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78 §§ 66-69
PERSONAL PRONOUNS
66. The independent personal pronouns are used :
(i) in the predicative nominative as Tl sydd, tifydd, fi a fu, Or.O.
4, ' it is thou who art, thou who wilt be, thou who hast been ';
(ii) before the verb ' to be ' as complement, as mi/fi f/w t
it is I ';
(iii) after the conjunctive forms of the verb ' to be \ as mae fi a
oeivis^wn r.m. 12, ' that
it is thou whom 1 would choose': see w.g.
§ 159. They also occur after the impersonal //^ as //,s- ////' k.r. ' it is I ' : after pel (pe),
as pel fi a :
(iv) after certain unconj unable prepositions as a mi i
with me ' ;
(v) after certain conjunctions, as fy mrawd a mi ' my brother and I ?;
naill ai myfi ai tydi ' either I or thou ? ;
namyn mi ; un mwy na mi ' a greater than I \
(vi) The simple forms are placed in the nominative before verbs; sec w.g. § 219 iii (2).
Mi, ti, myfi, ty<li, minnan, fifhau are mutated regularly after
prepositions and conjunctions ; thus aspirate a mi, a thi, na mi, na
thiihan; soft neu dydi; radical ai tydi, os tydi. The
exceptions / /// i, i ti are probably to be divided im-i, it-ti. The
initials in the other persons are not mutable.
67. The prefixed personal pronouns (w.g.
§ 160 i) are used in the genitive case only, and are placed before
nouns and verbal nouns : as /// ngardd ' my garden ?, fy
ngiveled ' the seeing of me \
68 (i, ii). [See w.g. S 160 i (l).l
69. (i) Y)n (like fnyn, the unmutated form of fyn
-== fy) is used in oaths, as ym Duw c. 298 (iny God
' ; and has come to be regarded as a preposition. (But see w.g. § 214 x.]
(ii) With this exception ym and yth are extremely rare in the genitive,
though examples are found in Med.W., as na'r efferen a gan yth effeiryat.—y.c.m. 57, ' nor the mass that thy
-I
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PERSONAL PRONOUNS 79
i <-li;mts\ (But see w.g. §160 ii, and cf. Williams, \i.
s7, ych (\ffeiryat.\ I •iii (I icy (ire commonly used in the
accusative after pan;
71 (iii) below.
/O (i). The infixed pronouns are used in the genitive i<;»d of the
prefixed after words ending in vowels and
-ill liotlgs.
11) I. After the prepositions a (gyda, etc.), /, o, and the 11
unctions a, na, no, infixed pronouns must always be 'I : thus am
llaw not a fy llaiv; i'm not i fy', Fib not i etc.
-<•(• w.g. § 160 ii (1).]
' I \\\t in Med. W. we find a and o written ac
and oc before
•i^ ac eu clusteu b.m. 2,
oc eu plith do. 173.
-.'.- w-.g. §209 vii (5).] ;
The forms idd eu, odd eu, etc. are Lite.
-•<- w.g. §216 i (1) and Y
Beirniad, vi. 125.J l After ?', the form 'w is used for the 3rd sing. and
plur.
-r.1 w\g. § 160 ii
(1).J
- '11 is quite a late spelling.
-<•<' w\g. §160 ii (1).]
in) After words other than those named in (ii) 1 ending <»\\cls or
diphthongs, the infixed i (written 'i), 'n, 'ch, 'u used, but
not 'm or 'th.
-.•c w.g. § 160 ii (1).]
/I (i). The infixed pronouns are also used in the ac-it ivc case
before verbs, following such proclitics as the i'ivcs a, y,
affirmative particles, negative particles, 11'mctions such as o ' if
', oni ' if not?, etc.
-.• w.g. § 160 ii (2).]
In medieval poetry the infixed pronouns are also used
\\ .<;. § 160 ii (4).) ii) After conjunctions ending in consonants,
such as
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80 PERSONAL PRONOUNS § 71 pan, cyn, cyd, can, infixed forms cannot be used, but
after pan the prefixed forms ym, yth, i, yn, ych, eu are found.
[See W.G. § 160 ii (3).]
These being written y'm, y'th, etc. have led some writers to use y after pan,
thus pan y d6l for pan dd&l, § 89 (iv). [See w.G. § 222 xi (2).]
(iv) 1. After the negative particles ni and no. and the conjunction oni, the
infixed pronoun of the third person, singular and plural, takes the form 'a,
which is sometimes so written, thus nl''s, no's, onVe, but it is more
commonly joined thus, nis, nas, onis.
[See W.G. § 163 ii (2);]
2. It frequently occurs in the second of two negative sentences, the first
having ni or nid with a noun object. [See W.G. § 163 ii (2).]
3. It often refers to a noun or pronoun placed absolutely at the beginning of
the sentence. [See W.G. § 163 ii (2).]
4. It is used redundantly in relative sentences § 90 (i) 2.
NOTE.—As 's has become obsolete in the dialects, its use in late Welsh tends
to be erratic. Thus, we may find nis gwelais y dyn ' I have not seen the man'
written for ni welais y dyn.
(v) Ny {ni) is also followed by 'w in Med.W. poetry: nyt Icerbawr nyw
molwy.—B.P. 1400 ' [There is] no minstrel who does not praise him.' Ac nyw
Tcelaf.—do. 1244 ' And I will not conceal it'. See 1273, 1293, 1294. [But see
w.G. §160 ii (2).]
(vi) The form s is also written after y (conjunction or oblique relative),
y's being usually written as in Med.W.;
thus pes for pei y's, in Med.W. pei as, e. g. pei as mynhut B.M. 213 'if thou
wishedst it'. Owedy as gwelych Y.C.M. 83 'after thou hast seen it'. § 83
(ii). [See w.G. § 160 ii (2).]
(vii) It also occurs after o ' if',
0 Dduw rhoed einioes i'r ddau;
0's myn, rhoed oes i minncvu.—L.G.C. 187.
[See W.G. §222 v (1).]
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§§ 72, 73 PERSONAL PRONOUNS 81 72. Tne initial mutations of nouns and verbs
after prefixed and infixed pronouns are as follows:
(i) fy is always followed by the nasal; fy nhy ' my house', fy nhwyllo ' the
deceiving of me'.
'm, whether genitive or accusative, is followed by the radical;
i'm ty ' to my house ', ni'm twyllant' they will not deceive me'.
(ii) dy and 'th, genitive or accusative, are followed by the soft: dy dy,
o'th dy, ni'th dwyllant.
Gronwy Owen's use of the radical after 'th is peculiar. As the voiceless 'th
may harden a soft mute we meet with such combinations as o'th caledrwydd.
Gronwy imagined this c radical, and extended the principle to m and d, which
are in no way analogical, as o'th mynwes, o'th dynion, p. 16, for o'th
fynwes, o'th ddynion.
(iii) The third singular i and 'w, genitive masculine, are followed by the
soft: i dy ef ' his house', i dwyllo ef ' the deceiving of him', i'w dy ef,
i'w dwyllo ef.
i and w, genitive feminine, are followed by the aspirate:
i thy hi ' her house', i thwyllo hi ' the deceiving of her', i'w thy hi, i'w
thwyllo hi.
i accusative, both masculine and feminine, is followed by the radical: y neb
a'i twyllodd ef ' the person who deceived him', a'i twyllodd hi ' who
deceived her'.
s accusative is also followed by the radical: nis twyllant ef ' they will not
deceive him', nis twyllant hi; similarly 'w accusative : nyw kelaf § 71 (v).
(iv) All the plural prefixed and infixed pronouns, genitive and accusative,
are followed by the radical; o'n ty ' from our house', y neb a'n twyllodd,
a'ch twyllodd, a'i twyllodd.
(v) [See w.G. § 160 ii (5).] (i.v.a..)
NOTE.—In the dialects m and n are aspirated after i feminine and i (== eu)
plural; thus i mham ' her mother'; but this mutation is unknown in literary
Welsh.
73. The affixed or auxiliary series are appended to words which already have
either personal endings, or prefixed or infixed pronouns. The sentence is
always grammatically complete without the affixed pronoun, which G
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82 PERSONAL PRONOUNS § 74 serves only to add clearness or emphasis to a
pronominal element already expressed.
Thus affixed pronouns supplement
(i) Personal endings (1) of verbs; (2) of prepositions.
(ii) Prefixed or infixed pronouns (1) in the genitive before nouns or verbal
nouns; (2) in the accusative case before verbs.
[See w.G. § 160 iii (1) (2).]
In Med.W. instead of being put immediately after the verb it sometimes
follows the complement of the verb ' to be', as Ac val yb wyf byn i.—iL.A.
164, 'And as I am a man.' A mi a bywedaf paham yb wyf trist i.—E.M. 84. Byb
lawen di.—w.M. 83.
In Med.W. it sometimes follows an adverbial expression qualifying the verb :
Ac y gyrrwys ar vor wynt B.M. 88 ' And sent them to the sea'.
74 (i). The form of the affixed pronoun of the first person is always i,
innau, even after a vowel, as fy nhy i, fy ngharu i, cenais i, canwn i, bum
i, canaf i, ataf i, ata' i.
In the Bible of 1620, as in Mod. W., i is generally joined to verbal and
prepositional forms in -/, thus wyfi, atafl. The repetition of the/ (wyffl,
ataffi) is a recent mis-spelling, due to the analogy of atat ti.
(ii) The affixed pronoun of the second person is di, dithau; but when the
initial d follows a final d, the two are hardened. Thus wrthyd di, gwelvd di
are pronounced wrthyt ti, gwelut ti, and are so written. But when the pronoun
is affixed to a noun or verbal noun, the phonetic spelling is not now
adopted; thus dy weled di is so written, though pronounced dy welet ti.
(iii) In the third person sing. mas. beside the simple ef and the conjunctive
yntau, the reduplicated1 form '&fo or e/o, fo is used. In the
dialects fo becomes o after a consonant, but it \
1 If indeed e/o is a reduplicated form, which is very doubtful. [See
W.Q. 159 ii (4) (5), iv (1) (2)J.
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§ 75 PERSONAL PRONOUNS 83
always remains fo in standard Welsh, thus i wlad fo not i wlad o.
At drefydd a'i dir 6fo
I Rya i fob a roes to.—L.G.C. 436.
Od af fyth hyd i wlad fo
Er ifwyn yr af yno.—'D.'S. M 136/123 ; o. i. 160.
The translators of the Bible append to verbs their new form efe,
(iv) In the first and second persons plural, ni and ahm are sometimes reduced
to i after verbs. Yn ach1 Idwal a Chadell Ni chaem i byth chtyemab
well.—T.A, A 31102/158.
In the first person i can oitly be distinguished when the verb ends in -m,
since gwelwn-i and gwelwn ni do not differ in sound.
In the second person the unrounding of the cfiw of chun, which gives chi,
written i after cf>2, appears as early as the fourteenth
century; e. g. yb ydywch i p 7/221 a ' ye are', ewch ythen, do. 'go ye then'.
It is commonly written down to the eighteenth century, e.g. a gymrnerech i,
B.C. 6, 'would you take'.
75 (i) 1. The affixed pronoun has often an accent of its own. In poetry it is
usually accented.
In the first two examples in § 74 the metre requires the affixed pronoun to
be accented. In the last example it is to be read unaccented : Ni
ch&em-i.
2. A prefixed pronoun is always a proclitic : under no circumstances can it
bear an accent. An infixed pronoun, being nonsyllabic, is, if possible, still
less capable of being accented. When the pronoun is to be emphasized, an
affixed pronoun is used, and the stress thrown upon it. Thus ' my book ' is
not FY llyfr, but fy llyfr i.
(ii) In most cases perhaps, the affixed pronoun is an enclitic. It then
serves to make the meaning clearer;
1 MS. iach, a common spelling in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries.
2 Thus gwelwch chwi, gwelwch cfii, gwelwch i, the last two being the
same. Etymologically it is probable that the single ch is right. G2
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84 PERSONAL PRONOUNS § 76 thus Dafydd a'i gwelodd may mean ' David saw him '
or ' David saw her '; the addition of an unaccented ef or hi shows clearly
which is meant. Similarly after the 3rd person singular of a verb an affixed
ef or hi relieves the reader from any uncertainty as to the subject; and its
omission in that position is far too frequent in the prose written at the
present day. In the prose writings of the best periods it is freely used when
the meaning is, in •writing, clear enough without it. No rule can be given as
to its use, except that it is not employed when it would refer to the subject
of the sentence. Thus rnoddes y wisg amdano ef means that he put the garment
upon somebody else ; ' he donned the garment' is rhoddes y wisg amdano.
In the spoken language the affixed pronoun is almost always heard even when
unemphatic, wherever it is admissible. The exceptions are, (1) when it would
be reflexive as above;
(2) when a prefixed pronoun of the first or second person depends upon names
of near relations, as fy nhad, fy main, dy frawd.
76 (i). A simple or conjunctive independent pronoun or noun may be joined by
a conjunction to an accented affixed pronoun; as dy waith di a mi, or dy
waith di a minnau ' thy work and mine'; cei di ac yntau fyned ' thou and he
may go '. The construction is of course elliptical:
cei di ac yntau, stands for cei di a cheiff yntau.
Ti a orchyfygy dy holl elynyon drwy vym porth i a'm kenedyl.—B.B.B. 136 '
Thou wilt conquer all thine enemies by ray help and [that] of my nation'.
Ym Mhenrhos lower noswaith Y bum i a phawb o'w iaith.—L.G.C. 426. (ii) In
poetry, a noun (with a soft initial) is sometimes used instead of the affixed
pronoun:
Ni ddof o'i neuaddan •^rr, Hyni gwncwero'r henzur.—L.G.C. 469.
'I will not come from his halls, until the old man [death] conquers'; o'i
muaddau wr for o'i neuaddau ef.
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§ 77 PERSONAL PRONOUNS 85 Trosti ferch y troes Duwf&r Tm eiddilgorjf
meddylgar.—T.A. A 14979/143.
' For her sake has God brought misery to my pensive weak body'; Trosti ferch
for trosti hi.
77 (i). When a verb either comes first in the sentence or follows a
conjunction after which no infixed pronoun can be inserted, § 71 (iii), it
may have for its object an independent pronoun placed after it; as dygwch vi
obyma E.M. ' bear me hence '.
This independent pronoun differs from an affixed pronoun s>f. ^s^lyyff) in
three respects: (1) it cloes not supplement another pronominal element; (2)
its form in the first person singular is always fi or fmnazi; in tlie other
persons it does not differ in form except as follows: (3) it may be a
reduplicated pronoun fyfl, dydi, etc.
Hualwydfr, hoeliwyd f'ais;
Hual gofal a gefais.—~D.G. xxiv. Clo a roed ar ddnvs y t^ ;
Clafwyf; 0 ferch, clyw fyfy.—D.K. liii.
(ii) A verb following pan and cyd has usually this independent pronoun after
it instead of an affixed pronoun for its object; as pan welsant ef yn dyvot
IL.A. 114 ' when they saw him coming '.
We also have this pronoun occasionally after ni; as ny robassit hi y wr IL.A.
122. In late Welsh, where os is used for o, 'if, the same construction is
used; thus os cerais di (for o'th gerais di).
Ni vaddeui fi ddwyawr, Ac, nid ai o'r gwindy awr.—L.G.C. 112.,
(iii) This form is also used when the verb has an affixed subjective pronoun
or other expressed subject; thus ny labaf i di E.M. 5, cf. 79, ' I will not
slay thee '. Compare the two objects in the first example below, the first verb
having an affixed subject:
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86 PERSONAL PRONOUNS § 78
Nat arbetto ef didi, CBC na'fh barcho.—IL.A. 122.
Nyt adnabu y byt ef.—IL.A. 161.
Ni fynnai 'nyn ft na neb.-—D.G. xxxi. But the infixed pronoun may be used
when the subject is expressed:
Mi a'th gaf, addwyn wyneb,
Fy nyn, pryd na'th fynno neb.—D.G. xv.
It is even found, though rarely, when the expressed subject is an affixed
pronoun of another person:
Modd hawdd y'm hatebawdd hi.—D.G. 201; § 123 (iii) 2.
(iv) Since the lost verbs in dyma, llyma, etc. W.G. § 221 iv (2), could not
take prefixed pronouns, we find independent pronouns after them; as hep y
Nonn, llyma vim IL.A. 106.
POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES
78. The possessive adjectives man, tau, eiddo, etc., w.G. § 161, are used
like ordinary adjectives.
(i) The possessive adjective is placed after its noun, and its initial is
softened if the noun is feminine singular, §§ 10, 11. The noun if definite is
preceded by the article.
Danfonwn o'r memrwn msm Lwyth eryr o lythyrau.—D.N. M 136/148.
Blinf'anrhaith yn y daith dau ;
Blin ty annedd blaen tonnau.—R.D. TL 124/196 B (to a ship).
Outun Twain gain a wyr gwynaw lew
Am y kariad eiddaw.—Gut.O. auto.iiL 28/6.
Pand da yw'r ty yma. ym ? Pand hwn yw'r pen ty einyrn ?—L.G.O. 191; see 469.
Yr dibanu y rei eiliaw.—IL.A. 20 'TTt suos consolaretur'. When the noun is indefinite the
article is omitted:
Ac i wneuthur mesurau 0 benillion mwynion mau.—D.G. cxlv.
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§ 78 POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES 87 A prefixed pronoun is sometimes used
redundantly instead of the article:
T'th windei tec, y'th wyndut teu.—G.M.D. B.P. 1202.
Wyth liw dy win o'th law dau ;
O'thfyned wyfh wae.jwvnau.—T.A. G. 229.
(ii) The possessive adjective may be placed before its - noun so as to form a
compound with it (§ 18 (iii)).
Y mae dry—nid rnau oroen— I'm crys rhwng 'y mhais a'm croen.—D.G. Iv.
Na phan [yd'} oeddem, gem gu,
Einym gur, yn ymgaru.—D.G. exvii. See ewym adail D.G. xi,mau bwyll D.G. xlix,
mau ddioddef do,, tau ddyn D.G. liii, man boen dwfn D.G. Ixiii, mau aflwydd-iant
D.G. xcii, mau lym lid D.G. cxiv, mau ofid do.
(iii) It may appear in the predicate, either (1) at the beginning of the
sentence with or without the verb ' to be', as
Teiroes gwr it, rhwysg Urien;
Tau swyddau byd, ti sydd ben.—Gr.H.
Yr hwnn a vo da gennyt ti malpei teu vei, gwna arnaw.—B.M. 127, ' What is
good in thy sight, as if it were thine, do to it.'
or (2) after the verb ' to be', as hynny sydd fau D.G. xxiii, sydd dau di do.
cvi.
Y sy heddiw o swyddau
Sy wiw eu dwyn ysy dau.—I.F. M 148/440.
Chwilio'r celloedd oedd eiddi, A chwilio heb ei chael hi.—R.G.D.
Pa jfuryf y gwelsant y rei a oeb eibaw.—IL.A. 20 ' Quali forma viderunt eum
aui ?'
or (3) after yn, as
Y ferch a weler yn fau, A gwr Esyllt dan groesau.—D.G. Ixxxix; c 7/312.
NOTB.—Mau, chiefly in the phrase yn fau, came to mean ' one's own'. [See
W.G. § 161 iv (2), (3).]
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88 POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES § 79
(iv) It may be used with the article as a noun either (1) abstract, § 28 (i);
as
Un a/ael ym, un of eg ;
Mi biau'r tau, mob i6r teg.
or (2) qualifying an implied noun, § 28 (ii), as Owin a roit ym gwyn o'r tau
;
Olaw gwyn o'm golwg innau.—T.A. G. 230. Cathi Idn a diddan yw'r dau ;
Cethlydd, awenydd winau.—D.G. xcv. Svsydd ddiwiadciidd yw'r eiddo Siambrlen,
i feinwen yw fo.—D.G. Ixxxvii. Dwc vendyth Diiw a'r einym gennyt.—B.M. 132 ;
Pa barpar yw yr einwch chwi yma?—do 292; A mynet y edrych pa vebwl yw yr
eifaunt.—do. 26 ; Py ryw neges yw yr eit)aw ef ?— do. 27 ; Tavawt llawnba yw
y tea dl.—do. 61; Mi a vynnaf dy vot ti yn arglwyb arnaf i ac ar y meu.—S.G.
268; Hwnnw hefyd a orffwysodd oddiwrth ei weifhredoedd ei hun, megis y
gwnaeth Duw oddiwrth yr eiddo yntau.—Heb. iv. 10.
Sometimes the article is replaced by a prefixed pronoun:
Teg, meb Pryderi, oeb y'r gwr . . . bodi y gorff yn erbyn y •eibaw ynteu . .
. Mi a bodaf vy'^gkorff yn erbyn y eibaw yn llawen.—w.M. 88. R.M. 64 has y
gorff ynteu in the first sentence; but y eibaw in the second.
(v) The use of possessive adjectives to qualify nouns directly is
comparatively rare at all periods, the genitive prefixed and infixed
pronouns, fy, 'm, dy, 'th, etc., being used instead, though mau and iau are
commonly used thus in poetry even down to the present day. The chief uses
therefore of these forms are predicative or substantival (iii and iv above);
that is, they represent ' mine', etc. more commonly than ' my', etc.
RELATIVE PRONOUNS
79 (i) A relative clause is subordinate or co-ordinate. (ii) A subordinate
relative clause is the equivalent of an adjective qualifying the antecedent
of the relative;
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§ 80 RELATIVE PRONOUNS 89
thus pethau a wdir is equivalent to pethau gweledig. When the antecedent is
implied, the relative clause is a noun-equivalent (like an adjective
qualifying an implied noun, § 28 (ii)); thus a laddo ' who slays' is
equivalent to lleiddiad ' slayer'.
(iii) A co-ordinate relative clause introduces a new statement; thus I saw
William, who was looking well might be put into two principal sentences by
substituting and he for who. Simple relative sentences are rarely co-ordinate
in Welsh.
80 (i) The relative pronoun comes immediately before the verb of the relative
'sentence, and can be separated from it by nothing but an.'infixed pronoun.
[With following sections cf. w.e. § 162.]
(ii) The relative pronoun is a in the nominative and accusative case.
Gwyn ei fyd y dyn a wnelo hyn.—Es. Ivi. 2. Ai dyma'r ympryd a ddewisais ?—Es. Iviii. 6.
Is--1'▼.-a
$ i. wv {.i^.-
(iii) In the ablative of time, place, .manner, etc., the relative takes the
form y, yr, ydd. Os yn wych, os yn uchel, Ni wyrfawr yr awr yr
el.—E.P. 233. Dy ddydd a
ddaeth, yr ameer yr ymwelwyf & thi.—Jer. 1. 31. Af a mawl a fo melys
[wV^, ys ^ "\ O'r tud yr wyf i'r tad Kys.—Q.S. v 65/31. S^'-^ I ddiawl y
genedl ydd am ! Hwt wyntwy ! afunt Owain!—lo.G. 232. ' To the devil [go] the
nation to which he belongs [lit. in which he is contained]: fie upon them !
at them, Owain !' y brenhin ae clywei wynteu o'r lie yb oeb.—B.KI. 27. Llyma
yr web y keffy.—B.M. 2. (y here = y y. Mod. y't, •that ... it', §71 (i).)
(iv) When the relative is governed by a preposition, it also takes the form
y, yr, ydd; the preposition has a personal ending, and is usually placed at
the end of the
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90 RELATIVE PRONOUNS § 80 relative sentence, but it may come after the verb,
or after the subject when it is inseparable from the verb. The personal
ending of the preposition shows the number and gender of the relative.
Y bedd o saith droedfedd draw Y mae'/- undyn mawr yndaw.—H.D. P 99/474. Nyt
amgen no'r prenn y dibynnawb yr Arglwyb arnnaw.—
IL.A. 61. -' a1▼^ '▼?•<- ^ ▼- '^ ^^- ^[J-^^f
t^-. t«<rt
Owyn ei byd y genedl y mae yr Arglwydd yn Dduw iddi.— Ps. xxxiii. 12, of. Ps.
cxliv. 15.
Nid yw pawb yn derbyn y gair hwn, ond y Thai y rhoddwyd iddynt.—Matt. xix.
11.
Y wraig y mae iddi wr.—Rhuf. vii. 2.
In this construction the prep. a is followed by ef, hi or Jiwy.
The personal forms of the preposition i are sometimes omitted so that the relative
y stands alone in the dative of the recipient or remoter object: as Bum Vfh
dy, y 60 maifh d&l.—D.G. xiv, ' I have been to thy house to which be long
recompense.'
leuan deg a'i onwayw dur Y perthyn kampau Arthur.—G.G1. P 83/58.
' Fair leuan with his spear of ash and steel to whom belongs the might of
Arthur.' ( t> i - —-\ > ' "^ ''
Khaid i'r un y rfio Duw ras Oyd-gerdded gydag urddas.—T.A. r. 10, A 14967/29.
Rfiyw yt oedd roi, rhout oedd raid,— Khvwia' dyn y rhoed enaid.—T.A. A
14967/29.
_ T-( " " 1. . ^.^,l W-i IWW. •W^.
Beth am yr rei y bu yma beu benn ?—IL.A. 60, ' What of those to whom there
were here two heads ? '
There are traces in Med.W. of a with certain prepositions (e. g. am dan W.M.
88 last line, B.M. 64 ; or, yn, rhag, ag, see examples below; which seem to
show that these prepositions governed the accusative. In Mod.W. all
prepositions may be regarded as governing the ablative.
1^ i▼ <">'▼. Bwyt a diawt a robei y'r neb a welei
newyn a sychet arnaw.— Am^ ^^^^ IL.A. 126; see 29, line 23. So, yr Jzynn a
... yndaw 29, 1. 11;
y rei a ... racdunt, ac a . . . ac wynt 30,1. 23.
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§ 80 RELATIVE PRONOUNS 91
(v) In the genitive case the relative is either a or y, yr, etc.; the noun on
which it depends follows the verb and is preceded by a prefixed or infixed
pronoun of the 3rd person, which stands in apposition to the relative and
points out its number, gender and case.
Y ty derw to daearen A ocha byd uwch i ben.—Gut.O. a. 196.
(i.e. the grave. To daearen is attributive genitive as in ty to gwellt '
thatched house'. ' Above which' is literally ' above whose top'.)
Ni wn dyn a am i'w dai Fwy o'l wenith a'iifwnai.—G.G1. M 148/667. ' I know no
man in whoae houses are contained more of his wheat and his treasure.' i ,
i,;
[ ^ ^ \ »i ^ f7'^ ▼...\\^ \ \S\^^
01 mab Olwyb ... a bucpwyt moch y dat.—B.M. 112. A hynny a bichawn yr
engylyon y wneuthur,—IL.A. 69. Cf.
a bywedir eu hot, do. 68 ; yr hwnn a byly y grogi.—B.M. 58. A'r gwr a agorwyd
ei lygaid a ddywedodd.—Num. xxiv. 3. Owae wlad oer gwylio derwen Y darffai i
wynt dorri i phen.—L.Mon, D. 112. ' Alas wretched land, to behold an oak
whose crest the wind
had broken.'
Brawl y'r gwr y buost neithwyr yn y lys.—W.M. 130. Mae yr anniveileit yb
aethawch yn eu hwysc.—B.M. 63.
Ac anyan yr aniveileit yb ywoh yn eu rhith bit y chmtheu.— B.M. 67.
7 drygeu y maent yn y hwennychu.—IL.A. 29. Owyn ei/yd y neb y maddeuwyd ei
drosedd.—Ps. xxxii. 1.
The form a is now seldom used in the genitive except when it depends on a
verbal noun, as pob peth a attant ei gael' everything that they can get'.
Before the verb ' to be ' the forms y, yr are almost always used: gwr yr wyf
yn ei Tioffi, ' a man whom I like'. But a is sometimes found, as y rheini a
ydys yn i gwneuthur wrth resswm.—A.G. 36 ' Those which one does according to
reason'. This construction is seldom used when the genitive depends on the
subject of the verb 'to be';
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92 RELATIVE PRONOUNS §§ 81, 82
instead of dyn y inae'i ddwylo'n l&n ' a man whose bands are clean', we
say dyn sydd a'i ddwylo'n lan ' a man who is with his hands clean '; see e.
g. Ps. i. 2 ; or without sydd—dyn a'i ddwylo'n lan ' a man with his hands
clean'.
(vi) Even the accusative relative is sometimes in Old W., and very rarely in
the later language, supplemented by the infixed personal pronoun i, which
immediately follows the relative, giving ae, Modern a'i ' whom . . . him', or
' whom . . . them'; as E beteu ae gulich y glav (= y beddeu ae gwlych y
glow).—B.B. 32 a, ' The graves which the rain wets (them)' ;
y mab a'i cZas yn Aber . . .—D.E. J 17/478, ' The youth whom they buried
(him) in Aber . . .' [But see W.G. § 162 i, iv (1).]
NOTE.—The use of a pronominal element in the relative .clause to indicate the
number, gender, and case of an indeclinable relative is found in the Hamitic
and Semitic languages, and in Persian, where it is probably due to Semitic
influence.
The relative ydd, yr, y may conveniently be called the oblique relative.
81. The initial consonant of a verb following a has the soft mutation; a verb
following y retains its radical consonant.
Of course, if an infixed pronoun cornea between the relative and the verb,
the mutation will be that which follows that pronoun § 72.
82 (i). The elision of the relative a, except before the verb 'to be' is
comparatively rare in standard Welsh. It occurs before vowels, especially a
and o, as pob un 'aeth W.IL. G. 295, osodtvyd for a osodwyd, do. 294, and
after vowels as deiwi 'wneuthum D.G. viii; more rarely it occurs between two
consonants, as
r gwr lien 'g&r holl Wynedd.—Gut.O. G. 204. Y ddraig goch 'ddyry
cychwyn.—D.I.D. G.' 111.
In later verse the a is frequently elided even between consonants, and no
apostrophe is written to represent it. [See W.G. § 162 i].
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§82 RELATIVE PRONOUNS 93
The elision of the a is a mere phonetic loss of a syllable W.G. § 44 vii; the
effect of the lost a remains in the softened initial of the verb.
In the dialects the relative is generally lost; when retained, it is weakened
into y, as, in Gwynedd, peth y glywis i1 for peth a glywais i,
except in proverbial sayings which are usually repeated in approved literary
form, as yr hen a wyr, a'r ifanc a dybia ' it is the old that knows, the
young that thinks.'
(ii) The vowel of the relative y, yr, ydd is frequently non-syllabic in
poetry when it follows a word ending in a vowel.
[See W.G. § 82 ii (1).] •
Note that, while the article yr retains its consonant even before a consonant
when its vowel is elided after a vowel, § 1 (i), the relative yr, ydd cannot
keep its consonant before a consonant, and the form 'r, 'dd can only occur
between two vowels. Before a consonant, y must always be used, and if this is
elided after a vowel there remains nothing to represent the relative, except
the radical initial of the verb ; as
Ac yno 'trie enaid R(h)ys.—R.C. (auto.), r 67/212 B.
The relative y cannot be elided between two consonants. In late verse we
occasionally meet with examples of this;
e. g. y diwrmd caewyd arm (Moelwyn Fardd), for y diwrnod y caewyd arno. The
omission is made for the sake of the metre, and is felt to be inelegant.
This subsection applies equally to y, yr, ydd when it degenerates into the
conjunction of fact.
NOTE.—It may be remarked here that yd occurs for ydd in old Welsh, and stands
even before a consonant; as in the proverb Basaf dwfr myn yd lefeir, •"
1 It is sometimes found so written in MSS. of the sixteenth, seventeenth,
and eighteenth centuries; e. g. am y brydais D.G. Iviii (1st ed.) for am a
brydais (as in 2nd ed.); and sometimes in early printed books ; thus it is
used regularly in Yn y Llyvyr Hwn, e. g. y peth y ddengys, for a ddengys on
first page. It can always be distinguished from the rel. y by the soft
mutation which follows it.
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94 RELATIVE PRONOUNS § 83 83 (i). The relative a may stand without an
expressed antecedent. The implied antecedent may be
1. in the predicative nominative, (a) the clause being followed by another
relative clause,
A heo dyn hyd einioes A feda ef wedi oes.—T.IL.
' [It is] what a man sows during life that he will reap after death.'
A laddo a leddir.—Proverb. ' [It is] who slays that shall be slain.'
(b) the clause being followed by the principal sentence. The implied
antecedent stands in apposition to the subject of the verb or to a pronoun in
that sentence,
A gano mwy gwyn i'm ior, Caned lef cenedl Ifor.—H.D. p 99/429.
A fo'n gain. ni fyn y gwir ;
A/o'w lawn, ni fyn anwir.—H.A. r. 19.
A vynnych di, ni ay
gwnawn.—W.M. 4^4.
In rare cases, by a kind of anacoluthon, no reference is Blade in the
principal sentence to the implied antecedent;
the relative clause is then absolute, the relative meaning ' whoever ' or '
if any one '; § 88 (ii) 2.
A TO gain i wraig o I&l, E ry Duw rai a'i dial.—L.Mon. D. 139.
' Whosoever doeth injustice to a woman of Yale, God will provide those
who^will avenge her.'
2. The subject of a verb :
Aeth i'r bedd a'th rybuddiodd.—T.A. c. i. 343. ' [He] who warned thee has
gone to the grave.'
Mae'n y ddaear a'm carai, A rhown i bwys er na bai.—T.A. A 14967/91.
Doed a ddel.—Prov. Nid oes a vmel ddaioni, nac oes un.— Ps. xiv. 3; cf. Es.
lix. 4, Deut. xxviii. 29, Es. xliii. 13.
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§ 83 RELATIVE PRONOUNS 95 Hence it may be the subject of an implied verb ' to
be',
Hoyw i llun, a holl Wynedd A'i mawl; gwyn ei/yd a'l medd.—D.G. xvii. "
' Sprightly of form [is she] and all Gwynedd praises her;
blessed [is he] that shall possess her.' Trech a gais nog a geidw.—Prov.
3. The object of a verb :
Dyret pan fynnych, kymmer a welych,
A gwedy delych, tra vynnych trie.—D.B. B.P. 1266.
Duw a roes1 mewn daear hen
A ddeiryd Vr ddaearen.—I.R. r. 27-8. ' God has committed to fhe old earth
what belongs to the earth,' i. e. the body.
Hence it may be the object of the verb contained in the expressions llyna,
dyna, dyma, etc.; see Llyna . . . a gaf, § 84.
Hence also it may be the object (in the genitive) of a verbal noun,
A fyn ddwedyd a fynno A glyw hyn ni fyn efo.—E.P. 216.
4. The object of a preposition:
Heddwch nis gwelwch, os gwir ;
Am a laddwyd ymleddir.—
H.D. P 67/277 a; cf. D.G. Ixx. 67.
Aeth yr Unduw a Thrindawd Ag a wnaeth les gwan a thiawd.—Gu.O. A 14967/118.
' The One God and Three has taken (lit. gone with) [him] who benefited weak
and poor.' '" Ac yr a vyrit ynbi ny bybei lawnach no chynt.—S.M. 16.
Val y del kymraw arnunt ac ar ae gwelo.—Y.C.M. 90.
Kanys pob pefh yssyb hawb y
a gretto.—Y.O.M. 16.
Am a wn i.—(Common saying.)
Hence it may stand in the genitive after a prepositional
1 Printed a'i rhoes.
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96 RELATIVE PRONOUNS § 83
expression, as in the common saying—Yn 61 a glywais 'According to what I
have heard'.
For ag a after the superlative, see w.G. § 213 iii (I).
6. It may follow the conjunctions ag ' as' and nag [nog) ' than', ond ' but',
etc. OymaM . . .1 0 gerdd ag a roed i gudd.—D.G. oxxviii.
A chymeint ag a wnn mi ae managaf y ti.—B.M. 31.
Kymeint ac a gyrhaebo.—Y.O.M. 85.
Cynifer ag a'i derbyniasant ef.—loan i. 12; see Act. ii. 39, Gal. vi. 16.
Ni esyd Duw or ddyn yohwaneg nag a haeddo.—Job xxxiv. 23 ; cf. xi. 6.
Nid a'i gwyr ond a garodd.—T.A. o. i. 242.
The combination ag a has sometimes an implied equative adjective before ag as
well as an implied antecedent before CT, so that it means ' [such] as [one]
who ', and may be rendered simply ' such as'. Thus, Owr yw Syr Kisiart ag a
ry— i y,in.—L.G.C. 65 ' Sir Richard is such a man as gives his wine.' This
use of ag a in the sense of ' such as', and its use after the superlative to express
'of [all] who', § 44 (iii), since it appears in both cases simply to mean '
who', led some grammarians who regarded a as a meaningless particle to
suppose that ag was a relative. Rowland, p. 261, states that ' ag is the
proper relative after . . . the equative degree:
Cynnifer ag a'i derbyniasant ef.' This is like saying that nag is the proper
' relative' after the comparative degree, or that ond is the proper '
relative' after nid.
As a rule when the relative follows a conjunction it is simply joined by it
to another relative with an expressed antecedent; as Job a atebodd ac a
ddywedodd.
6. It may follow an interjection:
Gwae a weles i galyn, • A gado hael gyda hyn.—Ou.O. A 14967/120; see D.G.
Iviii. 40.
(ii) The relative yr or y may have an implied antecedent
1 The end of the line is corrupt and unintelligible [cf. D.D.G.
113].
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§ 83 RELATIVE PRONOUNS 97
which is the object of a preposition; as wedi y, wedi'r ' after [the time]
that'; cyn y ' before [the time] that';
erbyn y (= erbyn pan § 89 (ii)) 'by [the time] that';
gan y ' for [the reason] that'; hyd y ' along [the space] that', ' as far
as', ' as long as'; gyd ag y ' with [the moment] that', 'as soon as' (cf. gyd
a hynny 'thereupon', gyd a'r gair ' with the word', i. e. ' so saying'); yn y
' in [the place] that'; ay y, § 44 (iii).
Hyd y mae iaith Gymraeg, A hyd y tyf hadau teg.—D.G. i.
Hyt y sych gwynt, hyt y gwlych glow.—W.M. 459. Taw hyt y mynnych.—B.M, 13.
Ar hynny, gyt ac y kyvodes ef, llyma gennadeu Matholwch
yn dyvot attaw ef.—W.M. 52.
Cyn y medro'r bachgen alw Fy nhad, new Fy mom.—Es. viii. 4.
In Med.W. gwedy ydd or gwedy yr is usually written in full, but gwedy y is
almost always contracted into gwedy (§ 82 (ii); cf. § 85 (ii), Note). In
Mod.W. {g}wedi y becomes (g)wedi, and gwedi yr, gwedi'r.
Gwedy yr elont o'r hyt hwnn, y dialant hwy eissoes ar y rei byw.—Y.C.M. 110
'After that they go from this world, they avenge themselves nevertheless on
the living.' A gwedy byryer llawer yndi.—B.M. 14. See gwedy delych § 83 (i)
3.
Wedy darfei vis Ebrill.—y.c.M. 29. Gwedy bwyf varw.— do. 79.
Iddynt hwy ydd el dwyoes Wedi'dd el y drydedd oes.— L.G.C. 394.
Wedi'r ' after that', used before a verb, is not to be confused with wedi r',
written wedi'r, for wedi ry used before a verbal noun.
Gwedy occasionally stands for gwedy yy ' after that ... it', ' after that . .
. them', etc. § 71 (i).
r Hew oe vreverat a vywhaa y gynawan . . . gwedy ganher yn veirw.—Y.O.M. 21.
Gwedy y y ganher ' after that one bears them,'.
H
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98 RELATIVE PRONOUNS §§ 84, 85 Instead of this, however, gwedy as = gwedy y'a
is used, see
§ 71 (vi).
Ac y caff ant lleufer gwedy as collont.—IL.A. 167.
84. The implied antecedent of the relative a sometimes means the 'amount',
'the number', etc., and requires o ' of' -with a noun to complete the sense.
The noun is often singular where we should expect the plural.
Treuliais fy nghlod wrth radio;
Treuliais a gefais o go'.—D.G. Ixxi.
Llyna, Forfudd, ddiledryw, A gaf o dal—gofid yw.—D.G. xlviii.
M.ae o led yn y Bedo A gaeaVr drws ar Oaer Dro.—H.D. P 99/488.
Er a welais dan y ser
0 lawnder glewder gwledydd.—L.M.
Dyvynnu a oeb o of yn Iwerbon yno.—B.M. 32. Val nat ymhoelom ni y ffo,
yr a gyvarffo a ni o berigyl.— Y.C.M. 90.
85. Instead of implied antecedents, certain set expressions are Commonly
used before the relative. These are also employed even when the antecedent is
expressed, if the relative clause is coordinate, that is, introduces a new
idea instead of merely qualifying a noun in the principal sentence.
The expressions so used are the following:
(i) sing. mas. yr hvm, sing. fem. yn hon; sing. and pi. y neb, y sawl; sing.
yr un, pi. y rhai of persons and things;
yr hyn of abstractions § 100 (iii); peth or y peth of ideas and things ; y
gwr of persons. Hwn, hon and hyn are also used without the article.
Examples : (1) in place of implied antecedents :
Hwn a fedd fawredd a fwrir—heb ddim, A Jwb ddim, diddim y diweddir.—W.IL. Q,
292.
Yr hwnn a dric byth a wnaeth pob peth y gyt.—IL.A. 5 ' Qui manet in aeternum
creavit" omnia simul.' See Ps. xv. 2, 4.
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§85 RELATIVE PRONOUNS 99
Govyn yr hynn a vynnych, a tM a glywy •yr hynn a chwen-nychych.—TL.A. 26.
Tioyllwr yw y neb a abefvo Jcyfwinach arglwyb y'r neb a wypo y vot yn elyn
ibaw.—IL.A. 26.
Barnn hep drugareb a vyb ar y neb ny wnnel trugareb.— IL.A. 33; see 28, 32,
34, etc.
Oedd ryfedd pe gorweddwn
Meivn bedd am y neb a wn ?—B.Br. IL 133/260.
Nid a gras o'i dai gwresawg ;
Nad el yr hwn a'i deil rhawg.—i.TO. o.
(2) After expressed antecedents :
Ac annerch ferch i farchawg Yr hon nis gwelaf y rhawg.—S.T. o.c. 185.
Ny bylyut ti tremygu Duw, yr hwnn ysyb lewenyb y bynion. —IL.A. 14. Cf. yr
eglwys, yr honn do. 22; Creawdyr nef a dayar, y gwr nyt oes dim amvybot ibaw
do. 125.
Yn awr wele y behemoth, yr hwn a wnwthum gyd a thi.— Job xl. 15. See Ps. i.
3, 4 ; xvi. 7 ; xix. 5, etc.
T neb and y sawl are not used when the antecedent is expressed.
NOTE 1.—As the relative cannot be used before the imperative mood, the
translators of the Bible use y'r hwn, etc., without the relative before
imperatives; yr hwn hefyd gochel dithati 2 Tim. iv. 15, Sv Kal av
<l>v\daaov; cf. Heb. xiii. 7.
NOTE. 2.—Yr hyn may be qualified by a superlative adjective ; as Dechreu di,
heb yr Owein, o'r hynn odidockaf a wypych.—B.M. 163.
Y gymryt digawn ar vynghost i o'r hyn goretl a gaffer yn y dref.—W.M. 428,
B.M. 277.
NOTE 3.—Yn hyn, yr hwn with a superlative are used without an expressed
relative : O'r hyn lleiaf Act. v.. 15 ' at least';
Taled o'r hyn gorau yn ei faes ei hun, ac o'r hyn gorau yn ei winllan ei
hun.—Ex. xxii. 5. These expressions are survivals coming down from a period
when yr hwn could be used freely as a definite pronoun like yr un; as yr
ystwffwl hwnn o'r hwn draw.—B.P. 1041, of. W.M. 59 (= B.M. 41), a'r H2
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100 RELATIVE PRONOUNS § 85 trydyb drws oeb y gayat yr hwnn y tu a Chernyw,
where yr hwnn »= yr un ' the one towards Cornwall'.
Pe cawsai o'r hwnn (? o'r hynn) Ueiaf Diigo'n i hwyl drigain fiaf.—D.IL. TB.
246.
0 rhon' dir Vr hwnn dewraf,
Bro Oent Vr Awbre{i) a gaf.—I.D. TB. 149.
T neb is similarly used, though more rarely; as, ae menegi y'r neb penhaf dy
vot tztheu yn y porth.—W.M. 133.
(ii) In the ablative case before the ablative relative y (1) of time, pryd,
yr awr, y dydd, etc.; (2^ of place, lie, man, Med. myn, y ffordd; (3) of
manner, modd and the adjectives fel, felly, megis.
Pryd, lie, man and modd, are definite, though not accompanied by the
article, § 4 (viii) NOTE. They take the article when they are more strictly
nouns, e. g. -when they are subjects of verbs, or objects of verbs,
prepositions, etc.; e.g. llyna'r modd, dangosai y man § 71 (ii), edrychwch y
lie,.
Y llwch aeth yn Iluwch weithian, »
Lie bu'r Mai uwch llwybrau m&n.—D.G. ccv.
Man i rhoed mae anrhydedd;
Mcie rhoddfawr ym mhridd ifedd.—T.A. A 14875/127.
(Here i = y'i ' that . . . him' § 71 (i). Man i rhoed ' [in the] place that
they placed him '.)
Ac yno'r aeth gwaew'n yr ais, O'th alar, pryd nti'th welaia. W.IL. G. 297.
{Na is the negative relative; see § 90 (ii).) Mi a dyngaf a'm tafawd Y ffordd
1 y trydd gwehydd gwawd.—D.G. iv.
See examples of the old ablative myn in B.B. 13 b., Myn, y mae meillon, etc. A
megys y megir y wrff o'r bara, velly y porthir yr eneit o vivyt nefawl.—IL.A.
23. •
Ac val y mae yn yr amandlys tripheth . . . val hynny y mae
1 The printed edition omite T, which, however, if the reading is
otherwise correct, must be supplied to make the line 7 syllables.
. 85
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101
teir person yn un Duw.—Y.O.M. 20. Val y herchis § 72 (v) 3. Fel y byddo gwr,
felly y bydd ei rym.—Barn. viii. 21.
These are also used, especially pryd and lie, after expressed antecedents. We
have even y man lie or y fan lie ' the place where '.
T pridd lie rhoed mab Khydderch
A Nudd sydd neuadd y serch.—Gut.O. A 14967/120,
Yn y man lie i ceid annerch
Shorn gyntaffis haf o serch.—D.G. oh. is..
Oil Vr fan lle'r wyf innau.—T.A. p.
NOTE,—Lie y is usually monosyllabic, and is sometimes written lie i or,
incorrectly, f,le'i by § 82 (ii) 1; but more com- 7 i^rU^ii-monly the y is
simply elided, by § 82 (ii) 2, and we find it written lie as early as the
fourteenth century ; see e. g. lie bei B.P. 1259, 1260, lie ceirdo. 1293, lie
mae do. 1306. The syllable lie, meaning ' where', is thus a noun in the
locative though without yn, definite though without the article, and followed
by the relative y though this is elided; it therefore means, fully, ' in the
place that'. Hence medieval ••scribes usually enlarge it into yn ylley; thus
: (JUW ae due o ba'radwys nefawl, yn y lie y dangosset ibaw y genit crist
TL.A. 11 ' in caelestem paradisum, ubi', etc. In B.P. 1214 we have yn y lie y
bu where the metre requires lie bu, and .yn y lie y miles tor lie y colles;
so also in col. 1215.
(iii) After o ' if' a demonstrative 'r, which seems to be of the same origin
as the definite article, is used before the relative a, rarely before y.
Ac o'r a welsei ef o helgwn y byt, my welsei cvm un lliw CM wynt.—B.M. 1.
Kymeint ae a ercheist... o'r a vo y'm mebyant i, ti ae Teeffy.—
B.M. 14.
See o'r a debygei B.M. 8; o'r a delei do. 22, etc.; pob creadur o'r a
wnaethpvn/t IL.A. 4; nyt oes dim o'r a wnaeth yr arglwyb eiryoet ny synnyo ef
do. 5.
A biwybyn vyb gennyfi bob awr o'r y hoetter.—Y.O.M. 86. Here y = y y ' that .
. . it' § 71 (i); hence the A § 72 (v) 2.
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102 RELATIVE PRONOUNS § 86
In Mod.W. a is used instead of o in this construction;
eee W.G. § 164 v. It is found only after dim, pob or pawb which require o, §
57 (i).
[See examples in W.G. § 164 v.]
In Matt. xviii. 19, we find a'r a after beth bynnag, probably due to dim oil
which precedes it.
We also find 'r after the preposition i, Med. y ; as, a thi a weli yn y
llythyr gyffdyb y'r a bywedeis ,i.—Y.C.M. 82.'
We seem to have the full form of the demonstrative in the ar which appears
before ny and a in Med.W.
Ac a vynnwys bedyb o'r Sarascinyeit a adwys CJiarlye yn vyw ; ac ar nys
mynnu'ys a labawb.—Y.O.M. 3.
A del yn waredawc, iawn yw y gymryt; ac ar ny del yn uvub, kymheller o nerth
clebyfeu.—B.M. 6.
Ny ry weles teg ar nys gwelwy.—C. Tno kyrcheist ar a gereist orei goreu.—G.M.D.
B.P. 1202.
This ar cannot be ar, as there is no room for a preposition here. It cannot
be the relative a followed by ry, since ry i.s always placed after ny, as in
the last example but one. As a negative sentence becomes relative by position
§ 90, the ar "is probably the demonstrative antecedent.
86 (i). When the antecedent is expressed, the definite pronouns yr hum, yr
hon, etc., properly stand in apposition to it, even when the relative (1) is
the object of a preposition or (2) stands in the genitive case. Thus
(1). T lety eu estavell e brenyn, er hon e 60 en leesou endy ! (e used for y, y for i).—A.L. i.
26.
By beth a wnaei segur genedyl.. . yr hon yn wastat a vybei arnei sychet
Jciwtawtwyr ymlab.—B.B.B. 235.
A ystyriaist ti Iwybr y byd, yr hwn a safhrodd oferwyr arno ?—Dr.M. Job xxii.
15.
(2). Gruffuo . . . ketymdeith ibaw . . . y rei y mebyanho duw y heneideu yny
drugareb.—TL.A. 2.
Dynion y byd, y rhai y mae eu rhan yn y bywyd yma.—Vs. xvii. 14; see
xxvi. 10.
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§ 86 RELATIVE PRONOUNS 103 Plant estron, y rhai y llefara eu genau
wagedd.—Ps. cxliv. 8.
Duw . . . yr hwn a ga.f fl i mi fy hun ei weled.—Job. xix. 27.
But the translators, like the grammarians, regarded yr hwn, etc., as
relatives, and considered the true relatives to be meaningless particles;
hence (1) they often make the definite pronoun the object of the preposition
which should govern the relative, or (2) put it, instead of the relative, in
the genitive, thus
(1). Y lie teclcaf yw yn y dwyrein, yn yr hwnn y1 gossodet
amravaelyon genedyloeb o'r gwyb.—TL.A. 11. ' Locus amoenissi-Bdus in oriente,
in quo arbores diversi generis erant consitae.'
T byd a ddaw, am yr Tawfi yr1 ydym yn llefaru.—Heb. ii. 5 IIfpi
fjs XaXovp.ev. i '
(2). Wrth oleuni yr hwn y 1 rhodiwn trwy dywyllwoh.—Job. xxix. 3.
Even more barbarously, yr 'hwn is used as an adjectival relative:
Juda . . ., am yr hwn Iwyth ni ddywedodd Moses ddim.— Heb. vii. 14.
These un-idiomatic constructions are common in the prose of the late period,
the pronouns used being yr hwn, yr hon, yr hyn and y rhai. The latter is
treated as the plural of yr hwn, but its true singular yr un (§ 108 (ii)) is
not thus used, nor are y neb, y sawl,—no one writes am y neb y dywedwn for y
neb y dywedwn amdano.
In the genuine Welsh construction the definite pronoun, if it is the object
of a preposition or stands in the genitive, is contained in the principal
sentence, and represents the antecedent of the relative. Thus :
(1). Oofidiau a amlh&nt i'r rhai a frysiant ar 61 duw dieithr.— Ps. xvi.
4. 'To those who' not 'to whom'. Of. xxxiii. 18, ciii. 11, 17, 18.
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104 RELATIVE PRONOUNS § 86 wrtho.—Es. xxxi. 6. ' Unto him from whom' not '
unto whom'.
(2). Hyd oni ddygais efi dyfy main,, ao i ystafell yr hon a'w hymddug.—Can.
iii. 4. ' The chamber of her that' not ' the chamber of whom'.
Cleddyf yr hwn a'i tarawo ni ddeil.—Job xli. 26 'The
sword of him who'.
?
(ii) Lie, pryd, etc., when no other antecedent is expressed, always stand in
the same case as the relative; thus lie y means ' in the place in which '.
Hence, they eame to be regarded as standing in the same case even when
following an antecedent in another case ; they were thus attracted into the
relative sentence, and associated with the relative, and medieval scribes
artificially expanded lie y into yn y lie y in all positions [§ 85 (ii)
NOTE]. This formed the model for yn yr hwn, am yr hwn, etc.
NOTE.—Yr hwn, yr hon, yr hyn are not heard in the spoken language. In N.
Wales hwnnw, honno, hynny, or y peth are used, in S. Wales yr un, y peth; the
pi. y rhai is used in all the dialects. They are seldom used except as sole
antecedents ; and tlie artificial constructions above noted are never heard
in genuine dialect.
In the poets and in the more idiomatic prose writings, such as the Mabinogion
and the Bardd Cwsc, yr hwn, yr hon, etc. are of rare occurrence. The frequent
use of these pronouns is due to translation, or to the influence of translated
literature.
Coordinate relative sentences are idiomatically rendered into Welsh (1) by
resolving the relative pronoun into a conjunction and a personal pronoun,
thus ' I offered a book to Robert, who would not take it', Cynigiais y llyfr
i Robert, ond ni chymerai ef mohono, or using the conjunctive pronoun, ac ni
fynnai yntau mohono; or (2) by absolute clauses. Occasionally we find (3) a
simple relative clause used coordi-nately. Y kyJch eur . . , a
[a]rwyboc1caa eglwys Duw a oleuhaa o heui y wironet).—IL.A. 18. Yr dibanu y rei eibaw a oebynt
drist.—do. 20. [See E.W.G. § 242.]
§§ 87, 88
RELATIVE PRONOUNS
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105
87. Y sawl, y rhyw are used adjectivally with the antecedents of relatives,
forming compounds with them.
Kac ofyn dileu o'r a[n]gJcyfreitholyon baganyeit y sawl greirieu. a oeb
gantunt.—B.B.B. 236.
Y gynifer, cynifer, y maint, maint are similarly used before the relative,
without the ag which usually follows the equa-tive degree : Y geniver collet
a gollasynt.—B.M. 42, ' As many losses as they had sustained'. Cynifer gwaith
bynnag y bwytaoch.—§ 88 (i) 3. A maint lies a wnaeth y pab.—B.CW.
The adjectival ube of yr hwn, yr hon, yr hyn is a barbarism of the
translators : Yr hyn bethau ydynt mewn alegori.—Gal. iv. 24. Yr hwn lythyr a
serif ennodd y doededig Escob.—M.K. [xi], an attempt to translate literally '
which letter the said bishop wrote'.
88 (i) 1. The inten'ogatives pwy, pa, when followed by bynnag, become
indefinite, but like interrogatives generally, are followed by the relative a
or yr, § 94 (i), (ii), W.G. § 163 iv, forming with it universal (' -soever ')
relatives.
2. Bynnag follows the noun of pa, as pa ddyn bynnag ' what man soever '.
3. Pa is often omitted before beth, and in the spoken language before faint,
fodd, sut.
Beth bynnag sydd dan y nefoedd, eiddof fiyw.—Job. xli. 11;
cf. Preg. vi. 10, ix. 10.
In B.M. 4 we have Peth bynnag, which is doubtless for P'beth bynnag.
Pa is sometimes omitted before equative adjectives; Cyn fynyched bynnag ag y
bo raid ' As often as there may be need'. Cynifer gwaith bynnag y bwytaoch.—1
Cor. xi. 26.
4. After pa we may find bynnag omitted when it haa once been expressed:
"
By ddyn bynnac vych, By gerdd a vettrych.—D.B. B.P. 1256.
5. In Med. W., pa may come immediately before the verb, in which case bynnag
follows the verb; see § 94 (vii).
NOTE.—The derivation and original meaning of bynnag
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106 RELATIVE PRONOUNS § S8
(rad. pynnag) are uncertain. It has been suggested that it is py nac ' what
not'; but the nn makes this impossible. Probably it is pann 'when ', with
affected vowel, and affixed ac ' and', like Latin cumque, which also means
literally ' and when', and is separable like bynnag. Thus pipy bynnag = 'who
and when' i.e. 'if any one at any time'. [See w.G. § 163 vi].
(ii) 1. Pwy bynnag or pa . . . bynnag generally stands with its relatival
clause before the principal sentence, and is referred to by a pronoun or pronominal
ending in the latter.
Pwy bynnac a wnel penyt kyweithawl. . . efageijftrugareb nef.—TL.A. 136. i
Pwybynnac a vynnho iachau y emit ae gvrff, reit yw »daw ef yn gynfaf peth
kynnal ffyb gyffredin lessu Grist.—IL.A. 138.
Pa arch bynnac a erchych di ymi, hyt y gallwyf y gaffel, itti y byto.—B.M.
13.
Pwy bynnag ni dderbynio deyrnas Dduw fel dyn bach, nid & efe i mewn
iddi.—Marc x. 16.
A phwy bynnag a'th gymhello un filltir, dos gyd ag ef ddwy.—Matt. v. 41.
Pa ddaioni bynnag a wnelo pob un, hynny a dderbyn efe gan yr Arglwydd.—Eph.
vi. 8; cf. Matt. xviii. 4.
A pha beth bynnag a ofynnwn, yr ydym yn, ei dderbyn ganddo ef.—l loan iii.
22.
Pwy bynnag sydd annichellgar, troed i mown yma.—Diar. ix. 4.
Canys pa Ie bynnag y byddo y gelain, yno yr ymgasgl yr eryrod.—Matt. xxiv.
28.
This is probably the original as well as the usual construction, since the
universal relative clause is derived from a rhetorical question, and must
therefore be complete in itself, the principal sentence referring to the
implied answer ; thus pwy bynnac a wnel penyt ? ef a gaiff frvgareb ' who [is
it] and when that doeth penance ? [It is] he that shall have mercy '.
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§ 88 RELATIVE PRONOUNS 107
The construction is the same in Breton: Plou-bennag a choanta beva -pell,
hennez a die beza fur.—Legonidec 230, 'Whoever wishes to live long, he ought
to be wise.'
2. But the principal sentence need not contain an element referring directly
to the interrogative:
Pa amovyn bynnac a vei ganthunt wy y wrth y vorwyn,
y cfiwedleu ereill y trossei yntau.—B.M. 12.
A pha hyt bynnac y bybynt ar y fforb, wynt a boethwnt
y Byvet.—B.M. 45.
A phwy bynnag a dwng i'r allor, nid yw ddim.—Matt. xxiii. 18.
3. In this case, the dependent may as well follow the principal sentence;
thus
Pedeir meillonen gwynyon a vybei yn y hoi, pa jforb bynnac y delhei.—B.M.
117.
A Duw a vyb y gyt a thi, beth bynnac a vmelych.—TL..A.. 105-6.
. . . i wrando arnynt hwy, pa bryd bynnag y galwont arnat ti.—1 Bren. viii.
52.
4. The relative clause following pa . . . bynnag, if it consists only of a fo
or y bo is frequently omitted, more especially in the spoken language, in the
expressions beth bynnag for beth bynnag a fo ' whate'er betide', pa un
bynnag, pa'r un bynnag, p'r un bynnag for pa un bynnag a fo, etc., 'whiche'er
it be ', {pa) fodd bynnag, (pa) sut bynnag, pa ddelw bynnag for pa fodd
bynnag y bo, etc. ' howe'er it be '. These are mostly used at the beginning
of the principal sentence, except beth bynnag, which is usually put at the
end.
Yn wir, byddfy ngfiylla'n wag Byth heb hwnnw, beth bynnag.—D.H.
This beth bynnag is the ' whatever' which characterizes the English of the
uneducated Welshman. Many English writers who pretend to reproduce his speech
prove themselves more ignorant of Welsh than he is of English; and more
lacking in common sense,—for the Welshman never says ' whatever '
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108 RELATIVE PRONOUNS § 88
unless when he means ' whatever happens', or where an Englishman would say '
at any rate ', ' at all events', ' in any case'.
6. Bynnag is sometimes put before pa, pwy, beth, etc.; as bynnag pa'r fodd,
M.I. 82, 97 'however'. [See w.G. § 163 iv].
A late use is ym mhynnag o wlad, etc.—Barddas ii. 32.
(iii) In the above constructions, pwy bynnag or pa . . . bynnag with its
relative clause stands like an absolute clause outside the principal sentence
; less usually and less correctly, the interrogative is made to stand, like
the positive yr hwn, y neb, etc., as part of the principal sentence. Thus, it
is made tlie predicative nominative in a mixed sentence, its dependent
relative clause being followed by a subjective relative clause; as
Pwy bynnag a syrthio ar y maen hivnnw a ddryllir.—Luc. xx. 18, cf. Matt.
xxiii. 12. Pwy bynnag a dwng i'r allor sydd yn tyngn, iddi.—Matt. xxiii. 21.
Or it stands as the object of a verb, as fel na choller pwy bynnag a gredo
loan iii. 16, or of a preposition, dyro i bwy bynnag a ddel; or even as the
subject of a verb, y mae pwy bynnag a ddel yn . . ., or after bod in indirect
narration.
Yr ydwyf fi yn dywedyd i chwi fod pwy bynnag a ollyngo ymaith ei wraig . . ,
yn peri . . .—Matt. v. 32.
In all these cases the substitution of y neb or yrhwn for
pwy bynnag makes the sentences strictly correct:
Dyro i'r hwn a ofynno gennyt.—Matt. v. 42. So in Breton: Si '
quiconque' est regime, on ne se sert que
de nep ou neb.—Legonidec, 230.
(iv) The use, without
bynnag, of pa as an adjectival, and pa un, pa rai as substantival relatives,
which js utterly foreign to the spoken language, and does not appear in the
written language before the sixteenth century, appears to be due to
Salesbury, who was driven to it in his attempt to translate coordinate
relative sentences. It occurs
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§ 89 BELATIVE PRONOUNS 109
several times in the Bible, and has been freely used since by bad writers.
A brenhin yr Aijft a lefarodd wrth fydwagedd yr HebrSesau, o ba rai enw un
oedd Siprah, ac wvw yr evil oedd Puah.—Ex. i. 15.
The Biblical solecism o herwydd paham ' on account of what for' is perhaps
the worst case of this use of pa.
Salesbury also used pwy as a relative, as
Megys ac y gwnaeth y dyscedio vardd pwy a gant Englynion yr eiry, ac Eneruin
Owowdrydd pwy gant Englynion y mis-oedd.—Synnwyr Pen, Preface;
but in this he was followed by no one.
In Breton pe him ( = pa▼un) and pe re ( = pa rai) are thus used.
Salesbury, however, probably imitated rather the English which ( = pa un, pa
rai) and who ( = pwy), though his curious jargon does exhibit traces of what
appears to be Breton influence; e. g. any for oni, pemp for pump.
T| For other uses of pa... bynnag, see § 94 (vii), § 98 (i), § 99 (i), (vi).
89 (i). The conjunction pan ' when' is a relative in the ablative of time,
which, however, is not used after an expressed noun antecedent; thus we find
yr awr yr Sl, § 80 (ii), and not yr awr pan 61. But it is employed after the
demonstrative 'r, § 85 (iii).
Ac o'r pann agoroch y drws hwnnw, ny ellwch vot yno.— B.M. 40 ; see p. 7, 1.
7. Cf. IL.A. 20, 1. S.
(ii) The implied antecedent of pan is often the object of the preposition er,
hyd or erbyn.
Er pan rodded—trwydded trwch!— -^ Dan lawr dygn dyn low degwch.—IL.G.
Yr pan yth welds gyntaf.—B.M. 224; § 71 (iii).
0 hynn hyt pan bel amgen, ni cheffwch y gennyf i atteb.— B.M. 37.
Hyd pan also expresses consequence; hyt pann mi, iachus-
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110 RELATIVE PRONOUNS § 89
sach y'r amherawdyr y gyscu.—B.M. 89 'so that it might be safer for the
emperor to sleep'.
Ac y deuth hi ... y orchymyn synnyeit ar y inarch, ae vot yn hyweb erbyn pan
elei y mob y varchogaeth.—E.M. 22.
The implied antecedent may also stand in the genitive after fel or megis,
thus fel pan or megis pan ' as when'.
(iii) As a rule, of course, pan introduces an ordinary time-clause, like the
English when.
In other words, the implied antecedent of pan qualifies the verb of the
principal sentence as an adverb of time.
Pan edrycfiom arno, ni bydd pryd fel y dymunem ef.—Es. liii. 2.
Pa Ie yr oeddit ti pan sylfaenais i y ddaear ?—Job xxxviii. 4.
(iv) Pan, like other relatives, comes immediately before the verb of its
clause, and only prefixed pronouns ym, etc., can intervene, § 71 (iii).
Pan being itself relative, the use of the relative y after it is incorrect;
it is not found in Med.W. or in the Bible, except in appearance when pan ym
is written pan ym.
The use of y after pan is due partly to the spelling y'm for ym, and partly
to the fact that the noun pryd requires the relative y after it—pryd, y '
at-the-time when ', § 85 (ii).
(v) 1. The verb following pan has the soft initial mutation.
A phan welas B.M. 9 ; Pan glywhont llef dy gwn do. 14; A phan wybu do. do.; A
phan gavas do. 22.
2. The initial of pan itself is aspirated after a, na: no;
but it retains its radical after other connecting words, even Tiyd, though we
find the regular hyd ban in w.M. 53, 60, etc.
When there is no connecting word, the p remains unchanged. In poetry,
however, it is frequently softened, both when the clause precedes and when it
follows the principal sentence; cf. § 93 (iii). In prose this
softening is rare.
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§ 90 RELATIVE PRONOUNS 111
Ban aeth gwrolaeth ar elawr o'r Ilys,
Bu bobi i ynys heb eu blaenawr.—D.N. G.
Syrthiais, llewygais Vr llawr, Ban welais ben i elawr.—T.A. G. 234.
Ban elom ni a (? y} ryfel.—IL.A. 168.
(vi) 1. In Med.W. pan
is sometimes used for yr in the ablative meaning 'whence', especially in
questions. [See W.Q. § 162 iv (3).] It is sometimes repeated in the answer.
[See W.Q. § 163 i (6).]
2. In Med.W. pan is also used as an interrogative adverb meaning ' whence '.
[See w.G. § 163 i (6).]
i
3. In the Med. pan yw, pfn is the conjunction ' that', w.G. § 222 x (2).
Sometimes it seems to mean ' whether', as mi a ymlabaf a thi . . . panyw nyni
bieu Ffreinc.—Y.C.M. 65, cf. 61. 'I will contest with thee whether it is we
who possess France.'
90 (i). A negative sentence becomes relative simply by being placed in
juxtaposition to a noun or pronoun; as dyn ni'm cred i § 73 (ii), ' a man who
believes me not';
eos ni than § 1 (ii), ' a nightingale which is not silent'. [But see w.o. §
162 v (1).]
The implied relative is (1) the subject of the clause :
Owaefi, y ferch annerchael, Fod rhai ni'th garai z'th gael.—D.G. Ixvi.
Y sawl ni rodia, dedwydd yw,
Yn 61 drwg ystryw gyngor.—E.P. PS. i. 1.
Owyn ei fyd y givr ni rodia yng nghyngor yr annuw-iolion.—Ps. i. 1.
A chyrch y Ilys ; nyt MS yndi neb ny'th adnapp.—B.M. 3 ;
see 24.
Agkyfuyawn vybei, yr hynn ny allei vot.—IL.A. 15. Yr hwnn ny bu itt
eiryoet.—B.M. 21.
Joined to another relative clause by a conjunction: yr hwn a dwng i'w niwed
ei hun, acni newidia.—Ps. xv. 4; see 5.
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112 RELATIVE PRONOUNS § 90
2. The object of the verb in the clause :
Wele, cenedl nid adwaeni a elwi.—Es. Iv. 5. Y peth kydrychawl a'r hynn ny
weler. IL.A. 10. See yr 'hymn, ny welsynt, 12 ; petheu ny chlywyspwyt, 164.
In this case the implied objective relative is frequently supplemented by an
infixed personal pronoun, of. § 80 (v), which coming after ni is 's, § 71
(iv).
Adwy ar fur y dref oedd, • Ni's esir yn oes oesoedd.—T.A. A 10313/21.
Myn Duw gwyn, mae yn dy gerdd, Oes, gan' pwnc ni's can pencerdd.—R.O. M.F.
Llyna beth nys gwrthodcifi.—Y.O.M. 42.
The implied relative may be the object of a dependent verb in the relative
clause, when it must be supplemented by the proper infixed pronoun:
Y fe'rch ni chwsg a'i gwerchyd
A garaf yr haf ar hyd.—D.G. xc.
3. In the genitive case, when, of course, the supplementary personal pronoun
is used, § 80 (iv).
Wel di racco ... y dnvs ny dylywn ni y agori.—B.M. 41, 42.
Tr hynn ny allei y
dalu.—IL.A. 15.
(The pronoun y ' it' is genitive before the verbal noun.)
4. In the ablative governed by a preposition, the latter having also the
usual personal ending, § 80 (iii).
Ny doei wr mawr na gwreicba yn Iiverbon y ymwelet a Brannwen ny rooei hi ae
cae ae modrwy . . . ibaw.—
B.M. 33.
Also in. the dative, or governed by i understood; see § 80 (iii).
T neb ny bo yr agoryat, ny ihyr beth a vo yn y llestyr:— Y.C.M. 104.
5. In the ablative following lie:
Llygaid a ddywaid i ddoeth Synnwyr, lie nis cats annoeth.—Gut.O. v. 38.
.
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§90 RELATIVE PRONOUNS 113 A'm awnwyl gyda mmnau, Lie nid oedd ond Uai na
dau.—D.G. cxi. Lie ny
wyper hagen eu bot wynt velle.—IL.A. 26.
NOTE. After peth, the implied relative is sometimes supplemented, not by a
pronoun, but by the noun for which it stands. Thus Ac o enrydeb gwneuthur y
ty . . ., peth ny chavas eiryoet ty y ganhei yndaw, ef a tangmveba a
thi.—W.M. 53. ' And for the honour of having the house made, since he never
had a house [big enough] to contain him, he will make peace with thee.' The
explanation seems to be that pethny chavas, meaning literally ' a thing which
he never had', came to mean ' since he never had it'; then for ' it' the noun
was substituted. The B.B. reads peth^nys cavas, thus giving both the pronoun
and the noun; but the older reading is probably more correct.
Peth •nid oeddwn gynefin (Sypiaw m6l) & sipio min.—D.G. xlix.
The simple form would be Peth nid oeddwn gynefin ag ef, ' a thing which I was
not accustomed to (it)', as in 4 above.
(ii) The negative relative is, however, na or nod. [But see W.G. § 162 v
(1).]
1. It is used when the relative is oblique (corresponding to the positive y};
thus it appears after pryd, modd, fel, megis (though after Be we find ni,
nod; see (i) 5). In direct narration felly is always followed by ni.
Pryt na bont wynteu, diffrwyfh fyb eu, gweithredoeb.—IL.A. 26.
Wele'r dyddiau yn dyfod . . . pryd na ddywedant.—Jer. xxiii". 6-7. See
pryd na'th welais, § 85 (ii); pryd na'(fc fynno neb.—D.G. xv.
Par weithon waharb y llongeu . . . val nat el neb y Gfymry.— B.M. 34.
•
Mal na anet Abaf y gan neb . . . velly ny anet Duw y gan neb.—Y.O.M. 20.
H occurs after pa ham, pa
achos, pa fodd, pa wedd, etc. § 96, and after adverbs such as braidd, odid,
da. I
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114 RELATIVE PRONOUNS § 90
Bmidd na bum bridd yn y bedd.—T.A. § 63. Literally ' Scarcely [is it]- that I
was not dust in. the grave.' Braidd na'w hyllt a'i gorwyllt gw.—D.G. xxvii.
It also occurs when the relative is in the genitive :
I un nad oedd yn i dy I'w gael •na bwyd na gwely.—E.P. 229.
2. Na or nad is also found when the relative is the subject or the object of
the verb in its sentence, more especially if it is separated from its
antecedent by an adverbial expression or by another relative clause.
Nid oes bren yn y Wennallt Na bo'n wyrdd i ben a'i wallt,—D.G. iv.
Nid ai'r un hyd yr Annell Nad elai, ban elai, 'n well.—L.G.O. 318.
The objective relative may be supplemented by 's ; see (i) 2 above.
Ac ny chavas eiryoet dyn a gynhalyei ibaw yn ymwan . . . nas byriei yn yssic
y'r llawr neu nas llabei,—Y.O.M. 45.
But even in these cases the simple negative is more usual •in Med.W.; Nyf oes
dim . . . o'r a wnaeth yr Arglwyb eiryoet ny synnyo ef.—TL.A. 5.
NOTE. In the spoken language na is the form heard in all relative clauses ;
and thus in late written Welsh na tends to take the place of the older ni.
(iii) The negative relative na or nad may have an implied antecedent.
1. When the relative is oblique and the implied antecedent is the object of
a preposition; see § 83 (ii) ; thus wedi na ' after [the time] that . . .
not'; hyd na ' till [the time] that . . . not', ' so that . . . not'; gan na,
am na, wrth na ' for [the reason] that . . . not', ' since . . . not';
er na ' for [all] that . . . not', ' though . . . not'.
Ni fynnwn yn hwy f'einioes, Gan na chaid amgenach oes.—D.N.
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§ 91 RELATIVE PRONOUNS 115
Un da oeddud yn dyddiaw Am na throud yma na throw.—T.A. A 9817/179.
Ynvyt y dywedwch hynny, neb ef, wrth na bu yndyn [ =- undyn] y bei arnaf i y
ofyn ef.—Y.C.M. 30.
Ac wrth nas mynnassant nys gallyssant.—JL.A.. 7.
Ac ny phrynit dim gantunt onyt gwedy na cheffit gan Vanawydan.—B.M. 47.
Carchara wynt hyt nat elont drachefyn.—B.M. 34; see 29, 46.
Am na wnaethai gam, ac nad oedd twyU yn ei enau.— Es. liii. 9.
2. In other cases than the ablative the negative relative is rarely found
without an Antecedent:
Ystir nithiau ny bo pur.—B.B. 84. 'It is necessary to vrinnow what is not
pure.'
Cawn yn hwyr gan eu.hwyrion Na roes y ddihiroes hon.—Gr.O. 27.
'We shall have later from their descendants what this villainous generation
has not giverf.'
Dywe-daf wrthyt, heb hi, na bywedeis ye biwyhyn y gymeint yn y oyfryw Ie a
hwnn.—B.M. 7.
Meddwl rhy ddwl a ddaliaf, Meddylio ceisio nis caf.—I.D. 20.
Ac yno y Jceueis i ni cheueis eirmoet o drwe y gymeint.— B.M. 131.
Yssit nas Jceffych.—B.M. 121.
kyn [drymet] ac na allei.—IL.A. 13. Ni wnai Dydai dad Awen Na wyddiad
gylfardd hardd hen.—I.G. F.'N'. 16.
Since an expression like gwn nas gwyddost may mean (1) ' I know that thou
dost not know it', (2) ' I know what thou dost not know'; and since there is
no other way of expressing the first meaning, while the second meaning may be
more clearly expressed by means of an expressed antecedent, it is not
strange that the phrase has rarely the latter meaning.
91. The tense particle ry is used, like the negative ny, i2 .
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116 RELATIVE PRONOUNS §§ 92, 93 without a relative pronoun. [See W.G. §§ 162
v (2);
219 v (1).]
Beth vuassei y arglwybiaeth ef arnabunt hwy y vlwybyn honno, y wrth ryvuassei
1cyn no Jiynny.—E.M. 7.
Seith gantref ry edeivit ymi.—B.M. 44.
Ef a bylyawb... gwneuthw iaivn dros ypechawt ry wnnaeth.—
IL.A. 15, cf. 14.
It is, however, found preceded by the relative a; this is probably a later
construction :
Yny gyfvlenwit rif yr . . . e[n}gylyon a rybygwybessynt,—
IL.A. 12.
Drive iavm ydwyfl o;, thrist am vy marwneit a rylabawb Otv[el].—Y.O.M. 70.
Cf. a r-ydysgassei, 12.
92. The verb ' to be ' has in the first present indicative a relatival form
ysydd, sydd, ysy, sy, used for all persons when the relative is the subject;
thus it means 'who am', ' who art', ' who is ', ' who are ', ' which is ', '
which are '.
It is probably a fusion of the verb ys ' is' and the relative ydd used here
in the nominative case. [See w.G. §§ 162 vi (1). 189 iii (4)].
The forms ysydd, ysy are written yssyd, yssy in Med.W. (iseit, issi in the
B.B.), rarely with a simples, IL.A. 165, and in modern orthography y sydd, y
sy under the misapprehension that the relative is the initial y. [See w.G. §
162 iv (1).]
The verb piau is also relatival. [See w.G. §§ 162 iv (2), 192 ii. (2) (3).]
INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS
93 (i). The interrogative adjective pa or py is put before its noun, whose
initial undergoes the soft mutation, as Pa ddyn ? ' What man ?'
(ii) The initial of the interrogative pronoun or adjective is regularly
mutated after connecting words: thus, after a ' and ', d ' with ', na ' nor
', it is aspirated; after the prepositions i, ar, am, etc., it is softened. But
after nev,
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§ 94 INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS 117
' or', the softening (see ex. 3) is generally neglected, as in ex. 2.
A •phwy a gaeodd y mor A dorau f—Job. xxxviii. 8.
Ar ba beth y aicrhawyd ei sylfeini hi ? new pwy a osododd ei chongl-faen hi
?—do. 6.
Pwy ar y glow piau'r glog, Neu bwy g&n heb y geiniog ?—L.M. D.T. (iii) In
poetry, the p is frequently softened when it stands first in the sentence;
cf. § 89 (v) 2. Ba ryw hael bur wehelyth, Ba rai beilch a bery byth.—I.F. p.
25.
In the following sections the term ' interrogative', unless the context
implies the contrary, means either the interrogative pronoun or the
interrogative adjective with its noun, including beth with lost pa.
94. ' The interrogative is regularly a predicate or a portion of it';1
hence in Welsh it is put in a predicative construction.
(i) It stands in the predicative nominative, and is followed by the
nominative or accusative relative a; as pwy a ddaw ? ' who [is it] tliat will
come ?' pwy a welaist ? ' who [is it] that thou sawest ? ' or by the
relatival forms sydd ' who is ', piau ' who owns ' § 92. Pwy sydd mor gampus
heddyw ? Pwy a wyr wrth y pren yw ?—T.A. G. 230. Pa swydd a nodwydd a wnan' ?
Pa ddewisgamp a ddysgan' ?—T.A. A 31012/13. Beth a vyb yna yn ol hynny
?—IL.A. 64. Pa bechawt a wnaeth Abaf?—IL.A. 13. Beth a buc efy gem Duw ?—do.
15.
Pwy a gredodd Vn ymadrodd?—Es. liil. 1. Pwy sydd debyg i'r doeth ? a phwy a
fedr ddeongi peth ?— Preg. viii. 1.
Beth a wnawn i'n chwaer ?—Can viii. 8.
1 Paul, Principles of Language, Eng. trans., p. 315.
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118 INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS § 94 Pwy hefyd a arswydaiet ac a ofnaist?—Es.
Ivii. 11.
NOTE. The loss of the relative a, as in Pwy ddysg. New bwy gan § 93 (ii) is
merely phonetic ; see § 82 (i).
(ii) It stands in the predicative ablative, either 1. without, or 2. with a
preposition, followed by the oblique relative ydd, yr or y.
1. Pa ddydd y derfydd pob dyn ?
Y dydd a roes Duw iddyn'.—W.IL. r. 27.
' [On] what day [is it] that
every man will die ? [On] the day that God has fixed for them.'
Duw Ner a wyr amseru Pa hyd cyn y tyd y bu.—E.P. 227.
Pa voto yo eiriawl ef drossom ni f—•SL.A. 21. Pa ffuryfy ganet ef o'r wyry
?—do. 17. Pa belw y mae yr eglwys yn gwff ibaw ef?—do. 22.
Pa ffordd yr eir lie y trig goleuni ? a pha Ie y mae lie y tywyllwch ?—Job
xxxviii. 19. Pa fodd y glanha llanc ei Iwybr?— Ps. cxix. 9. Pa fodd y
cwympodd y cedyrn ?—2 Sam. i. 19. Pa hyd, Arglwydd, y'w anghofl?—Ps. xiii. 1.
2 a. Bwy a wyr, pe bai i'w wiriaw,
0 blaid ach, o ba Ie (y) daw?—E.P. 231. ,
(The y is either lost in the e, § 82 (ii), or ba Ie was written b'le.)
Fal y Hong foel a ollyngir, I b'le y tyn heb weld fir ?—
T.A. A 14979/143 ; (D.G. cxlviii).
I ba beth, wr difeth don, Aurfardd, yr afi Iwwddon?—W.IL. M.T.
Ym pa furyf yo ymbangossant wy?—IL.A. 57. Ym pa oet
y daw y rei hynny ?—do. 58. ' Quali aetate veniant illi ? '
I bwy y dafgziddiwyd hraich yr Arglwydd?—Es. liii. 1. Wrth bwy y mynegaist
ymadroddion ?—Job xxvi. 4. Ar bwy,
attolwg, yr hyderi ?—Es. xxxvi. 5.
Similarly with a prepositional expression: Yn erbyn pwy yr ymddigrifwch ? yn
erbyn pwy y lledwch safn, ac yr estyn-nwch dafod ?—Es. Ivii. 4. See §
95.
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§ 94 INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS 119
After o ' from', pan is sometimes used in Med.W. instead otyr; see § 89 (vi)
1.
b. With an affixed preposition,
Paham y byb Jcyvoefhawc y rei drwc yman ?—IL.A. 29. Paham y llabawb yr
Iddewon lessu ?—do. 19. Pam y diobefw hyn y gan y taeogeu ?—B.M. 52. Paham y
gwnaethost ti hyn ?— Gen. iii. 13. Paham y derbyniodd gliniau fyfi.—Job iii.
12. Pam y trigaf mewn
anialwch Ymhiith bwystfilod cas eu rhyw ?—W. 668.
(iii) It is put immediately before the verb ' to be' as direct predicate.
Dywed, a phaid a'th dewi, Od wyt wr, pwy ydwyt ti.—D.G. clxxi. Beth yw cerdd
a bathu can Beunydd heb ddeunydd anian ?—E.P. 223. Pa wybr a gwympai obry,
Pa waeth fai na'r pethaufu?—T.A. A 31102/113. Aet un, heb ynteu, yn y
herbyn, y wybot pwy vo.—B.M. 9. Pwy oeb hwnnw, heb ef.—do. 31. Beth yw y coed ? . . . Beth oeb y
mynydd ?—do. 36. Ni wn i pa ryw atteb yw hwnnw.— do. 13. A bywedy di ymi pwy
wyt?—do. 11. Beth yw hynny ?—do. 18, 29. Beth yw hwn ? . . . Beth oeb y
kyweir-debau?—do. 194.
Pwy ydyw yr hwn a ymddadleu a mi?—Job xiii. 19. Pa beth ydyw dyn panfawrheit
ef?—Job vii. 17. Pwy yw hwn yn dyfod o Edom?—Es. Ixiii. 1.
Note the difference between beth yw ? and beth sydd ? between beth fu ? and
beth a fu ?
(iv) It forms the predicate of a noun-subject without the copula.
1. Pwy followed by a noun subject is common in Med.W., but rarely occurs in
the modern language : Pwy y marchawc paladyr hir ?—B.M. 211. Pwy . . . y
trywyr diwethaf?—do. 159. Pwy instead of beth with the noun enw: Pwy dy
lyssenw ? —B.M. 147. Pwy dy henw ?—D.G. clxxxiii. Pa lys a'i frig fal Fowls
fry ? Pwy warden y priordy?—T.A. o 8393/ii. 1120.
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120 INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS § 94
2. Certain expressions, such as pa les, pa waeth are followed by noun
subjects :
Pa les i minnau, wyrda, Maddau'r dyn a meddu'r da ?—D.G. xxix. Pa waeth marw
o gariad pur
Na marw o ddolur wall ?—Hen bennill.
(v) It is followed by an adjectival, substantival, or adverbial expression
which forms part of an elliptical subject-clause, being 1. the complement of
an implied sydd, a fydd, etc., 2. the subject of an implied y mae, y bu,
etc., or 3. an adverb qualifying a verb understood from the context.
1 a. The adjective/a; or a compared adjective :
Pwy mor hydr a'ch pum mroder ? Pwy fal y pump afal per?—T.A. A 14975/286.
Pwy amiach ei ddeiliaid? pwy fwy ei allu a'i awdurdod na myfi ?—•B.C. 136.
Of. Beth orau ? and Ba dir yn y byd orsm ? § 43 ; pa'r qfld waeth ? pa'r glwy
waeth ?
It is seen that the adjective has its soft initial, as it would have if sydd
were expressed. Equatives with mm are exceptions, § 36.
6. A preposition with its object. Heb is frequently used in this way; we also
find & ' with', and other prepositions, including yn introducing a
complement, and yn before a verbal noun.
Ban ofer dynger rhwng dau, Ba Iw heb i weliau.—I.T. r. 43. Beth a gawn byth o
ganu ?
Ba ysgwydd ynn heb wisg ddu ?—T.A. a. 228. Pwy a than poeth o'i enau ?—IL
133/599 B. See also Pa lys a'i frig fal Fowls fry ? in (iv) 1 above.
Pwy o'r un gwaed a'r pren gwin ?—IL 135/39. Beth wedy hynny ?—IL.A. 7, for
Beth a vu wedy hynny ? Pwy sy hael ? Pwy sy heliwr ? Pwy'n Hew ac oen ? Pwy'n
lie gwr ?—T.A. o.
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§94 'INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS 121
Here sydd is understood from the previous line; but we sometimes find the
construction in the first line of a poem as Pwy'n ben hyd Hafren hyfryd P—-SL
133/414 a. Of. 133/416 B. Pwy'n darfod pen i derfyn,
Pan na bai brudd deurudd dyn?—M.M. o 7/647. o. An adjective or noun with nid;
as Pwy nid trial?— TL, 36/114 B. Pwy nid mab Vr penyd mawr?—L.G.C.
2. Pa fodd hynny ? for Pa fodd y mae hynny ? Paham hyn?—IL 133/1209 B. for
Paham y bu hyn?
Paham ifardd dinam doeth . . . ofyn can?—Gr.O. i. 80.
The noun may also be the subject or the object of a verb understood from the
context, as Paham Dafydd ? ' Why [do you say] David ? ' ,▼
3. Beth am y dynyon [f]fol? . . . Beth am lavwwyr y bayar ?—IL.A. 40, for
Beth a bywedy di am . .. understood from Beth a bywedy di am y penytwyr 9
which occurs earlier on the same page.
Paham y nos? IL.A. 17 'why at night?' For Paham y ganet ef y nos ? Paham o'r
gwr ? do. 11. For Paham y crewyt hi o'r gwr ?
(vi) A question, like an answer, may consist of a predicate alone, without a
subject; as Beth ? ' What ? ' Pam ? ' Why ? '
Y ba beth ?—IL.A. 10 ▼ For what purpose ? ' Pa oet, pa vessur ? —do.
60.
Fe red i'r ardd i edrych ynfynych am eifam, A hithau heb ddychwelyd. Pa hyd ?
Pa hyd ? Paham ?—
St. QWL.
A question in this form is often the apodosis of a conditional clause; thus
Beth pe ... or Beth os . . . = ' What if . . .'
Beth pettei ytti llawer o getymdeithon . . .?—IL.A. 68. Canys pa lesad i ddyn
os ennill yr holl fyd a cholli ei enaid ei hun ?—Marc viii. 36.
(vii) In Old W. and early Med.W. the interrogatives pa, py, ' what', ' why'
occur immediately before verbs, i. e. without the intervention of the
relative a or y ; as Pa barvu ?—B.M. 41 'What has happened ? ' Y mawr
drug[ar']awc Duw, pa wnaf ?—
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122 INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS §§ 95, 96 IL.H. B.B. (A.B. 282) ' Great merciful
God, what shall I do ? ' Py liuy ( = liwy) di ?—B.M. 102 ' Why dost thou
colour ? ' Similarly when followed by bynnag :
Bhwyf ner, by archer bynnag,
Nid rhyw i'm ner rhoddz nag.—E. Wann. M.A. i. 384. Py biaspettych di bynhac .
. . ny'th otter ti y mywn.—w.M. 457 (Pa biaspettych etc.—B.M. 104).
The old and mod. pan ' whence', also comes immediately before a verb; as pan
boy di, a pha gerbet yssyb wrnat ?— B.M. 11. Cf. § 89 (vi).
95. The interrogative forms a portion of the predicate, § 94, when it depends
upon a noun in the genitive or is the object of a preposition.
The case of the relative in the subject clause is then determined by the noun
upon which the interrogative depends;
thus llais pwy a glywaist? 'whose voice [is it] that thou hast heard ?' ar
air pwy yr awn ? ' on whose word [is it] that we shall go ? '
Merch pwy ydwyt ti ?—Gen. xxiv. 23. Gwraig i bwy un ohonynt yw hi ?—Luc xx.
33.
A particular case of the interrogative in the genitive occurs when it follows
a prepositional expression; thus ar 61 pwy ? ' in the track of whom ? ' i. e.
' after whom ?'
Ar 61 pwy y daeth brenhin Israel allan? Ar ol pwy yr ydwyt tVn eriid ?—1 Sam.
xxiv. 14.
96. When the relative subject-clause is negative, the negative particle is
ni, nid if the interrogative is in the predicative nominative, and na, nod if
it is ablative; § 90.
Am Swn, 'pwy nid ymswynai
Addwyned oedd ddoe'n i dai ?—G.G1. M 148/256. Pwy ni wyr yn y rhai hyn oil
mai Haw yr Arglwydd a wnaeth hyn ?—Job xii. 9.
Ba ddelw na bat ddialedd
Am un afai nwwn ifedd?—L.G.C. 14.
Pam nad ystyr {byr yvfr byd)
Ooludfawr wrth galedfyd ?—S.T. •s. 12.
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§§ 97, 98 INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS 123
Pa ddrudiant, pa ddireidi, Pafethiant na fynnant fi ?—D.G. cxxxvi.
Pdham na phrynawb Krist wy ?—IL.A. 7.
A[n]gheu a buc paup : pa rac. na'm kyveirch ?—B.B. 25 a.
97. An indirect does
not differ in form from a direct question, except that the mood, tense and
person of the verb are subject to the rules that apply to dependent
sentences;
In many of the examples given in § 94, the questions are indirect; e. g. Bwy
a wyr . . . o ba Ie y daw ? Pwy a ddywaid pam y'th ddaliwyd ? Dywed . . . pwy
ydwyt ti ?
A llyna paham y trigyawb e'f yn rith y bara a'r gwin.—IL.A. 23. A
govyn pwy oeb y enw.—B.M. 214. Yny ivypwyf pwy vyoh.— B.M.285.
NOTE.—In an indirect question the interrogative tends to lose its
interrogative character; thus dywed imi pa beth a welaist = dywed imi y pefh
a welaist.
98 (i) The interrogative pa is used with equative nouns (§ 44); SLSpahyd?
'how long?' 'pa faint? 'how much?' In other cases equatives with cyn and mor
are used; as pa gyn gynted ? ' how soon ?' pa mor drwm ? ' how heavy ?'
Py gybellet obyma yw y cruc a bywedy ti ?—W.M. 154.
These forms may also be used with bynnag, as pa gyn drymed bynnag ' however
heavy'.
(ii) The only example in use of pa with a comparative is pa waeth ? ' what
worse ?' i. e. ' what does it matter ?'
Ba waeth i ti ba liw b6n?—D.G. clxxx. See examples in § 28 (i), § 94 (iii)
(iv) 2.
Comparative adjectives are freely used after' pa faint;
as pa faint gwell ? ' how much better ?'
Pa faint mwy y rhydd eich Tad yr hwn sydd yn y nefoedd bethau da i'r rhai a
ofynnant iddo?—Matt. vii. 11.
In the spoken language the initial of the comparative is mutated; faint well
wyt ti ? ' How much better art thou ! '
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124 INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS § 99
(iii) Positive adjectives with pa become nouns, § 28, as pa dda ? ' what good
?' pa ddrwg ? ' what evil ?' Ba dda a wna byw ddwyoes ?—I.F. F. 25. ' What
virtue will enable [a man] to live two lives ? '
99 (i) 1. Paun? pi. Pa rai? are substantival interroga-tives meaning ' which
?' of two or more objects. If 'of is expressed, it is rendered by o, as pa un
o'r ddau ? ' which of the two ?' pa rai ohonynt? ' which (pi.) of
them ?'
2. Pa un is frequently put before the interrogative ai ' whether', when
followed by ai ' or', in order to make the alternative more pointed.
3. In both 1 and 2 pa may be followed by bynnag ; thus pa un bynnag
'whichever'; pa un bynnag ai 'whichever'.
Pa un bynnag may be separated from ai: Canys pa un bynnag yr ydym ai byw, i'r
Arglwydd yr ydym yn byw ; ai marw, i'r Arglwydd yr ydym yn marw.-—Rhuf. xiv.
8. Here pa un bynnag is followed by yr because it stands for a verbal noun;
e. g. byw yr ydym.
(ii) Pa faint ? ' how much ?' or ' how many ?' is also, if necessary,
followed by o; as pa faint o aur ? ' how much
gold?'
Ny bibory pa veint o wyrda Ffreinc a bivaer.—Y.C.M. 78. Pa faint o gamweddau
ac o bechodau sydd ynof.—Job xiii. 23.
(iii) Pa sawl ? ' how many ?' is followed directly by a singular noun with
radical initial, and therefore probably depending upon sawl in the genitive.
For ' how many ?' substantival, pa sawl un ? is used.
Pa sawl gwaith y digiasant ef yn yr anialwch ?—Pa. Ixxviii. 40. Of. Matt.
xviii. 21, xxiii. 37.
Pa sawl llyfr, pa sawl bedd, pa sawl clul, pa sawl clefyd, pa sawl cennad ac
arwydd a welsoch ?—•B.C. 70.
(iv) Pa ryw, pa gyfryw and pa fath are followed by singular or plural nouns.
The noun has a soft initial, and so forms a compound with ryw, § 110 (i),
cyfryw § 110 (i), o'r fath.
99
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INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS
125
Oes un a wyr, fls lonawr, Pa ryw lu sy'n poeri i lawr ?—D.G. 409. Ac ynteu a
ofynnwys pa ryw bynyon oeb y rei hynny.— Y.O.M. 14.
The fact that pa r' is always followed by a soft initial, e.g. pa r' ofid, pa
r' glwy, pa r' gledi, shows that r stands for ryw and not for the article as
the usual pa'r implies; for the article (besides being inexplicable) would be
followed by the radical of masculine nouns.
Pa gyfryw wr yw awch tat chwi pan olio lleassupawb velly.— R.M. 221.
Pa fath un ? ' what kind of one ? ' pi. pa fath rai ? We even find pa ryw
fath rai ?—A.G. 3(3.
Pa is sometimes used instead of pa fath or pa ryw for ' what kind of', ' what
a'.
Nes i eisiau'n oes oesoedd Ni wyddai neb pa ddyn oedd.—H.D. p 99/415.
(v) Pa fodd, pa wedd, pa ddelw, pa ffurf, 'pa sut, pa Ie,, pa bryd, pa ham
cannot have dependent nouns. They are followed by the relative yr, y or the
negative relative na, § 94 (ii) 1; § 96.
Of course it is possible for one of these expressions to stand in the predicative
nominative, as well as in the ablative; thus pa Ie may mean ' what place ?'
as well as ' in what place ? ' or ' where ?' In that case it is followed by a
or directly by the verb ' to be'; as pa Ie yw hwnnw ?—s.G. 256 ' What place
is that ? ' Nis gwn i p'le yw yma.—B.C. 8. Occasionally we find this
construction where we should expect the oblique relative; thus Pa ffuryf vyo
hynny ?—B.M. 13 for Pa ffuryf y byb hynny ? Even paham is found so
used; thus paham yw hyn ?—E.P. 226 ' why is this ?' Pam . . . yw gennyd . . .
fwrw drew ? —D.G. cliv. Lit. ' Why is with thee the throwing of a glance ? '
Here pam seems to be confused with heth;
e. g. beth yw gennyt ti vi ?—H.O.G. M.A. i. 277.
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