqvi Mucoibreci (Bridell). This is in Ogam only, and in
Mucoibreci, which may be treated as Mucoi-Breci or Mucoi Breci, Bred is very
uncertain: see page 292. Mucoi is the genitive of the word which in the
Cilgerran inscription appears as macu and elsewhere as macco: as to the
variation of the stem vowel see Appendix B. Nettasagru is to be analysed into
Nettasagru, of which netta occurs several times in Irish Ogam and is rendered
" propugnator " by Mr. Stokes. It probably stands for iienta of the
same origin as the O. H. Ger. ginindan ' to take courage,' Gothic
ana-nanthjan ' to take courage, to venture,' 0. Eng. ne^an, ' to go on
boldly, to venture, to dare.' The other element sagr- comes down into later
Welsh in the verb haer-u ' to affirm,' and Haer, a woman's name, in the lolo
MSS., p. 21, and Lewis Morris's Celtic Remains, p. 237. The Irish form is sdr
'very' (sdr mhaith ' exceeding good '), saraghadk ' conquest, victory ' [ag
saraghadh ' exceeding ')— I quote from Edward Llwyd: to these may be added
Sdraid, the name of a lady who figures in Irish legend — the genitive of the
corresponding masculine may be recognised in the Sagarettos of an Irish Ogmic
inscription. Among related words in other languages may be instanced Sanskrit
sah 'to hold, to restrain, to resist, to overpower,' Greek 'ixi^,
^X"?"^' o^uiog, but the most interesting are the Teutonic forms, |
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APPENDIX. 405 among wHch may be mentioned Gothic sigis, German
sieff ' victory ': our sagr- takes the form sigl- or sigil- in Teutonic
names, so our Haer is matched by a fem. Sigila, and the Irish Sdraid letter
for letter by the fem. Sihilinda, Sigilind: see Forstemann'a book, columns
1087, 1095. As applied to men sagr- and its equivalents probably meant
powerful, firm, victorious, but as applied to women they, no doubt, meant
firm, resisting, chaste, which afibrds us an interesting glimpse into early
Celto-Teutonic morals. Both sig- and nand- enter extensively into the
composition' of Teutonic names, but the nearest instance to our Nettasagru
which Forstemann gives is Siginand. 70. Sagrani Fill • Gunotami, and in Ogam
Sagramni Maqvi Cunatami (St. Dogmael's, near Cardigan). As to Sagramni it is
not easy to say how it should be analysed; at first sight it seems to be a
sort of middle participle from the early form of the verb haer-u, but analogy
is in favour of the view that it is a compound; but of what elements 1 It may
be Sag-ramn-i or Sagr-amriri: in the former case we should have sag- (whence
the sagr-, sager-, already discussed), and ramn which is not very easy to
explain. In the other case we should have sagr- and amn-, which might
possibly be a derivative from the root am ' to attack, assail, injure ' (see
Fick's dictionary,^ i. p. 19): the whole might then mean ' a powerful
assailant.' Teutonic names show an element resembling the latter part of
Sagramni in such names as Imino, Emino, Emeno, Tmnus, Ymnedrudis, Imnegisil,
Imnachar, &c. (Forstemann, 777, 779). Gunatami or Gunotami is in Mod.
Welsh Gyndaf, and is composed of cwre- and tamr: the former of these is a
common element in proper names, and occurs as cune in Cuneglas-e and is
explained by Gildas as -« X — « <£ 1nni/^ " 'Fho /^fTiaf. aTTllaV»l.a
invn. la nOt Of SUch |
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406 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. extensive use, but it occurs
besides in Eudaf, Gawrdaf, Gwyndaf, Maeldaf, and more than one river in Wales
is called Taf — whether it is to be referred to the root tarn or stahh is not
clear (Fick's dictionary, i. 593, 821). As to other points connected with
this inscription, see pages 29, 182, 183, 184, 212, 293. 71. Yitaliani
Mmereto, and in Ogam Witaliani (Cwm Gloyn, near Nevern). See pages 167, 176,
179, 215, 288, 294. 72. t Tunccetace Uxsor Daari Sie Jacit (Trefarchog or St.
Nicholas). The name is to be analysed into ,Tunccet-ac-e and would be now
Tynghedawg or Tynghedog, tunccet being now tynghed ' fate ': thus it was
probably the exact equivalent in meaning of the Latin name Fortunata. As to
other points connected with this epitaph see pages 206, 216,217, 244. To the
remark on the doubling of the a in Daari, p. 216, add the following instances
from the Continent, mentioned by Frohner, p. xxvii: — Craaniani from Eiegel,
Maiaanus from Luxembourg, and JRicaamaariu from Paris; also Vaaro, from
Bingen,' cited by Becker, p. 78. And, lastly, with Tunccetace compare
temppistataem for tempestatem, instanced by Frohner, p. xxix. 73. Uvali Fill
Dencui Cuniovende Mater Ejus (Spittal, near Haverfordwest). If evo- in
Evolengi means cevum, then Evali may possibly have had the meaning of
Etemalis or Vitalis in other inscriptions. Dencui is obscure: it may be
either a compound Den-cui or Denc-ui, or else a derivative, in which case we
should probably compare Dinui and Sagranui: it is to be remarked that the
reading of it is not certain. The vend- of Cunio-vende we have already met
with, but cuni-o is obscure: it would seem to be derived from cun- as in
Gurw,tami. 74. Clotorigi Fili Paulini Marini Latio (LlandysUio). |
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APPENDIX. 407 Owing to the face of the stone having begun to peel
off, I am not certain whether the first name should be read CLOTOKiGi or CLTjTOEiGi.
Later the name became Glotri and Clodri: the corresponding Teutonic forms in
Forstemann's list are Chloderich, and Hlodericus. As to what follows Paulini,
it is hard to know what to make of it: various ways of explaining it occur to
me, but none of them is satisfactory. On the whole I would suggest that
MAEiNiLATio should be divided into Mdrini, an epithet to Paulini, and Latio,
which would then have to mean ' from Latium,' or ' from Litau, i.e., Armorica
'; for Latium and 0. Welsh lAtav,, now Llydaw, used to be confounded —
witness the Ovid gloss di Litau, ' to Llydaw,' intended to explain the Latin
Latio: the same thing happened also in the case of Leiha, the 0. Irish
equivalent of Llydaw. 75. Euolenggi Fili Litogeni Hie Jacit (LlandysUio). The
letters are mixed Roman and Kymric, but there is no excuse for reading the
first name Euolenus: Evolengi has already been mentioned: see page 399. As to
Litogeni, it is no doubt of the same origin as the Gaulish forms Litugena,
Litugenius, and partly as Litumara = O. Welsh " litimaur frequens."
See pages 183, 253. 76. Camelorigi Fili Fannud (Cheriton, near Pembroke). The
second element of Camelorigi requires no further explanation, but the other
is more obscure. The e may be the irrational vowel which is omitted in
Nettasagru as compared with the Irish Sagareftos: in that case the name might
be written Camlorigi, which would conform better with the analogy of the
other Early Welsh names. It is possibly of the same origin as the first part
of the probably Gaulish name Camalodunum: the root is ham ' to vault, to
bend, to envelop,' from which are derived xd/zivoi, xa/ioga, vliLnsoc.
xdaapos; Lat,, camurus, camera; Ger., himmel}
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408 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. ' sky, heaven, canopy, roof of a
carriage; ' and the Teutonic names containing the same element are Himildrvd,
HimUger, Eimilvad, Berhthimil, while one might at first sight be tempted to
equate Eamalri, the name of the King of France's steward mentioned in the
Saxon Chronicle under the year 1123, but this is perhaps not to be thought
of, as it is also written Amauri, and the h supposed to be inorganic: see
Forstemann, 77, 687. As to the affix mc in Fannuci see page 282. The fann- we
meet with in this name is probably of the same origin as the German verb '
spannen, to be stretched, to be in suspense,' Eng. span. 77. t Maqveragi in
Ogam (St. Florence): see page 296. 78. t Magolite Bar . . . cene in Ogam (in
the chapel on Caldy): see page 297. DBVONSHIEE. 79. Bohwnni Fahri Filli
Enaharri, and in Ogam .... ndbarr .... (Tavistoclj:). I am not perfectly
certain as to the second I in filli; see page 303, and No. 88 in this list.
The first name seems to be the same as that of the tribe whom Ptolemy calls
Ao^oimoi in South Wales. Enaharri contains one element, harr-, which has
already been noticed: the other ena seems to be the same as the ene of Eneuin
of a much later inscription nowin the chapel at Goodrich Court. It stands
probably for enna = an earlier enda, which in Irish occurs as a man's name,
Enna, Enda: in modern Welsh names it is of course reduced into en- as in Enfail,
Enddwyn and the like, with which may be compared in the Teutonic languages,
Enda, Indgar, Indulf, or else Ando, Andegar, Andarich, and the like. 80.
Sahini Fili Maccodecheti (Tavistock, brought thither from Buckland
Monachorum). Sahini, which would be the
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APPENDIX. 409 genitive of SaMnus, a name well-known to
epigraphists, is perhaps to be read Sarini; for owing to a hole cut in the
stone it is now impossible to say which is right. The form Sabini would be
identical with Hefln in the lolo MSS., p. 108. As to Maccodecheii, see pages
163, 174-177, 180, 181, 203, 274, 277, and Appendix B. 81. (a) Fanoni
Maqyirini: (b) Sagranui, and (c) in Ogam Swaqqvud Maqyi Qvici (British
Museum, brought from Fardel, near Ivybridge). Fanoni stands probably for
Fannoni, of the same origin as Fannud. The meaning of rin in Maqyirini is not
evident, nor is one certain as to the formation of the name Sagranui: the n
is written like an H, but it is not probable that it is to be read so;
moreover, the H and the V are so placed as to suggest a conjoint character
for MN or NN: they are not quite joined. Thus thepossible readings are
Sagranui, Sagranui, Sagramni, Sagrahui. This inscription is not on the same
face as that of Fanoni, nor in so early letters: see also pages 282, 303. 82.
Valci Fili F . . . . aius (Bowden, near Totness). I have not yet had time to
visit the locality of this stone, and I take the above from Hiibner's book —
I have faUed to guess the reading of the rest, though the epitaph seems to be
complete; the fac-simile seems to come originally from Gough's Camden. The
first name would seem to be identical with our gwahh in Gwalchmm. CORNWALL.
83. Latini Ic Jacit Filius Ma:: arii, and in Ogam, traces of an inscription
ending in i (Worthyvale, near Camelford). The father's name is partly
illegible, and the final i is horizontally placed and of an unusual length:
see also page 209. As Latini — there is no excuse for read- in™ '*■
^'»''''»«' — ia poinijnatiga i t Tirnba.b1v .sta nd.s for |
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410 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Latinis = Latinius — see page
178; several instances of the simpler form Latinus are cited by Frohner, p.
50, and one of tliem seems to come from London. 84. Vlcagni Fili Severi
(Nanscow, near Wadebridge). These names we have already met with: one is
Celtic and the other Latin. 85. Vailathi Fili Vroclia:: i (Wilton, near
Cardynham). The reading of the one name is not very certain, and the origin
of both is obscure; in any case the inscription must be a comparatively late
one, as proved both by the spelling and the style of the letters, 86.
Annicuri (Lanivet, near Bodmin). I have not seen it, and I cannot explain the
name, but the first part anni is probably to be regarded as identical with
anda- in Andagelli: the rest coincides with the portion read of a name on the
Abercar stone, Brecknockshire: see No. 39. 87. t Brustagni Hie Jacit Cunomori
Filiws (The Long Stone, near Fowey). The first name has been read Cirusius,
but what has been taken to be CI is an inverted D; moreover, the ius of
Cirusius does not account for all the traces of letters on that part of the
stone, but my -agni is rather a guess than a reading. Brustagni would be the
early form of our Drystan; compare also the Pictish Brostan, Brosten, Brust,
and other related forms. Cunomori is composed of eun-, already noticed, and
mor- probably the prototype of our adjective mawj ' great ': the name is now
Cynfor in Wales. 88. Bonemimori Filli Tribuni (Kialton, near St. Columt
Minor). The name which here occurs as Bonemimori is tc be met with in a
variety of forms, I am told, on th« Continent: filli stands no doubt ioifilji
or fillji, with whicl may be compared fiUia, Julliacus, Julliani mentioned bj
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APPEND IS. 411
FroKner, p. xxix; also Turpilli on the Glan Usk Park stone. Filli seems to be
the spelling also on one of the Tavistock stones. The father's name seems to
be the Latin trihunus used as a proper name. 89. Conetoci Fili Tegernomali
(St. Cubert). The lettering though clear, is rude and inclines to early
Kymric, especially the G which has the form of a J" being intermediate
between the Capel Brithdir specimen and the ordinary Kymric 3. Conetoci
stands possibly for an earlier Cunatad or Cunotaci, but whether that would be
a derivative with the suffix dc or oc, or a compound Guno-tdc4 is not
evident. In the former case Conetoci fpould imply a noun conet, possibly of
the same origin as connet in the Gaulish name Gonconneto-dumnus, but more
likely of the same as our con in gogonedd or gogoniant ' glory/ whence
Conetoci might mean gloriosua or the Uke. Compare Tunccet-ae-e, O. Welsh
Marget-jud, and the Gaulish Orgeto-rix. As to Tegernomali, see pages 31, 213:
it means 'king-like or lord-like ': the only other name of the same formation
in Welsh which occurs to me is Jonafal [Brut y Tywys. p. 28, Myvyr. Arch. p.
659, 692): counpaie dihafal ' without a like, unrivalled,' and Breton Hiaval.
The author of a life of St. Samson, who is supposed to have written in the
earlier part of the 7th century, addresses his preface " ad
Tigerinomalum Episcopum," where we have Tegemomalum, spelled with an
irrational i: the epitaph in question is also in all probability to be
ascribed to the 7th century. 90. Nonnita Erdlivi Jiicati Tris Fili Erdlind
(Tregoney). Nonnita was a woman, though she and her two brothers are here
termed " tris ( = tres) fili: " it was the name of St. David's
mother, and has come down in Eglwys Nunyd, that is, in Welsh spelling Eglwys
Nynyd, the name of an extinct church near Margam: otherwise in Welsh
tradition it usually takes the shorter form Non or |
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412 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT Nonn. Ercilivi and Ercilinci are
of the same origin as Ercagni already noticed: on the Trallong stone we -find
Gunocenni Filius Cunoceni called in Ogam Cunacennivd, and the present
instance is a fair parallel, Hrcil{mci) Filius being made into Ercilivi, or,
as it would be in Ogam, Erciliwi. On the termination inc, now ing, see the
Arch. Camhrensis for 1872, page 302. Ricati probably means king of battle:
compare the Teutonic Rihlmd (Forstemann, 1047); however it does not appear
that the Welsh name is a compound, for were that the case we should expect to
find it assuming the form of Eigocati or the liie: so it remains that it
should be treated as consisting of a nominative ri (for an earlier rix) and
the genitive of the stem catu, which would have been in Early Welsh catu or
cato, making the whole word into Eicato or Eicatu, which, dealt with in the
same way as Trenagusu, made into Trenegussi in the Latin version, would yield
Eicati and retain at the same time quite as much of the appearance of a
nominative as the Ercilivi immediately preceding it. 91. t Vitali Fill Torrid
(St. Clement's, near Truro). This inscription is preceded by a group of very
much smaller letters which seem to make Isnioc, which has never been
explained. Vitali, for Vitalis, is a Latin name which occurs in inscriptions
of the time of the Eoman occupation: see also page 176. It is not improbable
that Torrid, on the other hand, is Celtic; as we have the name Twrrog which
would have been in Early Welsh Turrac- or Torrac-. To this may be added from
the Lichfield Gospel a compound name Turgint with gint as in Bledgint, now
Bleddyn, which probably meant wolf-child, as gint, seems to be our formal
equivalent to Latin gens, gentis, Lithuanian gimtis, ' race,' gentis, ' a
relative,' Ger. kind, ' a child.' But I would not be certain that our torr in
Torrid is the equivalent of tlm lfindin<T oioment |
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APPENDIX. 413 in the Teutonic names, Thurismund, Tlmrismod,
Thorismutk, Thundnd (Forstemann, 1200, 1201). 92. OMuali' Morhatti (Phillack,
near Hayle). Morhatti, the composition of which is not very transparent, is
found in the Bodmin Manumissions in various forms, such as Morhatho,
Morhaiiho. The other name is easily explained: it is made up of clot, now
clod ' praise, fame ' and ual, that is wal, which stands for a prae-Celtic
valpa English wolf: so that Clotual- is exactly matched in Fbrstemann's list
by Ghlodulf, Clodulf, Hlvdolf, Mod. H. Ger. LvdoVph: compare the case of
Velvor in No. 29. 93. [ In Pa\ce Mul\ier\ Requievit n . . . . Gunaide Hie
[/m] Tumulo Jaeit Viscit Annas Xxxiii (Ka,yle). The reading of this epitaph
is, I fear, hopeless: as to Gunaide see pages 217, 222. 94. Qvenatauci Ic
Dinui Filius (Gulval, near Penzance). Qvenatauci stands probably for
Qvennatanci: see pages 211, 212, 224, 281. The name Dinui is obscure, and I
cannot find a trace of it elsewhere. 95. Rialohrani Gunovali Fili (Lanyon,
pronounced Lannine, near Penzance). Gunovali consists of elements which we
have already noticed: it is in Mod. Welsh Gynwal, and in Irish Gonnell, see
page 85. The exact Teutonic equivalent occurs as Sunulf or Sunolf
(Forstemann, 762): similar instances are Gatgual (Liber Landav. p. 132) = Ir.
Gathal, Gurguol (p. 157), Bvdgual (p. 263), Tutgual, Tudwal = Ir. Tuaihal,
better known in its Anglo-Irish dress" as Toole; these are duly represented
in Forstemann's list by Hathovulf, Waraulf, Botolf, and Theudulf
respectively. The other name, Rialohrani, consists of hran, ' a crow,' which
occurs as a proper name among both the Welsh and the Irish: in Rialohrani it
would seem to be qualified by an adjective rial-o-, which I should take to
Ta.t3.-n. friendly -J. — ,'«j,7^ frnm t.iip 1-nnt, nri ' to love. to em'ov.'
whence |
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414 LECTURES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY. the English word /riered On
Breton ground, however, it occurs as an independent name in the form of Siol.
96. XPL Senilus Ic Jacit (St. Just in Penwith). The inscriber left out the
letters ni from Senilus and inserted them afterwards above the line. Whether
the name is Celtic or Latin is not easy to decide; but the termination us
would seem to imply that we have here to do with a form totally distinct from
the Latin Senilis. SCOTLAND. 97 Hie Meinor Jacet Princ .... Dumnoceni Hie
Jacet In Tumulo Duo I'm . . Liberali . . . (near Yarrow Kirk, Selkirkshire).
The letters appear to be very far gone, and the reading of them, as here
guessed from Hiibner's book, to be of very little value, but we seem to find
in them one Celtic name and one or two Latin ones. Dumnoceni begins with the
same element as Dumnorix or Duhrtorix, and the Mod. Welsh Dyfnwal, Irish
Domhnal, Anglo-Irish Donnell: the syllable cen, if it is not to be read gen,
stands probably for cenn, as in Cunocenni. 98. In Oc Tumulo Jacit Vetta
F[ilid] Victi (In Kirkliston Parish, between 7 and 8 miles from Edinburgh). I
have never seen the stone, and I am not convinced that the father's name is
complete as it now stands. Scotch antiquaries usually treat Vetta as a man's
name, and complete the word following into filiw, but for no better reason,
it would seem, than that they think they detect in Vetta the name of a
warrior of the Hengist and Horsa family. But to me the inscription appears to
differ in no particular from those of Wales and Cornwall; but even if a
Teutonic Vetta were meant, analogy would lead one to expect his name not to
appear exactly in that form in this inscription. However, the genitive masculine
correspond- |
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APPENDIX. 415 ing to our Veita is cited by Frohner as Vetti: in
one instance it comes from Xanten, and in the other from Stettfeld.
Supposing, however, that the doubling of the t in Vefta is inorganic, the
name would naturally connect itself with the 0. Irish Feth and Ilrwweto in
No. 36. -^.-^MAGGU, MUGOI, MAQVI,
MAGW7. Lest difficulties should seem to be intentionally slurred over, some
remarks will here be made on the word maccu and others related to it. The
inscriptions most nearly concerned are the following: — . No. 1. Hie Jacit
Maccu-Decceti (Anglesey), No. 80. Sabini Fili Macco-Decheti (Devonshire). No.
68. (a) Trenegussi Fili Macu-Treni ") (Pem- (6) Trenagusu Maqvi
Maqvi-Treni V broke- No. 69. Nettasagru Maqvi Mucoi-Breci J shire). Irish
inscriptions offer us not only mucoi, but also m/iiccoi and moco, and later
Irish mocu and maccu, whence it appears that we may regard mucoi, in No. 68,
as the genitive of a form which the Kyfnry wrote indifferently macco, maccu,
maeu, or perhaps mucco, muccu, mticu. Moreover, Mucoi-breci does not seem to
be a compound, and the same may be said of Maccu-Decceti in No. 1; but
Macco-Decheti and MoyCtirTreni have been treated as though they were
compounds, and their first element left without being changed into the
genitive, as it strictly should have been. Irish enables us to analyse these
forms into their constituent parts: these are muc- or mace-, which we have in
Welsh in mag-u, formerly mac-u ' to nurse, to rear, to bring up,' as in the
proverb ' Gas gwr ni charo'r wlad a'i i Htintnfnl '" ^ — -«tV./^ ^/^■.>r.I,
Tir>f f>io lanri that rears |
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416 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY, him," and a word which in
Irish appears as o ' a grandson, or descendant,' genitive ui — everybody is
familiar with it as the prefixed with a misleading apostrophe to Irish names,
as in O'Gonnell, O'Donovan, O'Mooney, and the like. The nearest related Welsh
word still in use is w-yr ' a grandson,' but both have lost an initial p, and
are of a common origin with the Latin jnier ' a boy.' Mr. Stokes, in the
first volume of Kuhn's Beitrcege, takes the meaning of maecu or mocu to be
grandson or descendant: he mentions the following instances, p. 345: — "
De periculo Sancti Colmani Episcopi Mocusailni " (Adamnan's Life of St.
Columha, p. 29); " Silnanum filium Nemanidon Mocusogin" (i6., p.
108); "Sancti Columbani Episcopi mocu Loigse animam" (ih., p. 210),
but there lay, he says, six generations between this Columbanus and Loigis;
" De Erco fure Mocudruidi " {ib., p. 77) — we meet elsewhere with
Maccudruad; " Brendenus Mocualti " {ib., 220); " Quies Cormaic
abbatis cluana Macconois" {Annals of Ulster, A.D., 751)— the abbey is
stiU called Clonmacnoise; "Dubthach Macculugir" (Tirech. 13), which
he finds transformed in the Liber Hymnorum into " Dubtach mc.
huilugair," i.e., " D. filius nepotis Lugari" — the same would
seem ,to have been the fate of maccu generally in later Irish. In his
Goideliea, Mr. Stokes mentions two other instances, namely, MuircM Maccumacktheni,
p. 84; also, p. 62, a Macculasrius in a Latin hymn for Lasridn, whence, he
suggests, that maccu, may be equivalent to the diminutival ending -dn. Since
the printing of the books alluded to, Mr. Stokes has communicated to me some
further notes on maccu. Among other things, he finds that in Irish it had the
force of " gens, genus," as, for instance, in the words " ad
insolas maccu-chor" {Booh of Armagh, 9, a. 2) j moreover, that maccu or
m.ocu had this meanins; is proved, he thinks, by |
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APPENDIX. 417 its interchange with corca and dal, as in Mocu-Dalon
= CoTca-Dallan (Adamnan's Life of St. Columha, p. 220, in Moeu-runtir =
Bal-Ruinntir {ih., p. 47), in Mocu-Sailni = Dal-Sailne (ih., p. 29), in
Mocu-themne = Corcu-temne {Book of Armagh, 13. b. 2), and Gorcii-teimnt (ib.,
14. a. 1), and in the fact that the phrase " de genere Euntir "
appears as a translation of Mocv^Runtir. Such instances as Colmani episcopi
Mocusailni, and Goltimhani episcopi mocit, Loigse, he regards as references
to the Irish tribal bishops, which should be rendered C. episcopi gentis
Sailni, and C. episcopi g&ntis Loigse. Judging from our inscriptions, we
have no reason to think that the Kymry used maccu in a collective- sense, and
the meaning which seems to be suggested by the origin of the word and its
uses is ' reared offspring,' or, perhaps, more strictly, ' offspring in the
course of being reared,' that is in the singular, let us say, a child, a boy,
or a young man who has not done growing, and ultimately a young man without
any further restriction of meaning. This is confirmed by the fact that the
same person seems to be called Maeu-Treni and Maqvi-Treni in No. 68 — in any
case, the distinction between maccu and maqv-i cannot have been so
considerable that they could not, under certain circumstances, both be
applied to the same person. But we have other means of fixing the meaning of
maccu; for the genitive mucoi, in its form of maccoi, has come down bodily
into Mod. Welsh as macwy, the signification of which will be evident from the
following examples: — " Myned a wnaeth i'r maes a dau faccwy gydag
ef," ' he went to the field accompanied by two young men,' quoted in Dr.
Davies' dictionary from Historia Owein ah Urien; in the next quotation from
Cynddpw in the Myvyrian Archaiology (Gee's edition), p. 183a, the word
is |
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418 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. " Kan diffyrth Trindaut tri
maccuy o dan Tri meib glan glein ovuy." A third instance, interesting
also as being in the dual number, may be added from the Mabinogion iii. 265 —
" deu vackwy -winenon ieueinc yn gware gwydbwyll," 'two
auburn-haired young men playing at chess.' The word was eventually degraded
to mean an attendant or a groom: compare the Greek iraibiov yielding us the
French and English page. Eeturning to the phonology of the words in question,
we may notice that the oi of Early Welsh could but yield wy or oe in Mod.
Welsh; and as to the retention of the case vowel compare such instances as
olew ' oil,' and pydm ' a pit,' from oleum and puteus. This was secured by
the accent being on the ultima, which is proved to have been its former
position by the fact that the word is now macwy and not magwy. Then as to the
interchange of a, o, and M, in the first part of these words, one is driven
to compare them with the Welsh ae or ag, formerly also oc 'and, with,' agos,
cyfagos 'near, neighbouring,' Irish agus 'and,' O. Ir, ocus, occus, and
comocus 'near.' It is tolerably certain that these words come from the same
origin as Greek ay-^cv, &yx' 'near, nigh, close by,' Lat. angustm, Ger.
eng ' narrow,' all from a lengthened form of the root agR, namely angh. Thus
it appears that in our Celtic forms the mute preceded by the nasal underwent
provection into c or cc — other instances of the feame kind have been briefly
mentioned by me in the. Eeime Geltique, ii. 190-192, — and the nasal imparted
to the vowel its obscure timbre: perhaps one should rather say that the vowel
was nasalised, and came to be rendered by a, o, or u, while both Irish and
Welsh ultimately restored it to a clear a. By a parity of reasoning the first
part of our maccu should be referred to a root mangh, but is there such
a |
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APPENDIX. 419 root! There is; but Fick gives it ^ only as a
lengthened- form of magh, ■whence he derives, among others, the
following words: Sanst. mahant ' great,' Greek (Ji-rj^o; ' a means,
expedient, remedy,' Lith. magt)ju ' I help,' O. Bulg. mogcH^ ' I can, am
able,' Gothic magan, Eng. may. The meaning which he ascribes to it oscillates
between the ideas of growing and causing to grow, of being able and making
able. It is to the same origin that one has to refer our map, mob 'son,'
Early Welsh' mxiqy-i, the nominative corresponding to which must once have been
magyas. For Irish inscriptions show not only the common forms, maqv-i, but
also maqqv-i and moqv-i, where the hesitation as to the vowel points to the
same cause as in maccu and mucoi. Thus tnaqvas, genitive 7naqv-i, analyses
itself into maq-vors, that is mac-va-s or mac-was: compare ebol ' a colt,'
formerly epawl, a derivative from ep-, the Welsh representative of 0. Irish
ech ' a horse,' and Lat. equus, O. Lat. eqvas, for ec-vo-s, as may be seen
from the corresponding Sanskrit, which is ag-va-s: the Greeks had both /T-rof
and 'ikxos. On the use of the affix va in the Aryan languages see
Schleicher's Compendium, § 218: in Welsh, excepting where the v preceded by
c, as in these two instances, has yielded qv, p, b, it is now represented by
w as in erw ' an acre ' (compare Lat. arvum), malw-od ' snails,' carw ' a
stag: ' compare Lat. cervus. Besides the foregoing forms which are to be
referred to the longer root marigh, we have also one from the shorter magh,
namely, meu in meudwy ' a hermit,' for meu-dwyw = " servus Dei," in
Irish cele-dS or Guldee. Meu- stands for mag-: see page 13. The Cornish was
maw ' a boy, a lad, a servant,' Breton maovrez ' a woman,' Ir. mugh ' a
servant,' 0. Ir. mv^, gerdtive moga, Gothic magus ' a boy, " " 1—
H! aid. |
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420 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.
C— SOME WELSH NAMES OF METALS AND AKTICLES MADE OF METAL. The words I
here propose briefly to discuss are the following; — alcam ' tin,' arj'an '
silver, money,' aur ' gold,' hath ' a stamp, coin, money,' efi/dd ' copper,'
elli/n ' a razor,' grut- in the proper name Grutneu, haiarn ' iron,' together
with ei- in Eimetiaco, mwn, mwnai ' ore,' plwm ' lead,' pres 'brass, coppers,
pence,' ystaen 'tin.' It is evident. at a glance that these are not all of
native origin, some being the result of borrowing from Latin, and some from
English. i. L The first to strike one as borrowed from Latin is plwm, '
lead,' horn. plumhimi: there are in N. Cardiganshire lead mines which are
popularly supposed to have been worked by the Eomans. The Irish appear to
have retained a native term of the same origin as English lead or lode, in
the Irish gloss luaidhe " plumbum." See Stokes' Irish Glosses, p.
83. 2. In the next place there can be no doubt that our aur ' gold ' is the
Welsh form of aurum. For were aur simply cognate with aurum, which, in all
probability stands foi ausum, it should be now not aur, but some such a form
as au or u. 3. As to arian, that is, arjan ' silver, money,' formerlj arjant,
Breton arc'hant or arc'hand, Cornish archans, Irish arffaf, later airged, the
case is not so easy to decide I am inclined to think all these forms to have
beei borrowed from Latin. 4. It is much the same with ystaen, a dissyUabh
accented on the a; as now used, it is neither more noi less both in form and
meaning than the English wore «tom, but Dr. Davies in his dictionary sives
stannum, ai |
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APPENDIX. 421 its only Latin equivalent, whUe he explains ystaenio
as "maculare, m^culis conspergere." The Breton is stean, Cornish
stean, and Mr. Stokes gives the Mod. Irish as sdan, whUe Edward Llwyd writes
stdn. None of these is such as to convince one that it is not to be traced to
the Latin stannum, or what is supposed to be the older form of the word,
namely stagnum. 5. To these may be added our hath or math commonly used in
the sense of ' a kind, species, the like of '; formerly it meant also '
money, coin, treasure,' as in the lolo MSS. p. 194, and this is the meaning
which prevails in the longer forms, iathu ' to coin or stamp money,' hathodyn
' a medal,' and haihol ' coined or stamped.' These words come, no doubt, from
the same source as the French hattre ' to beat,' as in battre monnaie ' to
coin money.' The French verb is traced by Diez {Etym. Worterbuch der
romanischen Sprachen; Bonn, 1869) through an intermediate latere to the
classical batuere, ' to strike, beat, hit,' at the same time that he quotes
instances of the former with ti, of which one at least dates from the 6th
century: Ducange gives battare, battere, and battire, together with baptidere
and baptire, as in baptire monetam = nummos cudere; but it would be useless
to question or define the connection between these forms and batuere without
examining the texts in which they are said to occur; but it may here be
pointed out that the Welsh words are best accounted for by battare, the
participle of which, battdtus, is implied in our bathod-yn ' a medal.' The old
meaning of bath or math, namely that of a stamp or mark made by beating, is
betrayed by the preposition stUl sometimes used after it, as in math ar ddyn
' a kind or stamp of man,' literally ' a stamp on man.' But as the
connotation of the word has been forgotten, it is becoming ii._ j„-i .: — 4.„
—;4.„ ~^^ti, „ A^-,,^ -nrViinii foiij pg exactly |
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422 LECTUBES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. witli the English ' a kind or
stamp of man.' Bath and math are further interesting as being in a state of
incipient desynonymisation: thus one may say math o anifail ' a kind of
animal,' but not bath o anifail, and anifail o'i hath hi would be ' an animal
like her,' while anifail o'i math hi would mean, if it occurred, 'an animal
of her species or genus,' with a more explicit reference to classification.
Math in virtue probably of its meaning ' coin, money, treasure,' has treated
Welsh mythology to several proper names — 'Compare the Greek -aXoZros '
wealth, riches,' and Pluto or Plutus, the name of the god who guarded the
treasures of the earth. Thus we have a Math ah Mathonwy with his headquarters
near the lake of Geirionydd, in Carnarvonshire, in a wild district by no
means ill chosen for a Cambrian Pluto: unfortunately, but, perhaps,
accidentally, the Mahinogion make no allusion to the guardianship of the
treasures of the subterranean world d,s one of the duties incumbent on the
weird king of Caerdathl. But it is remarkable that one of the leading
personages in the Welsh myth which comes nearest to the well-known story of
the rape of Proserpine bears the name of Matholwch, and in some other
respects recalls the classic Pluto, while one or two of the incidents
mentioned in the tale fall into striking agreement with a part of the account
of Gudrun: see Cox's Tales of ■ Teutonic Lands (London, 1872), pp.
190-201, and the story of Branwen Verch Llyr in Lady Charlotte Guest's
Mahinogion, iii. pp. 81-140. ii. 1. To return to the question of our names
for tin, it is to be noticed that the word now in common use among the Welsh
is none other than the English one. In the Bible, however, and other books it
is called alcam, to which Pughe tried to give the more easily explained form
of alcan. But there_is_no i |
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APPENDIX. 423 fact that it must be the outcome of a comparatively
recent borrowing from English: witness the use made of the word alehymy by
Milton in the lines — " Toward the four winds four speedy cherubim Put
to their mouths the sounding alehymy, By herald's voice explained; the hollow
abyss Heard far and wide, and all the host of hell With deafening shout
returned them loud acclaim. " 2. To the foregoing may be added the word
mwnai, which Dr. Davies explains as moneta, nummus: the word undoubtedly
comes from the English money in its older form of moneie, which is the Latin
moneta introduced through the medium of French: however the Welsh word no
longer means money but ore or metal, and so did the shortened form mwn even
in Davies' time as the only meaning he gives it is quodvis metalhim fossile,
which it still retains. It is also frequently pronounced and written mwyn: at
any rate there is no satisfactory evidence that this is an instance of
confounding two different words. 3. Lastly must be mentioned pres, ' brass,
pence,' which seems to be a loan-word of older standing in the language, as
it comes from the 0. English hrees, ires, now brass; the change of the
initial consonant occurs in other words borrowed from English, not to mention
Fluellen's^foocZ and prains, which are probably too late to help us here. iii.
1 . — Passing on to the remaining words, which are of Welsh origin, one may
begin with efydd ' copper,' O. Welsh emid, " aes," in the Capella
glosses. The Irish equivalent umae with u for an earlier a, as in ubhal, ' an
apple,' Welsh afal, is, as Mr. Stokes kindly informs me, either a masculine
or a neuter of the Ja- declension. Consequently it is probable that the d of
emid had the J „* n,„ ^^ nf nnr Ttindem efvdd and represented an k^. |
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424 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. an earlier semi-vowel j: for
other instances see the Rev. Celtique, ii. 115-118. The base would then have
been emija or rather amija, the a being modulated later into e through the
influence of the i following in the next syllable. Further we have found m
standing for an earlier h, and, supposing this to be an instance in point,
amija may be restored to the form ahija. We have also analogy for thinking
abija to represent an earlier abisja, and supposing the b here, as
frequently, to stand for an Aryan gv, we substitute for abisja an earlier
form agvisja: assuming this last to be also a word inherited by the Teutons,
one gets almost exactly the Gothic aqvizi, genitive aqyizjos, English axe. I
said almost exactly, for aqvizi is feminine, while efi/dd is masculine, but
the 0. Welsh plural emedou " aera " in the Ovid glosses would seem
to come from a singular emed, which could hardly fail to be feminine like the
Gothic equivalent. This equation can scarcely be of more interest to the
glottologist than the student of early civilisation and culture. 2. The word
ellt/n, ' a razor,' and its congeners somewhat reverse the relative positions
which have just been assigned Celts and Teutons. Ellyn is proved to stand for
eltinn or rather altinn by the Breton adten, earlier autenn, Irish altan, all
from a simple alt, which occurs in Breton as aot, aod, ah " rivage de la
mer, plage, bord de I'eau," Cornish als " littus," where we
should say glan y mor ' seashore,' or min y mor ' the edge of the sea.' In
Welsh the same word is allt, also gallt, which is sometimes given as meaning
a cliff, but it does not so much mean that or the edge of a hill, — for it
need not have an edge, brow, or cliff, — as the whole ascent of any rising
ground, which may, therefore, be compared to the side of a blade, such, for
example, as that of a razor, regarded as forming an inclined plane; and this
may have been originally the idea conveyed by
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APPENDIX. 425 the Irish alt, which Mr. Stokes translates 'a cliff
or height.' From alt were formed a masculine altinn whence Welsh dlyn, O. Cornish
elinn [read eUmn\ " novacula," and a feminine altenn whence the
Breton autenn, adten ' a razor.' As to alt itself, it probably stands for a
base alda or, let us say, aid-: for other instances of the provection of
sonants into surds see the Jiev. Celtique, ii. 332-335. Now we seem to detect
aid-, but with r instead of I, in the Greek word a.p8ig " the point of
anything, as for instance of an arrow," in the 0. Norse ertj'a " to
goad, to spur on,'' and in the Mod. H. German erz ' ore, brass: ' see Fick's
dictionary,^ i. 498. 3. It has already been pointed out that our aur is a
borrowed word, but the name Grudneu, which occurs in an inscription of the O.
Welsh period as Grutne, with its final u cut off by the marginal
ornamentation on the stone, seems to put us on the track of a native word for
the precious metal. The Greek word is x^uaog, which Curtius, in his Outlines
of Greek Etymology, No. 202, regards as derived from a base ghartja, while
gold and its Teutonic congeners, together with the 0. Bulg. zlato ' gold,'
imply a • simpler base, gharta. Now the corresponding process to that whereby
ghartja yielded ■x^gvaoc, and gharta the English gold and 0. Bulg.
zlato would result in giving gharta or ghartja the form grut, grud, in Welsh;
so that we are at liberty to equate Grutneu, Grudneu with the Greek name
Xouffoms'jj, in all respects excepting that of gender: even this reserve is
not to be made in the case of Grudyen (Mabinogion iii. 98), for Grut-gen, and
the Greek Xjuffoysujjs. Besides these we have Grudlwyn {Mah. ii. 211); and in
the Myvyrian Archaiology Grudneu (p. 389) is also called Grudnew (p. 404^,
Gruduei ("p. 397^, Grudner (p. 412), of which the two last may be real
names distinct from Orud- ^^■„ n-nA Yi^f -moroW TniHf.a.tpn
rp.fl.dinffs of it. Before leav- |
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426 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. ing these forms it is right to
mention that the steps from gharta or ghartja to grud would be gliart-, gorU,
grot-, grut, grud. The same is the history, for instance, of the Med. Welsh
drut ' a hero,' now drud, plural drudjon, as in the name of the Denbighshire
village of Gerrig y Drudion, i.e., the stones of the heroes, which it is the
habit of the people who are diruid-mad to write Gerrig y Dmidion. Now drUt,
dried comes from dharta, whence also the Sanskrit dhrta, formed from the verb
dhar ' to hold, to bear, to support, to make firm, &c.' It would perhaps
be more in keeping with Celtic analogy to set out from ghardta oi gharMja and
dhar&ta: compare Welsh Haw, Ir. Idmh, from pldma for an earlier pdlama,
Greek •jraXd/ji.ri, ' the palm oi the hand, the hand,' O. Eng. folm, folme,
the same. 4. Before attempting the history of the word haiarn, ' iron,' it
will be necessary to analyse the epithet Eimetiaco on the Llanaelhaiarn
stone, which I propose to divide into Eirmetiac-o, whereof the o is the
ending of the Latin nominative for -as = -us. Now metiac- probably means as a
matter of pronunciation metjac, which would later have. ■ according to
rule, to become metjauc, meitjauc, meidjawg. meidjog, liable also to begin
with 6 instead of m, as no rule has hitherto been discovered as to the
interchange of those consonants. The word, however, only survives as a
feminine in the names of certain plants, of which three kinds are
distinguished by the adjectives, rhudd ' red,' llwyd ' grey, glas ' blue.'
One finds the following synonyms in Dr. John Davies's Welsh^Latin dictionary
(London, 1632), and Hugh Davies'! Welsh Botanology (London, 181.3): a. T
feidiog rudd = [ranuticulus] "flammula" (J D.), = "polygonum
amphihium, amphibious persicaria" (H D.). These are not the same plants.
Those meant by Dr Davies are of the tribe of the rwmnculus_Qi_raimiiculu |
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APPENDIX. 427 flarnimda, called in English the lesser spearwort,
by reason of the spear-shaped appearance of the radical leaves of the plant.
Those alluded to by Hugh Davies agree better in colbur with the Welsh
description, and are also said to be generally of an acuminate or speary
character. ^: Y feidiog Iwyd = "y ganwraidd Iwyd, llysiau leuan, llysiau
llwyd, Artemisia" (J. D.) = " artemisia vulgaris, mugwort "
(H. D.). Y ganwraidd, ' the hundred-root,' is given by H. Davies simply as a
synonym for yfeidiog: llysiau llwyd and llysiau leuan are the same, and are
called in English St. John's wort. The commonest of these plants, artemisia
vulgaris, or mugwort, looks at a distance very spiry and acuminate, and the
shape of its leaves recalls the sharpness suggested by a spear or lance; and
I find that some species of St. John's wort also have lance-like leaves and a
spiry or acuminate growth. 7. Yfeidiog las = " mantell Fair, muntell y
corr, palf y Hew, Ghimilla, hedera terrestris, pes leonis, patta leonis,
stellaria" (J. D.) = " gleehoma Aederacea, gill, ground ivy"
(H. D.). Jlere we meet with hopeless confusion, plants so different as the
alchemilla, gleehoma, and stellaria being classed together; but it is perhaps
to be accounted for by the overlapping of the characteristic suggested by the
term y ganwraidd, and that intended to be conveyed by its synonym y feidiog.
But none of the plants alluded to under this head, excepting the stellaria,
suggests the idea of a spear or lance, which we find in the case of the other
two sets. The stellaria, or stitch wort, is called tafod yr edn ' bird's
tongue ' by H. Davies, its leaves being remarkably like a bird's tongue both
in form and rigidity, and singularly sharp and lance-like in appearance: this
is proved by a specimen which lies before me -j: il-. -J. 77 — .•„ /,„?«.<
«« tr,-^ tit'^/.Ti +nrrof.'her with Other
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428 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. specimens, as well as plates, and
a careful description of all the plants here in question, I am indebted to
the kindness of Mr. Drane, fellow of the Linnean Society. Thus, it seems,
that we are at liberty to conclude that all the plants which were originally
called y feidiog owed that name to their leaves or growth reminding one of a
spear: so h&djog, meidjog, or metjac- may be treated as an adjective
formed with the termination awg, og, E. Welsh ac, which, to judge from the
use generally made of it, ■would give the word the meaning of ' having
a spear or lance, armed with the spear: ' so we might render it into Latin by
hastatus, and regard y feidiog as meaning (herha) liastata; similarly Beidauc
rut, i.e., BeMjawc Evdd, the name of a son of Emyr Llydaw in Englynion y
Beddau (Skene, ii. 31, 32), would be Hastatus JRufus, or Hastatus the Bed.
The word for spear or lance which metjac- may be supposed to imply must have
been, at least the base of it, meti, metja, or possibly matja, if the
influence of the J may be supposed to have occasioned the a to become e; its
origin would probably be the same as that of the Welsh verb medru ' to shoot
or hit a mark ' {Mabinogion, n. 212), now used only in the secondary senses
of kennen and komien, savoir and pouvoir, as that of the Gaulish mataris ' a
kind of spear or pike,' and as the Lithuanian metu ' I cast or throw, O. Prussian
metis (Fick) ' a cast or throw.' There is, however, it should be noticed in
passing, another group of words to which it might possibly be referred,
namely, that represented in Welsh by medi ' to reap,' Latin metere, Eng.
muth. In the former case, to which I give the preference, the weapon meant
would be one for hurling or thrusting, and in the latter one for cutting; it
is, however, not necessary to decide between them as far as concerns the
qualifying syllable ei in Eimetiaco, which may naturally be supposed to
specify the material. And if that is so
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APPENDIX. 429 there can be no mistaking the word — ^it is our
early equivalent for Latin ces, genitive CBris, and Alhortus Eimetiaco would
in other words be Alhortus ^re-hastatus. The same d seems to occur in the
name Eiudon on a stone at Golden Grove, near Llandilo, which dates no earlier
than the 0. Welsh period, and the question arises how it is this ei had not
by that time yielded the usual diphthong oe or wy. The reason is probably to
be sought in the fact that it was originally not ei, but e plus the semi-vowel
j; and this leads one back to consider the cognate forms. The Latin appears
as a monosyllable in ces, but not so in Hen- or a/tem- in Ahenobarbus, ahenus
aenus, aheneus, aeneus, in which dJien- or aen stands for ahes-n- as may be
seen from the Umbrian ahesnes (Corssen i. 103, 652). ^s and ahes- represent
an Aryan original ayas, which appears in Sanskrit as dyas ' metal, iron,' and
in Gothic as aiz, proved by its z (for s) to^have been once a dissyllable
accented on its penultimate: see Kuhn's Zeitschrift, xxui. 126. But a word
which in Gothic was aiz must according to rule appear in 0. English as wr or
dr, Mod. Eng. ore. Our parallel to these is the ei in question, and in the
fact of its not passing in Welsh into oi, whence m {wy) or oe, we have a proof
of its representing an early form ej tor aja or ajas. Analogous instances
offer themselves in ei ' his,' ei ' her,' and heidd, now haidd, 'barley,' for
forms which in Sanskrit are asya, asyds, and sasya respectively. But the
Goidelo-Kymric Celts dropped the medial s so early, that for our purpose one
may set out from aja, ajas and saja or sajja, modified in Welsh into eja,
ejas, and seja: to haidd may be added hlaidd, ' a wolf,' which enters into
Welsh names, and appears in the genitive as JBlai in Irish, where also
perhaps Blddn = our Bleiddan: the base would v„ 7.7«o»v, trnyr\ -., rnnf
irtyrng. whence Sa,nskrit gras ' to |
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430 LECTURES ON WELSH I'HILOLOGT. take into one's mouth, to seize
with the teeth, to devou One is also reminded of such Greek formations as
riXin and a\riSeia, from nXie-Jo-i and dM^ie-ja, by the WeL derivatives in
aidd or eiddj-, e.g., hen ' old,' henaic ' oldish,' heneiddjo ' to grow old,'
per, peraidd ' swee pereiddjo ' to make sweet,' gwlad ' the country,' gwladau
' countrified,' llew ' a lion,' llewaidd ' like a lion,' gwei ' the look of a
thing,' gweddaidd ' looking well,' that: ' seemly or decent.' 5. How aj/as
has been shortened has just been show but it appears slightly dififerent in
some of its derivativ( namely, in the Latin ahenus, aJieneus, for ahesnus
ahesnei in the Gothic eis-arn, ' iron,' Ger. eis-en, ' ferrum,' eis-er '
ferreus,' 0. Eng. is-en, ir-en, also is-ern, and an enigmal irsem, Mod. Eng.
iron, dialectically ire. These forms rn are represented in the Celtic
languages by Irish ia and Welsh haiarn or haearn, ' iron.' Here it is
interesti to observe that as the Bronze Age preceded the Iron A{ the idea of
iron is not found conveyed by the shorl European forms ces, aiz, cer, ore:
that comes in only wi the derivatives eisen, eisarn, isern, to which one may
a Welsh haiarn and Irish iarn. In eisarn, eisern, isern, t simple form ayas
has been contracted into eis-, is-: so the^ common language of the Celts,
probably before th separation, whence (1) the Gaulish is-amo- in the pla name
Isarnodor-i, which must have meant the ' In door,' while (2) the
Goidelo-Kymric Celts dropping th( reduced eisarn- either into ejarn-, which
had to beco: in Irish earn, iarn, in consequence of the elision o usual in
that language, or else into iarn-, which had become in Welsh eiarn, haiarn or
haearn. But what we to make of the h in the latter? This, if orgai should be
matched in Irish by an s, whence it would, first sight, seem that the two
words cannot be connect |
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APPENDIX. 431 a view, however, which one could not entertain
without the strongest reasons to back it. It has, accordingly, been suggested
that haiarn, stands for aiham with an h representing the s of eisarn-. But
that seems to be inadmissible, as vowel-flanked s probably disappeared in the
Goidelo-Kymric period, and that not by way of h, but of z, for which the Ogam
alphabet provided a symbol. My conjecture is that haiarn does stand for
aiham, but with an h evolved by the stress-accent, and that, when later the
accent moved to the first syllable, the h followed it, excepting in some
parts of S. Wales, where the word is now ham, which was arrived at possibly
by discarding the unaccented syllable of aiham . compare such cases as that
of dihdreb ' a proverb,' diarhebol ' proverbial.' It is right, before
dismissing the word haiarn, to say that it is also found written haearn,
hayam, and hauarn, while in O. Welsh names it occurs as haern and heam as in
Haemgen {Lib, Landav., p. 197) and Biuheam (lb., pp. 166, 169, 175). The 0.
Breton form is hoiarn, which, through an intei^mediate houiarn (with oui = ui
in the Italian word cui) has yielded the Mod. Bret, houam; similarly the
Cornish became hoem. These curious forms seem to show that Breton and Cornish
continued to change e, ei, di, into oi, ui, later than the Welsh, and all
taken together throw light on, and receive light from, the history of a class
of words of which the following may be taken as instances: — a. Glaiar,
claear, clauar 'lukewarm,' Mod. Bret, hlouar and, according to Llwyd,
Icloyar, with which it is usual to compare the Greek;^X*ajos, but that is
hardly admissible, unless the latter be the representative of an earlier
exXiagig. ^. JDaear, dayar, daiar, and poetically daer 'earth,' Mod. Bret,
dollar, Com. doer: the original form may have been d(h)iar-, d(h)ipar-, or
d(h)isar-, or else d(h)eiar-, &c. y.
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432 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Gaeaf, gayaf, gauaf, 0. Welsh (in
the Lichfield Codes gaem ' winter,' Mod. Bret, goal" or goO'v, but in
the dialec of Vannes gouicC^, Corn, goyf, O. Irish gaim, dugaim^iu "ad
hiemandum" (Stokes' Irish Glosses, p. 166), Lai hiems, Greek %£//Hiuii.
The root of all these forms is ghiair, which, treated as ghjam and reduced to
gam, is the origii of our gafr, ' a goat; ' the first meaning of that word
bein, probably ' one winter old: ' the same is the history o ^Ifiagog,
feminine %//ia/ga ' a goat,' and of O. Norse gymb ' a one year old lamb: '
see Curtius' Greek Etymology, Nc 195. b. Graean, graian 'gravel, sand,' Mod.
Bret, grcma; may possibly belong here, but the nearly related word gr points
in another direction, e. Haiach, haeach, hayach hayachen, haechen " fere
" (Davies), " an instant, instantlj almost, most " (Pughe),
are also words the history of whic] is obscure. But not so (Q traian, traean
' a third part, Irish trian (E. Llwyd), which are undoubtedly of the sam
origin as tri ' three,' or rather derived from it. ( 433 ) |
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ADDITIONS AND
CORRECTIONS. p. 22. Y Penvyyn — I was
not aware at th.^ time that Peawyn occurs as a genuine proper name, that is,
without the article: several instances are to be met with in The Record of
Carnarvon. P. 23. Not only qv has passed in Welsh into p, h, but tv also, as
is proved by the masculine termination ep, now eh, which enters into the
affix ineh, as in rhviyddineb, " ease,'' from rhwydd, " easy,'' and
into the affix tep, now deb, as in purdeh, " purity," horn, pur,
" pure," and undeb, " unity," from un " one."
In Old Irish undeb was 6enfu, genitive 6entad or 6entath; this affix has
several forms in Irish, which, together with the Welsh equivalent, postulate
an earlier -ndaiva. Compare the Sanskrit affix tva in Schleicher's
Compendium, § 227, and as to Welsh t, d answering Irish U, t, d, ' it may, I
think, be regarded as a rule, that when ggf, dd, bb (whether produced by
provection or the assimilation of a nasal) become cc (c), tt (t), pp (p),
reducible in Modern Irish to ff, d, b, the" corresponding consonants in
Welsh are c, t, p reducible also to g, d, b. Take, for instance, Welsh ac,
ag, " and, with," agos, " near,'' Irish ag, " with,"
agus, " and," from angh-; Welsh map, mab, " son,'' Irish mace,
mac, from mangh-; Welsh gwraig, " woman, wife," plural gwragedd,
Irish /race, from the same origin probably as Latin virgo; and Welsh cret,
now cred, " belief, faith," Old Irish creifem, " faith,"
Scotch Gaelic 2 B |
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434 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. creid, "believe," from
the same origin as Sanskrit gradda- dhdmi, " fidem pono: " see
pages 72 and 435. P. 41. Where Welsh reduces c, t, p into g, d, h and Irish
into ch, th, ph, I am inclined to think that both languages reduced them
first to Cj, t^, p^, which were further modified into g, d, h in Welsh and
ch, th, ph in Irish. P. 46. To the instances of analogous cases in other
languages mentioned on pages 46 and 47 might be added the case of Danish, as
to which Herr Sievers says, p. 126, that its initial consonants are
pronounced very forcibly and strongly aspirated, while the same consonants,
as medials and finals after a vowel, are allowed to become spirants of very
little force or even to be altogether lost. Surd mutes, when initial, are
frequently aspirated in Modem Welsh, and this must also be the explanation of
the ch in chrotta and the th in Thaph and the like: see pages 118, 232. P.
48. As to nn for nd, the change is now proved to have taken place rather
early in the Early Welsh period by the discovery of the Llansaint stone with
its Vennisetli, which is identical with a somewhat earlier Vendesetli on one
of the Llannor stones: so Vendumagli, which is in all probability later than
either, can only have been the old spelling of what was then pronounced
Vennumagli, a name identical in fact with the Vinnemagli of the Gwytherin
stone: this last form is remarkable as the only instance known of the
retention of the i of vind- which elsewhere appears as vend^ or venn-. P. 66.
Another way of looking at Welsh ith for ct is suggested by an elaborate
article, in the Memoires de la Society, de Linguistique de Paris, iii. pp.
106-123, bearing the title " Kemarques sur la phon^tique romane — i
parasite et les consonnes mouill^es en frangais: " the same appears even
more clearly in the second volume, pp. 482, 483, of Dr. Johannes Schmidt's
work entitled Zur Geschichte des |
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ADDITIONS AND
CORRECTIONS. 435 indogermanischen Vocalismus (Weimar, 1875). There he
mentions a German dialect in which hnecht, recht, wechseln, hexe become
knaicht, raicht, waickseln, haicks: the i he ascribes to the influence of the
guttural becoming palatal and imparting its i element to the vowel
proceeding. This applied to the Welsh instances would lead one to suppose
that noct- before yielding our noeth had to pass through nocht-, noichth,
noith-; similarly (see page 209) peis, pais, from pexa, and air, aer, from
agr-, would imply as intermediate forms peixa and aigr-. This view would
comprehend also such cases as that of the i of doi, now doe, or more fully as
still used in South Wales y ddoe " the day, i.e. jesteiday; " the
Breton is deat^h. Same page, line 15, for " certainly " read "
possibly: " the n alone is doubtful. P. 68. The principle attempted to
be established on pages 67, 68, and 69 is fully recognised, I find, by
Sievers, p. 134 of the work already alluded to. P. 72. An excellent account
of graddhd, (fee, by M. Darmesteter, wUl be found in the Memoires de la
Societe de Linguistique de Paris, iii. pp. 52-55, where he shows that ^raddadhdmi
consists of grad, an indeclinable and obsolete word for heart, and dadhdmi,
" I set or place," so that the compound means " I set my
heart," both in the way of confidence or trust, and of desire or
appetite: similarly the Latin credo, from which the Celtic forms cannot be
derived, as some have thought, is to be analysed into cred-do, with cred- of
the same origin as cor, cord-is, English heart. Modern Irish croidhe, Welsh
craidd,^ both of which postulate as their earlier form crad-ja of the same
formation as the Greek x^adlij. P. 91. The existence of several kinds of a in
the parent-speech has recently been proved in Curtius' Studien, ix. — oa^
An>T |
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436 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. P. 92, five lines from the
bottom, for " Early " read " Old." P. 102. That the ch in
buwch stands for an s is still very doubtful: compare hwch " a sow,''
which as a river-name is Hwch in Wales, Suck in Ireland, and Sow in England.
The next Article on Duw had perhaps better be cancelled on account of the Old
Welsh diu, genitive doiu or duiv, in Cormac's Glossary, and so in Chiasduiu,
of which I take Guasduin and Guasdinu in the Liber Landav., p. 267, to be
misreadings, later it became Gwasdwy, which is printed GwasMuy in The Record
of Carnarvon, where we have also Gwassanfreit and Gwasmyhangel: compare Gwas
Grist and Gwas Teilo, which occur elsewhere as men's names, also meudwy,
" a hermit," lit. " God's servant," for meu-dwyw, and
Giraldus' Deverdoeu, now Dyfrdwy, " the Dee," see p. 325. Further,
dwyw- occurs in dwywol, an archaic form of dwyfol " divine," and in
Breton doue is God. P. 109. To the instances of the reduction of diphthongs
in accented syllables add the following in unaccented final ones: Gynfal,
Deinjol, and Gwynodl for earlier Gynfael, JDeinjoel, and Gwynhoedl, which
prove that the accent has here retreated from the last syllable to the
penultimate. In the same category one may include such words as gde, " a
leech," for geleu (compare Sansk. jaMka, " a blood-leech," of
the same origin as jala " water "), hore, " morning," for
horeu; and all such plurals as pethe and peilia, the two prevalent
pronunciations of petheu or pethau, "things," in colloquial Welsh,
and so in other cases. ' I^^or is one to exclude the innumerable modern
instances which come under the head of what Herr Sievers has happily termed
Eeciprocal Assimilation and briefly described, pp. 136, 137. This takes
place, for example, when natives of South Wales reduce such words as enaid,
"soul," and |
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ADDITIONS AND
COKKECTIONS. 437 « noswaith, "a night," into ened and nosweth; and
it is probable that the colloquial pronunciation of words like araeth, "
an oration," and cafael, " to have," as areth and cafel is
.thus to be traced to the older araith and caffail rather than to the written
araeth, caffael. An interesting instance of older standing offers itself in
the proper name lihel, which represents Idd-hel, a shortened form of
Jtiddhael, written in Old Welsh Judhael, and on one of the Llantwit, stones
Juthahelo; it is composed of jtid-, " fight," and hael, "
generous, a generous man," and may possibly mean hello-murdficus. The
process is also the same when aw becomes o as in serchog, "
affectionate," for serchawg, and so in a host of others, aw in
unaccented final syllables being now as a rule left to poets, and to
bombastic speakers in public. P. 119, line 4: from the bottom, except the
case of Vinneinagli, where the i of vind- is retained. P. 122. The base w^ich
the Celtic forms for name imply was in the singular atiman, which has
recently been shown to have been the original form also of Latin ndmen,
English name, and their congeners: see Johannes Schmidt's article in Kuhn's
Zeitschrift, xxiii. p. 267, and Mr. Sayce's inaugural Lecture on the Study of
Comparative Philology (Oxford, 1876), p. 28. P. 123, line 11 from the bottom,
the cognate forms in other languages make it doubtful whether heddyw or
heddjw is the more original: see page 95. P. 133.;For ^ substitute'. P. 134.
For cloch, coch, read cldch, cdch, in line 8 from the top. P. 139. For "
candela and haiina " read " candSla and habena." P. 153. Here
should have been mentioned i)MW, "God," Old Welsh nominative^diMj^
genitive duiu; and aU our com- |
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438 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. paratives of inequality in -ach,
iov -ass = Aryan, (J)ans, go back to some one of the longer cases, as may be
seen by comparing them with the Sanskrit nominatives gariydn, gariyas,
accusative masculine gartyA^sam, " heavier; " Greek fni^oiii,
f'ti^ov, genitive fni^ovog, Latin major, majus, genitive' majdris; but it
does not necessarily foUow that Welsh mwy, " more, greater," as
compared with mwyach, comes from one of the storter cases. Lastly, the
attempted explanation of heno, " to-night," as a shortening of
henos, which nowhere actually occurs, is less probable than that it
represents some such a form as he-nuga or he-noga, involving the counterpart
of the Greek w/^- in viix'oi, " nightly,'' and ni;^a " by
night." P. 158, three lines from the bottom, for "members"
read " numbers." P. 162. As a matter of fact I find that Cunacena
does occur in Irish literature, namely, as Coinehenn in The Martyrology of
Donegal. P. 169. For " Cadwalader " read " Cadwaladr." P.
176, last line, better dhang, whence German taugen and its congeners: see
Schmidt's Vocalismus, i. p. 172. P. 177, four lines from the bottom, /or
"compounds" read " names." P. 180. As to Genitives in o
or it perhaps it would be more correct to regard the former vowel as the mark
of the Early Welsh Z7-direction, and the o as standing for os = Latin os, us,
is, as in senatu-os, Vener-us, Yener-is, and Greek og, as in vsxu-os and ipigoiT-o;.
It appears to have also been os in Early Irish, as in Uwan-os: see pages 371,
372. P. 181. As to Decheti, it is to be observed, that if eh was introduced
as the equivalent in point of pronunciation of Early Welsh cc, then there
would be no proof that ch in the instance in question was a spirant, which |
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ADDITIONS AND
CORRECTIONS. 439 takes from the cogency of the argument in so far as it is
founded on Beckett. P. 183, line 5 from the bottom, for " Dumnovali or
Duhnovali " read " Dumnavali or Bubnavali." P. 194. For "
Epiacum " read " Epeiacum." P. 197. As to the. question of the
v in Avon, Professor Hiibner reminds me of a passage in the Annals, xii. 31,
where Nipperdey reads cwicta castris Avonam inter et Sahrinam fluvios
cohihere. The character of Nipperdey's texts is too well-known to scholars to
need any recommendation, and I am glad to find that he has cast out of his
text the spurious form Caractacus, which should have been in Modern Welsh
Careithog, whereas the actual name is Caradog, Irish Garthach, genitive
Carihaigh, as in Mac Carthaigh, Anglicised MacGarthy. P. 205. For "
AlhoHu " read " Alhortus." P. 210. Asj did not pass into 8,
but into %j, in which the j may under certain circumstances disappear, jj is
as likely to have been the direct antecedent of ^j, as ivw or vv of the ghw
which yielded Modern Welsh chw and gw. However, initial j does not appear to
have ever become SJ, but such a case as that of muliier, supposing it to mean
muljjer, would not be excluded; for, as rj could become ri, so Ij might be
expected to become is, but the latter would in Welsh have probably to pass
into llth, whence lit, liable to be reduced to II. We cannot say that this
was done in muljjer, as the word was not adopted into Welsh, but it seems to
have taken place in the case of Vergilius, which (treated as if pronounced
Fergilius) became in Welsh Pheryll or Fferyllt, and the name of the famous
Virgil of 'legend has given us a word for alchymy and chymistry, namely,
fferylljaeth or fferylltjaeth. The same thing happened in the case of the
native word gallu, " to be able," which has a i in some of its
derivatives, such as galltofydd- |
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440 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. jaeth or gallofyddjaeth, "
mechanics, the science of forces and machinery," and the Capella gloss
gva-galtov,, "fulcris:" it has already been suggested that gallu is
of the same origin as the Lithuanian galiii, " I can." Besides
FferylU there is another instance which seems to prove that j did not become
'ij till the Koman occupation — probably it did not happen much before the 8
th century, as no certain trace of it appears in our Early Inscriptions. I
allude to Llanfaredd, the name of a chapel dedicated to St. Mary, in the
neighbourhood of Builth. Here faredd is the mutated form of Maredd, which
would be the exact representative of Marija for Maria; compare pedwerydd,
" quartus," and pedwaredd, " quarta." In the case of the
many churches in Wales called Llanfair, the form of the name imphed is not
Maria but Maria, and the churches themselves possibly belong to a dijBferent
period, perhaps a much later one: see Kees' Essay on the Welsh Saints
(London, 1836), pp. 26-35. P. 212. For V in Evaeattos read w, and so in
others. P. 213. Instead of the words " with atiate representing what is
in Modern Welsh enaid, ' soul,' " read " with anate of the same
origin and meaning as the Modern Welsh enaid, ' soul; ' " and, further
on, cancel the reference to Qvici and Qwed — I am now inclined to regard them
as Qvid and Qwed: see page 255. P. 218. With Vennisetli may be coupled the
form Vendesetli found on another stone, which seems to have been the name of
the identical man afterwards known as Gheynhoedl: see page 385. P. 230. Mr.
Douse, in his recent work entitled Grimm's Law: a Study (London, 1876),
shows, p. 203, that ^ is merely a graphic variety of ]», and not an
independent formation from the same origin. P. 237. By teg-hedr it was meant
to suggest that the |
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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
441 Wekh comparatives of equality in ed are formally the equivalents fff the
Greek xoupors^os, yXuxiirejof, and the like. Instances of the corresponding
Irish forms, used as comparatives of equality, are mentioned in O'Donovan's
Irish Grammar, p. 120; but in Welsh the desynonymisation of those
corresponding to Greek comparatives in -n^og and -lui respectively, is
complete, and marked by the use of different particles, namely, a^, a, "
as," and naff, na, "than," ■while in Irish the former
gradually dropped out of use. P. 241. For Cornish elin read elinn. P. 242. As
to canell, Davies's canel, " cinnamomum," must be a comparatively
late and incorrect form. P. 243. To the instance of daw in Brut y Tywysogion
add two in Williams' Seint Greal (London, 1874), pp. 21, 124. P. 265, line 11
from the bottom, read " are " for " is." P. 295. The
Trefgarn stone has been omitted in the Appendix. P. 323. For the benefit of
those who may have scruples as to equating Ogyrven with Ahriman, it may be
said that drwg, which we use both as an adjective and as a noun for evil, in
the widest sense of the word, is beyond doubt of the same origin as the Zend
drukhs, and Sanskrit druh, as to which Professor Max Miiller, quoting from
the Eigveda, says: " Druh, mischief, is used as a name of darkness or
the night, and the Dawn is said to drive away the hateful darkness of Druh.
The Adityas are praised for preserving man from Druh, and Maghavan or Indra
is implored to bestow on his worshippers the light of day, after having driven
away the many ungodly Druhs " {Lectures^, ii. pp. 498, 499). P. 335.
Instead of assuming c and r in alphabet No. 5 to have changed places, one may
suppose No. 9, on page 336, to have taken, owing to a hesitation perhaps of a
local nature, the foUowing form: — |
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442 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.
I l l n il ,,,, I'll a, b, oh,
0, 1, d, nu, u, p, e, s, s, tw i.i ii i i ii 'ii I II III nil Hill Hill! and
that in time -LLLI- ceased to be used for s, wMch made it available for e,
wbether that had before been represented by 1 11 1 1 1 or by the same symbol
as r. Compare alphabet No. ix. (page 342), in which ]> is supposed to have
occupied two consecutive places. P. 368. As to the Inchaguile inscription, it
is to be noticed that in Menueh the h probably stands for ch, as in
Brohomagli and the like in Wales, unless the letter in question should be
read r. P. 369. This beating about the bush would be unnecessary if one might
assume that the names of a few of the Greek letters were at one time slightly
different from those handed down to us. In that case the Ogam Alphabet could
be derived directly from a Greek one, which should then be substituted for
the Phoeaician letters in the table on page 330. P. 379, line 4 from the
bottom, the y of Cynfael as compared with the stronger vowel, w, of Maelgwn,
is due to the fact that both names must have formerly been oxytones. P. 385,
inscription No. 9. It is probable that Jovenali is the Latin name borrowed,
but I am now convinced that Jouan, " John," and the later forms
Jeuan, Jevan, Jewan, Iwan, Ifan, Anglicised Evan, do not come from 'laanrn,
but that the latter was identified with a native name, which in Old Welsh
took the form Jouan, and in the genitive in Early Irish TJwanos, for
Juwan-os, which is translated on the KiUeen Cormac stone into ivvene for |
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ADDITIONS
AND CORRECTIONS. 443 Juvenis. All
these forms are of the same origin as Welsh jeuanc,
ifanc, English young, Latin juvencus, while the Irish is
6g, for öc, owing to the rule-right elision of both j and w, and
the reduction of nc to c. On the other hand, the Joan
of the authorised Welsh version of the New Testament
is 'Iwåvvq; but thinly disguised : it seems to date no
earlier than the Reformation, when it began to supersede
Jeuan. P. 393.
For e in Catotigerni read i. P. 398.
Andagelli possibly survives in Annett, the name of a
stream between Llandilo and Carmarthen, to which Mr.
Silvan Evans has kindly called my attention. P. 426.
With drud, a hero," compare Lith. dråtas, "
firm," and Old Norse thrüör, strong,"
and see the remarks on
them and forms allied with them in the second
volume of Schmidt's Vocalismus, pp. 264, 458. Lastly,
the following, which may prove a contribution towards
the solution of the question as to the origin and history of
the Ogmic method of writing, reached me too late
to be placed in its proper place. Thanks to the kindness
of the author of The Sculptured Stones of Scotland, and Mr.
Anderson, superintendent of the Edinburgh Museum, I
received a squeeze of an Ogam-inscribed stone lately brought
thither from St. Ninian's Isle, Shetland. The stone,
which has been broken at one end, was dug out of the
ground in an old burying-place, and is in many respects a
very remarkable one. Among other things it is to be
noticed that the vowels consist of long strokes crossing
the edge of the stone at right angles, as surmised on page
306 of this volume. Having in vain tried to decipher
the inscription by means of the ordinary Celtic key, I
ventured to apply to it alphabet xi. (p. 342), when which is
not included in the it was
found to contain latter.
This, however, does not prove its inapplicability, |
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444 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. but rather suggests that before
it yielded alphabets xii. (p. 343) and xiii. (p. 344), it was developed into the
following: — -T-^H I, " '"
nil nil "" a, f, h, o,
]>, n, u, r, p, e, k, III! ' "" ////////// i, w, rf, t, b, m, L
The reason, in that case, why no w appears in alphabet xiii., consisting of
Runes formed from the letters of the Eoman alphabet, would be the fact that
the latter provided no separate character for it. The direction in which an
Ogmic inscription is to be read can seldom be settled beforehand: so the
present instance, tried by means of the key here suggested, would be either —
' //// 111 1 I II II I I I / / I mil I m i l 1 e ppottasa s + Mill mil I ' ll
/ "" III! ' w w e t z e . . . or elpe — II 1 1 ,, , . / 1 1 1 1 II
II I 1 1 1 II niiii nil / nil iiiii k
t w
+ -+^TTT-^ / / I I III I II 1 1 1 1 //// awattorr e L The tt should
perhaps be read h, but the question as to whether either of these readings
has any meaning, and what that meaning may be, must be left to men who have
made Teutonic, philology their special study. |
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445 INDEX. A, Aryan
long, seems in Welsh to
have acquiréd tural
souhd, 97, 215 A short,
modified into e, o, Early a gut- 29, 91, 212 Abbunnari,
Sicilian, 57 Aberth,
Welsh, 71 Ablautreihe,
Mention of, 37 Abona,
196, 439 Accadian
Language, The, 2 Accenniri,
Sicilian, 57 Accent in
Welsh, 53, 54, 70, 123, 124, 125,
127, 176, 235, 236 Addurn,
Welsh, 106 Aden,
Welsh, 92 Adfer,
Welsh, 93 ADIUNE,
217, 395 Aer, air,
Welsh, 66, 136 Ætinet, O.
Welsh, 253 Afaz,
Welsh, 92, 134 Igas,
Sansk., 13 * A-yos,
13 Agn, Names
in, 30, 206, 381 Ai, The
diphthong, 99, 222 Aipht, Yr,
Welsh, 67 Airgead,
Mod. Irish, 61 Alaunus,
Gaulish, 197 Acam,
Welsh, 420, 422 Algrim,
Craft of, 318 ALHORTUS
EIMETIACO, 215, 225, 386, 429 Ali, in
Welsh aUtud, 92 Attor,
welsh, 174 Alit,
Welsh, 424 Alphabet,
An Irish, based on the ogam, 304 Alphabet,
Allusions in Irish Liter- ature to
the Ogam, 311 ; in Welsh
literature, 316 Alphabet,
A præ-Roman, used by Teutons,
339 Alphabets,
Comparison and ex- planation
of the names of let- ters in
several, 357, 359, 365 Alphabet,
Connection of the Og- mic with
the Phoenician, 310, 330 Alphabet,
The Bethluisnion, 304 Alphabet,
The Ogmic, in Irish Manuscripts,
273 Alphabet,
The Roman, among the Kymry, 199
Alphabet,
The Runic, 338, 339 Alphabet,
Theory as to the origin of the
Ogmic, 311 Alton,
Irish, 241, 424 Am, Welsh,
48, 92 Ambi, O.
Gaulish, 48 Amhera,wdyr,
Welsh, 54 An, Welsh
negative prefix, 48, 50, 92, 139 Anadowinias,
E. Irish, 29 ANATEMORI,
212, 216, 382, 386 Anawlcmattias,
E. Irish, 176 AnbithauZ,
O. Welsh, 238 ANDAGELLI,
398, 443 Andecamu108,
Gaulish, 29 Angyljon,
Welsh, 139 Anifd,
Welsh, 128 Anmann,
Irish, 122 ANNICURI,
410 Anocht,
Mod. Irish, 66 Anter for
hanter, O. Welsh, 239 Antoninus,
Itinerary of, 194, 195, 196 Anu, O.
Welsh, 243 Anwiredd,
Welsh, 139 |
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446 LECTURES
ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Apati for
abbati, 72 Aper, O.
Welsh, 40, 71 Aqua,
Latin, 20 Aquæ
Sulis, or Bath, 195 Ar, Welsh,
92 Araile,
Irish, 175 Arau,
Welsh, 175 Arch,
Welsh, 92 Arc'hant,
Breton, 61, 420 Archæol,ogia
Britannica, of Edward
Llwyd, 269 Archiunn,
O. Irish, 154 Ardren, O.
Breton, 43 Arfertur,
Umbrian, 71 Argant, O.
Welsh, 61 Argat, O.
Irish, 61 Arian,
Welsh, 53, 61, 420 Aryan,
Definition of term, 6 Aryan
Languages, The, 1, 2, 3 Aryan
Nomenclature, Dr. Fick on, 379 Assimilation,
40, 109, 116, 436 Asya,
asyas, Sanskrit, 62, 429 At, Welsh,
125 Atebodd,
Welsh, 71 Atrebatii,
The, 195 Au, The
diphthong, pronuncia- tions of,
101, 223, 256 Äue, O.
Irish, 174, 299 Aur,
Welsh, 224, 420 Aureli,
169, 439 Avon, name
of rivers in England, 196, 439 Aw,
Evolution of, from a, 104 Awen,
Welsh, 320 Awgrym,
Origin of the Welsh word, 318 B in Old
Welsh, 228, written for v, 228 Bahell, O.
Cornish, 238 Bam,
Welsh, 134 BARCUNI,
171, 398 Bardaut,
Welsh, 124 Basque
Language, The, 2 Bath,
Welsh, 420, 421 Bedd,
Welsh, 131 Bede, The
Venerable, 130 Beidauc Rut,
Welsh, 428 Beidjog,
Welsh, 428 Bernhed,
O. Welsh, 238 Bendith,
Welsh, 151 Berchon,
Irish, 171 Beunoeth,
Welsh, 153 Bhratar,
&c., 8 Bible,
Bishop Morgan's, 269 Bioc'h,
Breton, 106 Blåån,
Irish, 429 Black Book
of Carmarthen, 145, 184 Bledri,
Welsh, 184 ; written by Giraldus
Bledhericus, 184 Bleiddan,
Welsh, 429 Dioe$c,
Welsh, 99 Bö, Irish,
9, 152 Bodin, O.
Breton, 250 B0DVOC1,
380, 396 Bon, in
Welsh henfon, 152 BONEMIMORI,
410 Book of
Ballymote, 312 Book of Lecan,
312 Book of
Leinster, 311 Bos, pots,
&c., 9 Borau,
Welsh, 139, 436 Bracaut,
O. Welsh, 256 Brachcut,
O. Cornish, 237 Braccat,
O. Irish, 256 Bråge,
Irish, 152 Braich,
Welsh, 121 Braith,
fem. of brith, Welsh, 65 Bran, pl.
bruin, Welsb, 122 Bråth,
Irish, 256 Braut, O.
Welsh, 256 Brcwd,
Welsh, 8, 98, 135 Brechenjauc,
Welsh, 123 Brenhines,
Welsh, 120 Breton, A
Celtic Language, 18 Bretons,
The, are not direct ere- presentatives
of the ancient Gauls, 27 Breuan,
Welsh, 152 Breuant,
Welsh, 152 Brigantes,
The, in Ireland, 33 Britain,
Extent of, occupied by Gaulish
tribes in the time of Julius
Cæsar, 195 Brith,
Welsh, 65 Britons,
Division of, after the Battle of
Chester, 141 Brivatiom,
Gaulish, 29 Broccagni,
181, 291, 381, 402 Broccån,
Irish, 181, 402 Brochmaü,
Welsh, 181, 276 BROHOMAGLI,
177, 276, 389 Brio,
Irish, 152 |
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INDEX. 447 Broterélis,
Lith., 8 Brother,
Eng., 8 Dru,
Welsh, 152 Brych,
fem. brech, Welsh, 119 Brychan,
Welsh, 181, 402 BURGOCAVI,
382, 391 Buwch,
Welsh, 9, 102, 436 Buwinda,
E. Irish, 171 BwyaU,
Welsh, 238 Byddin,
Welsh, 250 Byr, fem.
ber, Welsh, 119 Byw,
Welsh, 98 cad,
Welsh, 177 Cadfan,
The name of a Prince,
169, 323 CadwaUon,
Welsh, 197 Cae, cui,
Welsh, 136 CÆLEXTI,
207, 208, 391 CaerUeon,
Welsh, 245 cold,
Welsh, 92 Welsh Callaur,
Welsh, 74, written aur, 242 cam,
Welsh, 48 Cambodunum,
O. Gaulish, 48 cal- CAUNE,
223, 381, 389 CAUO, 223,
390 CAVOSENIARGII,
215, 390 Cead,
Irish, 41, 56 Ceann,
Irish, 42 Cebystr,
Welsh, 252 Cedänau,
O. Welsh, 43 Cedlestneuiom,
O. Breton, 43 Ceitjog,
welsh, 123 Ceinjog,
Welsh, 123 Celicnon,
Gaulish, 29, 30 ceueeu, O.
Cornish, 241, 249 Celtic
Languages enumerated, &c.,
18 Celtic Languages,
Non - Aryan traits in,
190—192 Celts, The
two divisions of, 19, 25 Celts,
The, preceded in these islands by
other iaces, 190 Cenedt
nodded, Welsh, 159 Cenmfinnan,
Irish, 22, 170 Cenndubhan,
Irish, 22, 170 Centhiliat,
O. Welsh, 253 Centhtiat,
O. Welsh, 51, note, 253 CAMELORIGI,
380, 407 can,
Welsh, 93 Canecosedlon,
Gaulish, 29 cand, O.
Welsh, 242, 441 cant,
Welsh, 11 Contaton,
Gaulish, 29 CanwyU,
Welsh, 48 Car,
Welsh, O. Irish:caræ, CARAUSIUS,
386 Cardod, Welsh,
151 Carfan,
392, 400 Carnuennan,
Welsh, 22 152 Centum,
Latin, 11 Cepister,
Cornish, 252 Cernunnos,
Gaulish, 29 Ceroenhou,
O. Welsh, 237 Cét, O.
Irish, 11, 41, 56 Cethir, O.
Irish, 20 Cethr,
Welsh, 51, note Ch, in
Ogam, 276 Chester,
Battle of, 141 Chiommo,
Neapolitan, 57 Chrotta,
63, 118, 434 Chw, Sound
of, prevalent North
Wales, 235 Chwaff,
Welsh, 23, 282 Chwannen,
Welsh, 83 Chwech,
Welsh, 93 Chuerthin,
Welsh, 83 Chwerwedd,
welsh, 228 Chwi,
Welsh, 235 Chwiorydd,
Welsh, 98 Chwysigen,
Welsh, 83 Ci, Welsh,
152, 220 Ciaran,
Irish, 24 Cimadas,
O. Welsh, 248 Ciwdod,
Welsh, 151 oaf,
Welsh, 131 Cland, O.
Irish, 373 Classification
of Languages, 1 in Carreg y
neon, Welsh, 245 Caru,
Sansk., 9 Case-endings'
formerly used Welsh, 160
CassiveUaunus,
197 CaswaUon,
Welsh, 197 Casuiheticc,
O. Welsh, 237 Cato,
Sansk., 11 Cataba,r,
Irish, 29 CATAMANUS,
29, 169, 323, 384 Cathi,
Welsh, 51, note CATOTIGmN1,
31, 443 Catraeth, Welsh,
183 Catteyrn,
Welsh, in 380, 393,
396, 31 |
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448 LECTURES
ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Classification
of Welsh congo- nants, 39 CUbene,
Irish, 130 Clicb,
Irish, 130 CLOTORIGI,
406 Claim, O.
Irish, 373 Cnuwch,
Welsh, 103 coch,
Welsh, 133 Cocuro,
Cocurus, 214 coed,
Welsh, 100 cod,
Welsh, 100 Coetbren y
Beirdd, a Welsh alpha- bet so called,
316 coes,
Welsh, 209 coffau,
Welsh, 2.36 Cöic, O.
Irish, 41, 254 Coire, O.
Irish, 9 Combréc,
250 Comtoou,
O. Breton, 250 Conbevi,
Cornish, 299 CONETOCT,
216, 411 Congual,
O. Welsh, 250 Connecting
vowel, 182, 184 CONSOBRlNO,168,
179,207 ,215, 387 Consonants,
Doubling of, in Ca- pella
Glosses, 246 ; doubled in accented
syllables, 211 ; ety- mologically
equivalent, 16, 17 • flanked by
vowels, 43 Constantinus,
169 Contextos,
Gaulish, 29 Convatteorum
populus, 85 CORBAGNI,
30, 178, 381, 400 CORBALENGI,
29, 177, 212, 392 Corcur, O.
Irish, 373 corff,
Welsh, 59, 151 Corffori,
Welsh, 151 Corfforoedd
and cyrph, pl. of corph,
Welsh, 59 Cormac's
Glossary, 247, 249, 250, 256, 327,
370, 436 Cornish, a
Celtic Language, its literature,
19 Corp,
Irish, 59 Corstopiluh,
or Corstopitum, 194 Cow, Eng.,
9 Cram,
gramya, Sansk., 14 Cromapa,
Sansk., 14 Crann,
Irish, 105 Craibdech,
Irish, 13 cré, O.
Irish, 153 cred,
credu, Welsh, 72, 93, 433, 435 Crefydd,
Welsh, 13 Creifjon,
Welsh, 122 Creman, O.
Cornish, 249 Cräyr,
Welsh, 277 Crispos,
Gaulish, 29 Crocenn,
Irish, 277 Crochta,
Irish, 176 croen,
Welsh, 277 croth,
Welsh, 118, 133 Cruimther,
cruimhther, crubthir, Irish, 370
Crummcnhuo,
O. Welsh, 249 Crunnotunou,
O. Welsh, 254 Crynjon,
Welsh, 250 C",
Irish, 152, 220 Cuisit, O.
Welsh, 249 Cunacena,
Irish, 29, 173, 438 Cunacenniwi,
30, 212, 381, 395 Cunogussos,
Irish, 29 Cunatami,
CUNOTAMI, 29, 183, 212, 292,
405 CUNEGNI,
381, 400 CUNOCENNI,
29, 30, 178, 301, 395 CUNOMORI,
410 CUNOVALI,
86, 392, 413 CuntuUet,
O. Breton, 250 CURCAGNI,
381, 398 Cuwch,
Welsh, 103 Cyd-breiniog,
Welsh, 121 cuff,
Welsh, 61 Cyghor,
Welsh, 54 cached,
Welsh, 120 CyUeU,
Welsh, 74 Cymraeg,
Welsh, 120, 250 Cyndcf,
Welsh, 405 Cynddelw
cited, 322, 418 Cyndeyrn,
Welsh, 31 Cynfyu„
Welsh, 299 Cyntefig,
Welsh, 120 Cynud,
Welsh, 101 Cunwat,
Welsh, 86, 250 cyrff, pl.
of corf, Welsh, 59 CyssyUtu,
Welsh, 74 cysyl,
Welsh, 249 D, The
letter, 200 ; its use in O. Welsh, 229
Då, Irish,
7 DAARI,
216, 381, 406 Daeareg,
Welsh, 120 Dafydd ab
Gwilym quoted, 133 Dakshipa,
Sansk., 13 men,
Welsh, 120 |
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INDEX. 449 Dalligni,
E. Irish, 30 Damcirchineat,
O. Welsh, 240 Daniel,
121 Dannotali,
Gaulish, 29 Dant,
Welsh, 56 Darn,
Welsh, 134 Datolaham,
O. Breton, 239 Dauu, daw,
Welsh, 242, 441 Dawn,
Welsh, 98 Dd, Use
of, in Welsh, 259 Dews, Mod.
Irish, 12 Decceddas,
Decceddc, Irish, 274 DECCETI,
DECHETI, 63 Dee, The
river, 325, 436 Deg,
Welsh, 93 Dehau,
Welsh, 12, 94, 205 Ddehid, O.
Cornish, 238, 249 DEMETI,
217, 295, 441 Den,
Provengal, 57 DENCUI,
406 DERVACI,
380, 394 Derwydd,
Welsh, 152 Dess, O.
Irish, 12 Dét,
Irish, 50 Deus,
Latin, 12 Di- and
Dy-, Welsh prefixes, Con- fusion of,
251 Dia,
Irish, 130 Differences
between Welsh and Irish, 35 Diguornvechis,
O. Welsh, 238 Din,
dinas, Welsh, 124, 220 Dingad,
Welsh, 182, 220 Dinoot,
Dunawd, The name of a Welsh
abbot, 129 Diu, O.
Welsh, 12 Div, dyu,
Sansk., 12 Do, The prefix,
251 Doborcu,
Irish, 252 DOBUNNI,
380, 408 Dodocetic,
O. Breton, 250 Doe,
Welsh, 108 Dof,
Welsh, 96 Doguorenniam,
O. Breton, 250 Doiros,
Gaulish, 29 Dometos,
214 Dontaurios,
Gaulish, 29 Drui, O.
Irish, 152 Druid,
Welsh and Irish for, 32 Druidism,
Adoption of, by insu- lar Celts,
32 ; introduction of, into Gaul,
32 DRUSTAGNI,
O. Welsh, 410 Druticni,
Druticnos, Gaulish, 30 Drwg,
Welsh, 97, 4411 Drws,
Welsh, 9 Du, The
prefix, 251 m, Lith.,
8 Dual
Number, Traces of, Welsh,
156, 157 Dubeneticon,
O. Welsh, 251 Dubricius,
250 Dunnagucd,
O. Welsh, 183 in Door,
Eng., 9 Dorus,
Irish, 9 Draighen,
Irish, 138 Drain,
Welsh, 138 Draoi,
Irish, 32, 152 Drudion,
Cerrig y, 426, 443 DUNOCATI,
O. welsh, 177, 178, 220, 300,
382, 394 Duo,
Latin, 7 Dur,
Welsh, 220 Dutigirn,
O. Welsh, 31 Duw,
Welsh, 12, 102, 436 Dva,
Sansk. and Zend., 8 Dvarcu,
Sansk., 9 Dwfn, fem.
dofn, Welsh, 97, 117 Dwyf,
du,yw, Welsh, 100 Dyaushpitar,
Sansk. , 12 Dyfnwat,
Welsh, 183 Dyfrdwy,
Welsh, 325, 436 Dyfrig,
Welsh, 250 Dylaith,
Welsh, 23>, 249 Dyw,
Welsh, 12, 95 E, for
Aryan in many Welsh words, 93;
two sounds of, in Latin, 213
Eachtighearn,
Irish, 32 Ebol,
Welsh, 94 Eclipses
of consönants, 38, 50, 54, 55, 56
Edifeirjot,
Welsh, 121 Ednod,
Welsh, 253 Efydd,
Welsh, 423 Ehnlinn,
O. Cornish, 241 Ehorth or
éorth, Welsh, 279 Ei, poss.
pronoun, masc. and fem.,
Welsh, 154 Ei, The
diphthong, 225 Ei, Welsh,
equivalent to Latin æs, 225 Etöov, 11 Eidon,
Welsh, 225 |
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450 LECTURES
ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Eifl, Yr,
in Caernarvonshire, 157 Eimetiaco,
215, 426 Ejudon, O.
Welsh, 225 Edinn, O.
Cornish, 241, 425 Elin,
Welsh, 128 EUesheticion,
O. Welsh, 237 mzyn,
Welsh, 241, 424 Empenn,
Breton, 54 Emrys,
Welsh, 123 ENABARRI,
29, 211, 212, 408 EnUyn,
Welsh, 241 Ennyn,
Welsh, 9 Enuein, O.
Welsh, 122, 243, 437 Enw,
Welsh, 243 Dofn,
Welsh, 276 Epeiacum,
a town of the Brigantes,
194 Epidium,
The name of an island between
Scotland and Ireland, 192 Erbyn,
Welsh, 154 ERCAGNI,
206, 381, 402 Erchan,
Welsh, 206 ERCILIVI,
381, 411 Erlid,
Welsh, 183 Esomun, O.
Irish, 276 ETERNI,
385 Dtncoithaam,
O. Breton, 239 Etruscan,
Doubtful origin of, 4 ETTERNI,
403 Lu, The
diphthong modified into au in Mod.
Welsh, 137 Eu, Welsh
pronoun, genitive plural,
154 Bunt, O.
Breton, 257 Euog,
Welsh, 13 Euohoc, O.
Breton, 250 Eutigirm,
Welsh, 31 Evacattos,
Irish, 29, 212 EVALI, 406
Even,
Eng., 258 EVOLENGGI,
EVOLENGI, 177, 212 Ewin,
Welsh, 153 Ewynog,
Welsh, 250 Eiobnus, Eæomnus,
Gaulish, 206, 276 F, The
letter sounded as f in O. Welsh, 233
; as v, 261, 262 F The
sound, its origin in Welsh,
285; its Ogmic symbol unknown,
280 Families
of Speech, 1 FANNUCI,
381 FANONI,
211, 282, 381, 409 Fechem, Irish,
130 Fedb, O.
Irish, 228 Feidiog,
V, Welsh, 426 Feminine
nominatives in e, 179 Ffer, 233 Ffetog,
Gwentian Welsh, 45 Ff1angeU,
Welsh, 245 Fforch,
Welsh, 118 Ffordd,
Welsh, 118 Ffraeth,
Welsh, 233 Ffrwyth,
Welsh, 64 Ffunen,
Welsh, 106 Ffwrch,
Welsh, 118 Ffwrdd,
Welsh, 118 Ffwrnj
Welsh, 151 Ffyrf,
fem. fferf, Welsh, 120 Fiach,
Irish, 130 FidcheU,
Irish, 373 Fin,
Irish, 280 Finnmhagh,
Irish, 171 Fius for
Fitius, 205 Foircheann,
Irish, 172 Folcaim,
Irish, 59 Four
Ancient Books of Wales quoted,
159 Frater,
Latin, 8 Fron,
Provencal, 57 Futhark or
Runic alphabet, 340 Furca,
Latin, 118 Fy, fin,
fyng, Welsh, 52 C, Value
of, in O. Welsh, 233 Cadet, O.
Irish, 188 Gaelic,
Scotch, A Celtic language, 18 Garr,
Welsh, 432 coir,
Welsh, 122, 138 Caoidheal,
Irish, 188 CarUeg,
Welsh, 76 Gate? ,
Gwentian Welsh, 46 Gaulish, A
Celtic language, 179 Gaulish
words extant, 19 Ceifr, pl.
of gafr, Welsh, 136 aeitl,
Welsh, 122 Gen,
Welsh, 94 Genaius,
Cornish, 222 Cenauni,
Gaulish, 197 Gender in
welsh, 155 Genitives,
Place of, in Welsh, 160 |
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INDEX. 451 Geraint,
son of Erbin, Oh, Sound
of, 65 Citbin, O.
Welsh, 69 Gildas,
the historian, etas,
Welsh, 133 Glendid,
Welsh, 120 184 22 Glomerarium,
Latin, 78 Glosses, The
Eutychius, of Brelon origin,
271 Glosses,
The later Oxford, are Cornish,
271 Glosses,
Welsh, 146 Glottology,
Historical value of, 8 Co,
Sansk., 9 Coba,
Irish, 152 cof,
Welsh, 152 Cogieisjedig,
Med. Welsh, 252 Coidel, O.
Irish, 188 Goidelic
Celts, Theory of sup- posed
occupation of Wales by the, 186 Colbinoc,
O. Breton, 250 Gotchi,
Welsh, 59 Corau,
Welsh, 139 Gorphen,
Welsh, 59, 172 Corsin,
Welsh, 153 Gosgorddfawr,
Welsh, 183 Gramadeg,
Welsh, 120 Gran, Provencal,
57 arian,
gréne, Irish, 130 Grimm's
Law, 15 Cripjud
for Criphjud, O. Welsh, 245 crudneu,
Welsh, 425 Gruffudd
ab Cynan, 187 Guaina,
Italian, 82 Cuenedote,
183 Cuichir,
O. Welsh, 253 CuiUihim,
O. Cornish, 238 Cuitaul
fili Cuitoliaun, 176 Culbc,
Irish, 69 auoceleseticc,
O. Welsh, 252 Cuogaltou,
O. Welsh, 242 Cuorunhetic,
O. Welsh, 237 aurcu,
O.'We1sh, 222 Curehic,
O. Cornish, 238 Gw, for
the semi-vowel w, 82 aucg,
Welsh, 131 Cweddw,
Welsh, 228 CweUaif, Welsh,
238 awenfael,
Welsh, 48 Gwentian
dialect of Welsh, cwin,
Welsh, 280 45 Cwinuctn,
Welsh, 77 cwir,
Welsh, 99 cwisc,
Welsh, 10 a-wian,
Welsh, 10 Cwlyb,
'fem. gwleb, Welsh, 119 Cwraig,
Welsh, 238 Gwrtheyrn,
31 Guych,
fem. guech, Welsh, 119, 253 Cwychr,
welsh, 253 Cwydd, pl.
gwyddau, Welsh, 137 CwyddbuvU,
Welsh, 373 Gwvddel,
an Irishman,' Welsh, 1S6 Cwvddel,
'a bush,' Welsh, 187, 188 Cwyddost,
Welsh, 11 Gwyn, fem.
gwen, Welsh, 119, 280 Cwyndyd,
Welsh, 183 æwynfa,
Welsh, 171 Cwynhoedl,
Welsh, 218, 385 Cwynt,
Welsh, 83 Gyljn,
Welsh, 69 Cylfinog,
Welsh, 250 H, how
used in the O. Welsh Glosses,
239 ; its sounds, 203, 204, 205,
234, 235, 279 Had,
Welsh, 93 Haf,
Welsh, 93 Hafod
neon, Welsh, 245 Hahya,
Zend., 9 Haiach,
Haeach, Hayach, Welsh, 432 Haiarn,
Welsh, 426 Haidd,
Welsh, 9, 429 Hazen,
Welsh, 93 Handwriting,
Last use of Kymric, 258 Haul,
Welsh, 136 Head,
Eng., 255 Heb,
Welsh, 94, 131 Heddyw,
Welsh, 123 Helabar, O.
Breton, 250 Hetcha, O.
Welsh, 61 Heighati,
O. Welsh, 61 Heti,
Welsh, 120 Helmholtz,
Professor, on the sen- sations of
tone, 109—116 Hen,
Welsh, 94 Henoeth,
henoid, Welsh, 66, 153 Hep, O.
welsh, 71 |
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452 LECTURES
ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Hériu,
Irish, 153 Hestaur,
hestawr, hestoraid, hes- torjou,
welsh, 25, 124, 129 Heuei(d),
O. Cornish, 249 Hinham, O.
Cornish, 237 flip,
Welsh, 99 Hiraeth,
Welsh, 137 Hirunn,
for irhunn, O, Welsh, 239 Hloimol,
O. Cornish, 78, 241 Hoedt,
Welsh, 21S Hoteu, O.
Breton, 250 Homilies,
Welsh, mentioned, 269 Houel, O.
Welsh, 250 Huar,
Irish, 130 Hua,
Welsh, 101 Hufen,
Welsh, 101 Hundred,
Eng., 11 Hwaff, and
hwap, 282 Hun, fem.
hon, Welsh, 117 Hwy,
Welsh, 100 Hwynthwy,
Welsh, 55 Hylafar,
Welsh, 250 Hysp,
Welsh, 95 Hywaith,
Welsh, 249 I, Aryan,
how represented in Welsh, 94 I, The
letter, how used in Welsh, 200, 240,
248, 265 Icaunus,
Gaulish, 197 Iccavos,
Gaulish, 29 Idwat,
Welsh, 184 IdwaUon,
Welsh, 197 lechyd,
Welsh, 120 Igueltiocion,
O. Breton, 244 IUteyrn,
Welsh, 31 Ituweto,
in Ogam, 300, 382, 395 1m, Inun,
Irish, 48 Immotihiou,
O. Welsh, 238, 248 In, O.
Welsh, now 2/71, 249 Inbher
Domnonn, Irish, 33 Inchinn„
Irish, 54 Indh,
Sansk., 9 znge,
Irish, 153 Initial
Consonants, Mutation of, 37, 41 Inscriptions,
Roman, in Britain, 214 lorddoncn,
Welsh, 151 lot,
Breton and Cornish, 9, 106 Iou,
Welsh, for lau, 228 rr, O.
Welsh, now yr, 249 Is, O.
Welsh, now vs, 249 fth,
Irish, 9 Ith in
place of chth, in O. Welsh, 64 Ithd,
Welsh, 437 lubron,
Gaulish, 29 lwerddon,
Welsh, 153 Jacit, 383
Jarll,
Welsh, 76 Jäut,
Lettish, 9 Jawn,
Welsh, 257 Jtvc,
Sansk., 98 Joven,
Provencal, 57 JOVENALI,
385, 442 Julios,
Latin, 214 Jupiter,
Latin, 12 Jas,
Latin, and its congeners, 9 JUSTI, 167
Juthchelo,
O. Welsh, 238, 437 Juvencus
Codex, Stanzas from the, 230,
231 Keywannedd,
Med. Welsh, 260 Kvprbs,
119 L, Sound
of, in O. Welsh, 240 mine, O.
Irish, 230 Landinegath,
Welsh, 184 Lår,
Irish, 257 Latin
cases, Traces of, in Welsh, 151 Latin,
Rustic, among the Britons, 226 Lavinia,
Latin, 230 Laws of
Wales, Venedotian ver- sion of,
54, 145, 265 Leguenid,
O. Welsh, 230 Lepnhaam,
O. Breton, 239 Lestir, O.
Welsh, 253 Letters,
Kymric, by what names known, 200
Lear,
Breton, 257 Ligaunus,
Gaulish, 197 Litimaur,
O. Welsh, 183, 253 Litogeni,
O. Welsh, 407 Lt in O.
Welsh and Cornish, 77 • sound of,
241 noes,
Welsh, 209 |
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INDEX. 453 Ltaeth,
Welsh, 108, 230 nafur,
Welsh, 106, 220 naubetdan,
Welsh, 225 nan y
Cwyddet, Welsh, 186 nathen,
Welsh, 135 naw,
Welsh, 129 nawenydd,
Welsh, 139, 230 Liam,
Welsh, 98 nawr,
Welsh, 98, 257 nawrudd,
Welsh, 236 Lleiddiad,
Welsh, 121 neng,
Welsh, 245 nestr,
Welsh, 253 netty,
Welsh, 70 neyn,
Welsh, 33, 109 nora,
Welsh, 236 Llofrudd,
Welsh, 236 nuarth,
Welsh, 229 nuwch,
Welsh, 103 Llwfr,
fem. Ilofr, Welsh, 252 num, fem.
um, Welsh, 117 nyg,
Welsh, 152 Llym, fem.
Item, Welsh, 119, 155 Lobur, O.
Welsh, 252 Logograph,
Description of, 80 LOVERNACI,
380, 399 LOVERNII,
209, 386 Lt, td,
Treatment of, in Welsh, 73 Lubhghort,
Irish, 229 Lucopibia,
The name of a town of the
Novantæ, 192 Luch,
Irish, 152 Lugudecccs.
Irish, •176 Luird, O.
Welsh, 229 Coccr, 63,
398 Luxembourg
Fragment, of Bre- ton, not
Welsh, origin, 271 M, Value
of, in O. Welsh, 242 Mab, map,
23, 135, 419 Mabinogion.
The, mentioned, 54, Magtocune,
169 Magotite
in Ogam, 409 Mahts,
Goth., 64 Mai,
Welsh, 137 Mailagni,
Irish, 30, 374 Mair,
Welsh, 121, 440 Malledo in
a Roman inscription, 214 MaUuro,
Latin, 214 Måm,
Sansk., 7 116m,
Zend., 7 Mcnapia,
193 Manaw,
Welsh, Isle of Man,' 193 Mann,
Lith., 7 Maneg,
Welsh, 120 MAQVERAGI,
O. Welsh, 22, 408 Maqvi,
163, 415-419 Ma,qvi
Ercias, Irish, 198 MAQVIRINI,
22 Maqvi-treni
in Ogam, 293, 403 Maqvi
Walamni, Irish, 198 Marcach,
Irish, 59 March,
Welsh, 59 Marchog,
Welsh, 59 Margeteud,
Welsh, 240 Maria,
121, 440 Moth,
Welsh, 421 Matöc, 388
Maurdluithruim,
O. Welsh, 43 MA . .
ARII, 209, 409 Me, Lat.,
Irish, Eng., 7 Meddiant,
Welsh, 56 Meibjon,
Welsh, 122 MeiUjon,
Welsh, 241 Meirch,
pl. of march, 136 Meirchjon,
Welsh, 123 Met,
Welsh, 94 MELI, 381,
384 Melldith,
Welsh, 73 Welsh, 145 ;
quoied, 156 Mac,
Irish, 23 MACARITINI,
397 Maccu, Macoi,
Maqui, 415-419 MACCUDECCETI,
174, 180, Macht,
Germ. , 64 Mae,
Welsh, 137 Madan,
Welsh, 206 MAGLAGNI,
30, 206, 381 MAGLI, 381
Macwy, 384, 409 Mellhionou,
Cornish, 241 Meat,
Welsh, 94 Melyn,
Welsh, 94, 119, 120 Menai
Straits, The, 193 Menapia,
193 Menevia,
193 Merch,
Welsh, 94, 155 Mercios,
Latin, 214 Meredudd,
Welsh, 240 Mergidhaham,
O. Breton, 238 Meudwy,
Welsh, 419 Ml, Welsh,
7 |
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4 54 LECTURES
ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. Mi, O.
Welsh forfy, 249 Mi, Irish,
153 Mis,
Welsh, 153 Moch,
Welsh, 96 Modryb,
pl. modrybedd, O. Cor- nish,
modreped, 249 Mogou, O.
Breton, 244 Momonia,
193 MONEDORICI,
382, 391 - Monnow,
the name of a river, 193 Morgen,
Welsh, 61 Morin,
Welsh, 61 Mucoi-breciin
Ogam, 292, 380, 404 Muin, O.
Welsh, 249 Mumhain,
Munster, 193 Musical
tones, 110, 111 Mwnai,
Welsh, 423 Mytlteyrn,
Welsh, 31, 385 Myn,
Welsh, 249 Myned,
Welsh, 124 Mynwy,
Welsh, 193 Mynyddoedd,
Welsh, 137 Mynyw,
Welsh, 193, 249 Mysc,
Welsh, 95 N surd, 58
Nef,
Welsh, 94 Nemnivus,
his alphabet, 359 Nerth,
Welsh, 59 Nerthfawr,
Welsh, 59 Nerthheint,
O. Welsh, 233, 236, 237 Nertmår,
O. Irish, 59 Nertoma,rus,
Gaulish, 59 Nettalami,
Irish, 29 Nettascgru,
29, 180, 212, 380, 404 Neuter
gender in Welsh, Traces of a, 155 NV, The
guttural nasal, 243, 273 Nhw,
Welsh, 55 Night,
Eng., 65 Noeth,
Welsh, 66, 96, 434 Nogtene,
217, 295, 441 NOGTIVIS,
295, 381, 441 ms, Welsh,
96, 153, 438 Nouet, O.
Welsh, 242 Np, Sound
of, according to Cors- sen, 206 Nyfjo,
Welsh, 95 O, in some
words for a, 95, its two sounds
in Latin, 214 O "if
" Welsh, 96 och,
Welsh, 133 Oc'hen,
Breton, 8 Ocht,
Irish, 64, 205 Octo,
Latin, 64 oen,
Welsh, 67, 138 OerUwm,
Welsh, 76 oes,
Welsh, 108, 137 Ofydd,
Welsh, 314 og, Welsh,
96 Ogam
alphabet, values of letters, 284,
derived by the Celts from the
Teutons, 350, regarded as a cryptic
alphabet, 327, written from left
to right, 346 Ogam-inscribed
stones in Ireland, 376; in
Wales, Devon,and Corn- wall,
289-304 Ogma, The
Irish tradition about, 313 Ogyrven,
320 Oid, O.
Welsh, 137 otöa, 11. 010, The
mystic, 318 Ois
oisoud, O. Welsh, 137 Ou, Welsh,
76 Olwyn,
Welsh, 254 one, Eng.,
101 Oppianicnos,
Gaulish, 30 ORDOUS,
207, 382, 392 Oti,
Gwentian Welsh, 45 Ouse, The
English river-name, 196 P of Aryan
parent speech omit- ted in
Celtic, 21 ; how Latin p was dealt
with in Ogam, 21, 284 Pa, Welsh,
93 PabeU, Welsh,
76 ,151, 175 Pair,
Welsh, 9 Pais,
peis, Welsh, 209/435 Paradwys,
Welsh, 236 Parisii, A
Gaulish tribe, 26 Pas,
Welsh, 93 Pasc,
Welsh, 373 PASCENT,
21, 391 Patel, O.
Welsh, 242 PATPRNINI,
Latin, 21, 167 Patrick,
st., oath of, 257 PAULINI,
Latin, 167 Paulus,
Latin, 225 Paub,
Welsh, 129 B3454 |
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INDEX. 455 Pedol,
Welsh, 236 Pedwar,
Welsh, 20, 198 Pembroke,
Eng., 234 Pen,
Welsh, 125, 255 Penfro,
Welsh, 234 Pennocrucium,
Gaulish, 195 IlevvoovwÖos,
Gaulish, 23 Penuyn,
Welsh, 22, 170 PerUan,
Welsh, 76 Peteu, O.
Cornish, 249 Petguar,
O. Welsh, 83 Pethau,
Welsh, 139 Petorritum,
Gaulish, 20, 198 Petuaria,
a town of the Parisi, 194 Ph, Sound
of, 245 Pib,
Welsh, 131 Pictish
Language, The, 19 Pig,
Welsh, 255 Pimphet,
O. Welsh, 49, 231, 254 Piran in
the Sands, 24 Plant,
Welsh, 134, 373 Planthonnor,
O. Welsh, 237 muf,
Welsh, 373 PO, Welsh,
154 Pobi,
Welsh, 96 Pompeius,
Latin, 301 Poultoraur,
O. Welsh, 234 Pont,
Welsh, 151 PorcheU,
Welsh, 75 Porfeydd,
Welsh, 109 PORIUS,
22, 381, 390 Porth y
a-wyddd, Welsh, 186 POTENINA,
393 Prasutagus,
Gaulish, 194 Pregeth,
Welsh, 67 Prem, O.
Welsh, 247, 370 Premter,
O. Welsh, 370 Preon,
Provencal, 57 Pridd,
Welsh, 153 PriddeU,
Welsh, 120 Prin,
Welsh, 52 Pronter,
O. Cornish, 371 Prounder,
O. Cornish, 371 Provection,
Explantion of term, 67 Provection,
Examples of, 69, 70 Pryf,
Welsh, 247 Ptolemy's
Geography, 192 Pump,
pummed, Welsh, 254 PUNPEIUS,
301, 397 Puoeninus,
Gaulish, 254 Pudr, fem.
podr, Welsh, 117 Pwy,
Welsh, 100, 154 Py, Welsh,
95 Pydew,
Welsh, 249 Qqv in
Ogam, 282 Quatuor,
Latin, 20 Queranus,
the name of an Irish Saint, 24 QV changed
into p, 20, 24, 371 ; in
Ogam, 281 QVENATAUCI,
22, 211, 212, 224 QVENVENDANI,
22, 254, 381, 398 Qveci, 213
Qvici,
213, 381, 440 Qvrimitirros,
Irish, 370 R, The
sound of, 245 Ramedon,
Gaulish, 29 Rask's
Law, 15 Recht,
Irish, 64 Rectum,
Latin, 64 Red Book
of Hergest, 266 Res
patres, 247 Rettias,
Irish, 176 Retws,
Gwentian Welsh, 45 Rh, 76,
245 Rhaidd,
welsh, 121 Rhaith,
Welsh, 64 Rheffyn,
Welsh, 121 Rheibjo,
Welsh, 121 Rhi,
Welsh, 99 Rhodri,
Welsh, 184 Rhudd,
Welsh, 102 Rhuddtan,
183, 260 Rhuwch,
Welsh, 103 Rhwd,
Welsh, 97 Rhwvd,
Welsh, 79 Rhydeyrn,
Welsh, 30, 250 Rhys,
Welsh, 246, 247 Rhys ab
Tewdwr, 187 RIALOBRANI,
381, 413 RICATI,
177, 411 Right,
Eng., 64 Rigtion,
O. Breton, 43 Rodhericus,
184 Roenhot,
O. welsh, 238 Rogedou,
O. Breton, 244 Rotunccs,
O. Breton, 250 Ruddan,
183 RUGNIAVO,
O. Welsh, 394 B3455 |
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Runes,
338—340 ; written from right to
left, 346 nutegyrn,
O. Welsh, 250 Rutupiæ,
or Richborough, 194 S changed
into h, 25; omitted when
final, 207 ; and when flanked by
vowels, 28 sach,
Welsh, 61 saeth,
Welsh, 61 SACRANI,
212, 405 SAGRANUI,
282, 303 Saeson,
Welsh, 275 sais,
Welsh, 189, 275 saith,
Welsh, 25, 52 Salesbury,
William, mentioned, 55, 260,
268 Salinæ, in
Bedfordshire or South Lincolnshire,
194 Samotcdus,
29 Sanctån,
Irish, 388 Sasyc,
Sansk., 9 SATURNINUS,
207 SAUMILINI,
290, 389 Scamnhegint,
O. Welsh, 239 Schnur,
Germ. , 243 Scipaur,
O. Welsh, 254 Scribt,
Welsh, 43 Seacht,
Irish, 52 Segomari,
Gaulish, 29 Segoveltauni,
Gaulish, 197 Semitic,
The, Family of Langu- ages, 1 SENACUS,
215, 380, 385 Senanus,
Irish, 25 SENEMAGLI,
SENOMAGLI, 177, 212,
389 SENIARGII,
209, 390 ser,
Welsh, 94 serbe, O.
Irish, 228 serch,
Welsh, 94 seren,
Welsh, 120 st, O.
Irish, 56 SEVERI,
401, 410 SEVERINI,
410 Seviros,
Gaulish, 29 Sectarius,
Latin, 25, Sir,
Irish, 99 stébib, Irish,
130 snob, 130 SOLINI,
380 456 LECTURES
ON WELSH PHILOLOGY, 233, 237, 124, 129 30, 165, Sonants
and surds, how distin- guished,
40 St, in
Ogam, 273 Stan, O.
Eng., 104 Stour,
English river-name, 196 Suas,
Irish, 130 Sutbair,
O. Irish, 250 Surds and
sonants, how distin- guished,
40 Swaqqvuci,
23, 303, 381 Sych, fem.
sech, Welsh, 120 Sympathetic
resonance, 113 T, d, th,
&c., 43, 229, 258 Tad,
Welsh, 11, 131, 135 Tafod yr
edn, Welsh, 427 Tai, pl.
of tv, Welsh, 234 Tairmchrutto,
Irish, 176 faith,
Welsh, 205. Tatagni,
Irish, 30 Tan, '
fire,' Welsh, 125, 152 Tant, pl.
tanncu, Welsh, 11, 56 Tanti,
tantu, Sansk., 11 Taradr,
Welsh, 252 ; tarater, O. Cornish,
252 Tarb, O.
Irish, 228 Tarbelinos,
Gaulish, 29 Targe, O.
Eng., 61 Tarjan,
Welsh, 61 Tarvos,
Gaulish, 29 Taru,
Welsh, 93, 228 Tdc,s, 11.
rat, O.
Welsh, 11 Tata,
tata, 11 caw,
Welsh, 137 Taudd,
Welsh, 135 re, O.
Welsh, 233 Teach,
Mod. Irish, 31 Techt,
Irish, 205 Tec, O.
Irish, 31 TEGERNACUS,
213, 215, 380, 396 TEGERNOMALI,
31, 213, 380, 411 Teirthon,
Welsh, 123 Teisterbant,
13 Tene,
Irish, 152 TO, O.
Irish, 11, 56 Téud,
Irish, 56 Teulu,
Welsh, 233 Teutonic
Languages, of,
348-350 recd, 13 Phonology B3456 |
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INDEX. 457 Teyrn,
Welsh, 30, 31 TeyrnUuc, Welsh,
31 Teyrnas,
Welsh, 109 Teyrnog,
Welsh, 31 Teyrnon,
Welsh, 31 Th, Use
made of, 229, 258 Thiers,
French, 31 Ti, Welsh,
220 Tiern,
French, 31 Tiernmcel.,
Breton, 32 TV, O.
Welsh, 31 Tigerinomcdum,
32, 411 Tigernum,
Tiern, Thiers, 31 Tighearnach,
Irish, 31 fir,
Welsh, 99 Tlws, fem.
tlos, Welsh, 155 T6ib, O.
Irish, 229 Toäapis,
supposed to be Sheppey, 194 T6vos,
Greek, 11. Torcigel,
O. Cornish, 244 Tcrfeydd,
Welsh, 109 TORRICI,
381, 412 Toutioriæ,
Gaulish, 221 Toutissicnos,
Gaulish, 30, 221 Toutius,
Gaulish, 102, 221 TOVISACI,
211, 215, 382, 389 Town,
Eng., 220 Tran,
Welsh, 108 Trannoeth,
Welsh, 153 Tren, 381 TRENACATUS,
29, 212, 393 Trenagusu
or 211, 212,
403 Tria maqvc
Mailagni, 29 Welsh, TriUuni or
TRILUNI, O. 211, 394 117 Trum, fem.
trom, Welsh, Tu, Welsh,
101, 229 Tuath,
Irish, 102, 221 cud,
Welsh, 102, 221 TudwaUon,
Welsh, 197 Tün, O.
Eng., 220 Turanian
Languages, The, 1 TURPILLI,
21, 167, 175, 394 Tutri, Welsh,
221 Twit y
Gwyddel, Welsh, 186 Two, Eng.,
8 Tv, Welsh,
31 Tymmhor,
Welsh, 50, 151 Tymp,
Welsh, 151 Tynghedfen,
Welsh, 323 TurconneU.
Irish, 86 U, Aryan,
how represented in Welsh,
96; derived from Aryan åi,
100; sounds of, in Early
Welsh, 218, 267 Uchet,
Welsh, 103 Ugain,
Welsh, 53 Uile,
Irish, 76 Ukshan,
Sansk., 8 ULCAGNI,
ULCAGNUS, 30, 398, 410 Ulcos,
Gaulish, 29 Un, Welsh,
101, 126 Unbennåeth,
Welsh, 123 Undeb,
Welsh, 126 Una,
Welsh, 126 Urbgen, O.
Welsh, 61 Urjen,
Welsh, 61 Urva,
Sansk., 10 Ursa, O.
Irish, 153 246, 381, Uwanos Awi
Ewaccatos, 369 Uwd,
Welsh, 9, 102 V,
Pronunciation of, 210 VAILATHI,
222, 410 VALCI, O.
Welsh, 381, 409 Vastrct,
Sansk., 10 Veda,
Sansk., 11 Vedmi,
Sansk., 11 VEDOMAVI,
224, 396 Vellaunodunum,
Gaulish, 197 VELVOR, O.
Welsh, 392 VENDESETLI,
171, 385 VENDONI,
171, 381 VENDUBARI,
171, 212, 398 VENDUMAGLI,
48, 171, 396, 434 VENEDOTIS,
207 VENNISETLI,
218, 402 VERACIUS,
215, 385 Vercassivdlaunus,
Gaulish, 197 Vernodübrum,
Gaulish, 29 Vestis,
Latin, 10 V ETTA,
381, 414 VICTOR,
Latin, 167, 403 Video,
Latin, 11 Viducos,
Latin, 214 Vilna,
Lith., 10 Vindomagus,
Gaulish, 171 Vindos,
Gaulish, 171 VINNEMAGLI,
165, 177, 389, 434 Vinniano,
Irish, 280 Virgnous,
Irish, 280 B3457 |
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458 LECTURES
ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. VITALIANI
EMERETO, 179, 288, 294, 406 Vivus,
Latin, 98 Vläna, O.
Bulg., 10 Vortipori,
the name of a King of the
Dimetians, 22, 169 Vowel,
Irrational, not written in O.
Welsh, 252 ; now pro- nounced
fully in S. Wales, 252 vowels,
The, 90, 124, 212, 247 V v, The
combination, 210 Witaticni,
179 Woodbine,
Eng., 56 wool,
Eng., 10 Wy, in
Welsh for e, 104 wyth,
Welsh, 64, 96, 205 X was
frequently pronounced ss or s, 208
; as used for c, 208 Y used for
i, 264 rch, pl.
when, Welsh, 8 Yd, Welsh,
95 rmenyn,
Welsh, 53 Ymennydd,
Welsh, 54 Ymmod,
Welsh, 248 Yn, a
masc. termination, 120 Ynhw,
ynhwv, Welsh, 55 Ysceijn,
Welsh, 136 Yscubor,
Welsh, 254 rspaid,
Welsh, 121 Yspail,
Welsh, 123 Yspytty,
Welsh, 70 YstafeU,
Welsh, 75 YstwyU,
Welsh, 76 Ythewal,
Welsh, 184 Yås,
yasha, Sansk., 9 Z, in
Ogam, 273 z€üs, 12 Zet TdT€p,
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