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(delw 6695)
(tudalen i)
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WELSH
SYNTAX
AN UNFINISHED DRAFT
BY
JOHN MORRIS JONES
M.A., LL.D.
Late Professor of
Welsh at the University
College of North Wales, Bangor
CARDIFF
THE UNIVERSITY OF WALES PRES BOARD
1931
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Printed
in Great Britain
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(delw 6696) (tudalen iii)
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PREFACE
After Sir John’s
death in 1929, when Lady Morris-Jones and I went through his papers, we found
two incomplete drafts of a work on Welsh Syntax. One was very short, eleven
pages in all: the other, a somewhat bulky volume, was evidently the second
part, or a continuation of a full Welsh Grammar. Its first page was numbered
190, and contained notes on §186 : the next 23 pages are now to be found in
an amplified form in A Welsh Grammar, pp. 161-91. The Syntax begins with
§190, and continues to §326, where the manuscript ends. The last nine
sections are in pencil. On examining the references, I could find no mention
of any text which had appeared in the last quarter of a century, except some
of Dr. Evans’s editions, and I knew that Sir John had received advance copies
of these (W. G. viii-ix) some of the opinions, too, were inconsistent with
those expressed in the Grammar of 1913. It was easy to see that this was an
early attempt; and on consulting the Preface to A Welsh Grammar (p. iv) I
found a reference to what I believe is the exact date of its composition.
There Sir John states that he started a second draft of the Grammar a year or
two later than 1899, and that by 1907 he ‘had finished the accidence and
written more than half of the, syntax’. He then seems to have dropped the
syntax, and commenced re-writing the accidence, the work gradually changing from
a descriptive grammar of Modern Welsh into a Welsh Grammar Historical and
Comparative. The first part, dealing with Phonology and Accidence, was
published in 1913. An Elementary Welsh Grammar, which followed the same
lines, appeared in 1921: but the Syntax was never completed.
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(delw 6697) (tudalen iv)
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The other draft of eleven pages was written in
the last year of Sir John’s life. I had often discussed with him the
publication of Part II of his Grammar: and as the need for a reliable manual
on Syntax was acute, both in the Schools and Colleges, I used to urge him to
complete the task so well begun. He was loath to start, but one day he showed
me with glee the first pages. Part II had been commenced in earnest. But,
before a dozen pages had been written, illness came, and soon, very soon, he
passed away.
After much anxious
thought, I decided to publish the unrevised draft of 1900-7 practically as it
stood. Of its merits I need say but little. Sir John surpassed all Welsh
scholars known to me in knowledge of grammatical constructions and idioms:
his gift of lucid exposition, and skill in the arrangement and presentment of
facts, are acknowledged by all. Many of these notes are in his best style,
clear, compact, and if I may use the word, authoritative: they are complete,
and final. Some passages, however, call for revision in the light of the fresh
material brought to light during the last quarter of a century, and the
linguistic discoveries made by various scholars both here and on the
Continent. What was gospel in 1907, can no longer be accepted as the truth.
By 1913 Sir John himself had discarded some of the opinions which he
maintains in this draft, as is shown by the difference in the parallel
passages in W.G.
If he had been spared to edit this work himself, the revision would have been
thorough and drastic. It would not have been fair for me to attempt to do
this for him: there would always have been the danger of my suppressing his
views in favour of my own. His standard of correctness was the diction of the
bards - as known in 1907. We know now that even the bards varied; and some of
us are convinced that prose has its own rules and standards. But this is by
the way. I hasten to add that this draft, early and incomplete
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(delw 6698) (tudalen v)
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though it be, will be indispensable to every
student of Welsh, not merely as a useful basis for the discussion of the
problems of Welsh Syntax, but as a solid contribution to the final solution
of many of them.
Instead of adhering
to the numbers of the paragraphs in the draft, I thought it better to
renumber them, taking §190 as my §1. This involved changing all cross-references throughout
the book: one can only hope that the majority of the new numbers are correct.
Where the reference was to a paragraph preceding §190, it had to be omitted,
as the numbers in this early draft often gave no clue to the whereabouts of
the paragraph in the Welsh Grammar of 1913. Further, as some sections had
been included more or less bodily in w.g.,
and were thus available in their revised and latest form, it seemed of
little use to print the early form here. Instead, references to W.G. were inserted in
square brackets, the number of the paragraph, or subsection, being preserved,
in order to ensure correctness in the cross-references. To save space, where
the number of examples quoted to illustrate a rule appeared excessive, a
selection was made; and, for the same reason, the translations of examples
were usually omitted, unless the literal meaning was stressed. Everything
added by me has been placed within square brackets. I am greatly indebted to
my assistant, Mr. Tom Parry, for the substantial help he gave me in preparing
the manuscnpt for the press. Practically one half of these notes was copied
by him (§§ 24-99). My debt to the Oxford University Press, also, is very
great: in everything connected with the printing I have submitted to their
judgement, and their reader has saved me from many pitfalls.
...................................................................IFOR
WILLIAMS.
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GWAG
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(delw 6699) (tudalen vii)
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CYNNWYS
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adran
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1
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THE USE OF THE ARTICLE
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x1
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The Different Forms of the
Article
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x1
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Mutation after the Article
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x3
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Use and Omission of the Article
with Common Nouns
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x4
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The Article with Proper Nouns of
Place and Time
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x9
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The Article with Personal Names
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x11
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Repetition of the Article
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x12
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2
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NOUNS, ADJECTIVES, AND PRONOUNS
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x13
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Cases
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x13
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3
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AGREEMENT OF NOUN AND ADJECTIVE
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x16
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4
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POSITION AND MUTATION OF
ADJECTIVES AND GENITIVES
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x18
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5
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COMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES
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x24
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6
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PROPER NAMES IN COMBINATION
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x36
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7
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ADJECTIVES USED AS NOUNS AND
TAKING GENITIVES
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x44
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8
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COMPARED ADJECTIVES
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x46
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The Equative Degree
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x47
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The Comparative Degree
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x54
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The Superlative Degree
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x57
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9
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NUMERALS AND NOUNS OF QUANTITY
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x61
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10
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PERSONAL PRONOUNS
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x78
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11
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POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES
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x86
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12
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RELATIVE PRONOUNS
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x88
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13
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INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS
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x116
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14
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DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS
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x126
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15
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SUBSTANTIVAL AND ADJECTIVAL
PRONOUNS
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x130
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(delw 6700) (tudalen viii)
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16
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(xA8) USES OF THE OBLIQUE CASES
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x159
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The Genitive Case
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x159
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The Dative Case
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x168
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The Ablative Case
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x169
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The Vocative Case
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x172
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17
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APPOSITION
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x175
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18
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NOUN AND ADJECTIVE EQUIVALENTS
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x179
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19
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THE SENTENCE
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x180
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20
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SENTENCE WITH ADJECTIVE OR NOUN
PREDICATE
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x196
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21
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INDEX
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x201
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22
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INITIAL MUTATIONS
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x205
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º
(delw 6701) (tudalen 1)
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(x1) SYNTAX
THE USE OF THE ARTICLE
The Different Forms of the Article
1 (i). In construction the y of the
article yr suffers elision after a vowel: thus canu’r gân ‘to
sing the song.’ Before a consonant, except h, the r is dropped unless the y has been elided as above; thus yn y tŷ ‘in the house’, but i’r tŷ ‘to
the house’. The above rules may be more fully stated thus:
yr is used after a consonant or at
the beginning of a sentence and before a vowel or h, thus yr afon;
dŵr yr afon; yr haul; gwres yr haul.
y is used between two consonants,
or at the beginning of a sentence before a consonant; as y gwynt; sŵn
y gwynt.
’r is used after a vowel whether a
vowel or consonant follows; thus codi’r groes.
After diphthongs
either ’r or y may be used, but the former is generally to be
preferred.
(ii) But y is
used after a vowel when there is the lightest pause after the preceding word,
or when the noun qualified by the article is in the ablative case, or is
otherwise not closely connected with the word which immediately precedes it;
as
..........Yr hwn
sydd yn rhoddi achosion i ganu y nos. [1] Job xxxv. 10.
..........Profaist
fy nghalon, gofwyaist fi y nos. [1] Salm xvii. 3, see Hos. iv. 5.
__________________________
TROEDNODYN: [1] These are quoted from
editions in which ’r is generally used after vowels.
In verse ’r is used even in these
cases:
..........A
chlywed uchel eos
..........Ni thau
ar nen i thŷ’r nos. D.E.
PH. 14410/ii. 69.
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(delw 6702) (tudalen 2)
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(x2)
.......Wedi Siôn
nid oes unnos
.......Bryder i
neb rodio’r nos. -
T.A. A 14975/107.
(iii) Medieval scribes
usually joined the article to its noun, thus yty
for y
ty; and as writing black letter on vellum was very slow work, these
groups became isolated in the scribe’s mind, and were written without
reference to what went before them.
Hence r (that is ’r) is exceptional, though by no means
wanting, in med. prose writings, [v. w.G. 192-3.]
Except in such cases
as those mentioned in (ii) above, y should not be written after a
vowel: canu’r gân not canu y gân.
As yr is used
before h we have yr hiniog which is usually treated in Mod. W.
as if it were y rhiniog; thus, eu rhiniog for eu hiniog,
Esec. xliii. 8:
.......Ni ddout
ti, yn niwedd taith,
.......Dros hiniog
y drws unwaith. - T.A. A 14866/105.
2. For the purposes of the above rules,
initial consonantal  counts as a consonant, as y
waedd ‘the cry’, y raig ‘the woman’: initial consonantal  as a vowel, more rarely as a
consonant, thus yr aith or y aith ‘the language’.
.......Lluniwr pob
deall uniawn
.......A llyfr
cyfraith y aith [1] iawn. - D.G. cxxviii.
__________________________
TROEDNODYN: [1] Printed yr iaith, but
this would require rawn after it to form a good cynghanedd sain.
__________________________
When wy is
initial and radical, it is the proper diphthong, that is, the w is a
vowel: hence yr ŵyth ‘the eight’, yr ŵythnos ‘the week’, yr ŵyneb ‘the face’, yr ŵylo ‘the weeping’. Words beginning with g ŵy-, when the g is mutated, have initial ŵy, and therefore require yr, as yr ŵydd ‘the goose’, yr ŵyl ‘the holiday’.
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(delw 6703) (tudalen 3)
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(x3) Mutation after the Article
3 (i). The initial consonant of a feminine
singular noun immediately following the article undergoes the soft mutation;
except ll and rh, which are not softened after the article.
Thus y bont (rad. pont) ‘the bridge’; y dorf (r. torf)
‘the crowd’; y fuwch (r. buwch} ‘the cow’; yr ardd (r. gardd)
‘the garden’; y fam (r. mam) ‘the mother’; but y llaw ‘the
hand’; y llywodraeth ‘the government’; y llinell ‘the line’; y
rhaw ‘the spade’; y rhod ‘the wheel’.
The exception in the
case of ll and rh is due to the lost r of the article.
We may suppose the mutation at first regular: thus, yr law, yr raw,
but by w.G. § 111, p. 181, these became yr llaw, yr rhaw, which
by the disappearance, here as elsewhere, of the r of the article,
became y llaw, y rhaw. For the exception to this exception, see
§23.
(ii) The initial
consonants of masc. sing. nouns and of pl. nouns of both genders remain
unmutated; thus y tad ‘the father’; y tadau ‘the fathers’; y
mamau ‘the mothers’.
In the Bible we have y
bobloedd Deut. iv. 6; Sech. xii. 2, on the analogy of y bobl, but
cf. IL.A. 134, y pobloedd.
(iii) Numerals,
whether followed by sing. or pl. nouns or by no noun, have their initial
consonants unmutated after the article, except dau, dwy, mil; as y
tair gwraig, y pum torth, y can ceiniog.
Dau and dwy undergo the soft
mutation; as y ddau gyfaill, y ddwy wraig, y ddau beth.
But dau has
the radical in y dau cant Num. xvi. 36; y dau cymaint Dat.
xviii. 6; y deunaw; and dwy in y dwylaw regarded as the
pl. of llaw.
.......Dug heiniau
y dau cannoen;
.......Duw, Duw!
ni adawyd oen. — G.Gl. M 146/313.
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(delw 6704) (tudalen 4)
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(x4) Mil as a noun is fem.
sing. and hence has the soft, y fil. When followed by the noun it has
the radical, y mil blynyddoedd.
Use and Omission of the Article with Common Nouns
4 (i). The article is placed before a noun to
make it definite, i. e. to limit its meaning to a particular one or more of
the things to which it may in general refer; thus y dyn ‘the man’, the
particular person whom we know from the context to be meant. There is no
indefinite article in Welsh; a common noun becomes indefinite by the article
being omitted before it.
As a noun is made
definite by a dependent genitive §13 (i) the prefixed genitive pronouns fy
‘my’, dy ‘thy’, etc. form equivalents of the def. article.
The article is used
before common nouns like the English def. article; but in many respects its
use agrees rather with that of the def. article in French and other
continental languages. The chief differences between the Welsh and English
use of the article are the following:
(ii) In W. it is more
generally used before a pl. noun denoting the whole of a class; thus y
Cymry ‘Welshmen’ or ‘the Welsh’, y Saeson ‘the English’, y
Bedyddwyr ‘Baptists’ or ‘the Baptists’ - Bedyddwyr without the
article would mean ‘some Baptists’. Similarly yr adar, yr
anifeiliaid, yr angylion and occasionally y dynion ‘men’.
.......Troes
dinistr tros y dynion. - R.C.
E xiv; see B.C. 25, 1. 1.
.......Ef a vyδ dirvawr aball ar y dynyon.
- B.B.B. 145;
.......Pa achos y dysc y meibon yn well no’r
hen δynyon?
IL.A. 45;
.......Trugarhaa wrth
veibon y dynyon do. 155 ‘Have mercy on the sons of
men’.
Hence the article is
often prefixed to a singular noun when it represents a class; thus yr
aderyn, as well as aderyn
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(delw 6705) (tudalen 5)
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aderyn
(x5) ‘a bird ‘ (in general); y llew
‘the lion ‘, and rarely y dyn ‘man’.
.......I’r cadfarch dihafarchwych
.......Carnau a
roes; cyrn i’r ych.—Gro.O. 95.
‘ To the noble
war-horse [nature] gave hoofs: horns to the ox.’
.......A thros y dyn gorweddodd
.......Yng
ngwaelod bedd i lawr.—W. 1887, 148.
‘And it was for man.
that he lay down at the bottom of a grave.’
But dyn is
more usual in this sense even in med. W.:
A dyn a grewyt val y gallei vot yn wynnvydedic byth.—IL.A. 45.
Cf. F. les hommes,
l’homme; so in Sp., It., Ger.
(iii) An abstract
noun used in a general sense does not usually take the article in Welsh, but
the following commonly occur: y cerdd ‘song’, ‘music’; y glod ‘praise’,
‘eulogy’; y celwydd,
‘falsehood’; yr
achlod ‘disgrace’; y daioni (B.C. 40) ‘good ‘; y wirionedd (R.M.
19) ‘truth’;
y dangnefedd (E.M. 30) ‘peace’.
It occurs frequently
when the abstract noun is in the genitive case; as Pennaeth y diogi a’r seguryd B.C. 138.
In Med. W. we have
.......Mêl oedd o’i
ben awengerdd,
.......Primus ac
urddas y gerdd. — D.G. cxxviii.
.......Gwell pregeth
difeth dafod
.......Guto’r Glyn,
doctor y glod.— H.D. p 152/251.
.......I daeog ydd â
gogan,
.......Nid â’r glod ond i ŵr gla^n. — H.C.IL. IL 133/212.
Cymer oddi wrthyf
ffordd y celwydd.—Salm cxix. 29.
Yr aur is used for ‘gold, money’; as gŵyr
yr aur, B.C. 79;
but yr arian, y
pres mean ‘the money ‘.
So with names of
diseases: yr annwyd, y frech wen, y frech goch, yr hen gancr.
An abstract noun is
generally definite, though without the article; thus anrhydedd is not
necessarily ‘an honour’, but generally ‘honour’. But the article often makes
an abstract
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(delw 6706) (tudalen 6)
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(x6) noun definite in a special sense;
as y trueni ‘the misery (of hell)’, y ffydd ‘the faith’; yr
iechydwriaeth.
(iv) The article is
frequently used with nouns in the vocative; as
Pwy ydyw hwnnw, y
gŵr dieithr?
(T. ii. 198)
‘Who is he, stranger
? ‘
Pan δoy di, yr yscolheic?
B.M. 56.
‘Whence comest thou,
cleric ?’
Tydi’r gwan, taw di a’r gwir;
Arian da a wrandewir. — I.F. r. 42; see D.G. xvi,
xxiii.
(v) 1. The article is
used in Welsh in expressions denoting rate or standard, where the indefinite
article is used in English : as
Tri swllt y llath ‘three shillings a yard’; chwe cheiniog y pwys ‘sixpence a pound’;
swllt y pen ‘a shilling a head’;
deng milltir yr awr ‘ten miles an hour’;
dwywaith yr wythnos ‘twice a week’;
punt yr wythnos ‘a pound a week’;
deunaw y dwsin ‘1s. 6d. a dozen’;
saith geiniog y pâr ‘7d. a pair’.
‘Each’ is rendered by
yr un; as ceinog yr
un ‘a
penny each’. Similarly y cant, y fil; these are the only numerals so
used — we do not say swllt y saith but
saith am swllt ‘7 for 1s.’.
In expressions of
time yn is sometimes used before the article, as dwywaith yn y flwyddyn, as well as dwywaith y flwyddyn,
‘twice a year’; and when the second term has a numeral, bob ‘every’ is
used instead of the article; as teirgwaith bob dwy
flynedd, ‘ three
times every two years’.
2. The article is
also used after ym when, cyn pen, o fewn, etc. in expressions of time;
as
Ym mhen yr wythnos ‘in
a week’s time’; cyn pen y mis, etc.
It may be omitted
before a numeral;
cyn pen dwy
flynedd or cyn
pen y ddwy flynedd, ‘within two years’ time’;
Hyt emen enau nyeu a naunos (Hyt ymhen y naw
nieu a now nos)
A.L,. i. 84, MS.A.; a’r naunos MS.B., ‘To the end of nine days
and nine nights’;
Ym penn pythewnos
a mis ... or benn y pyth-ewnos a’r mis, B.M.
32;
Ym pen y dec mlyneδ ar hugeint, H.M. ii. 247;
Nid oes etto
oddiar flwyddyn . . . nac oes etto mo’r tair
wythnos, B.C.
130.79.
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(delw 6707) (tudalen 7)
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(x7) 3. It is sometimes used with fractions, as ni
fynegasid i mi’r hanner, 1 Bren. x. 7. So y drydedd
ran ‘one third’, etc.
Also in negative
sentences, in yr un ‘any one’ of a number or class of objects, §108
(iii).
(vi) Some nouns like enaid,
einioes, corff, colon, pen, may take the article instead of a prefixed
genitive pronoun, as
.......Cyd
chwardder pan henwer hon,
.......Oeri ac
wylo mae’r galon.—D.E. P 76/212.
.......Dyn a ro da
yn i raid,
.......Duw a ranno
da i’r enaid.— G.G1. M 146/171.
.......I’r enaid gwedy’r einioes
.......Y daw’r awr
a’r da a roes. —
Gut.O. A 14967/56.
‘To his soul after
his life will come the gold and the goods he gave.’
This construction is
rare except in poetry; but it survives in everyday speech in some
expressions, more especially inquiries such as
A ydyw’r pen yn well? Is your head better?
Sut y mae’r galon?
It is the usual
construction in Fr., Sp., It., Germ.
We also find
occasionally the article instead of a prefixed pronoun before names of close
relations:
.......Aethost
ynghrafanc angau
.......Cyn y tad, Duw’n caniatau. — W.C1. c.c. 280.
.......Kar y tat . . anrydeδa’r fam. — B.P. 1238.
‘Love thy father,
honour thy mother.’
(vii) As in most
languages, some nouns are definite though not preceded by the article; as Duw
‘God’, tragwyddoldeb ‘eternity’, uffern ‘hell’, angau,
sometimes yr angau ‘death’, nef, now usually y nef ‘heaven’,
nefoedd or y nefoedd ‘heaven’.
.......Troi a
sefyll tra safwyf
.......Tan
grafangau’r angau’r wyf.—I.B.H. v. 18; see B.C.
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(delw 6708) (tudalen 8)
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(x8).......Crist
a’i dug - gŵr o stad oedd
.......Conwy ifanc
i nefoedd. - T.A. A 14875/127.
.......I galyn
Duw, glaned oedd,
.......Yr âi’n
ifanc i’r nefoedd. - T.A. A 14967/89.
(viii) A noun
denoting a unique object, or referring to a person known from the context, is
often used without the article, as if it were a proper name; thus haul for
yr haul, byd for y byd, daear for y ddaear,
ynys for yr ynys ‘the isle’
(of Britain); so, bun, abad.
.......Nid â oerni
o ’Deirnion
.......Ni thywyn haul fyth yw hon. - T.A. c. ii. 76.
.......Symudfawr
fo som adfyd
.......Eglwys Each
lle gwelais fyd. - T.A. A 31102/172.
.......Dywaid, pa
le caid awen
.......Cyn gosod
rhod daear hên? - Gr.O. 79.
.......O rhoid un
yn rhaid Ynys,
.......Nid oes i’w
roi ond Syr Rhys.
- T.A. c 13756/502.
.......Rhyfig it
garu hoewfun,
.......Y Bwa Bach
bum bun. - D.G. Ixx.
Certain nouns are
also definite without the article when used in the ablative to form adverbial
or prepositional expressions; as pryd (y}, lle (y), man (y), modd (y), tu
(a), parth (a), doe, tu yma i, etc.
(i) The omission of
the article has often the force of the English ‘any’, in negative or
conditional sentences:
.......Nad
d’adnabod bysgodyn,
.......Dos heb
ymnddangos i ddyn.
- D.O.G. 49.
.......Trist wy am
gynorthwywr,
.......O bai drist
y byd ar ŵr. - D.I.D. G. 1S3.
For the use of the
article with names of the seasons, etc. see §5; with titles, §24 (i).
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The Article with Proper Nouns of Place and Time
THK USE OF THE
ARTICLE 9
1111; AKTICL^ WITH PROPER NOUNS OF PLACE AND TIME
ii \ (lie article restricts the meaning of a
noun, it
' h.in^fs ;i common
into a proper noun; as y Fron, •ii'ii 11 ll<il<t, ///' \\
)fdd<it'U(f.
I ir .dirif is used
before most proper names of
' ' r 111 " inn ill;' \\ i ( h ;i
\<>\\e|: ;(.s ///• .l/y'/'/r/, y//' Awerlcf, 1' I'///
/// In'in i, 111 A' ///<//, ///• Y.^lxun, yr Alban,
i: 11 Ii I 1;>. see 120, 147, 166. I \\ » r ddoii
/ -, !.<;.( '. m 14()/140.
i ir't ii.e<l
Iteforc^ i)roper names of ' t • "i 11 \ • i . et c .except in
the cases mentioned
iiii / • I ///
/////// ///, ///• Ahcrmaw, yr Aberjfraw in recent 'i' l'iiii:'lr,
like///- I tccrddon. • "••ni /inff/t Abermaw I " '//.// < r t t/tryn dntzv.—D.G.
xxxiii. i • ••rrt m Amwythic.—R.B.B. 200, see also 272, 275. i • "i the
article before names of rivers, as y Fenai,
/ '/, i- a late
importation from English. It does not 'i ill in ^oud Welsh, though yr
lorddonen is biblical.
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10 THE USE OF THE ARTICLE § o Crist Arglwydd ! boed rhwydd
y trai, Cas a chymwynas Menai.—D.O. xxxiii.
Troes Menai tros y mynydd, Troes Dyfrdwy oil,
trisffu'r dydd.—
0.01. c. i. 201 :
c.c. 262.
So Dyjfryn Clwyd,
not Dyffryn y Glwyd; Dyffryn Conwy not Dyjfryn y Gonwy.
(iv) The article is
not used before the names of the months, though y Mat, and rarely yr
Ebrill are used in poetry.
Digrin flaengoed
a'm ocdal,
Duw mawr a roes
doe y Mai.—0.0. exhv.
Llwybr obn/ lle
bu'r Ebrill.- D.O. 228.
(v) Tlie article is
not used before the names of days of the week ; except y Sul, and
rarely y Sadwrn, y Llun.
Ni roi'r saint ar
oriau'r Sul Yr ysgor a roes Gweurul.—G.G\. p
99/237.
The proper names of
days usually follow dydd, duw, or nos in the genitive (§27 (i))
as d i/dd Linn or duw Llun; and the combinations ovon when
followed by nesaf or diwethaf have no article; as d i/dd
[Ann nesaf.
Yn wif nos Wener nesaf
}'u^ nos \Vener
banner Jiaf.—D.O. lii.
l^iit with a deinonst
rative adjective or a superlative followed by o, or otherwise to denote a
certain day in a particular week, they liave the article, as y dydd Llun
hwnnw, y dydd Linn cyntaf (//• ////'.s', // nos Lun y bum i yno '
the Monday night when I was there \
(vi) The art iele is
used hct'orc names of feasts ; as y Pasg 'Easter', // X({doJ!</
t (^iristmas \ dydd Gwener y Groglith ' Oood Friday , f/r
Yiff/d 'Shrove Tuesday'.
But dydd, Nadolig, dydd I'osg, Dnwilun
7\/csv/, D.O. ci.
Dydd a^i bwys nicd
drwedd byd Ar azvenydd yw'r
Ynyd.—D.(i. ci.
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THE USE OF THE
ARTICLE 11 The article is also
used before the names of the i: as yn yr Jzaf ' in summer ?;
yn y gwanwyn ' in
N1 feiddiaf, rhag
anfoddion,
Drycli yr haf, edrych ar hon.—D.O. cxciii. \ lien
the noun is indefinite, meaning ( any summer \ n when it is
used in a general sense, it has no article.
A thoriad pob
llythyren
A chof am haf ziwch fy when.—D.O. lii.
THE ARTICLE WITH PERSONAL NAMES
. The article is
sometimes, but rarely, used with proper i»'s of persons.
) A proper name when
plural is in reality a common 11, for it is common to more than one person ;
hence iay take the article; as y LJivydiaid 'the Lloyds', '<
i^loniaid 'the Ley sons \
Holl synnwyr y Lleisioniaid
W rth i gorff a'n
north a gaid.—
TL. a 14967/20; see L.O.C. 110.
t course, all such
names as Cymro, Sais, are common, and hike the article even in the
singular.
i) Similarly, a proper
name is in a sense common, and take the article, when it is compounded (§ 18
(iii)) i ;»ti adjective; as yr hen Dudur (cf. § 24 (i)).
-1 c arian yr hen Gyrus
Hyn a roid yn nhai
wyr Rhys.—L.O.C. 357.
he article is
generally used when the proper name is
•\\ed by a
demonstrative adjective or its equivalent,
• \ ;i definite
adjectival pronoun ; or when a demon-iive is implied; as y Garsi vrenhin hwnnw y.c.m. 32:
/"^ s- yma Act. vii. 35 ; hzun yw'r Moses a ddywedodd \ li. 37 : Mair Magdalen a'r Fair arall. The omission lie article is rare.
Mawr yw gwaed
hardd Marged hon.—Th.P. c.c. 332.
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12 THE USE OF THE ARTICLE § 7
The article is not
used when an adjective follows the proper name, unless a demonstrative also
follows it, as yr Haman ddrygionus hwn Esther vii. 6. Even superlatives are used without a
preceding article; as logo lelaf sTames the less', except when
followed by o or the relative a.
(iii) A surname or
agnomen formed from an adjective or common noun takes the article when the
proper name is omitted ; as y Du o Fon Gro.O. ii. 242, y Du
TraJiaivc w.m. 154; y Du
Traws r.m. 191.
Siarad a gawsai
ereill, Ef a wnair Llwyd fwt/ na'r lleill.—T.A. (;.
238, see 161.
Many bardic names
were formed of the article with common nouns, some of which are very obscure
; as // (^ipr l. MSS. 289 ;
// Punned, if It
roll.
(iv) A diminutive or
pet name is sometimes used with the article, as y Quito, y Bedo.
Mawr ydyw ^mryd ar
^y mro,
Ac atalffrwyn y Gutto. —H.D. p 111/57.
Ni bu gated y Bedo ;
Na bwyj' ond yr
h</d y ho. —L.(!.('.
430, see 359, 301, 363.
(v) The article is
very generally prefixed to the name lesu. The construction does not
seem to occur in mod. prose; hut it is much older than the translation of the
Bible, and is therefore probably not a direct imitation of o 'J^oroys': as </('r
bum yr iessu.—r.p.
1164.
A phan </o//(',s yr lesu
AJ(u-(h / l'\tlr r/7«w7///?/.—D.E. p 93/257.
E wna'r lesu ///< nsial
A rood o hie ar I
dal.—T.A. a 24980/160.
REPF/rmox or thk article
7. When two or more
definite nouns are connected by conjunctions, the article is placed before
cacti; as y tad
'•'r fam, y gwr
a'r wraig ar plant: nur lad //</'/• jam. This
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THE X^SE OF THE
ARTICLE 13 11 ic case even
when the two nouns refer to the same ' i < '11 or thing :
Chwaer y'w hon,
Ion olezdoer, f'ndad ar lleziad a'r lloer.•—D.G. xxix.
Prydydd oedd Ddafydd i Dduw, Clod. y Drindod a'r Unduzv.—lo.O. 383.
I Ir' only exception
to the rule are expressions in which the '•• nouns are combined to form one
idea; thus y pump a r,i'li a roddais iddo 'the five and six which 1
gave him 5 ;
/^/'//•s' a hanner
'the pound and a half"; y cant namyn un i h<- ninety-nine '; y
bach a dolen º the hook and eye '; y bara ' hnirs ' the bread and
cheese '; yr hir a thoddaid. We also i\»' ///• Un a Thri 'the
One and Three'; but yr Unduw a i f n<{awd is rare, the usual
construction being yr Unduw a'r >i /n'/azud G. 70, or y Drindod
ar Unduw as above.
In Fr. the article is
not repeated if the two nouns refer to r- same person or thinp;. Rowlands'
statement (p. 138) that us is the case in Welsh is Hi'oundless. As seen in
the last i I'.i^raph, the exceptions to the general rule in Welsh are
'.prcssions in which the combination of two different nouns nils in a
new unity.
The same rule holds
good of prefixed pronouns, these i i ug equivalents of the article ; as fy
Arglwydd a'm Duw, >;m xx.28.
Wrth sut eu haraith a'u son
Yr adweinir y dynion.—I.B. r. 39.
Ymlid 'y mhroffid a'm rhent
Yr wyf innau
i'rfynwent.—D.l.D. G. 183. I^or the omission of the
article when a genitive follows, '• ^/13. h'or its use with demonstrative
pronouns, see § 85.
NOUNS, ADJECTIVES, AND PRONOUNS
CASES
<S. The cases of a
noun are the different functions which performs in the sentence. In all but
the first two cases
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14 NOUNS, ADJECTIVES, AND PRONOUNS §8 the noun assumes the character of
another part of speech ;
hence, although the
old Brythonic case-endings are entirely lost in Welsh, and the form of the
noun does not vary with its cases,! cases must still be
distinguished for the purposes of syntax.
The noun, including
its equivalent, the pronoun, has six cases or functions :
1. The Nominative
or subjective case. This is the case of the subject of the verb.
2. The Accusative
or objective case : the case of the object of a transitive verb.
^. The Gcnif'n'c case. Tin's
case is adjectival: a noun in the genitive case always depends upon another
noun.
A noun in i
tic genitive case lias, however, its own article, and is otherwise treated
differently from an adjective. But
it may become a mere
attribute, when its use differs little from that of an adjective.
The term (possessive'
case is too narrow to define the genitive, as possession is only one of the
relations denoted by it; thus, in the simplest phrases, such as Hf/fr
Dafydd, Dafydd does not necessarily possess (lie book—he may only liave
written it; and again in hardd // (fddair it is absurd to say
that the chair possesses the bard. The use in parsing of the words i
possessing ' instead of "depending upon" is still more
objectionable, as it i;i( reduces a confusion between the words p ars( d and
the (11 i n gs d c n o fed by them. Parsing should show (tie relation (o one
another of the words of a sentence, and one iron/ docs not
possess another. In IIy'fr Dafydd the word lljifr is (bat which
is more immediately connected with the rest of (lie sentence; it may be the
subject or object of the verb ; the word /)(([//(/</ is connected
with the sentence only by being dcpon/cnf upon (lie word Jif/fr.
4. The Ablalirc
case. This case is adverbial. Thus in dof adref y Pas/y, the 1101111
/^/.sv/ is m the ablative case, and forms with its article the equivalent of
an adverb of time.
1 In spite of phonetic decay, some
nouns still reflect the old distinctions, their oblique cases being used as
adverbs.
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\o( \S, ADJECTIVES,
AND PRONOUNS 15
11 irl \ in .sy//' yr ochr hon, ochr is in
the ablative case i • 'i nis with its article and
demonstrative the equivalent 11 id\ crb of place.
•\'iil anos y nos i ni
\«'r dydd gynired iddi.—G.Gl. p 75/159.
lii not more
difficult for us at night than during the day-i " 11 mster there '; iddi
(to it' - i'r llys.
• noun governed by a
preposition is in the ablative
;ind forms with the preposition the
equivalent of an 'itº or an adjective. Thus in sefais yn y porth, the
' I //// // porth are equivalent to an adverb of place ; in l>
<1<^ the words heb do are equivalent to an adjective,
•l less \ qualifying ty.
\ >n'positional expression
requires another noun to com-' t lie sense, as ger bron y brenin ; but
the second noun only lilies the first by depending upon it in the genitive
case.
t he preposition and
noun, including the dependent words i •i;i(<-d with the latter, still form
an adverb, or it may be, ' I )<'ct ive.
i I'.rythonic,
besides the ablative and those cases which
Ix-come one with it
(viz. the locative, instrumental, and i 11 >s dative), prepositions no
doubt governed the accusative
I'tilt in Welsh they
must all be regarded as taking the 11 \ c ; thus the relative pronoun
governed by a preposition
• ;il)lative yr,
not the accusative o, though traces of the 'i t he latter are found in old
Welsh.
I' 11 o Vocative
case. This case is inter jectional. A noun ic \ ocative case is an
exclamation or call, usually the
• or description of
the person addressed, and forms >ii( of the sentence. A noun in the
vocative case is i preceded by an interjection; as O Dduw ! rho im dy
I'be Dative
case persists in a few forms of expression.
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AGREEMENT OF NOUN AND ADJECTIVE
9 (i). An adjective
agrees with its noun in gender and number ; thus rhosyn gwyn ' a white
rose \ li1l zven (a white lily \ blodaw gwynion t
white flowers \
(ii) The rule admits
of no exception in the case of gender. If the adjective has a feminine form,
this must be used with a feminine singular noun.
(iii) An adjective
whose plural is formed by vowel affection, as bychain, cedyrn, //////,
eraill, must also agree with a plural noun. Rut \\ lien the plural
of the adjective is formed by adding -ion, (lie masculine singular
form is often used with a plural noun ; as //arnairr cock a.b. 64 ;
arfeu cock b.h.
27 b ; erf/ron du, gwytin, </Azs', Ihvyd 36 b, 37 a: breiniau
dwfn D.G. xcv; dynion mwyn r.m.
21;
meirch do/do. 31. The adjective mawr
generally remains unchanged; myr mawr b.t. 25, 'great seas '; archengylion mawr m.a. i. 399; niferoedd mawr b.m. 8; lloppaneu mawr do. 14,
'great clogs ': (fu'eisson maivr do. 43 ; pethau mawr 2 kSam.
vii. 23, 2 Bren. viii. 4 ; gwyr mawr Diar. xxv. 6, Jer. v. 5.
A mcitfds o ddail ^las gif/n,
A ridcns o'r wan
red yn.--D.G. cxviii.
O will Arm on bu'r rhoddion rhydd
/ (Jdwjfpl, frafn
Ddafydd—Gnt.O. G. 194.
I. The reason for the
exceptions is probably that many plurals in -/'on are comparatively
late formations. Thus the Brythonic º/^7 ros atld its pi. marl
alike gave mawr in Welsh, which i,s therefore both sing. and pi. ; and
the newer pi. mawrion (the nnmutatcd fnr in tin's case shows it
to be exceptionally late) was unable (o supplant the older pi. mawr. Thus
an adjective which appeared to be singular was used, as well as an
apparent plural, with plural nouns. But the option was not extended to
vowel-affected plurals, since no confusion of sing. and pi. was possible at
any period in these. It is seen then that the use of an apparently singular
adj. with
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\<;1U^MRNT OF NOUN
AND ADJECTIVE 17
"•'in is not a
mere modern tendency, but a survival of
•• "f old pi.
forms.
•ll<'\\s from the
above remarks that the adjective should ' -^il ^is plural when it qualifies a
pi. noun though its '< • ;i ppa rently singular.
\\ lien plural
adjectives are used as nouns (or, in other "I , '(iialify implied
nouns), their pi. forms must be used :
/ tiriirrlon '
the great \ Several other adjectives have pi. 'ii ; \\hich are only used
thus.
i \ ) The feminine
singular noun pobi takes a plural r<'hvc: as pobi annoethion
d.g. Ixxxi ; y bobi hyn
\\\il 9; pobi
druain diodion Seph. iii. 12; hut pobi •'i' Dent. ix. 2; pobi
fawr a cJzryfion Joel ii. 2. It'will "I'served that the initial
mutation of the adjectives is if of adjectives following a feminine singular
noun. Diddig wrth bellennig lion, DiUdiog wrth bobi diodion.—H.D. p 99/500. Vs^olheigion, ustysiaid, a ffobyl ddrwg
craill p 59/65 b.
ffi .Med. W.,
however, we occasionally find a fern. sing. i .(fter pobi', as y
bobyl brwc honn s.G. 303. ^flicr singular collective nouns are sometimes
found ' 11 plural adjectives; as llu ieuainc, llu mwynion G.O. 126;
' i' name, and
y do ieuainc L.G.C. 176.
A'r tafod Vr to iefainc
Yn araf iawn ar y
fainc.—T.A. a 14967/89.
'•'• ;ilso § 52.
) U'hen two nouns are
connected by a 4 and \ an ' ' (i\'c qualifying them
is generally plural as above;
i '<.//'/// a
chaseg wyn or wynion. When the nouns are iii<'<-(cd by a
disjunctive conjunction the adjective
\\ ith the last noun,
as ceffyi neu gaseg wen. i) 'I'lic above rules apply when the
adjective is in the I" i(c, except that in this case the plural form is
more ' illy used; y mae'r gwr a'r wraig yn haelion, or yn '''k I ion, ywr gwr a'r wraig. c
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18 POSITION AND MUTATION OF §§ 10, 11
Digrifion, doethion/^r do
Oedd a aned oddi
yno.—L.G.C. 204.
(vii) 1. These rules
also apply when the adjective comes before its noun, and so forms with it a
loose compound, § 18 (iii. v) ; as gwen riain 'fair lady \ But in this
case the adjective generally has its plural form before a plural noun; as dyfnion
bethau 1 Cor. ii. 10. Indeed, many derivative adjectives have plural
forms rarely used except in this way before nouns.
Daw angylion Iwysion lu
Llytn naws a
llinnan Tcs«.—Or.O. SS.
2. When the compound
is accented as one word, the adjective agrees in gender only, as cromlech,
tollgraig, gwenlloer, and tlie compound being regarded as a single word,
the adjective remains unchanged in the plural; as cromlechau.
POSITION AND MUTATION
OF ADJECTIVES AND GENITIVES
10 (i). Adjectives qualifying nouns are placed
immediately after them ; thus gwr da, gwr da doeth ' a good wise man
'.
(ii) A noun in the genitive
case with its article or prefixed pronoun (if any) is placed immediately
after the noun upon which it depends, or after an adjective or adjectives
qualifying that noun; thus llyfr Dafydd 'David's book ', llf/fr y
dyn ' the man's book ', llyfr fy mrawd ' my brother's book \ Hf/fr
newydd Dafydd i David's new book ?.
11. A qualifying adjective following its noun
has the soft initial mutation if the noun is feminine singular, the radical
consonant if the noun is masculine or plural. The rule applies to each of a
series of adjectives appended to a noun. Thus, torn. sing. gu'raig dda
ddoeth; mas. sing. gwr da doeth', mas. pi. gwyr da doeth;
fern. pi. gwragedd da doeth.
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ADJECTIVES AND GENITIVES 19
II t he adjective
qualifies two or more nouns joined by "n junction, the mutation is
determined by the gender
I i lumber of the
last noun only; thus gwr a gwraig dda. llr reason for the above rule
is that fern. sing. nouns
II y ended in a vowel
in Brythonic, and therefore caused '•t'l r natation, which after the loss of
the old endings was i • ii<led to adjectives following alt fern.
sing. nouns. As the in -iii^. adj. also usually ended in a vowel, the second
adj. i mutated for the same reason.
In V.W. bach
(but not bechan) remains unmutated after i- in. sing. noun. Prof. Rhys
has suggested that this may 11 ic to a lost initial s (cf. Gr. fnKpos
for o/u/cpos-). This would ( n-.ited as the final consonant of the preceding
word, and •i i Ii 1 drop, leaving the b unmutated [but cf. W.G. 156].
The
11 mutation is
sometimes met with in the bards; as Ni liwiodd dim oleuach Na'r seren gron
bzirwen bach.—D.G. 97. Y fun bach fwyn i buchedd, Felys i min o flas medd.—An. c 49/7, cf. D.G.
338.
In ;i few expressions
d is not mutated after fern. nouns 1111^ in s ; as nos da.
For the mutation of an adj. in the iip.irative degree see § 30. For the
mutation of an adj. l'»\\ \\\^ a sing. noun with a numeral see § 54.
12 (i). A noun or
pronoun in the genitive case deter-iics the noun upon which it depends by
pointing out to .oni or what it is related; as llyfr Dafydd 'David's
"k \ the book which he possesses, or which he has 11 (eu—the precise
relation must be gathered from the nicxt. This is the ordinary genitive,
which may be II' d the ' determinative ? genitive, to distinguish
it from
•ittributive ', § 14.
\\ lu'n º genitive '
is used without qualification, <; determina-
-••nitive' will be
understood.
ii) When a noun, or a
noun with its qualifying adjec-' is immediately followed by a noun
depending upon it i lie determinative genitive, the latter has its radical
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20 POSITION AND MUTATION OF § 13
initial, irrespective
of the gender or number of the former. Thus drws ty ' the door of a
house ', ffenestr ty ' the window of a house \ffenesfri tai '
the windows of houses \
We should expect the
genitive to be mutated like an adjective, since it occupies the same position
after the noun but see § 14, note 2.
Proper names in the genitive are anomalous] y mutated.
13 (i). A noun, though definite, cannot have
the article when it is followed by a noun in the determinative
genitive : thus mob // brenin ' [the] son of the king \ mab
Gwiff/m ' [the] sou of (^wilyru \ This is true of the second noun if it
in its turn is followed by a noun in the genitive, and so on, the last noun
oni y admitting of the article. LliJ>> nu'/hofi hr< n/nn // </fob('t
r<'h)f. k.m. '22'.}.
A (/al ar gcrdd odIaiTr ^o^ Ac adar
y fron goedwg.—D.E. c 49/37.
A brenin y ^ogoniant a ddaw i nievm.—Ps. xxiv. 7.
Numerous place-names
such as l^en^if-Bont^ Tal-y'bont, Tal-y-cafn exemplify the rule.
The reason for the
rule is that [lie nouu is made definite by the s^enit ive t hat follows ;
thus the exact Lhi^lish equivalent of )n<il) n brcnhi is f/ic
a'///y/\s' son^ where son
for the same reason lias no article. The rule is observed in some other
languages, e. ^. Arabic, in which the order of the words is the same as in
Welsh.
(ii) When the noun in
the genitive is indefinite, the first 1101111 is definite or indefinite
according to the sense, as il//n'odt'a< If/ (/iriad i t
he government of a country \ dalen //////' ' a leal of a book \
The first noun may be
preceded by an indefinite adjective, as rh)f)<\f(ib
/>/•<///'//, /•//////' ddab'n H'/fr: or by predicative yn,
as //n fab brenin.
(iii) It follows from
(i) that a definite noun cannot be put in the genitive if the noun upon which
it depends is required to be indefinite : in that case the dependent noun
must be governed by a preposition : as mab i'r
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ADJECTIVES AND
GENITIVES 21
// 'a son of the
king'; dalen o'r llyfr ' a leaf of the
•I. ' ; see § 121 (iii).
llfiice the
prepositional construction must be used
i ' n t he first noun
is qualified by an indefinite adjective ;
///////' fab i'r
brenin ' a certain son of the king ? ; or is
r ' cdcd by
predicative yn ; as oherwydd ei fed yntau yn
' / Abraham
Luc xix. 9, cf. xiii. k). i.'nilarly,
genitive prefixed pronouns which make nouns 11 ite must be replaced by
personal forms of prepositions,
ilr- noirn is
indefinite ; as, 0,'? mab ym oedd G.Gr. D.a. 254 ;
•1'rl / mi D.G. 256.
'i\) I. Since
demonstrative adjectives must be accom-niicd by the article, § 101, nouns
qualified by them 11 mot 1)6 followed by nouns in the genitive, and the pre-
•' itional
construction must be used: as y mab Jiwn Fr n i n ' this son of the
king \ But sec § 122 (iv).
I'•111 L'enitive
pronouns are used, (hoiiu-h rarely, taking tlie ; " <• <»f the
article, § 101 (iii).
' } r J(oll
witli a noun may have a dependent genitive, the i 111 Ic being omitted, see §
114 (ii). But y naill..., y ... arall i' followed by a
prepositional construction; as <rr naill
••/1 >i /'/•
cerub . . . o't ad ain arall i'r cerub, . . .
o^r naill gzvrr ^'>w
iniibl ef, 1 Bren. vi. 24. But such forms as
fy mrazvd arall, rl l'/'<iwd arall Dafydd n^ay be heard.
; \ noun qualified by
a superlative adjective may have
li^f {a} the
article and a prepositional construction, as //// ncliaf y Gevyn Olutno
ŵ.m. 98, y rann issaf
o^r byt
" >i
\\..\. 53, fel
darn o'r maen isaf i felin Job xh. 24;
Y Ilyn dyfnaf o^r
afon, fsaf fis Jiaf yw i
^n.—G.I.H. r. 41.
/') ;i (((^pendent
genitive, in which case it drops its article;
I'nrtlHfH isaf y
ddaear Eph. iv.
9; ar g'wrr isaf dust ddehau '// l^x. xxix. 20; tua phen isa^r
stryd b.c. 19; i ben
n(•ha\r i'^dd do. 27.
l Nouns qualified by
ordinal numbers are followed by the ["•-ilional construction; as Y webi
c/ynfaf o'r pudcs' . . . I'li i') n'eb'i o'/' pader it..a. 14<S.
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22 POSITION AND MUTATION OF § 14
5. Nouns qualified by
demonstrative equivalents yma, acw, etc., and the nouns tu, parth,
etc., take the prepositional construction; thus, or tu deheu y'r wybrenn
il.a. 91; o'r tu cefn i^r
caerau b.c 9, tu arall
fr stryd do. 15, tu draw fr pyrth do. 17; or parth arall y'r
mynyd w.m. 179. (Tu
is definite without tlie article.)
(v) A noun in the
genitive, on the other hand, may be qualified by the article, a
demonstrative, or any adjective definite or indefinite.
14 (i). A noun in the
genitive case may lose its nominal character entirely, and become a mere
attribute, as in saer maen ' a stone mason \ bardd teulu 'a
household bard ', ]hvy bren 'a wooden spoon \ Ifc^fr pridd 'an
earthenware vessel \ [y ywydr ' a glass house \ These attributive genitives
are used almost exactly like adjectives ; they differ in use from
determinative genitives in the following respects :
1. They cannot take
the article. If the expression is definite, the article is placed before the
noun, as y saer maen, y bardd teulu, y Jhvy bren. In the case of a
determinative genitive, the article, as seen in the above section, comes
between the tw o nouns, as coes y bwrdd ' the leg of the table '.
Y llwyn bedw diannedwydd
Lle da i aros lliw
dydd.—D.G. 152.
dumnefJi fy
neurudd yn bruddion
Ac o llw y gwiail onn.—D.N. m 136/146.
Tom (iff yntnu a
ymwan
Tros wind iiwnt
d'r trosol tan.—L.G.C. 95.
2. They are mutated
like adjectives after fern. sing. nouns; thus // ////•// fu'rdd 'the
table spoon', y felin wynt ' the windmill \ // (Jadair dderw '
tlie oak chair \
3. They may he made plural
to agree with the nouns which they qualify ; as ,st//'/ me in, il.a.
46, modern seiri meini ' stone masons \ iliryau prcnnau
' w ooden spoons ?, tai gwydrau ' glass houses '.
An attributive
genitive, however, differs from an adjec-
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i i ADJECTIVES AND GENITIVES 23 ' i\ r in that it may be plural on
its own account; as yr "fd flodau 'the flower garden'; gwal
gerrig 'a stone
•,)ir.
Gwal gerrig wrth Gilgwri A thy porth ar i
thop Tiz.—Gut.O. g. 200.
(s i) A noun in the
attributive genitive forms with its I'terminate the equivalent of a compound
noun; thus an rljective following it qualifies not it but the combination, i .^ner
maen da ' a good stone mason \ The English
• 'liiivalent of the
combination is frequently a compound, i fftelin wyni ' windmill \
carreg filltir i milestone ?.
\()te 1. Words
denoting material (metals, woods, etc.) are . • iv probably adjectives
in origin as well as in use when they ' |ii;ilifynouns. Thus, whilst teulu
in pen teulu is undoubtedly i Lenitive originally, aur in coron
aur is probably an adjec-li\»-, representing aurea rather than auri,
so that 'golden
• n>\vn\ not
'crown of gold'1, is the literal meaning. The iliiibutive genitive
thus appears to liave a twofold origin:
I ) ;i genitive; (2)
an adjective, whose form, since the loss of ih»' ending, is indistinguishable
from that of the noun, see
li>2 (i) Note.
vote 2. Since
the initial mutation of a word depends iiixni the general character of the
ending in Brythonic of the \\ri(l that preceded it, it is natural that an
attributive geni-11\ <' should be softened, like an adjective, after a
fern. sing. iriiiii. The difficulty is to explain why the same rule does
n"l ;ipply to the determinative genitive.
There are two ways in
which a common noun may stand 111 t he determinative genitive without the
article : (1) it is in-
!• liiiite, as in poen
pen; (2) it is followed by another noun in i lr' genitive as in dor ty
fy nhad. The determinative genitive i i^cn orally definite, and of these
two constructions the
' ' <>nd
predominates largely. It is therefore probable that i lir non-mutation of the
genitive originated in the second i ^ I'º' of phrase. It may be accounted for
by the fact that ilr- distribution is d6r-}-ty fy nhad, and not dor
dy+fynhad.
\ hlls ft)
fy nhad was marked off from dor in the speaker's
mud, <ind this
isolation would tend to be represented in his
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24 COMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES §§ 15, 16
pronunciation by the
radical. The break of continuity is seen more clearly when the number of
genitives is multiplied, as in allwedd dor ty fy nhad, or Hys
meibon brenhin y diobeiveint § 13 (i) (Ilys is fem. in Med.W.).
When this form had established itself in the second type of phrase,
non-mutation came to be regarded as a sign of the determinative genitive, and
was extended to phrases of the first type. It is to be noted that in Breton
these mostly preserve the original mutation, thus poan galon; whilst
non-mutation is the rule in others as dor ti ma zdd, Hingant 29, 136.
Proper names, not
requiring the article, form expressions of the same form as those of the
first type. There is, therefore, no reason except the annlogy just mentioned
why llazv Dduw and Uaw Fan' should undergo ch.mge; as a matter
of fact they resisted change down to recent times, arid benditJi Dduw
is preserved (o this day. See § 2,") (ii), Note.
COMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES
15. Nouns and adjectives are freely compounded
in Welsh. The formation of compounds is an ordinary grammatical construction
: any elements may be combined whether the combination is in general use or
not, just as any adjective may qualify any noun. Compounds are frequently
formed in poetry and descriptive prose, and even in common speech.
Ef a weld varchawc
yn y ol y ar gatvarch,
kadarndew, kerbet-brut, llydan-garn, bron-ehang.—B.M. 282.
16 (i). The second element of a compound has
the soft initial mutation irrespective of the gender or number of
either element; as Jiaj'-ddydd ' a summer's day \ gwyrdd-las
(gwyrdd \-gla^i) 'greenish blue \ pen-yam 'wry-headed', byr-noes
'short-logged', filr-gnrn 'oval' |w.(i. 260-1].
The reason for the
initial mutntion of the second element is that in Brythonic the first clement
of a compound generally ended in a vowel (see I^rugnumn ii. 04 7) : thus the
Brythonic proper name JMaglo-cunos gives Mael-gwn; with the
elements reversed we liavo Cuno-nniglos, which has given
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COMPOUND NOUNS AND
ADJECTIVES
'/n-fael. From these examples it is seen
that the initial of ir- second element is softened because it came originally
'••i ween vowels.
(ii) But if the first
element ends in n or r and the second i "'^ins with II,
the II is not mutated ; thus gwin-llan ' vine-
,ird \ per-llan
'orchard', Jiir-llaes 'long flowing', gwyn-'^'•//d,
'whitish-grey', ian-Uwyili 'fire' (lit. 'fire-heap'),
" nhin-llwyttz
'royal family \
Jar-lies dan gnwd o eurllin
Banadi aur o ben
hyd lin.—D.CL vii.
y Hew rhy hael yn
lle Rhys
Yn i winllan a'i wenllys.—L.G.C. 8.
!'>ut when a
compound is consciously formed, this rule is ''iiictimes neglected; see enrlen,
geirlon D.O. Ivii, iriwyn, do. I,' iv, perlwyn, do. ch.
xii.
17. (i). Either of the elements of a compound
may i" ;i uoun or an adjective: compounds of two elements iic therefore
of the following forms : A, noun + noun ; B, i <
I jective + noun ; C, adjective 4- adjective : D, noun
+ ad-' < (ive.
(ii) Compounds of the
forms A and CJ may be co-ordi-"J'tiKJ, 'the two members standing
side by side on the •me level' (Brugmann ii, § 49).
I. (\)-ordinating
noun compounds are very rare in ^rish. The following is an example : glas-dw'r
(for glas-''"-,-) 'milk and water3 (glas being
an obsolete word for milk \ OJr. glas, Stokes-Fick, 119).
\ ( all periods
co-ordinate nouns are generally joined by
11 junctions, as bara
a cliaws, gzuynt a glow.
.\ Co-ordinating adjective compounds
are, however, of i\ frequent occurrence; as gwyn-ddoetli D.G. 41 'fair
11'I wise\ mein-wen 'slender and fair', esgud-falcJi D.G. 51
'.; it and proud ', iew'lwyd' thick grey?, hir-feJyn
441, b.c. 5 ii^ yelloŵ', givridog-lwyd
T.A. c. ii. Sl ' ruddy (faced) i I l'tcv
(-haired) \
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26 COMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES § 17
(iii) Compounds of
all forms may be subordinating. In these ' one member is denned more
closely by the other ? (Brugmann, loc. cit.). The first
element is subordinated to the second, which contains the principal idea; and
in its primary meaning the part of speech of the compound is the same as that
of its second element; thus forms A and B are noun compounds, forms C and D
are adjective compounds.
1. In subordinating
compounds of the form A the first element is either adjectival, as in eur-llin,
§ 16 (ii) ' golden flax ', creig-lawr D.G. Sl ' rocky ground \
or stands in a genitive or dative relation to the second, as dusen-dy '
almshouse \ cauh^i/il-hrcn ' candlestick \ But no definite line can be
drawn between the two meanings ; thus dyn-waedd D.G. 360 may mean
either a ' human cry' or a ' mans cry '. Further examples are teyrn-fardd
r.p. 1167, 'royal bard5,
gaeaf-nos D.G. 105, 'winter night5, banJiadl-Iwyn
48, bedwen-frig 78, dein-cryd 385,< gnashing of
teeth ?, gwin-wydd 64, cad-farch, pysgod-lyn, Es.
xxii. 9, Jiaf-ddydd, il.a. 93,
haf-ddail, etc.
In many compounds
used in poetry the genitive relation stands oni clearly; as kenetyl
noted (=-- cenedl nobed), b.b.
16 4 the protection of a nation ', broyb
vrenhin k.p. 1144 <
sovereign of realms', brenhineb benn do. 1172 ' king of kings', mynwes
gylchynictd D.C. 92 'a circling of the bosom', Botffordd bab D.E.
a. 102, Tudur Iwyfh D.G. 35, Tywifro L.G.C. 152, Maelaivr
oleum D.N. s.r. 139.
2. In subordinating
compounds of the form B the adjective qualifies the noun ; as man-aur
D.G. 13 ' fine gold ?, glas-fryn 142, /nr-uos 279, /nein-zvynt
267, man-wawn 76, noeth-dir 187, hawdd-fyd. 203, man-ddaiJ
197, croyw-law 80, hir-ddydd, hen-wr, dryg-waifh, rhydU-iailfi
'prose', marw-ddwr 'stagnant water', fr//m-gu^g, givydd-farch
'wild horse' {gwydd ' wild ', Ir. fiad).
The adjective agrees
in gender with the noun, as crom-
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17 COMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES 27 /////// w.m. 104, b.m. 76, later cronglwyd, D.G. 361, 405;
'«-h-wen D.G. 81; gwen-ferch Gr.O.
6, gwen-don do. 124;
">/f/-lech,
y wenn-aul (for wenn-haul)
'the bright sun' /"in/ fern.).
Where the fusion of
the two elements is complete the l»liiral of the compound is formed by making
the second ' Icment plural, leaving the first unchanged, thus crom-!'
r//f/,u, rubemezi il.a. 96,
gwyddfeircJi, gwyddgwn m.a. i.
'OS, gwydd-filod. But where each element preserves its ''parate
significance the two are usually made plural, and •'parately accented, § 18
(v).
3. In subordinating
compounds of the form C, the first nljective qualifies the other, as perffeith-deg
D.G. 67 perfectly fair', gwyrdd-las 'greenish-blue', melyn-goch yellowish
red', hir-grwn ' oval', claer-wyn m.a. i. 92 brilliantly ŵhite', Jlyfn-dew
'sleek', {floyw-ddu tl.a. 93
glossy black '.
The second element
has its feminine form when tlie < oinpound qualifies a feminine noun, as claer-wen
D.G. 48;
t lie first element
may also be feminine, as gwen-glaer, '//ron-gan, but these are perhaps
co-ordinating ; usually it retains its stem form, as llyfn-dew,
melyn-goch, because it qualifies the second element, not the noun.
The second element
may take a plural ending, or an '•tiding of comparison; as claer-wynnyon
il.a. 92, gloyw-'Hon do.
93, gloyw-buaf, Jlafhyr-wynnaj', klaer-wynnaf, do.;
'ff^s-feinion D.G. 87.
Dwy fron mor
wynion a'r ody Gloyw-wynnach na gwylanod.-—D.G. 148.
4. In subordinating
compounds of form D. i. the noun generally depends on the adjective in the
relation of genitive of respect; as cefn-llwyd D.G. 37 'grey-kicked5,
clust-hir 93, 'long-eared', coes-goch 30, 'red of 1<\U-', lliw-ddu
38, 'black of colour', lliw-rudd 179, awch-lem "•00,
'keen-edged5, bonhedd-falch 115, 'proud of race'. ii. The
relation may, however, be that of the genitive
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28 COMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES § 17
of comparison, as calcJi-glaer
D.G. 33, ' bright as chalk ?, fflam-goch il.a. 95, ' red as a flame \
Arian-wen ' Silver-white 5, cf. Eng. sky-blue etc. ; or
the partitive genitive, as rhadlazun {raiJav^n r.p. 1107) 'full of grace7, cp. Eng. hopeful.
The adjective lias
its feminine form when the compound qualifies a feminine noun; as mynygl-zven
D.G. 137, llawdr-wen 93, cefn-fraith 93, Uygad-rofJi
366, trwyn-Hem 395, pen-grecJz, tal-gref.
Y fun daivel wallt-felen
Kurŵ<1 i/
bcucii <n' <J <j bcn.—V).(\. 107.
The adjective mav
also he made plural or compared, as nnn-(fcinnoH D.G. 72, lal-f/ff/fto/i,
l^ncn-llyniton m.a. i. 568,
blaen-llynu'i, blucn-llymaj' w.m.
176, § 118 (v) 4.
(iv) The following
special cases of compounds of forms A and C are to be noted.
1. CJompounds of
synonymous elements. Nouns: iorf-lu (toryuulu b.b. 1-2) : rhiein-fun D.G. 29 : berw-las
Gr.O. 90; bwysf-fii. Adjectives: hir-faiUi, un'tott-^f/ff/,
nrwyn-gu, noeili-hurn, all in common use.
2. Reduplications of
nouns. The compound always stands in the ablative, and therefore lias always
a soft initial: as qcj'n-g^fn 'back to back', ben-ben 'at
loggerheads', ff'f'fcfi-fnnrh k arm in arm', dal-dal
D.G. 91, w.m. 438
-tctc-a-tctc', fin-fin D.G. 327,333, droed-droed, 368. The two
elements miist be monosyllabic and always form a. .strict compound. The
compound may stand independently, or may l»e followed by a ' with \
and a noun.
Lawlaw a ////', Itli nior.- D.C.
^2, cf. ^1 I.
3. Reduplications of
adjectives. A positive adjective is sometimes repeated, to enhance its
meaning : as isel isel, Deut. xxviii. 43 : as a rule the second
adjective lias a soft initial, which makes the reduplication a compound, as mawrfaivr:
A da dda hyd i ddiwedd, W.IL. c 90. The
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(IMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES 29
I' •in cuts are
separately accented; very rarely accented
• one word, as pell-bell,
§ 47. The second adjective is often its radical initial, so that the two are
in no ' use compounded; as Da da fu o grud hyd fedd, W.IL.
I '^duplicated
comparatives are of common occurrence
•\.(;.254-5]. 1. All
the compounds in this sub-section are perhaps
• > ordinating.
(v) Like any oilier
adjective, § 28, a compound with r l)cctive-final may be used as a noun. This
may occur in (wo ways : (1) The second element is an adjective used i - ;<
noun, as in mawr-ddnug, pi. mawr-ddrygau (-k.p. 1173),
•/-•-/r/r ' unpalatable truth \ (2) The compound
regarded i ;i unit is used substantively. Cb-ordinating compounds "I
form C are frequently so used, as dizveir-wen D.G. 305, "rm-gu
315. The compounds 'mci //-//•, mdn-imi, mein-'•'/'77, 88, 392,
92, 265, rarely appear as adjectives, though
'• (ind rJiiain
feinir, 395. Examples of compounds of '"im D always used as nouns
are bron-fraith 'thrush', ''!<>K-iuen 'weasel', llof-rudd
'murderer5, gylfin-ir (for /'/i' lui-Mr) ' curlew ',
and many names of plants, amran-wen, "/ Ifwyd, etc., and
personal names, Bron-wen. [For cadwyn-/ //•, see Cerdd
Dafod, 351.]
(vi) 1. A compound
whose second element is a noun is
civ frequently used
as an adjective ; thus melyn-zi'allt means 'yellow-haired' as often as
'yellow hair \ The i r of a simple noun as an adjective is somewhat
restricted,
I 22 ; thus we cannot
say dyn dawn,—an adjectival form i':irnn.s or doniol is
here necessary; but ŵe may say dyn
•!
"///r-ddawn, I for hoyiv-ddawn, D.G. 5. This adjectival
II c of
noun-compounds unchanged goes back to primitive \ ryan ; in Greek, e. g. po8o-8dKrv\os
' rosy-fingered ?, in pite of its form, was used as a fern. as
well as a masc. "Ijcctive (Brugmann, ii. 92). The following remarks on i
lie construction in Sanskrit apply equally to Welsh :
- That a noun . . .
should be added to another noun . . . with
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30 COMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES § 17
a value virtually
attributive ... is natural enough, and occurs in many languages; the
peculiarity of the Sanskrit formation lies in two things. First, that such
use should have become a perfectly regular and indefinitely extensible one in
the case of compounded words, so that any compound with noun-final may be
turned without alteration into an adjective, while to a simple noun must be
added an adjective-making suffix in order to adapt it to adjective use. . . .
And second, that the relation of the qualified noun to the compound should
have come to be so generally that of possession, not of likeness, nor of
appurtenance, nor of any other relation which is naturally involved in such a
construction.'— Whitney, ^ansk. (Irani. § 1294.
Compounds so used are
soinct imcs called 'secondary' as opposed to 'primary', or tnufdta as
opposed to immutata (Brugmann ii. 92). Brugmann's translators use '
epithetised ' as opposed to ' non-epithetised \ They are also termed
possessive compounds, because the adjectival idea implied is [possessing] as
above noted. But the most usual name is that by which they are denoted by the
Sanskrit grammarians —bahuvrlhi. This word is an example of the class,
and means '[possessing] much rico ', cf. lllowtwg-frahit D.(^. 25 ([possessing]
many privileges \
In the following
examples, whore possible, the noun which the 6^7////?'/'z///-coin pound
qualifies is given in Roman characters. Form A : pobi aur-drysor D.G.
40, edn bysgod-fwyd 51, yn glod-gamp 54, dcil-gofl 85, '
[possessing] a breast of leaves', llŵdn rhcdi/n-wdl 152, beirdd penceirdd-ryw
131, dynewyn-gorjf 374, LiTo ctir-ivallt g 156, Lh'o friallu-wallt 158,
Angharad lenad Ic^i/ch s.r. 168;
dyn blaen-llaw. Form B: Y ferch wiwdd(i,-(>fcfiH\t/l,
ddiweir-chwaen D.G. 21, ddyn rudd-ael rwydd-wallt, oni nrt/dd-air
21, oigr fcin-gorff 22, eos ysgafn-llef a bronfraith dd'igr'tf-xnth
37, y donn groch-lais 74, tafawd difei-wawd do., cue vian-gocd
78, dyn gy'son-air 85, ysgyfarnog gyflym-daith 93, om hof/w-bn/d
97, cos glwys-gerdd, 153, rhiain fein-ael 173, bardd araJl-trlad
267, morbwydyb kadyr-weith il.a.
94, mab serchawc-vryt 95, makwy scrchowg-ddcddf gystudd-liw
lo.G. 668, yn wag-law Ruth iii. 17, paunes uchel-drem b.c. 14, stryd lan-waith 9,
drem arw-gucJi Or.O. 199.
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COMPOUND NOUNS AND
ADJECTIVES 31
The first element is
sometimes made feminine if the pound agrees with a fem. noun; as merch felen-wallt
I '.< ;. 419, but more usually it has its stem form, asgwenddyn
///^-ddaintD.G. 206, 419.
^. Like ordinary
adjectives, § 28 (ii), these may again i m
come subtantival by qualifying implied nouns. Thus the
• I >< i. niein-ael
may have three meanings, (1) noun, ' fine brow ',
;') adjective t
fine-browed'', (3) noun ' fine-broŵd one' (cf. I; n^lish red-breast,
blue-beard).
\. These cpds. are doubtless, in
origin, nouns used as adjec-11\ cs. This is clearly true of cpds. of form A,
which contain no adjectival element; it is also true of those of form B, like
in< hi-ael, as the evidence of Sanskrit and Greek shows. But mi
hiael seemed to be the adj. cpd. ael-fain, D.G. 281, of lorm D
with its elements reversed: and this idea appears to have influenced the
formation of some cpds. of this type I'tins in melynwallt as a noun, melyn
agrees with gwallt; it
hould therefore
retain its form when the cpd. noun is used ;is an adjective; hence the form felen-wallt
is perhaps gwallt-t< ten with its elements reversed. This is
probably the explanation of a few cpds. of this type in Welsh which are not
• possessives'. Gwen-ll'ian
does not mean i possessing white 111 ion ' but (
white as linen '; it is ^BUan-wen with its elements i»'versed—cf. Arian-wen
'•white as silver'. See (viii) below.
5. Though bahuvrlhi
cpds. are of very common occurrence . \ s shown by the above examples,
they are much less frequent-1\ used than adj. cpds. of form D. Thus in w.m. 217, we i ii id one of the
former llydan-garn, and four of the latter '/tudeith-wastat,
dremhyn-vawr, kerbet-brut, bron-ehang. Of < j)ds. referring to parts
of the body, three of the former are in common use, hir-ben, gwag-law,
and ysgafn-droed; the number of the latter is very great, pen-wyn,
pen-wan, pen-'fini, pen-drwm, clzistew {dust-dew}, jfroen-denau, tafod-rydd,
/nfotrvJg, llaw-drwrn, croen-dew, pen-fras, etc.
(vii) Verb-stems
which are used as verbal adjectives
• orresponding to
both active and passive participles, enter into composition with nouns as
follows :
1. Noun + passive
participle, (a) The noun depends upon
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32 COMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES § 17
the participle in the
genitive of respect, the combination being an ordinary adjective cpd. of form
D : as safn-rwth, ceg-rwth D.G. 344 ' with distended mouth ' ; bol-rwth,
tor-dyn;
pen-goll 'with lost head \ (jwr<.
-idd-goll ' with lost root \ technical terms relating to cynghanedd ; pen-doll
r.m. 119 'with perforated
head', pen-droch, oes-draid D.G. 326 - wliose life is spent'. The
verbal adjective twn 'broken', which has no verb, forms many of these
cpds. as trwyn-diun, etc. (&) The noun stands to the participle in
the relation of genitive of cause, etc.; as lloer-gan ' moon-lit ', gzvln-faeth
D.G. 259, º nourished on wine '.
2. Noun )-active
participle. The noun is governed by the participle; as givfn-dr<ntl
D.G. 4.") - wine-consuming \ canghen-ddring 104 ' branch-climbing
' ; i-hodd-har 9, -gift-causing', as rinrf/ydcdd-gncft
honoured \ Adjectives in -gar are a particular case of this formation;
<is (n't(in-(J(n\ t money-loving' brwydr-qur (r.p. 1173); the first element is
often a verb-stem used as a noun, as meddyl-gar, dioddefgar D.G. 209, ymrodd-gar, meistrol-gar (v.n. meistroli).
[Cf. w.g. 256-7, another explanation of -gar.}
3. Participle -\
noun, the participle, active or passive, qualifying the noun, and forming
with it a, noun-compound:
(a) Active, clu'-lnw D.G. 233 k
beating rain ', sugn-draeth 196 'quick-sand'; (b) Passive, as briw-ddail
D.G. 124 'broken leaves', dcwis-ddifn 261, dcwis-dyn, dcwistyn m.a. i. 277.
4. Active participle
moun, the participle governing the noun. The c'pd. is an adj. being
equivalent to a cpd. of class 2 above ŵith its elements reversed: haedd-waiud
D.G. 413, h(icdd-f<nd 115, iniedd-barch I.B.H. 223, llam-dwyn
D.G. 93, t hush leaping', ^^Ig-frwydr 25, 'battle
crushing'.
5. Passive participle
! noun, forming an adj. cpd. (a) The cpd. is of the class 3 (?>), become bdhuvrlhi,
as giva-sgar-izm ( [possessing | a scattered form'. (6) It
is a cpd. of the class 1 (b) with its elements reversed, as c')'lid-l«nw
D.G. 195 'flood-hunted '.
6. Adjective i
passive participle, the adjective qualifying the participle adverbially, as gwyr-blyg
D.G. 255 'bent crooked'.
7. Active participle
; adjective as rlx'd-fdWt' {retvazvr b.p.
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1^ COMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES ii^(>)
'of great pace', ehed-lym 'of sharp flight'; cyrhaedd-
IL cf. 2 above. The verbal noun is
also thus used, as
r'/dcd-ddrud, § 15.
(\ iii) A few
anomalous cpds. occur. These consist almost ^ holly of cpds. in which the
natural order of the elements is "versed, the subordinate element being
put last; as llygaid
•'^d-dwyll D.G. 371 for tzuyll-fodd
'of deceitful manner';
''"r-f/nlch 20, for calch-Uw 314
(other examples of nouns with ilicir initial mutated after lliw in
D.G. are probably to be
• \ plained in the
same way); y wawr-ddydd 'the day-dawn', ^ here the gender of the cpd.
shows the fem. gwawr to be the iiltordinating element; gwarth-rudd,
pensaer-wawd W.IL.
11 is probable that
in parent Aryan the order of the
• laments was at
first optional, and that the subordinate
• lenient only
gradually established itself in the prior position. 1 '110 above cpds. would
thus be explained as survivals of an
'ider once common, as
would the Sanskrit pitamaJfa t grand-i .it her', etc. The
freedom of order in personal names, e.g. I '• rythonic Cuno-maglos,
Maglo-cunos, Cynfael, Maelgwn, also
' ingests a primitive
period in which the elements of cpds. 'enorally could be combined in any
order.
18 (i). Compounds are commonly accented
regularly on i he penult. The accentuation is generally attested by the \
nghanedd when the word occurs in poetry. [See W.G. 56,
45, i. (1), (2),
(3).]
(ii) [w.g. 57, § 45, ii. (1), (2), (3).]
(iii) 1. When an
adjective in the positive degree comes before its noun, the noun has the soft
initial mutation for
• 11 genders and
numbers: the combination is, in fact, a I "use compound. Thus
grammatically Jzen wr is precisely ' he same as Jienwr; the
difference is merely one of accen-' imtion. Such loose cpds. are frequently
found in poetry.
Gwilym yw'r ail
cynheiliad Ar 61 dwyn i wrol
dad.—U.K. m.f.
i-'. In loose cpds.
the rule as to the non-mutation of II after <>rr, § 16 (ii), is
often neglected. But examples of non-muta-r'n are common, especially after hen,
as hen Ilys p 121/35 k. D
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COMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES §§ 19-22
A gwddw tebig i
Iddew A rhawn llaes fal yr hen
llew.—IL. A
14967/20.
Yr hen Hew a fethodd o elsien sclyfaeth.-—Job.
iv. 11. So in the authorized version ; changed in late editions to Yr hen
lew.
(iv) 1, 2. [See w.g.
269, § 157, 1. ii (1)J.
(v) In a loose cpd.
the first element, if an adjective, is generally plural when the second
element is a plural noun, as dyfnion bethau. Two plural nouns may also
form a loose cpd. : as arglimfddi frodyr r.b. col. 1091 : Ha wyr frodyr Act. i. 16.
(vi) Two adjectives
joined by a conjunction may, at least in the later language, form a loose
cpd. with a noun, as eu a chywir gyfaill. If the noun be definite, the
article precedes both adjectives ; as y eu a'r cywir gyfaill.
More idiomatic is the
construction in which the first adjective forms a loose or strict cpd. with
the noun, which is then understood with the second adjective, as yr hen
destament a'r newydd:
Yn inch hardd-^amp nn cherddgar.—W.IL. g.
19 (i-iv). [See w.o. 261, § 155, iii. prif
(1), hen (2), gwir, gan (3), (4), cam.] The above adjj. generally
precede their nouns, and so form cpds., mostly loose, with them.
20 (i). The definite and indefinite adjectives y
naill, rhyw, y rhyw, amryzv, cyfryw, unrhyw, holl, y sawl^ ychydig, ambeU
form cpds. with their nouns, see §§ 104, 110, 111,
114,116, 117.
(ii) tied and pur
are compounded wdth adjectives [w.G.
262-3, § 155, iv. (1), (2)1.
21. [Sec w.d. 58-9, § 46, i. ii. (I), (2), (3),
(4), (5), (6),
iii. (1), (2). Notc(l), (2)|.
22. The noun pen forms with adjectives
and nouns
proper and improper
cpds.
(i) With adjectives
it forms proper cpds. of form D as
penwyn, pengam,
pendrwm.
(ii) It is followed by attributive genitives; as pen teulu,
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COMPOUND NOUNS AND
ADJECTIVES 35
" // />obydd,
y pen gwastrawd. In many expressions the two
•nl.s form improper
cpds. as pentref 'village', pencerdd lucf of song', pen-tan
'hob5; so in place-names Pentir, union; or with the accent
on the ultima penllad, penrhaith,
• 'i'( rfh,
near Cardiff.
Pen is the noun in these expressions
not an adj. meaning
••hief, for then y
pentref would be y ben dref, as we say / brif dref. Both pen
and the genitive, if separately
•iccented, may take
plural forms, as pennan tezduoedd ; but fix1 improper cpds.
are treated as single ŵrds, thus pen-^'r/i, penceirddiaid, pentanau.
(in) Pen may
itself be genitive, attributive, or determina-'iv; as y ty pen t
the end house 1> of a row; coed pen ' roofing
nmher', cerdd ben § 122 (i) 6.
•vote. In all
cpds. of pen with a noun except morhen ' head-1 i nd \ pen
appears as the first element. Cadben is a fictitious \\<ºrd due to
a false etymology of cdpten first suggested by I >r. Davies, and
adopted by Pughe. All authorities have 'i I if en, see Num. ii. 3-29,
2 Bren. xviii. 24, 1 Cron. xix. 16.
Yn Ffrainc, myn
Eglwys Sain Ffraid
Y bu tano gapteniaid.—L.GLC. 484.
In most cases the
editors of L.G.C. changed capten into '/'/hen,
see p. 70, 1. 2, where they have done so in defiance of i lie cynghanedd.
Cipiwyd dyn
rhwydd, capten Rhos ;
Caid gwr yn cadw
ac aros.—T.A. a 14975/107.
23. The initial consonant of the first element
of a com-l'<»nnd has the mutation proper to the cpd. regarded as i single
word. Thus teg riain is a fern. sing. noun; hence
lie initial has the
soft mutation after the article, y deg
"i hi: and so in all cases.
When the first
element is an adjective beginning with It or // and the
second a fern. sing. noun, the initial is softened Her the article, though it
would not be mutated in a simple • tii. noun (§ 3 (i)): thus y lorn
aelwyd, not y Horn aelwyd. Fr Iwydlong wyllt
eriidlanw.—D.G. xcix. ' To the wild flood-hunted grey ship." D 2
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PROPER NAMES IN
COMBINATION
24 (i). When a common noun precedes a personal
name in agreement with it, it usually has the article; sisybrenin Dafydd
' king David \ yr Arglwydd Rys ' Lord Rhys \
But arglwydd, abad
often, and doctor, vieistr generally have no article. Syr never
has it.
Mi af at Arglwydd Ddafydd ;
Meivn tir lal mac
enaid rhydd.—G.GL
m 146/281.
Un dyn cair yn
dwyn cor on Hcb )m/nl yy nwrh Abad Sion. -T.A. a 14975/92.
A i (I k' if fir
gynan duon
Os (/acar sn (ir Feistr Sion. H.I). r 99/402. After an interjection the article is sometimes
omitted; as, Och ! wyry Fair, och! wir forzvyn.—T.A. a 14971/215.
(ii) A personal name
following a common noun as above has the radical consonant if it is
masculine, the soft if it is feminine ; as y brenin Dafydd ' king
David ' : y wyry Fair ' the virgin Mary \
l^nt arglwydd
is followed by a soft consonant ; as, Arglwydd Lywelyn, m.a. i. 396; so also Arglwydd
Dduiv. Many other masculine titles such as abad, tad, atJu'o, are
found followed by a soft initial; as y tad Rys.
Ac i Raclan
gaerawclys Y del swydd yr Arglwydd
Rys.—H.S. p
54/303 k.
Och! fyned o'i
wych faenol Abad Rys 1 a^m bod ar
o?.~G.GL M 146/169.
Yr athro Viegywryt.—a.l.
i. 38S, ms.l.
No'ri-;. 'I'tic
softeniiiH of the initial of tlie proper name seems to indicntc tli.it it
forms an etymological compound with the common iiomi ; thus arglwydd ^y'^
is similar in formation to argliri/dd frcnhi, which is clearly a
compound. This view is corroborated by the fact that the expression is found
accented as a compound : arglwydd'rys eryr gloew'ddrem, b.p. 1302.
1 The MS. has Rhys, but the
cynghanedd requires Rys.
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PROPER NAMES IN
COMBINATION 37 (iii) All proper
names following adjectives have the soft mutation ; as yr hen Gyrus, §
6 (ii). The construction is i lie same as for common nouns, § 18 (iii); and
even in I itc Welsh, where the mutation of proper names is often (r-nl^cted,
it is always observed in this case. (Swiw Vorfudd, gwae oferfardd 1
Owan a'i car,
Gwenhwyfar hardd.—D.G.
120; cf. 123. l^or the use of the article with personal names, see § 6.
25 (i) 1. Personal
names in the genitive retain their i.xlical initials, like common nouns, § 12
(ii), if the
•<-nitive is
purely determinative; thus after mas. sing. nouns, penn Bendigeidvran w.m. 61, march Peredur, march <
^ralchmei do. 177 ; after fern. sing. nouns, ansawb Pwyll il<».
.'M, hoedl Pwyll do. 37, gwreic Pryderi do. 71, palvawt
Hianwen do. 61 ; after pi. nouns meirch Matholwch do. 41, ini
if) Gilvaethwy do. 92. Hence we hav^e the radical after 111 prepositional
expressions, such as ger Haw, ger bron, etc., i hough the noun be
fern. ; as, ger bron Dafydd D.G. 186, '// neillaw Pryderi w.m. 71 ; and in all objective
genitives it ((4' verbal nouns.
l?. But when
the combination is more intimate, and the i \\ o nouns unite to form a new term
such as a name or i t it Ie, the initial of the genitive is softened after
feminine i uvular nouns. The construction is attributive, because i tic two
nouns form the equivalent of a compound,
14(ii).
examples: (a)
Patronymics; mas. vab Llyr w.m.
38, vab \l<it]tonwy do. 81, ap Gwilym; fern. verch
Lyr do. 40, verch 11'////2 do. 61, erch Forgan
L.G.C. 10.
(h) Names of feasts, days, etc.;
fern. gwyl Bedr D.G. 40, ////// Gewydd L.G.C. 5, gzuyl Fair,
gwyl Fihangel, Gwyl Dewi i"! </iryl Ddewi. Other examples are,
mas. dydd Gwener, fern.
' Oferfardd
appears to be synonymous with cJenvr, a bard who
•I'l no official
position.
V(rc]i Gwynw.M. 71 is perhaps due to the
scribe's? neglect to
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3S PROPER NAMES IN COMBINATION § 25 nos TFener, etc., though the
linguistic instinct no longer regards Gwener as a personal name.
(c) Names of places,
mas. /^/'//n (h'zffri, Mynydd Mihangel, Mynydd MecJtell, Din Me/rc/i
nm.Caslcll-niarch.Nant Gwrtheyrn, Dinas Bran. fern. Llan Badarn, Llan
Dudno and all the Llans with tlie exceptions mentioned below; Cacr
Fyrddin, Caer Gybi, Tre Garon, Tre Feilir, Tre Walchniaiy Bod Feilir, Neuadd
Wilym, Hafod Buffudd, Pout Ruffudd, temi Dduw, eglwys Dduw, Eglwys Fair
L.G.C. 3, Pont Wilym do. 125, Gwlad Camber
D.G. 208, L.G.C. 52, Gwlad Gadell L.G.C. 88.
The exceptions to the
mutation after fern. nouns are either phonetic, as Llan /?//-, LJan
L1-, Eglwys Duw (v. 44), or due to the substitution of a fern. for a mas.
noun, as TMni for Nan\ e.g. in Lion Gaffan, or 7'n for
/)/// <is in the modern Tre l\li'i t'ch «)k .
(</) Certain set
phrases, .snc-h <i,s henditti Dduw, Jlaw Dduw, Haw Fair, efengyl Grist
Rhuf. i. 16, delw Fair D.G. 35, 160, L.G.C. 19, delw Gad/an
D.G. 130, delw Gybi do. 141, buc^edd Gybi do. 118, delw
Gynin L.G.C. 62. Ni ad, hon wedi liynny I fendith Dduw/y/w/ oi thy.—T.A. c. Llaw Fair rJlag colli f'cri/r A Haw Dduw rhag 11 add el wf/r.—D.N. (;. 161.
Most of tliese phrases
fell into desuetude after the Reformation, but hcndiffi Dduw is still
in common use.
3. In mod. prose the
soft mutation of the initial of a personal name after a fern. noun is a
little more general. In some cases the examples met with may be explained as
titles or set phrases, thus yspydawt Vranwen w.m. 59, yspydawt Vran do. 61, are titles of
stories; note o beth o vucheb Veuno il.a.
118, but Iff/sforia o vucheb Beuno do. 1. But Haw Wenhwyvar w.m. 122, sarhact Wenliwyfar
do. do., Huest Walchmei, are casual combinations, and can only be
explained as survivals of the habit of mutat in^; a personal name after all
fern. nouns.
In the titles brcubirf/f
Ma.rcn w.m. 191, breubwyt
Pawl il.a. 152, the noun bre
ubu'i/f is perhaps mas., though it is often fern. in Med. W.
4. In place-names,
the initial of a personal name in the genitive is frequently softened, even
after a mas. noun; as
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PROPER NAMES IN
COMBINATION 39
/ // Dduw, Ty Ddewi, Tyddyn Fadog,
Tyddyn Ronw, Cae Fadog, < '<n' Ddafydd, Bryn Ronw.
."». The softening of the initial of a
personal name after fern. ion. nouns generally, of which survivals in med.
prose are .ibove noted, was preserved as a poetical construction, and is
'>>' frequent occurrence in the bards; as, nith Fair D.G. 290, 'iirawr
Forgan L.G.C. 8, tarian Forgan do. 9, Ml Garadog do. .».'{,
gwledd Rys D.N. G. 148, seler Rys D.N., colon Feirig
T.A., .^rf/dd Ddafydd do., rhan Dduw D.G. 205, T.A. (;.
Dialwr tre Lywelyn
Ar Loegr falch
ydyw'r gwalch gwyn.—I.R. M 146/478. 'L'he bards also mutate the initial after some mas.
nouns mch as wyr, nai and by analogy after others, and sometimes «-\cn
after a plural noun; as wyr Ddafydd Gut.O. G. 204, //'///• Voreiddig
L.G.C. 18, 36, wyr Faredudd do. 173, nai Ddafydd L.G.C. 210, nai
Beredur T.A., gwaed Gynfarch L.G.C. 9.
Gwn Faredudd gann frodiad,
A gwn du Morgan i
dad.—L.G.C. 14.
Tai Bedr, Jierwydd, tyb, ydyn\
Tai pawb o'i dy,
tai pob dyn.—G.I.H.
tr. 92. note.—The mutation after fern. sing. nouns is due to the
;ime cause as the mutation of an adjective, § 11. It is »I i IHcult to
explain the mutation after nouns; ty is an old neuter, and in rare
cases is found with a fern. adj., yny vyb y / // yn burwen,w.M. 47, ti.m. 33, which points to early
uncertainty is to its new gender; possibly the place-names above men-i loned
may be thus explained. It should not be forgotten, however, that personal
names tended to be compounded in \;irious combinations in Celtic; there are
several examples in the inscriptions in which we seem to have a bare stem
I x'fore a name in
the genitive ; as inigena Cunigni Avvitoriges. < '('. Teuto-Bodiaci,
which in Welsh would be Tud-Fuddiog. In
II isli all proper
names in the genitive are mutated except in [ ••itronymics after Mac
and 0\
(ii) A place-name in
the genitive stands in the following i <'la lions to the noun upon which
it depends.
I. It is the
particular name of the place, of which the no mi upon which it depends is the
general name ; in other
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40 PROPER NAMES IN COMBINATION § 25 words it is appositive, and the
construction is the attributive genitive, § 122 (hi). Its initial is
therefore softened after a feminine singular noun.
Examples: mas. plwyf
Llangwni, cwmwd Talebolion, tir Mon, Dinas Dinllef w.m. 97. fern. tref Gaerllion
L.G.C. 97, tref Ddinbych, Sir Fon, Sir Feirionydd, Afon Gonwy, Afon
Ddyfrdwy, Afon Venai p 54/321
n, gwlad Fon D.G. 44, Caer Baris D.G. 49, ynys Fon r.b.b. 259 etc., gwlad Wynedd
D.G. 523, Bro Went L.G.C. 122, Bro Wyr do. do.
Yfan\ gwn, afon Gonwy ;
Y fan'' o fir ^/on/w?/.-—S.D.L, c.c. 228.
Kiniocs fyth i Ynys Fon, A dwy ein'tocs if^v dipnon.—L.G.C. c1 7/106.
There are several
exceptions: owing to the uncertainty of the sound after s, we find,
for example, Ynys Prydain and Ynys Brydain on the same page, b.m. 304. After afon use
varies; we have the radical in afon Dyfi, afon Teifi, and others; the
uncertainty is shown in the following examples :
avon Demys b.b.b.
59, 390, 394; avon Temys do. 149, 151, 358.
When the name has the
article the genitive is determinative, as in gwlad yr Alfft, tref y J^ala.
2. Tt stands in the
inclusive or possessive genitive, or the genitive of title, § 121 (i) 1, 2, 6
; its initial retains its radical form, the genitive being determinative.
Examples : dacar
Man b.p. 1205, Aber
Menai, Aber Dyfi, Aber Teifi, and all the Abers, Nan^ Conwy, Bro Morgannwg,
ael Gwent L.G.C. 168, ael Mon do. 175, Penmynydd Mon, sel
Paradw))s L.G.G. 126, perllan Mon do. 83, cannwyll Gwynedd D.G.
44, brcnin Lloegr, amherodres Cristinobyl w.m. 162, Glan Conwy, Clan Mcnai, etc.
There nre,
liow(^v("r, several examples in poetry of the soft consonant after <i
fern. noun, as Slep Lundazn D.G. 199, lleuad' Wynedd do.
1<S6, gem ^r//^^'// do. 374, aelwyd Ueri L.G.C.
175.
Bro is sometimes coextensive with the
proper name, and sometimes a part of the district named ; hence it lias the
soft and the radical; the mutation thus became uncertain, and does not always
strictly accord with the sense.
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PROPER NAMES IN
COMBINATION 41
3. It stands in the
attributive genitive of place, its initial being mutated after fern. sing.
nouns; § 122 (i) 6.
Examples: Eglwys
Loegr, Eglwys Rzifain, Eglwys Koeg ;
lf'«ir Lanbedr,
ffair Bentraeth, jfair Fangor, ffair Dywyn;
I'f'ordd Gaergybi;
Stryd Fangor (in
Caernarvon), ffordd Faesin-'•la (do.).
In the nineteenth
century there was a tendency to sub-st itute for this the possessive
construction ; but it is better [(reserved in the dialects, where English influence
has not dulled the instinct for mutation, than in the written language, \\
hich is largely dominated by the idea that every genitive must be a
possessive.
4. After a personal
name it stands in the genitive of origin, etc. ; it is therefore determinative,
and preserves its radical; § 121 (i) 5.
Examples: Dewi
Mynyw L.C^.C. 21, Tndur Penllyn, Sion f^rwynog, Owain du'ynedd, Owahl
Cyfeillog ; fem. Gweirful Me chain.
But women's names are
usually followed by o, § 121 (iii) 5, ;is Gwenhwyfar o Fon m.a. i. 303, Angharad Hael o
Fuellt d.g. t()5.
We also have the
genitive of origin in gwyr Gwynedd, saint lAyn L.G.C. 295, larll
Penfro do. 355, etc.
note.—The
analogy which caused a common noun in the rcnitive to assume its radical consonant
after a fem. sing. noun, § 14, Note 2, does not appear at first to have
affected proper names, which came under its influence gradually. Thus in med.
prose we found some examples of determinative genitives still mutated, (i) 3;
and the construction survived 111 poetry, (i) 5, while there seems to be no
certain example of ;i common noun mutated except when it is attributive. The
idle of non-mutation had, however, been extended to proper names even in the
med. period, see (i) 1, the exceptions just mentioned being survivals.
Generally speaking, therefore, •i proper name, like a common noun, has the
radical when it is determinative, and the soft after a fem. sing. noun when
it is attributive. But the attributive construction is of wide 11 (plication
; where the determinative meaning of possession,
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42 PROPER NAMES IN COMBINATION § 26
authorship, etc., is
of less moment than the function of the genitive as a distinguishing word,
the construction is attributive—in other words, the original mutation
survives. See §122(iv).
26 (i). A proper name of a person or place may
be followed by a noun or adjective in agreement with it, as Dyfrdwy avon
il.a. 122 ; the noun or adjective
has the soft initial mutation; as, Dafydd frenin, Hywel Dda, lolo Goch,
Llandeilo Fawr, Llundainfawr, Llundain dref, Bleddyn Fardd.
The epithet probably
formed a compound with the name in Brythonic, so that its initial was
softened, and this became the rule. But an adject ivc could also be used in
the ordinary way, which accounts for the exceptions mentioned in (ii).
(ii) There are
several exceptions when the attribute is an adjective:
1. Ancient names,
like Rhodri Mawr, Beli Mawr, Dyfnwal Moelmud. •
2. Some later
surnames, as Teuan Tew. The adjective Llwyd always remains
ummitated as a surname :
Doe^r aefh, er
dieter i wan, Dafydd Llwyd i fend llydan.—L.G.C. 175.
See Morfudd Llwyd D.G. 167, 172. The adjective bach always retains
its radical, as Dafydd. bach r.p.
1255, If or bach
J 17/1 Tt.; Cf. § 11.
3. Crist is
regularly mutated after lesu, thus lesu Grist ;
but most ordinary
adjectives remain unmutated; thus lesu mawr, lesu da. Some examples of
mutation are, however, to be met with :
Ac/// at lu'r lesu rasol;
Aeth Rliys yn
bennaefh ar
o/.—L.G.C. 177.
A lesu wyn yn i swydd
A wni asgwrn el
ysqwydd.—L.G.C.
451.
4. After Duw
non-mutation is more usual, as Duw mawr, Duw da, Duw gwyn, Duw gorucJmf;
but mutation frequently occurs, as Duw fwyn, Duw Iwyd, Duw wyn, Duw
oruchaf. If
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-^ PROPER NAMES IN COMBINATION 43
l^uw is preceded by the article, the
adjective cannot be mutated: y Duw goruchaf Dan. iii. 26.
Duw ^wyn ! er digio ennyd,
Ai difa'r iaith yw
dy fryd?—T.A. c. ii. 76.
Pwy yŵr gwr
piau^r goron ?
Duw wyn a'i frath dan ifron.-—Or.Or.
a 14971/119.
Duw oruchaf, edryched
Fal y dug Crist
flodau Cred.—T.A. a 14967/89.
(iii) There appears to
be no exceptions to the mutation of a common noun used thus after a proper
name, though after Duw we sometimes find Tad unmutated, Och,
Dduw Tad ! D.G. 15. But the rule only applies when the noun is ;i title
or epithet specially applicable to the proper name ;
\\ lien it is an
adventitious addition, inserted as it were parenthetically by way of
explanation, it is generally not mutated ; thus Paul ^was Duw Tit. i.
1 ; Rolani tywyssawc Huoeh, . . . Golfer \)renhln BurdegaJ y.c.m. 10. Aeth Dafydd, gwawdydd, drwy gor, I nefoedd o flaen
J/W—L.G.C. 176. Fab Efrog, gwrdd farchog gwyl.—D.G. 27. Hael Forfudd, merchfedydd Maz.—D.G. 46. It is,
however, often mutated, especially wlien vocative, as in O Dduw gwyn, feddyg einioes.
Daniel, wr anwyl.—Dan. x. 11.
27 (i). Proper names
of days and months are put in the genitive after common nouns of time, and
are mutated when the latter are feminine singular; thus, dydd Llun,
<luw Llun, Duwilun (§ 21); mis Mat, mis Gorffennaf ', nos Lun, nos
FercJier; dyddiau Llun, nosau Llun ; Calanmai ' May Day ' ; dydd
Calan ' New Year's day ?; nos Oalan k New
Year's eve ?.
Am symudiad mis Medi,
Mae'nfis drud Vm
henfeistr i.—T.A. a
14967/89.
1 This is not historically true, as
shown by D.G. xiii, the authenticity of which can hardly be doubted.
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44 ADJECTIVES USED AS NOUNS, § 28
After the s of
nos, del becomes d, hence nos Difiau. Nos Sadyrnau
occurs in the dialects.
(ii) With adjectives,
names of days and months are treated as ordinary masculine nouns ; as Gorffennaf
teg ;
Hen Galan ; Difiau du.—T.A. {\. 235.
(iii) Personal names
in the genitive after the fern. noun gwyl have the soft mutation ; see
§ 25 (i) 2 b.
For the use of the article
with proper names of time and place, see § 5.
For the mutation of
personal names in the genitive, see §12.
ADJECTIVES USED AS
NOUNS, AND TAKING GENITIVES
28. Words which are
normally adjectives are used as nouns in the following ways :
(i) As abstract
nouns, with or without the article, as y da ' the good ', y gwir
' the truth \ gwir c truth ', drwg ' evil ?.
Ar y ^wir mac rhogoriacth,
O'm Ucddlf am wir, ba wncth ?—T.T. f. 43.
A rid ens <ir < 1m da II
A rydd f)nw o wyrdd y dail.—D.E. ca. 49/37.
(ii) In agreement
with implied nouns, generally, but not necessarily with the article ; as y
tlodion ' the poor ?, yr eneiniog ' tlie anointed ?,
y da (the good [man or men] ', y drwg ' tlie
evil [one] \
A'i ]]aw y 'myn
Gwenllian Pannu'r gost fr hen ar gwan.—L.G.C.
10.
Fod y deillion yn gu'elcd, y cloffion
yn rhodio, etc.—Luc vii. 22.
Beth bynnag sy
dros hen A////,
o'r drŵ y )nue.—Matt. v. 37. In the last example, the expression is, as in tlie original,
ambiguous; y drwg may mean ' evil' (see § 4 (iii)) in sense (i) or
'the evil one' in sense (ii). Thomas Charles {Oeir. s.v.)
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AND TAKING
GENITIVES 45
in. Irrst.inds the
latter: ºY mae Satan yn cael ei alwy drwg— 1.1,111 xvii. 15, Matt. v.
37.' In Matt. vi. 13, the translators, i,\ departing from the original and
omitting the article, have I' Imitcly adopted the less likely meaning, for drwg
cannot 11 ic; 111 k the evil one \
I mt when the implied
noun is ^definite, the adjective need n < > < \ i d ve the
article :
Fe loeryd wirion yn y frawd Rhag ynllib tafanxl afcas.—Gr.O. 113.
(iii) The adjectives ha/al,
hefelydd, tebig (now written ^^HgY cyffelyb,1 ail,
which, like equal adjectives (§ 33), \\ hen substantival take the genitive
case (§ 123 (i)), as ni i r dais i debig 11 have not seen
his like \ ni cheir i aili his like is not to be had ?.
Beth debig byth a
dybiwn ? Ai tybio 'caid tebig
hwn ?—T.A.
('caid for // cai<f, § 82 (ii)
). Am garm ni bu, ni bydd, Hoew eifawl, ei hefelydd.—Gr.O. Ail y carw olwg gorwyllt, A^i draed yn
gwazi drwy dan gwyllt.—T.A. g. 242.
When used as
adjectives these ŵords do not take the genitive, but are followed by i
with a noun or pronoun ;
as ni zuelais ddyn
tebig iddo ' I have not seen a man like him \
Ffriw Gwen a ddeffry
ganwr,
A'i phryd oedd ail iffnvd d^wr.—S.T. il 133/170.
Cyffelyb yw teyrnas nefoedd i ronyn o
had mwstard.—Matt. xiii. 31.
Teyrnas nefoedd
sydd debyg i wr o berchen ty.—Matt. xx.
1.
29. Llawn is always an adjective, and is
followed by the partitive genitive, as dyn llawn tan; llawn plu
Esec. xvii. 3 ;
llawn gwenwyn
marwol lago iii.
8, cf. 17 ; llawn ffydd Act. vi.
1 Pronounced cyffelib or cyffelip,
and formerly so written; see il.a.
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46
COMPARED
ADJECTIVES § 30 8; or by o as
llawn o dan, llawn o ffydd Act. vi. 5. When compared it must be
followed by o; llawnach o ddwfr. See § 123 (ii).
Note the difference
between llawn gwybodaeth (full of knowledge \ where gwybodaeth
is in the genitive after llawn, and llawn wybodaeth t
full knowledge \ where the two form a compound noun, § 18 (iii).
The abstract noun is lloniad
or llond. Note the idiomatic expression—Y mae ei lond o dan
(lit. (there is his fill of fire') == y mae ef yn llawn tan
('he is full of fire '); dyn d'i lond o dan (lit. ( a man
with his fill of fire') == dyn a than ei lond (lit. ( a man
with fire his fill') - dyn llawn tan or dyn llawn o dan ;
dyro lond y llcstr
o ddwfr ' fill the
vessel with water \ Lit/s Sion a' i (/({Ion a (/aid A llawenydd eu llonaid.—Out.O. a
14967/52; see o. 209.
Other adjectives are
followed by o before the dependent noun. See § 123 (ii).
COMPARED ADJECTIVES
30. An adjective in the equative, comparative, or
superlative degree is placed after its noun, and mutated like a positive
adjective, § 11.
But an adjective in
the comparative degree following a noun of any gender or number in a negative
or interrogative sentence, or a sentence implying doubt, had formerly the
soft mutation ; as ni bu wr well ' there has not been a better man ',
the exact meaning being perhaps ' a man [who was] better \
Syr Rhy,^, ni
welais wr well
Na'i gystnl yn i
gastell.—G.Gi. p 103/201 ; see c. i. 198.
Ac d.sfedd don
fedw gastell,
dh(v a
wyr na hn, dy well.—D.C. ccxii; see xix, 1. 14.
Nf' chaeiUi/d yiv
na choed nn'li
Danfigwrn dyn fywiogach.- T.A. c. i. 340.
Oedd oV gred ar ddacar gron
Wr gywirach i'r goron ?—W.JL. m.f.; see o. 299. See also L.G.C.
175, 362, 416; varch gynt, b.m.
9. In a sentence not negative interrogative or implying doubt
;i ;/
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COMPARED ADJECTIVES 47
. 11 in< ;>(
ion is regular. In the second example below the ih •mctit is a positive one,
the two negatives neutralizing
D^ro heibio d^air
rhybell;
Trngarog it roi gair gwell.—T.A. a 14866/105.
Ni thrawut gnith
d^r ewin Na bai lais gwell na bias gwin.—T.A. a 31102/125.
^ 1. An equative or comparative
adjective is frequently, iixl a superlative adjective is sometimes, placed
before its nuiin. The two do not form a compound, for the noun li.is in all
cases the radical consonant; as cystal gwr, 'ii.^dl gwraig ; gwell
gwr, givell gwraig ; gorau gwr, gorazi '/frmig D.G. iv, gorau
merch L.G.C. 119, disemlaf givreic
i;.M. 4.
flynafgwr is an improper compound, § 21, as
shown by the i ion-mutation of gwr.
(lorau, however, forms both improper and
proper compounds with nouns; as goreugwyr (improper), gorenfardd
(proper). Benthig i fenig Vw fardd A roi Ifor, oreufardd.—D.G. iv.
Prif is always compounded with its
noun ; see § 19.
In late Welsh,
superlatives are often compounded with nouns, as/y anwylaf dad. This
is felt to be but a heightened form of fy annwyl dad, where the adj.
and noun are compounded. When the superlative has its natural sense, the
noun is not mutated: y cyntaf peth, y pennaf gwr.
THE EQUATIVE DEGREE
32 (i). An adjective in the equative degree not
beginning uith cy-, when it qualifies a noun, is preceded by cyn, which
softens its initial, unless it be II or r7i, cyn itself
retaining its radical after a noun (see § 34 (i)) ; thus gwr oyn gryfed
or cyn gryfed gwr i so strong a man?; gwraig
ryn laned or cyn laned gwraig {so beautiful a woman '. f
'yn is never omitted if the equative is followed by a ; cyn
llonned yw hi d'r gog.
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4S COMPARED ADJECTIVES § 33
Nyt ymbengys y Greal y
wr kyn anghywiret a thydi.— s.G. 256.
Ni bu'r beril mCr
lili, Nith haul, gyn deced a f hi.—D.G. 440. Ni
fedf gwraig yn fyzv drwy grcd Cynnal wyneb cyn laned.—T.A. a 14967/160. Ei wisg
oedd cyn wynned a'r eira.—Dan. vii. 9; see
Esa. i. 18.
note.—Such a
construction as Duw ni luniodd dyn laned, which is found in one of I.M/s
forgeries (D.G. ch. x), is not warranted by classical usage.
(ii) All equative
adjective is followed by ag or a ( as \ with
tlie noun or pronoun compared : thus rŷfal gwr ag Ozvain, cymatnf d
hyn.
This a
aspirates the following initial (p, t, or c); as cyhyd d phregeth,
cystal a thi. It is, in reality, the same word as
the preposition a i with ', which also follows nouns with
the prefix cyf-, as cyfamod a.
(iii) Ag after
the equative degree may be followed by a noun clause or relative sentence, §
S3 (i) 5.
A minncH y'^'^yb gyn bireittyet ac y m«e re/it ym vynet y bop lle ym
J^rytnen y geis,sy((iu if y mrawt.—s.g.
306.
A oeff neb rnor deilwng a^ y gallo pregethu ?—il.a. 112.
Cystal
yw meddylfryd pzir a'z fod yn sancteiddio'r weithred
gyffredindf, a chyn rheitied ag na thai ein gweithredoedd
gorou ni dd'nn Jiebddo.—E.W. r.b.s.
15. D^dfrain a
phob gwlad araul Cyfled ag y rhed yr ha^l—Gr.O. 69.
Ill Late Welsh fc]
is often substituted for ag when it represents the English ' that \
Y mat y n<iill rnor agos fit y Hall, fel na ddaw gwynt rhyngddynt.—Jol) xli. 16.
But in such
expressions as cystal ag y gallaf, where it would be rendered ' as ',
the ag is still correctly used. 33 (i). An
adjective in the equative degree is often used
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COMPARED ADJECTIVES 49
'•••mi, generally
with a dependent genitive, § 123 (i). ' iiitive is usually a prefixed
pronoun, but a demonic- pronoun or a noun may be so used. The con-' i<
'11 lias two distinct meanings ; (1) ni chawn eu cystal I i.i II not
have their equal5; (2) rhyfedd dy arafed rl'-rl'iil [is]
thy slowness'.
Oer ywfy nghalon a
wyr fy nghuled ;
A fu caen eira a
fai cyn oered ?—D
.N\ m 136/110. Da
iawn yw a dianair, A m, i
ddaed mae iddo
air ;
Anodd ym gael i haeled,
/ie cerddzun bob
grwn o gred.—I.D.
tr. 150/1. I Hoicked Gwen,
feinwen fau, r glaned ar i gliniau.—T.Pr. c.c.
60. Yn wir, oni choelia neb,
Coeliedfun1 culed f''wyneb.—S.T. tt. 133/170.
dwaeth ifeirdd, gwae o'th farwddwynf Chvae ni dy ddaed gan dy ddwyn.—T.A. g. 230. '///' nyt oes kymmeint kneuen o honei heb dreulaw.—
' i <>
is no difference in form between an equative qualifying 11 ; i nd an equative
with a dependent noun; thviskymmeint » might mean º as large a nut'; it
is only by the context \\ •• soo that it means ( as much as a
nut'.
" 1\' we find an
equative with cyn used with a genitive ''1 pronoun, as Nyt ymgyvarvu a
myvi eiryoet dy
••/^rnff ti.—Y.C.M. 19.
• <•() native noun may stand in apposition to another
A.Wrm'r oes val
hud a red;
Orh i'r anap i chrined !—W.IL. c 8/83 b.
'|ii;itive noun may
be placed in the vocative:
Dy fwyned, dan do fanwallt, Dy deced, dyred
hyd allt.—D.G. cxviii.
1 See § 4 (viii). E
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50 COMPARED ADJECTIVES § 33 It often stands in the
ablative of cause :
T y/odd i'm bron
gron o gred
Dolur dy anwadaled.—D.G. 117.
(ii) An equative noun
with its genitive is used after the preposition a, in the sense of '
seeing how — ' ;
A^i wroled or aliwn, Ni thynnai saith
einioes hwn.—T.A. a 14975/107.
A^i ddaed ef i nyddu dart,
Nosau da1
i^n ystiwart.—L.G.C. 179.
A maint lies a wnaeth y pab.—b.c. 135. (iii). Other prepositions
thus used are er ' in spite of \ and rhag or gan
' on account of' ; as er i glaned ' in spite of her beauty .
•Ac nyt oeb yn y
Ilys un marchawc, yr y gryvet, a veibei ymdaraw neu ymdrech
ac ef.—H.M. ii. 124.
Nyt oeb haws
disgwyl arnei hi, rac y
thecket.—r.m. 84.
Can ddaed ganddynt dywysoges stryd arall.—b.c. 13. (Da ganddynt t
they love \ daed, ganddynt' their love \ The gen. after daed is
dyn'y.^oge^ ; literally ' with the goodness to them of the princess',
etc.)
Dcwisaf ocdd—gyffoedd gcd - -
I dfanc, rhag i daed.—D.G. cl.
(hi'dc'r gcrdd, gan amied gair gwan,
<7?/'</("'/'
t<f)th am y gwr weithian.—S.Ph. (m. W.IL.) m.f.
The preiixed pronoun
or other genitive is sometimes omitted ; see rr daed, ' in spite of
[their] goodness', § 19, ex. 1.
dendu if
<hf(ie(ir ncili gyH dducd Ag y givnft dalli/ gan dywylled.—D.N. m
136/110. note the
difference in the last example between cyn ddued 'so black' and g<i^
di/iryllcd 'with' or 'on account of darkness'1. It is
probably by a confusion of these two quite
1 Lit. ' goodnight to \ cf.
Spanish ?n<cna.? nocJies, huenos dias. The pi. is not used now in W., but formerly dyddiau and nosau were common ; see
footnote §27 (i).
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COMPARED ADJECTIVES 51
rrms of expression
that can came to be substituted is in can wynned a'r eira. This
solecism which I •< (radically in the eighteenth century was adopted
, and owes its later
prevalence to him.
An equative
adjective, not preceded by cyn, is by 1 he verb ' to be ', or by the
oblique relative yr, erb, to express 'how —': as Janed yzv hi!
'how is !' gwel gyflymed y rhcd ' see how swiftly lie Flic initial of
the equative has the soft mutation,
t tic initial of the
verb ' to be ', if mutable, as in
o j "a wen
deg, fwyned wyt!
Diodid, dawn Duw
ydwyt.—Gr.O. 50.
y dydd nod 'Vw ddwyn
ydoedd;
h[fo wyr Duw fyrred oedd.—'I'.A. a 14967/S9.
< i'H'n i'w
genedl gwyn gannocs
fi'f/n weled fyrred fu'i oc'.s-.—D.N.C. c.c. 277.
) ^tyried,
ivindraul deulu
Y ddiodfedd, ddaed fu.—D.G. xxiii.
l/ ' ^///'// y
rhyfeddwn uched, gryfed a hardded
oedd pob
• " Ao/^'.-B.c. 28.
l^hyfeb vu hwyret y kerbyssawch chwi.—r.m. 63. llr <-(piative adjective may be accompanied by
a noun :
' ///• oeddid am
ei bethau . . . neu laned
gryfed gwr
,,rd(l , /'.—B.C. 28.
I Ir \erb 'to be5
may be omitted ; as hardded i phryd ! ' l.i ir her form !'
( ' HJ^Jin ydd a
rym yr oes ;
Duii^ annwyl, fyrred einioes! - Gr.O. 77.
llr ••( | native
adjective is often preceded by an inter-'. "11 ;(s O fwyned oedd!
d. 64.
/>'///< yw
fy hynt—helynt hydd ;
Och flined na chaf lonydd!—
L.G.C. (? L.Mor.)
Bryth. iv. 154. I' min /nor wan . . . trymed, § 36.
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52 COMPARED ADJECTIVES § 35
(ii) An equative
adjective preceded by a, er, rhag or gan may be similarly
followed :
A hawddgared
ydynt.—b.c. 10.
Aeth, berelddlef,
i'r nefoedd ,'
Mynnai Duw, a mwyned oedd.—R.M. d.t.
Diofryd, er hyd Wr haf,
O'r addysg hwn a
roddaf.—D.G.
clxv; see civ. 2
Er hyd yn y hyd y bwyf,
Carodyn cywir
ydwyf.—D.G. Ixix.
Pechadur yr meint vo // beehodeu.—h.m. i. 37. yr drycket vo.—s.ci. 271.
Ac
rac daet y kanei // </cltnf duu^ y (/traryeu.—r.b.b. 82. Gan gyflymed yr oeddynt {in Ju'dcg.—^.c. 7. In these expressions the preposition may
be parsed as governing the succeeding phrase : er—glaned yw hi, ' in
spite of—how beautiful she is '. But the true interpretation of the
construction is doubtless that the equative is a noun as in the last section,
governed by the preposition; thus, (in spite of the beauty that
she is' ; roe daet y kanei t on account of the excellence
with which lie sang \ The difference between the verb <
to be' without and with the oblique relative, as in the second and third
examples, is thus clear: er hyd fo^r haf 'in spite of the length that
the summer is'; er hyd y bwyf ( in spite of tlie length during
which I am \
35. Y// introducing a complement or forming an
adverb is not used before an equative adjective : y maer naill cŷfal
ar IfaH, gu'na rŷfal ag y medri, ehedai cyn gynted d'r gwyn I.
In this case the
equative lias usually the radical initial.
Exceptions (o t lie
rule arc :
(1) Equatives witli
the prefix gogy-.
Ni thybiodd yn drais
fed ynogyfuweh a Duw.—Phil. ii. 6.
(2) A few expressions
such as yn gysfal a, yn gymaint ct.
But in Med. W. yn is frequently used before equatives beginning
with cy- or preceded by cyn; as,
AV a oeb velyn oe
wise ef ae varch a oeb kynvelynet a blodeu
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< OMPARED
ADJECTIVES 53
/ //. ///• // oeb
goch o homint yn gyn^ochet (Cr gwaef " /• /»///.—n.m.
148.
iii.l <•//- are
not mutated when adverbial (cf. mor).
ii) Periphrastic
equatives formed with mor and \<- adjectives are used like other
equatives except fli<-\ arc not preceded by cyn, and are not used
as in t lie manner shown in § 33. They may be used I •repositions, as er
mor wan yw ef\ see rhag mor A/, D.G. cl.
A7 bu fyd i neb o
Fon
Mor oer ag y mae'r awron.—H.K. m.f.
'I'man mor wan yw'r einioes,
'/'rymed yw tor
amod oes !—T.A. J 17/201.
l^ira unnos a
rannwyd
Ar dy gorjf, rhag mor deg wyd.—M.O. c.c. 167. ' -oft ens the
initial of the following adjective, unless it '•r /'//; as mor dda, mor
fawr, 'tiior lion ; l)ut mor itself us unmutated in all positions.
Nid, mor ddihareb nebun
I'n gwlad ni d hi
i hun.—D.G. ccxxi.
('uriais yr ais mor resyn ;
(Iwaefi na wyddai
hi hyn.—S.T. jl 133/170.
\\ ith the
comparative, as mor well Diar. xvi. 16, is very The usual expression
is gymaint gwell. Mor is sometimes used before a noun, thus :
Xi'd warw ef, nid mor ofud,1
Ond byw a newidio
hyd.—T.A. A 14879/20.
/ dad mor wrda ydoedd,
/Jew a sant holl
Euas oedd.—L.G.C. 93.
I lie following
idiomatic expressions are to be
."t'l/nf
avail 'as much
again'; y gymeint arall b.m. 56;
' !/niaint f
94 (twice as much'; eu deu cymaint b.m. 61, - ''/// eymaint t
a hundred times as much'; cymaint tra
' <!ojid,
spelt both go/it and gofut in Med.W.
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54 COMPARED ADJECTIVES §§ 38, 39 chymaint t
as much in proportion'; cymaint un, cymain un Eph. v. 33, also written
cymain hun jl.a. 116
(see w.g. p. 169) ' each and
every ^; llawn cymaint t quite as much'; llawn cystal i
quite as good" etc'. ; cystal dcirgwaith '• three times as good',
cystal gamvaiff), etc.; /tanner cystal 'half as good', banner
cymaint, etc.
Hyn i gyd, cymain hun gair,
A dyngaf, myn y
dengair.—D.G. m.f See gymain hun (misprinted
gymain hyn) in G. 227.
THE COMPARATIVE DEGREE
38 (i). An adjective
in the comparative degree is followed by ^(kj or na
(Med. noc, no) h tlian \ with the noun or pronoun compared
; thus, gwell gzbr nag Ozvain 'a better man than Owen \
Na ' than' aspirates the following
initial [p, t, or c), as mwy na chant, gwell na thi.
Nid oedd goel yn
d'addaw, Given, Mwy no th&nmewn cifhinen.—T.A. a 14866/201 ; c. i. 342.
(ii) Nag, na
may bo followed by a noun clause; as yr oeddynl yn well nag y
dIsgn^Jllais, // mae hyn yn well na bod mewn an gen.
Os da{'r} rlicnt
sy ar dir Jiwn, Macn is nag y
mynaswn.—I.D. a 31069/18. Byb lawenach noc yt) wyt.—w.M. 98.
Yd iv y t I ana eh
dy lygaid nag y gelli edrych ar ddrwg.— Hab. i. 13.
(iii) Of course the
noun of the object compared may, as in all languages, be understood : y
mac Dafydd ynwell dyn.
39 (i). A comparative adjective may be used as
a noun with a dependent iioun or pronoun in the genitive case, § 123 (i); as n't
welais di/ well ' I have not seen thy better5;
ni cheir gwell hwn
t a
better than this is not to be found?.
Ac nid oes,
ednfcingoesfach, A'i fhruth oil, i thrythyllach.—D.O. xcii; see xxviii. 28.
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COMPARED ADJECTIVES
/' i ' /////' uuhn
a fu perach I'Ift liiad 1 / chwibaniad bach?-—D.O.
ccxix. '.'/' 1-1111 ha f bias cyweithasdeg, l'!' mac ^well y
stafell deg.—D.Ci. cciii. /; //// gair s]fn dwyn y gorau,
Ihriiu rift 61 dy hyn a'th iau.—Ii.D. p 99/498. < •olcftf ddu gydwybod aflan I .///'-/• ^wynnach eira man.—W. 564. ' it1 ^wychach hi ... na'ch mwynach chwithefu], ''•i>; /// chair i well § 21 (iii); nac ewch bellach hynny, i ':{, lit. ' go not the further of
that".
\\ ticu the
comparative is an adjective qualifying the
1111 the genitive
cannot be used with it; we must say
'/ i/fr<ll na
thi, not dyn dy well. 11) A comparative may also be a noun without
a de-
irlriit genitive, as cei
glywed mwy 'thou shall hear r -r' : m chymeraf lai i I
will not take less '; ni allaf lai I < ;>ii | do] no less7;
ny umn i amgen, r.m. 68 'I know
'(11111 g to the
contrary \
\' >t - t lie
idioms mwy na mwy ' a great deal', Med. mwy no n' l
beyond measure'. Mac rhai'n gwybod yn nodawl Mwy na mwy, minnau a'u mawl.—E.P. 270.
10 (i) A comparative
adjective may be qualified by an lm;il number, the two being accented
separately or as r \\ o rd : thus can mwy or canmwy ' a hundred
times as
11 ^ 11 ': dau fwy
or deufwy ' twice as much ?; saith ivaeth ' il/iu'aeth
' seven times worse '.
Mocs ngeinmil,
moes canmwy I i noes, O moes i'm un mwy.—An.
/'/ istach weithian bob cantref, /:<llach naw nigrifach ne/.—G.Gr. (m. D.G.), ca. 7/880.
I 'i 11 ilcd with
initial B ; but plethiad should have the radical in in. after perach;
hence the ' cymeriad 5 suggests P in pa. As i \ line
to the end begins with p or a vowel, this reading is i r .illy certain.
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COMPARED ADJECTIVES § 41 Deuwell yw'n
Ilys blodeuog Acw'n y coed, a chdn cog.—D.G.
Dau lanach ydizu 'lent,
Yng nghwrr dail, fy
nglwriad i.—T.Pr. c.c.
60. The initial
mutation of the comparative is the same as that of a noun following the
numeral § 53. Dau takes the soft mutation as above {deuwell, r.p. 1271), rarely the radical, as
Ni chawsant radd
ar naddwawd,
A dau gwell ydyw eu gwawd.—E.P. 267.
(ii) A comparative
may also follow a noun or adjective of quantity, as llawer gwell 'much
better', llawer iawn gwell Phil. i. 23, pelh gwell\
' a little better \ seitJiwaith mwy Dan. iii. 19 'seven times more \
rhywfainf gwaeth i somewliat worse \ of/mainf gu'elf '
so \or how] much better', ychydig is Salm viii. 5, ' a little
lower ', llawn gwell ' even better ?, lit. ' fully better \
It is seen that the
comparative has its radical consonant. It is probably to be regarded as being
in the genitive after the word of quantity.
A noun of quantity may
follow a comparative (like a positive) adjective, as gwell ganwa/fli,
etc.
41. In other respects, comparative adjectives
are used like positive adjectives ; c. g. in the predicate, gwell yw liwn
or y mae hwn yn well ' this is better ?; adverbially, dos
yn arafach 'go more slowly'". But the following points should be
noted :
(i) The omission of
the verb ' to be ?, which may take place after any adjective, is
especially frequent after comparative and superlative adjectives ; as gwell
dysg na golud ' better learning than wealth \ gwell liwyr na liivyracn
' better late than later \
Gwell i w/' golli I a mm Na cliolli
gzueddl dyn gwan.—W.IL. f. 32.
(ii) The article
cannot be used with a comparative
1 This might, of course, mean ' a
better thing '.
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COMPARED ADJECTIVES 57 r • (ivc ; we say, of two
things, not hwn yw'r gwell but '/ flirr gorau ' this is the best
\ 111) The following comparative adjectives are used
I \ ••rhially without
yn: mwy, mwyach ' henceforth ', mwy /| • in ore [than] ', bellach
'henceforth ?, gynt 'formerly5, i.l I he
reduplicated comparatives, wellwell, etc. ' >i tiers may occur, but
it is not usual to drop yn before the inp.irative, as it is before the
equative, § 35, or the super-i i\<' § 46 (i).
12. Periphrastic
comparatives [w.g. § 151] are
used
• oilier
comparatives, except that they cannot take prudent genitives.
THE SUPERLATIVE DEGREE
l.^. A superlative
adjective or the noun which it qualifies ii.illy has the article, unless it
is precluded as in § 13 ;
l^tfydd yw'r gorau ' the best is David \ l^iit when
the superlative is the complement of tlie verb
•> l»e ',
expressed or implied, the article is in the former i »' usually, in the
latter case always, omitted. Thus in / <h-ngau gorau'r lleiaf ' of
evils the least [is] best?, the il>|rct is lleiaf with
the article, gorazi being the comple-< nt : in gorazi oedd I for
D.G. xih, the subject is I for.
Beth orau oil byth ar wr ?
Byŵn uniawn
na Wn anwr.—W.LI. m.f.
Da gwyddwn ban
oeddwn iau
Ba dir yn y hyd orau.—H.C.LI. il 133/212.
Os defhol gwrol a
gaf,
Dy ddethol di oedd ddoethaf.—W.LI. m.f.
I ^i r^ygedig yw, a
diystyraf o'r
gwyr.—-Es. liii. 3. \<>ti?. In
construction with the verb (to be', the super-' i\ c or the noun
it qualifies is most commonly the subject;
II it may be the
complement like any other adjective, e.g. ,'/ ^iJiJd orau. If the
subject comes between it and the verb, ' superlative is, like any other
adjective, preceded by ;is ///• oedd ef yn isaf. In Late Welsh an
attempt is some-
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58 COMPARED ADJECTIVES § 44
times made to render
the superlative in this position definite, and as yn introducing a
complement cannot be used with the article, it is omitted, the article taking
its place, thus y mae hwn y goraii sydd i'w gad. Tills is a very
inelegant construction, and sounds un-Wolsh ; wo should say hwn yiv'r
gorau.
44 (i). After a superlative the noon or pronoun
compared is put after the preposition o; it denotes the class to
which the object distinguished belongs, and therefore it is either plural, or
is qualified by a word meaning ' each ', ' any ', etc. ; as y gorau
ohonoch ' the best of you ', y gorau o'r un ' the best of
any ', // gorau o neb ' the best of anybody ', // gorau o hau^h
' the best of all men '.
A'/' ^oreu o'r r/iafn am gwrw rhudd—
Off dried yn a
phrydydd.—b.c. 25.
(ii) o after
the superlative is also used with 'r before the relative, § 85 (iii).
Ef a booth y aber
prif avon vwyhaf o'r a welseineb.—b.m. 83. Cf. goreu o^r a vu (iv) below.
(iii) Placed
immediately before the relative a or yr, the preposition takes
the form ug, Med. ac:
Y gtanaf ag a luniwyd, A'r gorau oil o'r gwyr wyd.—T.A. a 14971/53.
A Jiwyntcu a wnuctfiant
hynnŷ ac a ymlabyssant yn oreu ac y gelh/nt.—y.c.m. 54. Lit. 'And they did that,
and fought in the best [manner] of [any] in which they could.'
Ef a aeth ymeith y
wrth y gweissyon gyntaf ac y gallawd.— s.g. 408.
Pa sawl Heresi a gyd-godassant yn y
man hwyn-gynta^ y
tanwyd yr Efengyl ar \led ?—M.K. [55], cf. [39], [183].
As a rule, however, a
superlative precedes the relative without any intervening preposition :
Nyt oes in gyghor
onyt kacu y gaer arnani, ae chynhal yn oreu a allom.—r.m. 72.
Ef a welei y vot
yn kerbet gwladoeb teccaf a gwastattaf a welsei dyn eiryoet.—r.m. 83.
r;
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COMPARED ADJECTIVES 59
i ) Sometimes, by a
'confusion of the comparative and i • il.itivo manner of expression', the
noun or noun-phrase '• i '- il logic ally excludes the object distinguished
by the i" i l.itivc: a theccaf gwr oeb . . ., a goreu . . . o^r a vu kyn not ft. i^.m. 82, ' and
he was the fairest man and the best i 11 io.(- < hat were before him.' Cf.
omnium ante se genitorum i 1; •••ntissimus (Pliny) quoted by Paul,
164.
15 (i). Superlative
adjectives are frequently qualified l'\ sucti adverbial expressions as oil
(§ 115 (iii)), byth, /"^/, yn y hyd (med. or hyd);
as gorau oil! or gorau yn l "id ! ' all the better !' y
gorau yn y byd ' the best in the • "ild \ dos gyntaf byth y medri
'go as soon as ever you 111 , // ivraig orau ^rioed.
Mwyhaf oil y gwybybant wynteu.—il.a. 72.
(ii) Superlative
adjectives, with or without the article, "tt<-n qualify dim
'anything' or neb 'anybody' or un inv\ § 108 (iii), as gorau
dim 'the best thing of all', y "ula f un ' the first of all',
yr un dyn gorazi ' the one best
111,111 \
O bai air heb i
warant,
Gorau dim i gau o'r dant.—J.D. r. 40.
Mwya5 un lle yma'n Llyn
Am wiwdraul ydyw
Madrzm.—W.LI. m.f.
Morgan yntau a
hanyw
O'r un fam orau ynfyw,-—L.G.C. 9.
Vr un vorwyn deckaf a
thelediwaf a
welas dyn eiryoet.— i; \i. 73.
Vr un cantref goreu.—do. do. l\nnn
Jiawsset... o'r dim hawssaf.—il.a.
81; see § 118 (v) 4.
IY» (i) With the
exception of yn gyntaf ' firstly', yn olaf I istly \
superlatives are used adverbially without yn: as /////</ orau y
gellych 'do as best you may?, pa ffordd yr awn ^">
gyntaf? ' how7 can we go there first ??
Hi/dhaivt ragot ti gyntaf yd agorir y porth.— r.m.
103.
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60 COMPARED ADJECTIVES ; 47
The superlative, like
other adverbial words, has usually the soft initial except when it comes
first in the sentence.
(ii) But other prepositions
placed before superlatives with the article form a large number of adverbial
expressions, as Or gorau !' very well \ rhedeg am y cynfaf '
running for the first', etc.
(iii) Some
expressions of the form last mentioned are used adjectivally, that is, as
complements of the verb ' to be ? or to qualify nouns ; as y
mae hwn gyda'r gorau ' this is about the best5, llyfr
gyda'r rhataf ' a book [which is] about the cheapest', ymenyn o'r
gorau' butter of the best?,1 cig ar y cochaf
' meat [which is] rather too lean \ /!'r rfiain cyn )ic))iawr o /tnf A ry maes o'r grymusaf.—L.(^.(\ 19.
47. Proportionate equality is expressed by
means of superlatives, thus, A'r mzvyaf y lavur, zichaf vyb y
Ie ; a'r lleiaf y lavar, yssaf vyb y Ie.—il.a. 35, 'And the greater his
labour, the higher will be his place; and the less his labour, the lower will
be his place \
But as a rule the
superlative has no article in either term of the comparison ; and that in the
first is preceded by po, the 3rd sing. pros. subj. of the verb ' to be
?; thus, P° ^ySŷ^f (jan ddf/n,
ehangaf gan Dduw 'the straiter it be for man, the wider [it is] for God \2
The apodosis, when it consists of gorau, is often put first, as gorau
po gynlaf ' the sooner the better?. The superlative may be
followed in either term or in both by the verb 'to be ? or by the
relative with any verb, the verb so joined to the protasis being put in the
subjunctive mood;3 thus, po mwyaf fo, drulaffydd 'the
larger it be, the dearer it is5;
po mwyaf a
j'u\f/(ao, crf/faf ff/dd ' the more he eats, the stronger he will bo '; po ci/nlaf yr el,
cynfaf y daw ' the sooner he goes, the sooner lie will return \
1 Also used to moan ' good enough \
2 Lit. ' be it straitest for man,
widest for God \
3 In Late Welsh it is often put in
the indicative.
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i r.» NUMERALS AND NOUNS OF QUANTITY 61 <
.oreu ijw (fenny f i, heb y
Pwyll, bo kyntaf.—k.m.
12.
/'' llfx11, ar
draws pob hyllberth;
lºo hellaf gwaethafyw'r gwerth.—G.Gl.
m 146/154. \ pho hynaf vo dyn,
chwannockafvyb y ba pressennawl.—
\ii ixlvcrbial
expression, like oil, byth, etc. (§ 45 (i)), iiicntly follows the
superlative in the apodosis, as po
,' ••''if ///• C'l, cyntaf oil y daw.
I lie superlative in
the protasis is the complement of i nd therefore its initial is either
radical or soft.
In Mod.W. the above
construction is frequently found i ili ;ill the verbs in the imperfect tense,
the pres. subj. p o
111^ replaced by the
impf. subj. pei; as A phei vwyhaf y ' / of y march, pellaf
vybei hitheu y wrthaw ef.—r.m. 9,
!;{. ('f. 1. 5 a phei
vwyhaf vei (impf. subj.) . . . pellaf vybei iii|>f. indie.).
NUMERALS AND NOUNS OF
QUANTITY
IS. Cardinal numbers
are used both as adjectives and nouns.
P) (i). A cardinal number
used as an adjective is placed •tore its noun, which is put in the singular,
as fri dyn, iih >nilltir, ugain punt.
(ii) But plural nouns
are often found with numerals i '< >\ c ' one \ not only in
Med.W. and in the bards, but in iMical W.; as deu ychen r.m. 121, D.G. 223; deu vroder \i
26, daM frodyr Matt. iv. 18, 21; tair gwragedd Gen. n \^
: fair merched1 Job i. 2 ; fair ckwioredd, seith man. Y ddwy wragedd rywiogach No dwy ynfyw, a Duŵnfach.—L.G.C.
127.
Pedair merched telediw Ldn2 oil ynt
o lun a lliw.—Gut. O. o. 220.
' ( hanged in late
editions to tair o ferched.
l'< l<'(Jiw
Idn is a compound
adjective, hence the soft initial '// ; the elements are separately accented,
and so are treated as i n.itc words, § 18 (ii).
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62 NUMERALS
AND NOUNS OF QUANTITY § 50
T.A. has
pleonastically Dwy ddwylaw dieiddilion, a 14975/ 107, (two strong hands \ dwylaiv
being the usual plural of Haw.
The plural form biynedd
always accompanies numerals above ' one' except mil, thus saith
mlynedd; it is preceded by feminine forms where these exist, as dwy
flynedd, tair biynedd ', it is used even after un in composite
numbers ((iii) below7), thus, un mlynedd ar ddeg, but not
otherwise: ' one year? is un flwyddyn. After m,il
the double plural btynyddoedd, is used.
note.—The rule
in Irish and Scotch ('iaelic is that all numerals above ' two' have plural
nouns excel)! multiples of ten, which hike singular nouns. This rule seems to
be reflected in Welsh in old combinations like w/thwyr (Act. vi. 3)
and deugeinwr (Act. xxiii. 21), but became obscured early in Welsh ;
e. g. deugein niheu il.a. 21.
(iii) Composite
numbers take the noun after the first element; as tri dyn ar ddeg.
Saith gyurydd i Forjudd fain Set1i, hoc wgorff, a saith ugain.— D.O. 234.
(iv) Similarly w hen
numerals are connected by neu, the noun accompanies the first ; as pedair
gzvaith neu bump, fridian, neu bedivar, divf/bunt neu dair. Un is omitted
before the noun : bfwyddyn neu ddwy. Ml a genais i'1 w
eliei'siay} Wyth gowydd neivydd neu naw.—T.A. a
14964/125.
But in the case of namyn
the order of the numerals is generally reversed, and the noun put last ; thus
deugain namyn un A 39 \ but // namyn un deugain crthyglau crefydd i the thirty-nine m-ticles of
religion \
50 (i). Numerals with their nouns freely form
improper compounds (§ 21); many of these are in colloquial use, such as dwybunt,
chwephupif, triphwys, seithbwys, canllath, teirgwaith, seithwaith, trichant,
tridiau. Other examples are deuddyn, seithnyn, pedwartroed. The
noun may be
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M MKHALS AND NOUNS OF
QUANTITY 63 11 11 ;is ,sv 'iihwyr.
Tri- generally appears as try-',
trywyr1 III, fry chant, do. 130, though now written tri-.
\' id and fyth o
dy dy jam, ^)d a ancr o'i dy uncam.—lo.G. 419.
Deuair dwedai, myn Dewi, Drosto'i hun am un i
mi.—JLi. tl 133/102.
Tair awen oedd i'r trywyr A fai les ifil o wyr.—T.A. g.
249.
Mae wyr iarll a'r pedwarllu, Marl, dan y mwrai du.—T.A. G. 254.
I7 gain
dewr bendig yn d'ol, Ugeinmeirdd yn dy ganmol.—Gut.O. a 14967/87.
'/// fill/eg
compounded with nos gives pythefno^ or pythewnos.
Mae Vm cefn es pythefnos Hen waew ni ad hun y nos.—C.Gl. r 64/163 r.
I'ill fief nos is heard in N.W.. pyihewnob'
in S.W. ; the first is i<- form used in modern literature; see e.g. D.G.
204, but r latter is more commonly found in Med. MSS.; see b.m. ', 291 ; though in the last
passage w.m. has affethenos,
446. Irº w or f comes from a labialized ng, cf. ewin <
engwin, !-h ingen, Latin unguis. The labialization here of
the ng
<1< ng is perhaps due to an attempt to
compensate for the ' . of the m.
(i i) When a compound
number is compounded with a noun,
/ r/ch anwaith,
the first element of the number has usually • strong a secondary accent as to
amount to a separate rent ; hence it is generally found written separately,
as tri mni^aith. See dau cannoen § 3 (iii), saith ugeinwaith
L.G.C. 'I. Cf. § 18 (iv) 2. It is seen that the separated elements i\<1
their uncombined forms, dau, saith (not deu, seith).
\ noun may be compounded with the
first element of a 'mposite number, as tridyn ar ddeg. Rarely the noun
is rented with the second element, thus seithwr a saith / nnm\
or seithwyr a saith ugeinwyr D. 166. Cf. § 56 (iv).
' 'I'rywyr is
often written trowyr in sixteenth and seventeenth ni iiry MSS. owing
to the practical identity of yw and ow.
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64 NUMERALS AND NOUNS
OF QUANTITY §§ 51, 52
(iii) Tri has
a derivative traean, which means (a third part\
51. The numerals pump, chwecJi, cant,
when put before nouns assume the forms pum, chwe, can ; thus pum
torth ' 5 loaves ' ; chwe phunt ' £6 ' ; can ceiniog ' 100
pence ' ;
but they retain their
full forms when no noun follows, as pedair gwaith neu bump ' four or
five times \ or when used as nouns, as cant o bunnau '£100 ?.
The form ugain is for an older ugeint, which is not now used
even as a noun.
Chwedyn o achau Idwal,— Chwcched yw
ef, chwech a dal.—T.A. a 31012/131.
Gwr mocsol yir,
grymns irlcdfJ ;1
Gwn ar /<w/mw ^an
rhinwedd. 0.01. p
152/193.
Words beginning witli
a vowel .sometimes have h prefixed after pum, can, and ugain;
as can hwr w.m. 136 (
a hundred men \ The h belongs to the numerals, mh and nh
being the proper mutations of mp and nt.
Purn }ieryr, pum waew hirion, Pum main
gwerthfawr gwlad fawr Fon.—G.G1. M 1/606.
Llyfr Ofydd a fydd
i fcrch, Ac yn 1iwn
u^ain \\anncrch.—B.Br. il.h. ii.
99.
Gwlcdd ccJidoe a
doen f dy, Owledd, can hanncdd cyn hynniJ.—~G.G1.
m 146/278.
Pum}) and cJiwech sometimes
appear in full before vowels;
see pump afal
§ 94 (v) 1.
note.—A
numeral with biwydd forms an adjective, upon which usually the noun oed
depends in the ablative. Sometimes blicydd is omitted, and then the
numeral has its full form, since oed instead of agreeing with it,
depends upon it;
thus pump oed,
dnvech ocd, cant oed.
For the use of
numerals with comparative adjectives, see
§ 40 (i).
52. A singular noun after a numeral above (one?,
whether forming a compound with it or not, may take
1 Orymus wiedd is a compound
adj. § 17 (i) 4, whose elements are separately accented § 18 (ii).
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\11';1; \LS AND NOUNS OF
QUANTITY
jrctivc : as eu deugorff
urddedigion ', pum waew ,>i : fmh'ir meillonen gwynnyon b.m. 117. Demon-' ;iii(l similar adjectives
must be plural; y tri dyn ' ik -c
three men \ not y tri dyn Jiwn.
•'> Nouns after numerals,
whether compounded with i "i not, have their initial consonants mutated
as
n i.i^ciiline is
followed by the radical consonant us uu •n/ii fft ; un feminine
by the soft, It and rh being excep-i , '.'> (i) ), as
un zvraig, un fam, unwaifh, un Haw. Biynedd i '/// in composite
numbers, § 49 (ii), has the nasal muta-n imilarly biwydd, as un mlwydd ar
ddeg 'eleven years i otherwise un
flwydd, but un is seldom used before
/ /'/ except in
composite numbers.
/ //, however, forms some proper
compounds with nouns ' noun having
its initial mutated though mas., § 16 (i). ' • '• ;irc: (1) unben
'prince', un fryd, un galon in the ex-lon o un fryd 1 Sam. xi.
7, Act. iv. 24, o un galon Act. iv. (-))
Adjectives such as ungtust ( one-eared', ungorn <
one-•iik-j '. (3) Adjectives
like un fodd 'similar' etc.; see lo'.i (ii).
I;' >t Ii dau
and d'wy are followed by the soft mutation : dau •'iir<i law,
deudroed, dwyfron, etc. But dau before some 11 us beginning with p,
t, or c (probably old neuters1) takes i.idical; as dau cant
or deucant; dau pen or deupen;
/ /// or deutu
Phil. i. 23 ; dau parth 2 Bren. ii. 9, or deuparth
1'n takes the aspirate: trichant,
tri pheth, tripheth; except
'' t/tryr, §
50, which is a proper compound.
/'///• takes the
radical: fair punt, tair ceiniog, teirpunt, fair
.""id.
I'' 'I irar and pedair both take the
radical, pedwar dyn, pedair "f, fH'divdrdyn, § 101 (iv) ex. 2.
I'inn takes the radical: pum cant,
pum forth, pumpunt, ' hus, pumbys. But biwyddyn,
biwydd, diwrnod, dyn, and
I lie neuter form of
the Celtic word for 'two' seems to have 1-! in n (Stokes, Celtic
Declension, Trans. Phil. Soc., 1885-7, l'' 1), which left p, f, c
unmutated ; cf. naw pwys. F
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66 NUMERALS AND NOUNS OF QUANTITY § 53 occasionally other words with initial
b or d, have the nasal mutation; as pum ndynedd', pumnyn
L.G.C. 126; pum mroder § 94 (v) 1. Initial g sometimes
disappears: pum waith ; pum waew § 51 ; but pump gwrageb r.m. 43.
Bjjiv mal hynny bumi mlynedd
Braidd na bum
bridd yn y bedd.—T.A.
a 14979/143. Chwe is
followed by the aspirate : chive chant, chwephwys, chwe biynedd, chwedyn
§ 51, chwegwr.
Saith and wyth take the soft: sa
ith gant, seithgant, wyth bunt, wythbunt, wyth geiniog, y seith bechawt
marwawl s.g. 36, saith
beth Diar. vi. 16, .with fryn b.cw.
16, wythfys, zuythliw D. G. IS, se ith /•// w b . <' w .24, wyth u'n ft ft,
sa iff) wa Ith. 13 nt biynedd, biwifdd^ dtH'rnod, dyn and other
words with initial b or d have tlie nasal mutation }
; as wytli mlyru'dd^ seithnyn b.cw.
74, wytlrnyn, y scilh mroder s.o. 33 "the 7 brothers \ saith
muwch C!en. xli. 20. Words with initial m remain nnmntated, saith
mis, wyth munud.
Saith ^astell sy i'th gostiaw,
A saith lys ysy i'th zctw.—g.i.h. o. 143.
Wyth o feirdd
gwyl, wyth fwrdd gwin,
Wyth ^o^ i w(tith y gegin.—I.T. C\ymro, no. 687.
Acthosf^ ])u dost y b)/d ])nn^ Er f/s v'nfh nos (V r seithnyn.—
K.T)d. tr. [250].
.Iº/// (irf (i'th ?/y///?/; (f orfu, Acfftncn o j'dh-h
wythnyn/^.—T.A. a 14971/390.
The (inal ///,
liowever, of saith and wyth may re-harden &, (/. and g
; lience ij seith peehawt manvawl il.a. 147.
Nau\ deg, ugain,
can are followed
by the radical: now cant^ dcg pind, again pwys, canpunt. But bUvyddyn,
biwydd, dili^'nod, di/n, and oilier words with initial b or d
have the nasal : nan' ndy)u'<f<l, ^awnyn, dcng nilvmod, ugcinmiwydd,
cannyn, ngchinn'h'<l<) § .")() (i). (iividd, gzvr, girnifh,
and other words witli inili.il g have the radical after /?y/?/\ the soft after tlie others: }Knr
g>r(f/ff/, (long waitfi, ng(inn'i\ cannwr, can
1 Sait/i in taking thp .soft
follows tin1 analogy of zuytfi, which in Britisli ended in
a vowol- -ºocto ; and u\yth when it takes the nasal follows the
analogy of •'•ifcth wliicli ended in a nasal—^.secfen lor ''t:
sept en.
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\II:K\LS AND NOUNS OF QUANTITY 67 in ft;!////, (-(niwlad. But ugain
gwr, ugain gwaitJ^ can •'i i/n-lut/ are used when the noun and numeral
are 11' I \ .icceiited.
/ );in fnl y nawnyn zmiawn, -/. ,ij\'il in/f—dwgfyd i iawn.—0.01. M
146/233. I' ii m're hi on yn dirion divg I '^einwaith i Forgannwg.—D.O.
523. / gchis/'r hyd frodir fryn, 1'^einwlad yn i ganlyn.—\^.(\\{.
33. i ,1 krs t lie form deng before nasals : deng mi's, deng
mlyn-i^l iinrrnod^ denddeng mlynedd. Probably deng waith is ' / figt/'ai'fft,
the pronunciation being the same. On this
\ i/rng is
sometimes used before initial vowel, as deng i'ii( i/eg appears
to be the correct form before a vowel;
////' L.G.C. 149; deg
annerch D.G. 218; deg ewin S.Ph. i-'l?
ii, D.G. 275; though deng is found as early as the nili
century.
diryn dy fyd, 'mae
gennyd gof . I )f/cudden^oes heb ddydd angof.—
D.IL. tr. 122 (i afon Dyn).
\\ liicti is rarely
used as an adjective, takes the radical, ///, nfukannvet rann il.a. 92, mil Mynyddoedd; but
in 11 took the soft milfanieri G. m.a.
145b; in mil dinas .^1, (lie d may be d or b.
li> An adjective
following a noun with dau or dwy i In- soft mutation; as dau
oen flwyddiaid Ex. xxix. . 'l<h uddyn 'bresennol Corn. Pr.,
Trefn Priodas; deu \ nnllu-m r.m.
40 ; y ddwy wragedd rywiogach § 49 (ii);
/ \\o<-hyon
b.m. 211 ; y deu sant bennaf
il.a. 113 ; dau /
U<//// D.G. 334.
!<• t/n y ty mwyngii
maith, I >f/fin denant ddiwyd unwaith.—D.G. 358.
I / glwys ddau olwg leision
1 trnaeth im rew
'n eitha mron.—S.T. il 133/170.
ilc (ind golygon, without dau, used as a dual, and r followed
by the soft mutation, as golygon orwyllt
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68 NUMERALS AND NOUNS OF QUANTITY §§ 55, 56
Dwyn hefyd—deunaw
hafoedd— Golygon
ddz^ow ydd oedd.—G.Gr. p 114/380. Any noun understood as a dual may thus be
followed by the soft mutation.
Dail ffion ^rynion
eu gwraidd^ Dwy ogfaenen deg iwynaidd.—D.G. 16. But dwylaw, being regarded as
plural, takes the radical;
see § 49 (ii); though
dwy law is followed by the soft.
(ii) An adjective
remains unmutated after a feminine singular noun following a numeral above dwy
; as y tair gwaith cyntaf ' the first three times \ Llawen, os
adn'cn, yd ym ,'
Llyma
bcdah'gwrdgdda ^)'i/m.—L.Cl.C. 398. Elen rhoed, o liw'n rhydeg, Ar lun y tair Elen
teg.—T.A. a 14975/102. Pedeir meillonen
^wynyon a vybei yn y hoi, pa fforb bynnac y delhei, ac am kynny y gelwit hi
Olwen.—b.m. 117.
note.—The
rules in this section are not always observed in Late Welsh, the adjective
being more commonly mutated according to the gender and number of the noun, §
11. But the older usage persists when the numeral and noun are compounded,
as in tc'trllath da, canpnnt llawn^ etc. .But wythnos lias
always been treated as a fern. sing. noun, and takes the soft, as wythnos
ivleb; except in yr wythnos diwethaf, see § 3 (lit). So pythcfnos.
For the mutation of
the numeral itself after the article, see § 3 (iii).
55. A cardinal number
is substantival when no noun follows it, as Dwy a fydd yn main. meiun
melin Matt. xxiv. 41 : except of course when a noun is obviously implied,
as in pedair gwailh neu bump.
56 (i). A cardinal number is often used
substantively followed by o and a plural noun, pronoun, or affix ;
thus saith o bethazL ' seven things , in ohonynt ' three of
them ?. The noun may be definite, as Iri c/r dynion
' three of the men '.
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\l MKKALS AND NOUNS OF QUANTITY 69
i //// it is always
followed by a definite object; as un "//. //// ohonynt.
.}!<»< s nn
c.usan i''m hannerch,
.\f<»cs ddau o ^usanau serch.—D.O. 168.
^.s' Du/w a roes dri o wyr,
Y //•/' Owain yw'r trywyr.—L.O.C.
448.
^<nfh acen o^r
awen rydd,
Saith o gaeau, saith gywydd.—D.O. 234.
< nnstruction is
used in giving the number of a man's n ; // niae ganddo dri o blant,
not tri phlentyn, though i, i\ Ix' used in other connexions. But tri
mab or tri '/t, /mr merch or tair oferched. The
construction is also lo inake such distinctions as chwe cheiniog
'sixpence', " </tmiogau < six pennies'.
Chwech o blant mown llwyddiant lion, I
'niredd (Yr planwydd ir'ion.—Syr R.(\ (\r. 248.
myrdd, miliwn, myrddlwn are generally used thus,
•>t adjectively.
All plural forms of numerals, such /'///, rannoedd, etc. are connected
with nouns by o.
: \ roglau oil ar
y glyn Mal anadi mil o
wenyn.—T.A. a 14975/121.
•i ii< i n
klywei Pawl llef mil o viloeb
o engylyon.—
i, 11 forms of
numerals may, hoŵever, take plural parti-
• nit ivos, as miloedd
pzinnau, the whole generally having i i.-lc prefixed, § 13 (v).
The noun, etc., after
o is singular if it denotes t r ular individual: dan ohono '
two of him \
('Invant y'mannerch
fw erchi,
. !<' md, er chwant cant o'r ci.—B.Br. c 26/541.
/'.' dal o'z grtid
i elawr
\\';l!am wyth o Fell Mawr.—L.G.C. 195.
/J< '/a'1
tal, pe gellid hyn,
(>< f/d gael deuddeg o'i elyn.—L.G.C. 14.
\ii iidjoctival
numeral may be similarly followed
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70 NUMERALS AND NOUNS OF QUANTITY § 57 by o
; as tri dyn ohonynt ' three men of them ', chwedyn o achau Idwal
§ 51. This most commonly occurs when a
numeral or noun of quantity follows o, as un dyn o gant ' one
man in a hundred \ un dyn o lower, etc. In the latter case the first
numeral , if it is un, may be omitted, as dyn o fit, or
replaced by an interrogative or indefinite pronoun, as pa ddyn or cant?
(iv) A noun
compounded with a numeral is sometimes repeated in the plural after o
; as tryivyr o wyr, deugeinoen o wyn D. 166, deuwr o wyr y hyd hwn
§ 58, ex.
Trywyr hwnl o wyr yw'r
rhain,
A fhrf/wi/r a
tbair rhnon.--
T.A. a 31 102/314. Sometimes a
synonymous noun follows:
ia(u n //'//' r f ,s'//' na (I
u\ipi ºS'/o/<
Farw chwegwyr o farcho^ion.— M.Ber. c.c. 443. The repetition also takes
place when the noun and numeral are uncompounded; as tri chawr o ^ewri w.m. 441; dau wr o feibion y fall, 1 Bren. xxi. 13.
Yb oeb, hagen, gyt
ac ef t)eubec brenhin ar hu^eint o
vren-
hinet) coronawc.—w.m. 179, r.m. S2.
Instead of un
a singular noun may 1)0 used ; as ^wr o
boethyon Mon.— p.p. 1229.
The noun is also
idiomatically repeated when the numeral follows o ; as
Pa wlad o^r seithwiad ysydd Na chaid un o'eh adenydd ?—T.A.
J 101/54.
57 (i). A noun of
quantity or number is followed like a numeral by o and a plural noun
or its equivalent: llawer o belhau ' many things ? ; bagat
o wyr r.m. 74 ' a band of
men ' : digawn o arreu w.m. 99
' plenty of arms '; Uiaws ohonynl ' a multitude of them \ The noun or
its equivalent is singular if mass rattier than number is meant;
as llawer o ymenyn
' much butter º ; digon o fwyd ' plenty of food'; pa faini o anr ?
'how much gold ? ' hyn o aur 'this [amount] of gold \ § 100 (iv).
Rhai, pawl), neb,
dim, pet1i must
be followed by a definite
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\l \\VA\ Al.S
AND NOUNS OF QUANTITY 71
illcr o; as rJzai
o'r dynion 'some of the men':
' / ////'</• r.m. 15 ; peth o'r caws ' some of the cheese '. \ noiiti
of quantity is also followed by a noun in
'i it it i\ c
genitive ; as llu gwyr ' a host of men \ lliazvs ; i m 1111
itude of people ?, II uossogrwyb e [n ] gylyon n
I' ^'.1 ' a
host of angels '.
<'<//', f'enaid,
dec) euraid goron,—diffiffu--
A lle yng ngolau llu angylion.—dr.O. 30.
' nciin in the
genitive may bo definite as ////'/' bol)l '• tlie
•l \\\(\
people'; but it is usually indefinite; and the 11.. i in, though with a dependemt
genitive, may take the I- ^13 (v).
•ii I'cth • some \ dim 'any'
take dependent partitive i\r-: petti blawd 'some fiour \ iieb ddim
bwyd ' without i'">'l \ 'I'he construction of the Irish each
shows that a ' ii'Mowing pob does not depend upon it in tile genitive,
•n'es with it; this
is probably true of rf«n, Ilau'cr, and i1 '•. though the
noun in each case has its radical initial. / /"/.forms a compound with
its noun, w.c;. p. 312. So do " I I'-ct ives ambell and awl,
do. do.
Nouns denoting excess
or deficiency, like ychwaneg, . f/ormodd, bychan,1
adjectives qualified by rhy, and irative adjectives are followed by o
in the sense of \\ ith a numeral or a noun of quantity : as gormodd <n
-too many by two': ychwaneg g ]a.wer
' much ihjf fyr o lathen ' a yard short'. In these phrases » st rong
accent.
// •/• </f<
mawr a wely . . . ny 1)0 Ilei o
t)ini na deuwr
o wifr !' irnn.—r.m. 166.
(///''/' iau ydiw
mewn gwradwydd, Mcwn difri, na m'fi o flwydd.—D.O.
256.
'ir an ordinary noun
or pronoun, o has its usual 11 ir : /tun/ o aur. Of course we may have
both : niwi-f / " tf<lu\i/awf ' two liours more time \
1 Used as a noun meaning " too
little \
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72 NUMERALS AND NOUNS
OF QUANTITY §§ 59-61
59. A numeral or noun of quantity often stands in
the ablative of measure after the noun which it limits. Its initial is of
course softened, § 120 (ii): as dyfroedd lower Can. viii. 7 ; arum
ddlgon ' plenty of money ' : arclmngylion saitli: (/win hefk '
some wine \
A'm colon, er a
soniant,
Syn sefyll ar gyllyll gant.—D.G. 307.
Gwewyr rif y syr ysydd
Yn difa holl gorff
Dafydd—G.Gr. d.g. 237.
Llwyddai yn well i
eiddil
Bortli tan na thafodau fil.—Or. O.
Mi a lnn'«if\ man. lan^nvaith^
(hfwifdddu new salmau saith. - [L. il.
h. i. 67.
Mac da, weddill, /'/// dcuddwrn,
A ni na ain d'dnr
fuen^i xn divm.—T.A. a
14975/16.
It may also limit a
verb or verbal noun : gwelais ef deirgwaUh ' 1 saw him three
times \
A gofyn a
gysgassei hayach. Do arglwyb dalym.—r.m. 170, <
And asked if he had slept a while. Yes, lord, a good while.5
60. A substantival numeral may be qualified by
an adjective, as Iri da t three good men ', lair da
' three good women \
Dau dda a wnaetb Duw dd'iell,
A J)nw n'f
ivnacf/t dynion well.—0.01. c. i. 198. The mutation of the adjective is, after wn
mas., radical;
after un
fern., soft; after daw and dwy, soft; after oilier numerals
radical, except mil which is a fern. sing. nouu, cf. § 3 (iii), and hence
takes the soft. It is seen that in y tri cyntaf 'the first three1,
1 Chron. xi. 21, 25, cyntaf is an adjective qualifying tri. We
might have y tri chyntaf, making cyntaf the noun—' the three
first \
Mil fawr yn yndcferydd
O daranaw'r
fsygnaw sydd.—U.O.
xliv.
61 (i). The lower cardinal numbers are used
with plural prefixed pronouns ; thus yn \ dau k
we two \ yeh fri ' you
1 Ein, e'tcli ill
Salesbury's ortliograpliy, used in printed bookri.
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\1 \11<;KAI.S AND
NOUNS OF QUANTITY 73
In (lie third person,
the pronoun employed is i In- usual eu, but ill \ thus ill
pedwar 'they four \ [•hind forms deuoedd or demuedd and trioedd
are jiK-iitlx used in this construction. l l r i hi rd person form ^suggests
that tlie prefixed pronoun
i ,1 dependent
genitive in this construction, but stands lr -;ii tie case as the numeral
wliicli accompanies it. The nut 11 is always in the ablative of measure, and
cannot be uhjeet or object of the verb; thus we cannot say gwelais • I
saw the three of them \ but gwelais }iwynt ill tri, lit. i \\ (hern in
their three.' Tlie numeral with its prefixed ir'iin always refers to a noun
or pronoun expressed in the ''• -i !<•<•, as hwy yll pedwar r.m. 46; ni an whecli do. 18;
or [•••(soiial ending of a verb or preposition as y ry[n\gtwn1 '
'///•///• r.m. 46 ; wdwnt
ell dew do. 85. Bein^ in the abla-ii can stand in any position which an
adverb may i(i\ , and when it comes first in the sentence, it is followed i
Ir- oblique relative yr or // ; see the last example below. i\ i
rod i ailan a orwgant, a ch //n'/m gorseb Arberth a wnacth-vll pedwar.—b.m. 46.
> 1^1 dclei yr
wn mardiawc a orvybei arnabwnt zoy yll seith.-—
l '////// mel ac
ef ae bwylaw yll dwyoeb.—s.a. 39. / 'n dyn nid oedd ond ni'n dau Mown man, 'y mun a minnow.—D.O. xliv. -1 ed Elin, am win a
medd, /\)^cJi a dwyoes ych deuwedd.—Out. O. a. 216,
Hwynta/w ill deuoedd,
Dros dwr, dros
diroedd, Oedd Lwdd i filoedd a Llefelys ; . . .
Llewod Gwenlllan1,
Nefoedd a nofian'
;
111 dau yr aethan' i'r llan or llys.—L.G.C.
396.
I n takes prefixed pronouns and
itself assumes the ii hun (w.o. p. 307), as fy hwn 'myself1,^?/
hun, etc., 11 h.is .•i plural hwnain used with plural prefixed
pro-1 l)aii2;liter of Owain Olyndwr.
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74 NUMERALS AND NOUNS OF QUANTITY § 61 nouns, as ych hunain '
yourselves \ Tn the 3rd person plural the prefixed pronoun is not ill,
but the usual eu, as eu Jiunain i themselves \ Hun,
as well as Jiunan, may be used with plural prefixed pronouns, as ohonunt
eu hun Hal), i. 7 ; ac yr a welsynf o o rut f/nf/ gwyb, ac yr a
gewssynt e hun.—w.m. 59.
In Med.W. the 3rd
pres. prefixed pron. sing. and pi. is usually written e before hun (w.g. p. 16) and the 1st pi. takes
the form ny. Dy sometimes appears as du : thus ti duhunan to..a. 84; so also muhunan b.p. 1045. These expressions are
used, like those in the above sub-section, always with reference to an
expressed noun, pronoun, or personal suffix ;
thus Daff/dd I
ftun 'David himself' ; d</ air d<f hun or dy air di dy
hun º thino own word ' : (if i/no ft/ hnnan t 1 will go
there myself ' or ' alone ' ; Aetli Daf^dd y no I Imn" David went
there himself \ Hun is in tlie ablative, fy hun always meaning (
by myself \ We cannot put it in the genitive and say ty fy hun t
the house of myself''; but the genitive pronoun of tlie same person must be
placed before the noun; thus fy nhy fy hun lit. 'the house of me by
myself'. Such expressions as wedi lladd i hun, now common in
colloquial Welsh, are not found in literary Welsh, whore the prefixed pronoun
is always expressed, as amcanodd ci ladd ci luin Act. xvL 27 ; yr
ydym yn ein fwi/Ho ('in hunain 1 loan i. 8 ; (/(in dcfi fwyllo eich
hunain Tago i. 22 ; ci wadn ci hun 2 Tim. ii. 13. Similarly, it
cannot be tlie object of a preposition, which always must have its objective
personal ending before hun; thus we cannot say ar dy hun but arnat
dy hun 1 Tim. iv. 16; not yn i hun but ynddo 'z hun
Es. xix. 17 ; not i fy hun but im fy hun Jot) xix. 27, D.G. ch.
xi, or im [m\y hun m.a. i.
286 ; see w.ci. p. 307. It cannot be the object of a verb, which must always
be a prclixed pronoun : efe ai dibrisiodd ei hun Phil. ii. 7, not a
ddibri^iodd. It cannot stand in tlie genitive after an adjective; we
cannot say fel dy hun but/e7 ti dy hun Salm 1. 21. Hun
is shown to bo in the ablative case by the fact that when it, with its
prefixed pronoun, comes first in the sentence, it is followed by tlie oblique
relative yr or y; thus canys ei hunan y gelwais ef, ac y
bendithiais ac yr amiheais ef Es. Ii. 2.
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M MKKALS AND NOUNS OF
QUANTITY 75 l-i i .titcr
conjunctions like namyn, ond, no, the personal Ni>un may be
omitted: nyt archaf inheu y neb govyn vy , minnjn my hun b.m. 64 ; Gwybyddwch nad oes
o'r tu yma / / Ionian b.c.
68 ; yn vch no my hun jl.a. 67.
< 'loffum a gwan o
anhun ;
< 'nU<i(s fy harddlais fy hun.—D.G. ccx.
/-'/• hun ni wyr ohonun
I'// liaint onid mi fy hun.—D.G. 443. (O.T.H. ?) t.r.
85.
' r In I hun
D.O. ccxxi ; o^i bodd I finn do. cxciii.
(>2. The ordinal numbers are adjectives.
Like other
I r ' (ives they may
be used as nouns, or may agree with
II 'I ifd nouns.
/ iinlaf is placed after its
noun and mutated like an
III i.i ry adjective,
the noun being usually preceded by ' ;i rt icie ; as // lle cyntaf i
the first place ': y ffordd gyntaf 'lir lirstway'. The noun may be
plural, // pethaucyniaf Ir- first things \
I IK1
other ordinal numbers are placed before their nouns, rl ;>r-c usually
preceded by the article. The noun must i titular, and if feminine its initial
consonant undergoes -oft mutation, as does that of the ordinal after the i
ric : thus y pedwerydd gwr 'the fourth man', y ''riircdd waith
'the fourth time'.
\lne heddiw, am
wiw hoewddyn, \ drydedd ddialedd yn.—Gut.O. a 14967/119.
M.iny recent writers
soften the initial of a mas. as well as 111. noun after ail as after
an ordinary adjective; but l'il)l y ail forms no exception to the rule
regarding ordinal
•nix-rs, and mas.
nouns after it have the radical; as
I /• ail dydd, a'r
zulad i'w 61, I / fn'dwar o wyr bydol.—T.A. o. 234.
\n.l tlie second day,
the [whole) country following him, \ ,1 - borne] on [the shoulders of] four
living men.' ' '/// dydd o'r ail mis.—2 Cron. iii. 2. See Gen. i. 8, 13,
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7(» NUMERALS AND
NOUNS OF QUANTITY §§ 63, 64
Ail forms improper compounds with
monosyllabic nouns (improper because the initials of mas. nouns are
unmutated), as eilwaith, eilwers, cildydd, eilfro. These are old
formations.
Ail forms proper compounds having
separately accented elements with nouns, verbal nouns and verbs (proper
because the second element lias a soft initial), as a il feddwl, ail
ddecltrau, ml gynnig, ail eni, ail orau. These are late formations. The
standard forms are all meddwl, ail gorau, etc.
Yr Invnn a bywedir
y vot yn eil ^oreu o'r byt.—s.o. 224.
Ail meddwl am a wyddost.—G.I.IL.F. f. 36. Ail is in poetry
sometimes placed after its noun when the latter is indefinite.
AdcdadacUf a
/macf/io^f /^Wi/ no chdo' Unjoin i cftosf ;
Sin ail a wnoud, S/6n K\ /.s', A
ser no'i nen swrn yn is.—Ciiit.0. a
14967/22. Doe'r oeddwn dan oreuddail Yn aros Gwen, Elen ail. —D.G. clxxi. Ail may govern nouns and
pronouns in the genitive case;
see § 28 (iii).
63. Tn Med.W. proper names are used like common
nouns with ordinal numbers, as // frydyh Innossens, y frydyt) Honoring
k.b.p,. 35(): // decrei
Greqorl hop do. 380. Later, ordinal numbers were made to follow the names
without the article ; thus Harri ail, Ham Irydydd L.G.C. 154, Harri
wyfhfed, Harri seithfed m.t. 185
K. ; the mitial of tlie ordinal was sometimes softened as Edwart bedwerydd
l^.G.C. 68. More rarely we find a cardinal number used 111 us as in
French : as Harri sailJi, Harri wylli. Dwyn Harri saith, dyna'r son, /'/• lan, er I elynion.—T.A. a 14964/117 ; cf. c. i. 340.
Fn late Welsh the
construction generally used is a literal translation of the English formula :
Edward y seithfed ' Edward the seventh \
64. Both cardinal and ordinal numbers may be used
as ordinary adjectives in the predicate, as fri ydym or yr
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M MORALS AND NOUNS OF
QUANTITY 77
,/// //// dr!
' we are three ?; Irydydd wyt or yr ivy I ijn
I'l'lil 'you are third'; or with yn to form adverbial i i rs, as
//// (in 'as three', yn drioedd 'in threes', yn f^'/d '
thirdly'.
}'na 'dd oeddyni yn ddeudde^ O fcirdd—ii,n sy'nfyzv ar ddeg. -H.D. n, 133.
(>.^. The
following idioms are to be noted :
/ // is frequently
used definitely without thn article when !"'<»'des a name of the
Deity (cf. §4 (viii)); as Un Daw '" f L.G.C. 444. Dewi ac un
Duw do. 107. A r tli fry ydwyt wrth fradwr Talfrad trwy gennad un Gwr.—L.G.C. 24. Dyn, o gorwedd dan
gerrig,
Dan dy draed, un Duw, a drig.—H.D. p 99/415. Nid yw neb ddim ond o nawdd l^n1
dinam Ion a'i doniawdd.—Cir.O. d.t. 11. iii / h is used in the sense of 4 only :
Mae hon, wen Euron
arab^
Ym mhoen Mair am i hun2 mab.—Gut.O. a 14967/119. in) / 'n ac un ' one by one ' ; dau
a dau, i two by two '; etc. i\ ) Tan un 'at the same
time', '•all at once'1; b.cw.
123, ' < . 413.
i Wrth y cant
'by the hundred', wrtli y Hath 'by the • I , trrth y pwys, wrth y
cannoedd.
11 Dcugain namyn
un ' thirty-nine', cant namyn un 11-1 \ -nine \
11) .!/• fy
mhedwerydd ' I witli tliree others ?; ar i drydydd li'n/
t he with two other horsemen \—k.m. 23.
' / n•f ar vyn deuebcuet. . . Ef a aeth a Gilvaetliwy a degwyr
"• 'i't/nf.—r.m. 60.
^" ;ilso in
Llanrwst edition, p. 12. Changed into Y hy R. (|>. 188), who was evidently
ignorant of the idiom. He no mention of his tampering with
the text; and his false i'n^ is ndopted in late editions. I Ir' // is due
here to the aspiration after i ' her \
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xxxx Aquesta pàgina en català
yn 14
pixel /