A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative. 1913. John Morris-Jones (1864-1929). 2645k Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia.



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Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia
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Gramadegau Cymraeg

A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative
John Morris-Jones (1864-1929)



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§ 1. i. The Welsh Language is a member of the Keltic branch of the Aryan (also called the Indo-European or Indo-Germanic) family of languages.
The languages of this great family are classified as follows, names of branches' and groups being printed in spaced type :
(1) Indian, comprising (a) Sanskrit; (V) Prakrit dialects, from which are descended numerous modem languages in India.
(2) Iranian : (a) Avestic (East Iranian, also called Zend or Old Bactrian) ; (&) Old Persian (West Iranian), later Pehlevi; (o) Modern Persian.
(3) Armenian.
(4) Greek, which comprises many dialects, the most important being (ff) Ionic-Attic ; (&) Doric ; (c) Aeolic : Lesbian, Thessalian, Boeotian ; (d) Arcadian and Cyprian; (e) Pamphylian.
(5) Albanian.
(6) Italic : (a) Latin, from which are derived the modern Romance languages ; (6) Os-can, Umbrian.
(7) Keltic: (ff) the Q division, consisting of dialects in Gaul and Spain, and the Goidelic group, comprising Irish, Scotch Gaelic and Manx ; (6) the P division, consisting of Gaulish, and the British group, comprising Welsh, Cornish and Breton.
(8) Germanic ; (a) Gothic ; (6) the Norse group, including i. Swedish, Gutnish, Danish; 1. Norwegian, Icelandic; (c) the West-Germanic group, including i. Old English (or Anglo-Saxon), now English ; Frisian; Old Saxon, now Low German ;
Dutch, Flemish ; a. Old High German, now German.
(9) Baltic-Slavonic: («) the Baltic group : Old Prussian, Lithuanian, Letti&h ; (b) the Slavonic group: Old Bulgarian;
Russian, Bulgarian, Illyrian ; Czech, Sorabian, Polish, Polabian.
(10) Tocharish, recently discovered in East Turkestan.
1(02 B



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ii. All these languages are descended from a common ancestor called the Aryan parent language. Primitive Aryan, or briefly Aryan. Similarly, the languages of each branch may be referred to a common parent called Primitive Keltic, Primitive Italic, Primitive Germanic, etc., as the case may be. Some of the above branches are perhaps to be regarded rather as groups; Indian and Iranian are often classified together as the Indo-Iranian branch ; and the common features of Keltic and Italic are such as to render it certain that the two branches were united and shared the same development for a period after their separation from the others; hence we may classify them together as Italo-Keltic; see § 86 ii (2), § 113 i (3), § 147 iv (a), § 203 vii (3).

iii. Our earliest knowledge of the various languages varies widely in point of date, and naturally those of which we possess the most ancient records on the whole bring us nearest the fountain head. But the Baltic group, of which our knowledge is only recent, are of a remarkably archaic character; Lithuanian, whose earliest text is dated 1547, and which has changed comparatively little since, preserves to this day some forms which are practically identical with those which we have to postulate for Primitive Aryan itself.

From the cradle of Aryan speech various tribes migrated at different periods in different directions, establishing themselves in distant lands, in which their speech prevailed, though the aborigines cannot have been exterminated, since the Speakers of Aryan languages in historical times belong to many races, and it is still matter of dispute which of these has the best claim to be regarded as representing the original Aryans. The dispersion commenced not earlier than about 2000 B.C. according to Hirt, Die Indogermanen 22. The centre of dispersion is now generally believed to have been somewhere in Europe.

A parent language is not necessarily isolated; analogy rather suggests the contrary. As Latin, which is the parent of the Eomance languages, is derived from Aryan and allied to the other Aryan languages, so Aryan itself must be derived from some remote ancestor, and it is improbable that it is the only descendant of it which survived. Sweet, by a comparison of the pronominal and verbal forms of Aryan and Ugriau, has made out a strong case for supposing that the two families are allied; see his History of Language pp. 112 ft. On the other side Mol]er,in his Semitisch und Indogermanisch i (1907), has compared the consonant sounds of Aryan in detail with those of Semitic, and in KZ. xlii 174 ff. the vowels; and claims to have proved their derivation from a common source. But none of these affinities can yet be regarded as established.



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§ 2. In the oldest forms of Goidelic found in the ogam inscriptions, Primitive Keltic qu from Aryan qu remains; but in the oldest British it had already become p, and it is p in Gaulish. Traces of a Keltic qu language in Gaul are seen in names like Sequani; and in some recently discovered inscriptions further evidence of the survival of such a language is believed to have been found. As the change of qu to p is the earliest sound-change known which is not common to the whole branch, it seems reasonable to classify the Keltic languages as above § 1 i (7).

The more usual classification adopted in recent years is that in which the Keltic languages are grouped into " insular " and " continental". But this is a negation of all classification; it is as if we were to group together English and Icelandic as insular Germanic! Thurneysen now calls it a "geographic" classification (Gr. i), which is equivalent to saying that it is no classification at all. It arose out of the view put forward in Khys's LWPh.2 (1879) pp. 16 ff. that the language of the 'ogam inscriptions in Wales is an old form of Welsli. Thurneysen, KR. (1884) pp. 7 ff., adopts this view; dismisses Rhys's later view, CB. (1884) p. 215, that the ogams are Irish; and concludes that, as the ogams have q", the change q* > p in British is much later than the same change in Gaulish. Of course, if the ogams, are Welsh, there was no difference in the 5th cent. between Welsh and Irish, and both differed from Gaulish, which alone had p. Hence the classification into insular and continental. But the assumption on which it is based is groundless ; no one now holds that the ogams are Welsh.

If it is denied that a systematic classification of the groups is possible, it would be better to take them separately than to adopt a classification which implies a close relationship between Goidelic and British. But there seems no sufficient reason for separating British from Gaulish. It is now admitted that Brit. p from q"< is ancient; and it is extremely improbable that this p developed independently of Gaulish /). Tacitus, Agricola xi, tells us tliat the speech of the Britons differed little from that of the Gauls. The Gaulish forms IIei/i/o-oDivS-os, Vindomag(os), amhact(os), Voretovir(os) are identical with the British forms which we have to postulate as the originals of the "Welsh •penwyn ' white-headed ', gwynfa ' paradise', amaeth ' serf', gwaredwr ' saviour'. It is for those who would separate British and Gaulish to prove that Tacitus was wrong.

For the continental Q* dialect or group of dialects various names have been suggested, as Scquanian (Nicholson), Pictavian, Geltican (Rhys), Ligurian (Jullian). The language of the Coligny calendar contains both qu and p ; but whether tlie latter is secondary, or borrowed from Gaulish, or represents Aryan p, cannot yet be decided, since independent evidence as to meaning is lacking. The presence of Ar. p, if proved, would constitute these dialects a class apart. B2




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§ 3. i. Welsh, Cornish and Breton are descended from British (properly Brittish), the language of the ancient Britons. The speakers called themselves Brittones, and their language *Brittoniika.

The Old English name 'wa.sBrittisc ovBryttisc,asOnBryttisc sprecende Guthlac, Godw. 42, 17 (cf. .Rhys, OF. 676), which in later spelling was Brittish, misspelt British9' under the influence of the Lat. Britannia. The name continued to be used for the derived languages: "The Gaulish speach is the very Brittish, the which was very generally used heere in all Brittayue before the coming in of the Saxons; and yet is retayned of the Walshmen, the Cornishmen, and the Brittons," Spenser, State of Ireland (Lloyd's Enc. Dic.). It was commonly used for Welsh as late as the i8th and beginning of the i9th cent.; "In these Schools . . . Men, Women and Children being ignorant of the English Tongue, are taught to read their native British language," Welsh Piety 1754 p. 53, i755 "' P. 47 etc. Cf. dedication of Grawn Awen (Caledfryn) 1826.

ii. The Welsh call themselves Cymry, from *'kom-brog1 'fellow countrymen'; but the use of this as a national' name is subse­quent to the separation of the Welsh from the Cornish and the Bretons. The old name, which survived in poetry, was Brytlwn B.T. 13 from Brittones ', the corresponding name of the language Brythoneg was superseded by Cymraeg, but some memory of it sur­vived (D.D. gives Brythoneg, but with no quotation). The Bretons call their language Bresonek, and Cornish was called Brethonec', all these forms imply an original *Bnttomkd. Sir John -Rhys in his L"WPh.2 16 adopted the names Brythoiis and Brythonic for the Brittones and their language, remarking, however, that he would " like to have called them Brittons and their language Brittonic ". I prefer to call the language by its traditional English name British, whicli in this connexion involves no ambiguity. The term Brythonic suggests a later period, and tends to disguise the fact that the language meant is the speech of the ancient Britons.

iii. The name Britto, sg. of Brittones, probably owes its ft to its being a formation of the type of Gk. NIKOTTO) etc., see § 93 iii (2), for an earlier Britann(os), pi. Britanm. Similarly we have a late Bpfn-ta for Britannia. / Brittw survives in Bret. Breis: 'Brittany', and *Br!tanmd in MI'. W. Brydein used'as a variant of the more usual Prydein as in B.B. 100, milvir Pridein 1. 5, imlguir Bridein 1. 7. Brztan- seems to be for Pntan- by British alternation p:b § 101 iii (2) ; cf. paiT(AN)Nii Holder i 564, PBITMIT do. ii 1046. Pritto also occurs as a personal name beside Britto, and Prittius beside Brittius (see Holder s. vv.). Tlie view now generally held that the members of these pairs are unrelated rests on no other basis than the assumption that British p- could under no circumstances pass into b-. The fact,

* It ia of course still pronounced Brittish, rhyming with skittish, not with whitish.



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however, is that Pritan- and Bvitan- are synonymous. The P- goes back through Diodorus Siculus probably to Pytheas (4th cent. B. o.). Polybius (2nd cent. B. c.) seems to have used Bper^aviKal VTJO-OI; but Strabo and Diodorus have UpeT^aviKal y^o-oi and IIpeT(T)aroi; later Ptolemy and Maician used n-. Stephanus of Byzantium (o. A.D. 500) wrote BpeTTai/tSes r-iyo-ot and Bperrwoi, remarking that Dionysius (Peiiegetes; Augustan age) wrote "one (... Bperai/oi'" [read 'Bpfravvoi], and that otheis used " p, UpeTaviSey vfja-oi, as Marcian and Ptolemy";
elsewhere Stephanus himself wrote TiperaviKrj and Uperavoi Holder i 560. The e in IIper- s Brit. i, see § 66 i. Pritan- is an w-stem representing original (^q^ri^n- or) *qwrit/t-•, for the nn see § 62 i (2).
The surviving forms show that the old P- forms had one (; thus W. Prydain ' Britain', Ml. W. Prydein, implies *Pritan(n')M and Ir. Cruithnech ' Pictish' implies a Pictish *Pritemkos; hence the -TT- in UpeTTaviKai is probably a misspelling of copyists, due to the Britt-forms which prevailed later. The forms with -on- had -tt-; thus W. Brython < Brittones, Bret. Bresonek < *Brittonikd, and Ml. Ir. Bretain ' Britons ' represents Brittones reguldriy. As the new form Brittones spread, Britannia became Brittannia which survives in Fr. Bretagne', later we find Brittania BpeTTai/tfo; etc. which were substituted for older forms in MSS. There is no possible doubt that the oldest B- form is Britann-: Catullus (died 54 B. c.), Propertius, Vergi], Horace, Ovid, all scan Brztann-. The evidence of the dated coins and inscriptions in Holder is as follows (the numbers in brackets refer to Holder i): coins of Claudius A.D. 41, 46 have Britannia, Britanni., Britann, (564, 36, 37); inscriptions: A. B. 41 Britannia (589, 52); time of Claudius Britannia (590, 37); A.D. 43 Britannic(um) (5981 24); A.D. 49 £ritan(nicis) (599, 34). In A. D. 49 or 50, at least a century after the first evidence of Britann-, -tt- appeals first in two inscriptions in the name of Claudius's son Britannicus : Britta\nico\ (602, 18), Brittanici (602, 22); in eight other cases it is Britannicus or BpETwriKos (602). The early appearance of tt in this name may mean that Britto was in use as an abbreviated personal name earlier than as meaning ' Briton'. In the national name the single t continued in use : A. D. 54 £ritan(nicum) (600, 22); A.D. 65 Britannico (599, 5); A.D. 80 Britannica (598, 37). In A.D. 85 Brittones first appears in the gen. pi. Brittonum side by side with Britannica (607, 41—2). In A.D. 90 first occuis Brittanniae (588, 7) ; in A. D. 98 and 103 Britannia again (590, 2.5; 588, 9); in A.D. 99 Brittonum (607, 43); in A.D. 105 Brittan[nia~\ (588,10), in A.D. no Brittanniae (590, 5) and Britannica (598, 40). In the 2nd cent. Britann- and Brittann- are both common. Brittania first occurs on a coin in A.D. 185 (590, 50) and BrittanicM in A.D. 210 (599, gi).
The W. Pryden' Picts' § 121 iii from *Pritenes, Prydyn B.T. 13 ' Pict-land' from *Pritem, and the Ir. Cruithen Cruithnech seem to have the F-grade -en- of the stem-ending, probably a Pictish form. The Picts were Britons, as shown by the fact that p < q* abounds in Pictish names. They kept in their own name the P- which also survives in



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W. Prydain ' Britain', and so came to be distinguished from the Southern Britons, who called themselves Brittones. Picti, which is not known to occur before A. D. 297, seems to be a Latin translation of *Pritenes explained as meaning ' figured ' (: W. pryd ' form', Ir. cruth), just as W. Brithwyr ' Picts' is a translation of Picti. This explanation of *Pritenes is probably only a piece of popular etymology;
but even if it had some old tradition behind it, the name is equally applicable to the other Britons, for they all piiinted or tattooed them­selves, Caesar B.G. v 14, Herodian iii 14, 7. Indeed the objection to accepting it as the true explanation is that at the time when it was first applied it could not be distinctive.
The etymology of a proper name is always uncertain, except when, like Albion, it hardly admits of more than one meaning, and that meaning (its. Britain like Albion must have been a name given to the island by its Kcllic invaders, and Albion suggests the feature most likely to impress thorn. There is an Italo-Keltic root of some such form as *yurel- which means ' chalk ' or ' white earth ', giving Lat. creta, and W. pridd ' loiim ', Irisli ere.; tlio attempt to derive the Welsh and Irish words from tlic Liitin is a failure—tlio root must be Keltic as •well IIB Italic ; and it limy have yielded tlie name Pritannia meaning ' the island of tlie wliitr fliH'H '.
§ 4. i. Gaulish and British are known to us through names on coins, and words and names quoted by Greek and Latin authors. No inscriptions occur in British, but British names are found in Latin inscriptions. A number of inscriptions in Gaulish have been preserved. Goidelic is known from the ogam inscrip­tions, of which the oldest date from the 5th century.
ii. The scanty materials which we possess for the study of Gaulish and British are sufficient to show that these languages preserved the Aryan case-endings, and were at least as highly inflected »>s, Bay, Latin. Tlie great change which transformed British and converted it into Wclxli and its sister dialects was the loss of tlio endings of ntonin und words, by which, for example, the four syllables of tlie British May/o-ruuM wore reduced to the two of the Welsli Muel-gwn.. By this reduction distinctions of case were lost, and stem-forming Hiiflixos became a new class of inflexional endings; see § 113, § 111) i.
§ 5. The history of Welsh may be divided into periods as follows:
(i) Early Welsh, from the time when British had definitely become Welsh to the end of the 8th century. Of the forms of this


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period we have only echoes, such as the names found in Bede,
(a) Old Welsh (0. W.), from the beginning of the 9th to the end of the nth century. The remains of this period are a number of glosses, and some fragments of prose and aponymous verse. But 0. W. forms are preserved in later copies in the genealogies, the Book of Llandaf, the Laws, the Book of Aneirin, etc.
(3) Medieval Welsh (Ml. W.), from the beginning of the lath to the end of the i4th century and somewhat later. The orthography varied much during this period, and was at first in an unsettled state. It will be convenient to refer to the language of the lath and early i3th century as Early Ml. W., and'to that of the T4th and early l5th as Late ML W.
(4) Modern Welsh (Mn. W.), from Dafydd ap Gwilym to the present day. Though D. ap Gwilym wrote before the end of the i4th century, he inaugurated a new period in the history of the language, and is in fact the first of the moderns. The bards of the l5th and l6th centuries wrote the bulk of their poetry in the cywydd metre popularized by Dafydd ; and the forms used by him, with some alterations of spelling (ai, au for ei, eu § 79), were preserved unchanged, having been stereotyped by the cynghanedd. The language of this body of poetry may be called Early Mn. W.
At the introduction of printing, Wm. Salesbury attempted in his works, including the New Test. (1567), to form a new literary dialect, in which the orthography should indicate the etymology rather than the sound. His practice was to write Latin loan­words as if no change had taken place in them except the loss of the ending, thus eccles for eglwys ' church', descend for disgya ' to descend' ; any native word with a superficial resemblance to a Latin synonym was similarly treated, thus i ' his, her ' was written ei because the Latin is eiits (perhaps eu ' their' suggested this). But Dr. Morgan in his Bible (1588) adopted the standard literary language as it continued to be written by the bards, though he retained some of Salesbury's innovations (e.g. ei for i ' his'). Some dialectal forms used by Morgan (e.g. gwele for gwelai ' saw ' § 6 iii) were replaced by the literary forms in the revised Bible (1620), which became the standard of later writers. Thus



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Late Mn. W., which begins with the Bible, though influenced to some extent by Salesbury, is based upon Early Mn. W., and forms a continuation of it. In the l9th century several neologisms were introduced, chiefly under the influence of Pughe; the language of this period will be referred to, when necessary, as Recent Welsh.
§ 8. i. The spoken language has four main dialects, as follows :
(i) Venedotian, the dialeet of Gwynedd or North West Wales. (Gwyn. dial.)
(a) Powysian, the dialect of Powys, or North East and Mid Wales. (Powys dial.)
(3) Demetian, the dialect ofDyfed or South West Wales.
(4) Gwentian, the dialect of Gwent and Morgannwg, or South East Wales.
N. W. is used as an abbreviation for ' North Wales' or ' North Walian', S. W. for ' South Wales ' or (South Walian '.
ii. The two N. W. dialects differ from the two S. W. chiefly in the choice of words to express some common ideas, the most noticeable difference being the use of o, fo in N. W., and e,fe in S. W., for the pronoun ' he ' or ' him'.
iii. In the final unaccented syllable the diphthongs ai and an are mostly levelled with e in the dialects. In Powys and Dyfed, that is, in an unbroken belt from North East to South West, the three are sounded e ; thus cader, pei/ie, bore for oadair ' chair ', pethau ' things ', bore ' morning''. In Gwynedd and Gwent they are sounded a, as cadar (Gwent cd\far), petha, bora. When ai is significant (e.g. as denoting the plural) it is ai in Gwynedd, i in Gwent, sometimes i in Powys, as Gwynedd defaid ' sheep', llygaul (when not U'gaSa) ' eyes'; Gwent defid, lly\cid ; Powys ' defed, llygid; Dyfed defed, llygecl.
Dialectal forms, chiefly Demetian and Powysian -e, begin to appear in the MSS. of the l5th century; but the rhymes of the bards of the l5th and i6th centuries, with the exception of some poetasters, always imply the literary form, which is still used in the written language except in a few words. See § 31 ii.


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§ 7. i. Welsh, in all its periods, ha$ been written in the Latin alphabet. " f
The ogam inscriptions are Irish. The letters of the ogam alphabet consist of scores and notches on the edge of the stone; one to five scoies, cut at right angles to the edge on either side, or obliquely across it, form 15 consonants; one to five notches on the edge form 5 vowels.
The " alphabet of Nemnivus", contained in ox., dated 812, and reproduced by Ab Ithel in Dosp. Ed. 10, ii, is stated in the MS. to have been formed by Nemnivus " ex machinatione mentis suae " in answer to a Saxon's taunt that the Britons had no letters. Mobt of the signs are forms of Latin characters made to imitate runes; two (•^ n and A u) are runes, while others seem to be arbitrary inventions. There is no evidence of the use of this alphabet. The "winged alphabet" given by Ab Ithel ibid. 12 consists of two classification'? of Scandinavian tree-runes, the top line representing the two schemes of classification. The reason given for supposing the scribe to be a Welshman is too ridiculous to need refutation.
Among the "traditions " invented by the Glamorgan bards in support of their claim to be the successors of the druids was the " wooden book ";
though all the accounts of it are in lolo Morgannwg's handwriting, contemporary evidence of its existence in the early i^th cent. is afforded by Ehys Cain's satirical englyn (Ab lolo, Coel. y B. go); but it cannot be traced further back. The ' bardic alphabet' called coelbren y beirdd was a conventional simplification of ordinary chaiacters adapted for cutting on wood; its letters are derived from the hand­writing of the period, as V b, ) S, -4 f (= e), Y\ h, V\ n, V r, except where it was easier to adapt the Latin capitals, as A A, (/ G. With one or two exceptions, such as U IL, the " derived characters " denoting consonant mutations, so far from proving the coelbren's antiquity, are its very latest development, Pughe acknowledging himself to be the author of five of them (L GC. 260 footnote). lolo's memoranda (Coel. y B. 27) refer to an old form given by Gwilym Tew in his grammar;
but this work is pieserved in G.T.'s own hand in P 51, which does not mention the coelbren. The famous transcriber of MSS. John Jones


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of Gelli Lyfdy compiled two collections of the alphabets known to him p 307, IL 144, but neither contains anything like the coelbren. No MS. is written in it, for the simple reason that it was easier to write ordinary characters than the coelbren caricature of them. The writing in P 54 pp. 359 ff., stated in the B. to be in " ' bardic ' characters, which are widely different from Roman characters ", bears no resemblance to the coelbren, and is no more " widely different from Eoman characters " than the coelbren itself is; it is the hand of an illiterate peison ; the letters are written separately, but all are clumsy copies of tlie script characters of the period, mostly formed with awkward curves, the antithesis of the coelbren angles. There is a somewhat similar scribble written upside down on the bottom margin of B.CH. = p 29, p. 19.— The wooden book consisted of squared inscribed sticks in a frame; it was called peithynen from its resemblance to a weaver's reed, and not the reverse, as lolo asserted, for peithyn(en) comes regularly from Lat. ace. pectin-em ' comb, weaver's reed'. The absurdity of the supposition that such a device ever served any serious purpose of literature is manifest when one considers what a cartload of wooden books would be required to carry the contents of a small manuscript volume.
ii. The earliest "Welsh alphabet given as such is that found in the B.G. col. 1117: a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i, k, I, m, n, o, p, q, r, s, t, v, x, y, w, ft. It contains q, which is not used in Welsh, and omits all the digraplis except II; they could not be included in the traditional number, 24.
Sir J. Price's alphabet in T.L.H, (1546) is as follows: a, b, c, d, d,
^ffi /- ff, h! i, k,l, l\ m, n, °, P, r! rh, s,t,v= u, v, y, w.
W. Salesbury gives the following alphabet in his Playne and Familiar Introductio, 1567 (written in 1550): A, b, c, ch, d, dd, e, f,ff, g, h, i, J(, I, II, m, n, o, p, r, s, t, th, v, u, w, y. He distinguishes between v, and v, using the latter for Eng. v, Welsh/.
G.E., (1567), who uses d, I, u for dd, II, w, gives the following alphabet: a, b, c, ch, d, d, e,f, g, i, h, I, I, m, n, o, p, r, s, t, th, u, u, y, omitting ng and ph (botli of which he uses, the latter to the exclusion oijf), to make the number 24.
S.V., (1568), gives the following alphabet of 24 letters: a, b, d, dd, e, f, ff, g, i, Jc, I, II m, n, o, p, r, 8, t, v, w, y, ch, th, adding that h is tlie sign of a breathing, J 9/3.
J.D.R., (1592), used h to form all his digraphs, thus bh =/, dh = dd, gh == ng. His alphabet is as follows: a, b, bh, c, ch, d, dh, e, g, gh, ghh, h, i, Jh, I, m, mh, n, nh, o, p, ph, rh, r, s, t, th, u, v, y, y. It contains a character for each simple sound in the language, including the two sounds of y ; but it was too cumbrous to win general adoption.
The alphabet of the present day is first met with in D. (1621), with the single difference that D. has two forms of the letter y ; thus, a, b, c, ch, d, dd, e, f,ff, g, ng, h, i, I, II, m, n, o, p, ph, r, s, t, th, u, w, y/y. It omits mh, nh, nyh, rh. The names now given to the letters are, in the above order, in Welsh spelling (all vowels not marked long to be



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read short): a, ffi, eo, ech, d1, edd, e, ef, eff, eg, eng, aets, z, el, ell, em, en, 6, pz, yff ovffz, er, es, t1, eth, u, w, y. The names ha, he, hi given to the letter h by some wiiters on Welsh grammar and orthography» •me figments. The name is aets, borrowed from Eng. or Fr. (Eng. witch, Fr. ache, Span. atche):
H. arall it sy—Hwri Wyth yw'r dyn a'th ewra di.—T.A., c. i 340.
' Thou hast another H.—Henry the Eighth is the man who will ennoble thee.'—The first line is to be read Aeta arall it sy Harri, as shown by the cynghanedd: t s r—t s r.
Lhuyd, (1707) used ^ for ch, \ for II, and b for dd. The last has survived in the form 8 in ordinary han4writing, but manuscript 8 is printed dd. 5,
§ 8. The orthography of Mn. W. is almost purely phonetic :
each letter of the alphabet has one standard sound, except y which has two. It will therefore be convenient to give the values of the letters in the modern alphabet, and then, using the modern characters to represent the sounds of the language, to show in detail how each sound was written in earlier periods, noting any changes which have taken place in the sounds themselves.
§ 0. The letters a, e, i, o, u, w, y represent vowel sounds. The following diagram shows the approximate relative positions of the vowels at the present day. y and y denote the two sounds of y. Vowels pronounced with rounded lips are enclosed in brackets. The more open the sound the less the rounding.

The vowel sounds i, e, a, o, w, except in certain diphthongal combinations, have probably undergone no material change from
' G.E., Rowland, Silvan Evans, Tegai. Rowland's liaitch is a S.W. vulgarian).


(delwedd 1442) (tudalen 12)


§§ 10-14
the 0. W. period to the present day; the Bounds a, e, o, have always been represented by the characters a, e, 0s and the sound » always by i, with some exceptions in Early Ml. W., § 16 ii (2).
§ 10. The sound of a is that of the English a in father. It occurs long as in tad ' father', medium as in td\dol' fatherly', and short as in warn ' mother'.
The sound does not occur short in English, the a of Eng. man being a more forward sound, which may be denoted by ce. This sound as is heaid in Welsh in a narrow strip stretching from the English border to Harlech, and in Glamorganshire.
§ 11. The sound of e, when long or medium, is the middle c, as in the Eng. men, let; thus gwen ' smile', gwe\nu ' to smile ' ;
when short it is generally more open, tending towards the Eng. e in there ; thus gwenn ' white '. For its sound in diphthongs, see §§ 29, 79.
§ 12. The sound of i is the close i of the French^?, si, or the North Eng. i in king, machine. The Southern Eng. i is more open. It occurs long as in gwin ' wine ', medium as in gwi\mec1cl' wines ', short as vciprin ' scarcely'.
§ 13. The sound of o, when long or medium, is the middle o, midway between the close o in Eng. note and the open o in not;
thus ton ' tune', t6\nau ' tunes'; when short it is more open, tending towards the o of not, as tonn ' wave ', fonnau ' waves'.
§ 14. i. The sound of w is that of the French ou in sou, or the North Eng. oo i-afood, book. The Southern Eng. sound is more open. It occurs long as in gwr ' man ', medium as in gw\rol ' manly •', shoit as in trwm ' heavy'.
ii. (i) The sound w was written u in O.W., and thus could not be distinguished (except by the context) from the sound »,§ 15 i, • which was also written u (though sometimes i, § 15 ii).
(2) In Early Ml. W., the sound w, both vocalic and conso­nantal was written u (or v) and w, and as the former also repre­sents the sound u, and both represent the sound f, the spelling is often ambiguous. In Late Ml. W. the uncertainty is partly re­moved by the restriction of w and the use of 0 (a peculiar shape
a Here and in the following sections up to § 26, a letter printed in heavy type represents the written letter; a letter printed in italics represents the sound.
§ 15



(delwedd 1443) (tudalen 13)


of v) to represent the w sounds. The characters w and 6 repre^ sent both w and w almost indifferently. Theoretically perhapa w stood for w, and the R.B. scribe wishing to distinguish between gwyr ' men ' and gwyr ' knows' writes them gwyr, g6yr respectively, li.o. 1118 ; there seems to be a slight predominance of the w value for w, but no systematic distinction is made between the sounds, whole pages frequently occurring, e.g., in W.M., where 6 is used exclusively for both.
iSSf In this work Late Ml. "W. 0 is transcribed w, as nothing is gained by reproducing a distinction which would often be misleading
. if taken to have a phonetic significance.
^ (3) In Mn. W. the sound is represented by w.
G.R. uses u; and J.D.R. a peculiar character based on 6, a late script form of 6; § 7 ii.
§ 15. i. (i) In Late Mn. W. the sound ofu, long, medium, and short, is the same as the clear sound of y, § 16 i; thus the words hun ' sleep' and fiyn ' older ' have now absolutely the same sound. But in 0. and Ml. W. u had the sound of the French u, that is, an i pronounced with rounded lips. In accented syllables it retained this sound down to the end of the i6th cent., as is shown by the fact that J.D.R. (pp. 33, 34) debcribes both v, and y, and distinguishes between them with a phonetic truth which could only be derived from actual acquaintance with both as living sounds.
(2) In the final unaccented syllable the original u sound became if a& early as the i4th cent.; see ZfCP. iv n8. Hence we find u and y confused from the 14th century on. Kymry ' the Welsh, Wales ' often appealed as Cymru; see y Cymru 'the Welsh', G.R. p. [v];
M.IL. (3 Ader.—Title). Later, the misspelling Cymru came to be used for ' Wales', the true form Cymry being retained as the pi. of Gymro. In the 3rd pi. of prepositions, arnunt ' on them', etc., in dywedud ' to &ay ', anoddun ' deep', credadun ' believer', arofun ' intend', munud ' minute', y is in Late Mn. W. wrongly written for u; foi iestun ' text', ysgrythw ' acriptuie', see § 82 hi (3). The converse error was fiequent in the i6th cent., Dr. M. writing fellu, i fynu, gorthrymmudd, etc.
The view that the distinction survived in monosyllables down to a, late date is corroborated by the fact that out of about 140 monos. in use containing either u or if only one, crud 'cradle' (crut IL.A. 72, B.P. 1418), is now commonly misspelt; and even this misspelling is due to Pughe's bringing the word under the same head as cryd.



(delwedd 1444) (tudalen 14)


D.D. and
L .
' quaking, fever' obviously on a false etymological theory. Kicharda have crud ' cradle ', cryd ' fever '.
ii. The 0. and Ml. W. sound above described was written u. It was therefore not distinguished in writing' in the 0. and Early Ml. period from the sound w which was also written u. We may call 0. W. u the front u, or it, when it corresponds to Mn. W. 11, and the back u when it represents Mn. W. w. It is certain that the two sounds were as distinct then as they were later, for in O.W. we find the it sound written i, as in scipaw JUV. ' barn ', Mn. W. ysgubor. Still earlier evidence of u is furnished by Bede's spelling Dinoot of a name which was later Bunawd.
§ 16. i. y has two sounds, the clear and the obscure. The clear sound of y is a peculiar t'-sonnd very difficult to acquire. It is a dull i produced further back than ordinary i. The sound is very similar to French u in its effect upon the ear, and has the same absolute pitch ; but it is produced quite differ­ently. The French u is an i pronounced with rounded lips, but the Welsh y is an i pronounced further back, but with open lips; see the diagram, § 9. Ml. W. had both sounds, written u and y respectively ; but gradually the rounded sound, which was written u, was replaced by the unrounded sound, though still continuing to be written u, the result being that Welsh has now the unrounded sound only, written u and y.
The sound y is long as in dyn, ' man' or short as in 6ryn ' hill'. It cannot be medium except when written as w, as in uno ' to unite ', and in the word gyda for gyd a, § 82 ii (2). In S. W. dialects both M and »/ are sounded as i or nearly go. The obscure sound of y is the sound of the Eng. o in ivory. It is medium or short in the penult, or short in an unaccented syllable. It is long in the penult before a vowel or A as cy-oedd, cf-hoedd, and in the name of the letter y.
W In this grammar the character y is used as in ordinary written Welsh to represent both the clear and the obscure sound ;
but when it is required to distinguish between them, the character q is used to denote the clear, and yto denote the obscure sound. —Note that y is the clear y in the diphthong wy, and when cir-cumflexed, y.
§ 18



(delwedd 1445) (tudalen 15)


A special character for the sound y was used by some i6th century scribes, and is regularly employed by J.D.R. and Dr. Davies in their grammars. A distinctive character is also needed for the clear sound;
and •u* is convenient because it suggests u which has now the same sound.
NOTE.—The idea that y has borrowed its clear sound from u, which, as we have seen, is the exact reverse of the truth, has led some writers to call y the primary, and i{ the secondary sound of y. The former is of course secondary, being the obscured form of y and other sounds.
^T On the use of the two sounds of y see § 82.
ii. (i) In 0. W. the sounds of y are denoted by i, and are therefore not distinguished in writing from the sound i. That y and i -were then distinct requires no further proof than that they are different in origin, and if the difference had been lost it could not have been recovered.
(2) In Early Ml. W. MSS., as in the B.B., y and i are used in­differently to express the i sound and the sounds of y. In B.CH. (=A.L. MS. A.) y is used in some parts almost to the .exclusion of i, as lirenyn, tyr for brenin' king', tir ' land '; yuc p. 9 for ise' nine ' (printed nau in A.L. i 18 !) shows that the scribe treated y and i as identical. In some early MSS. the sounds of y were repre­sented by e; see the passage in ancient orthography in A.L. ii 36-8, where y He, y dyn appear as elle, eden ' the place ', ' the man'.
(3) In Late Ml. MSS., as in Mn. W., the sounds i[,y are written y, and are not confused with i which is written i (except that y also represents (', § 25 iii).
In a few monosyllables of frequent occurrence, y by constant repeti­tion advanced to the easier front position of i, towards the end of the Ml. period. These are y ' to ', y ' his' or ' her', ny, myt ' not'. The latter often appears as ni, nit in W.M., see 46, 48, showing the thinning of the vowel to be so early. That the sound was once y is shown by the fact that nyd, written nifdd (dd = double d, not S) by J.D.R. in 1592, may still be heard in Anglesey.
®s- In this grammar the Ml. W. y ' to' and y ' his' or ' her' are dotted thus, y, to distinguish them from the article y =. y. As the y was probably sounded i some time before it came to be so written, it may be read i. [There can be no confusion with y =. t, which never stands by itself, § 25 iii.]
iii. Though not indicated in writing, the difference between i[ and



(delwedd 1446) (tudalen 16)


y goes back to the 0, W. period. That 0. W. i represented not only the clear y but niso the obscure y is shown by such forms as cimadas (= ff/fiiildah') M.C. Here cyf- comes from *kom-; tlie y results from the indibtmct pronunciation of o, § 65 iv (2), and was never sounded y; hence the written i must have meant y. Sue also § 40 iii (2). In Ml. MSS. generally, as in Mn. W., no distinction is made between y and y. But in some parts of B.CH., e slands for y, and y for y regularly; thus Tiety yv, ety muyhafene tref ukevnerueduf ac y kyd ac ef erey auenno or feylu, A.L. i 12 sy letif yw y ti/ mwi/haf yny dref a chymherfeSaf, ag y gyd ag efy rei a vynno or teilu, ' Bis lodging is the largest and most central house in the town, and with him such as he may please of the household.' The scribe's observance of the rule is remarkable; and though there are many slips due to mechanical copying, his spelling in some cases helps to decide the sound in obsolete forms.
iv. (i) In Early Ml. W. if and y were probably nearer e than at present. If we assume the Hue a—y more inclined towards the line a—i in the diagram p. n above, it will be seen at a glance not only why both were written e at that time, but why tlie B.CH. scribe uses y to represent both i and y, and e to represent both e and y.
(2) The sounds y and y in these forward positions weie less stable, being not merely felt to be near enough to e to be represented by e in writing, but also liable to be confused with e in speech. Some examples of this confusion survived, and arc met with in the later language: (a) Interchange of y and e: Myrddin, Merdilin D G. 471 ;
tymesti, temesti &. 153 ; ystifn v. 24, esti/n; cyhyddiaeth, u chebySyaet/i BJ.A. 144 ; ybellynm'c IL A. 126, i46,pellennig ; ketymdeitit, cydymaith;
ynnill, ennill; cynfigen, cenfigen; Tal-y-bolwiz M.A. i 3150, explained as tdl ebolyon w.M. 43; Pen-^-goes for *Pen-y'-goes, see § 46 ii (3).— (/?) Interchange of y and e: velle IL A. 148 forfelli/; Late Mn. W. wele 'behold' for (a) wely 'dost thou see?' § 173 iii (3); Mercher for Merch^r B.A. 17, B.B. 48, see § 69 v; hwdt[ c.M. 31, hwde E.M. 173;
mifwn, mewn; Lli[qn, Lletfn. Dial. edrech for edrych, -ech tor -ycA 2nd sg. pres. subj. § 176 iv.—(y) In Ml. "W. y 1mn 'himself, herself is written e hun, the e modification being preferred owing to the difficulty of sounding unrounded y and rounded u in consecutive syllables, cf. § 77 viii. Dissimilation also occuis in e IwerSon. •W.M. 59 for y IwerSon. Similarly te\yrn for *<y[ym § 103 ii (i);
diell foi di-hyll § 146 ii (2).
In Breton *y has generally become e; thus news == W. newydd;
pemp == W. pymp; kevrann == W. kywan; ened = "VV. ynyd.
(3) y before a nasal tended to be lowered towards a, and is some­times written a in the B.CH., as cantaf A.L. i 84 for cyntaf; kannal, do. 154 for kynnal', kafreiht do. 130 for kyvreith. Hence y and « interchange before a nasal: Tngharad, Angharad', ymherawdr, am-herawdr; ymddzfad, amddifad', canhorthwy, cynhorthwy; mynach, manach, etc.
Unaccented a is sometimes weakened to y in the dialects, but
§ 16



(delwedd 1447) (tudalen 17)


examples are rare in Jit. W.: rhyglyddu ' to merit', for rhaglyddu, see raclySei w.M. 428.
(4) In Mn. W. since y has become quite neutral, it is apt in some cases to be coloured by neighbouring sounds: after w or followed by w in the ultima, it becomes w, § 66 ii. When immediately followed by another vowel it is assimilated to it, § 82 ii (3).
v. (i) In Ml. W. an inorganic y is written between two consonants at the end of a word in the following groups : i. cons. + r, 1 or a ;
2.rm,rf,lm,lf; 3. 8f; 4. rarely rch, Ich; thus pobyl for poU' people', vy maryfw.w. 59 for/y marf 'my beard'. In 0. W. it appears as i, as in reafir JVV; Mn. W. rhaeadr ' cataract', but is of rare occurrence, being usually omitted as in Mn. W., thus cruitr, disci JVV. dati, scribi ox. It occurs medially as i in cenfhilyt JW. ' singer' for centhliat, as o in cenitolaidou ox., Mn. W. cenedldethau ' generations'. In Early Ml. W. it appears as i, y, and e, as perygil B.B. 31 ' danger', cathil do. id 'song', autyl do. 15 'ode', coloven A.ii. i 10 'column'. It occurs sometimes in initial groups: o gynaud B.B. 84 ' of flesh'; kelewet A.L. i 40 s clywed ' to hear'.
(2) Tlie sound intended to be represented was the glide between the consonants, which was becoming perceptible as a dull sound resembling y. It was naturally written i in 0. W., e in B.CH., these being the signs for y, see iii above. It was not written where no audible glide developed, as in nt, rth, r8, and was rare where the glide was voiceless, as before ch. It did not form a full syllable in Ml. W., at least in the standard pronunciation, for (a) it is occasionally written in groups where it is generally omitted, and which seem never to have been syllabic, as in meirych W.M. 41 ~=.m.ewch E.M. 28 'horses'; (j3) it is sometimes found medially where it could not be syllabic, as in kenedyloeS s-i.A. 11 s kenedloeS Ei.A. 169 'nations', dadeleu A.ii. i 20 s dadkv, ' lawsuit'; (y) it does not affect the accentuation; thus in
c6\lofyn gwe8 e\ofyn y gwe\8t\eu,—E.P. 1239 ' Upholder in fearless manner of prayers', the e of iofyn is accented to correspond to the i of gweSwu; (S) it does not count as a syllable in Ml. verse; the above is a line of nine syllables; in the following cywydd. couplet the cynghanedd requires chalych to be read as an absolute monosyllable, as it is pronounced at the present day:
Pwy a allei, pei pennsaer,
•peintyaw a chalych pwynt vy chwaer/—I.G.,E.P. 1408.
' Who could, though he were a master, paint with chalk my sister's mien ?'
W In the quotations in the present work this non-syllabic y is represented thus, y.
(3) In Mn. lit. W. the epenthetic y is simply dropped; thus pdbl, Q'emstr, ofn. The non-syllabic pronunciation continued to be the only one admissible in cynghanedd, and so remained the standard literary form; and the mute y came to be dropped in writing to prevent ambiguity. [In one form of cynghanedd, however, exemplified by—



(delwedd 1448) (tudalen 18)


Da os6diad hyd i sawdl.—D.N"., a. 158,
-1 answers a syllable -iad in the cynghanedd, though it does not count as a syllable in the metre, an inconsistency which shows that such a word as this, treated as a monosyllable in verse generally, sounded like a disyllable when it ended a sentence.]
In the spoken language, when the word was disyllabic the final liquid was lost, thus perig, jfenest for perigl ' danger', ffenestr 'window', or metathesized as in ewyrthforewythr'uncle'. In monosyllables the glide was assimilated to the vowel of the syllable or the second element of its diphthong and became syllabic ; thus pobol, cefen, llwt{b'i{r, sowdwl, bara' for poU ' people', cefn 'back', llwybr 'path', sawdl 'heel', barf 'beard'. Some examples of this assimilation already appear in Late Ml. W., as budur IL.A. 18 'dirty', Jcwbwl C.M. 87 'all', vy maraf E.M. 42 ' my beard'.—The colloquial syllabic pronunciation is the one generally implied in recent verse in the free metres; thus Anne Griffiths's Llwybr cwbl groes i natur, though so printed in all hymn-books, is intended to be sung Llwybyr \ cilibwl \ grdes i \ ndtur. But in N. ~W. dialects the parasitic vowel did not arise in groups containing /; thus in the greater part of N. W. ofn, 'fear', cefn 'back', llyfr ' book', barf ' beard' are purely monosyllabic to this day. Forms like march, calch are everywhere monosyllabic.
^1 For prosthetic y- see § 21 iii, § 23 ii, § 86 vi (4).
§ 17. The values of the letters representing consonants in the Mn. alphabet are as follows :
i. Voiceless explosives (tenues): p 3 English, p ; t, normally more dental than Eng. t, but varying' to Eng. t; c = Eng. k, having two sounds, front c (A) before i, e, like k in Eng. king, back c (q) Taefore a, o, w, u y', like c in Eng. coal.
ii. Voiced explosives (mediae): b = Eng. 6; d corresponding to W. t as above ; g front and back (g, g), like Eng. give, go.
iii. Voiceless spirants: ff or ph = Eng. f, labiodental; th 5 Eng. th in thick (which may be denoted by /); ch = Scotch ch in loch, German ch in wach (}(), but not German ch in ich (y\. Even after e and i, as in llech ' slate', gwioh ' squeak ', the ch is the back sound \.
i + back ^ is an awkward combination, and becomes, difficult in-the short time available when the i is the second element of a diphthong; hence baich, braich are generally pronounced bayy, brayv (vdth the short a of the original diphthong). This pronunciation is con­demned by D., p. 10; but the spelling ay is common earlier, e. g. J.D.B, 271. But beichiau, br«ichiavi are BO sounded, with back ^ (not ^),



(delwedd 1449) (tudalen 19)


iv. Voiced spirants: f = Eng. \, labiodental; dd. = Eng. th in this (8). O.W. had also the guttural voiced spirant, which may be represented by 5, corresponding to ch; see § 19 i.
v. Voiceless nasals: mh; nh; ngh. The nasals can only be made voiceless by a strong emission of breath, which causes a distinct aspirate to be heard as a glide after the consonant. Thus nh is somewhat similar to Eng. nh in inhale.
vi. Voiced nasals: m; n ; ng. The last has two positions corresponding to those of g, namely front w, back w.
vii. Voiceless liquids: 11; rh. The former is a voiceless I pro-nounced on one side. It is produced by>. placing the tongue in the I position, raising it so as to close the passage on one side, and blowing between it and the teeth on the other. The common imitation thi conveys the effect of the " hiss " (voiceless spirant) in the th, and gives the side effect in the I. But 11 is of course a simple sound, which may be described shortly as a " uni­lateral hiss ". The sound of rh is the Welsh trilled r made voice­less by a strong emission of breath, causing an audible aspirate glide after it. Briefly, it is r and h sounded together.
viii. Voiced liquids : 1; r. The latter is trilled like the strong Scotch r, or the Italian r. The trilled r is a difficult sound to acquire; young children usually substitute I for it. A few never acquire it, but substitute for it a guttural r (=. 5). This is almost the only defect of speech to be found among speakers of Welsh ; it is called tafod few ' thick tongue '.
ix. Sibilant: s. Welsh has no s; such a pronunciation as zei ' zeal' is pure affectation; unsophisticated persons say sel, selog. Before i as in eiswu, s now tends to become Eng. sh, and in some S.W. dialects after i. But many old speakers cannot pronounce shibboleth at all. Standard Welsh s is the ss in hiss.
x. Aspirate: h. The aspirate is distinctly sounded, and is never misused except in Gwent and Glamorgan. It is really the voiceless form of the vowel which follows it, or the glide between a voiceless nasal or liquid and a vowel.
xi. Semi-vowels: i; w. As these letters also represent vowel yolinds, they will be marked »', w in this work where it is neces-niiry to point out that they are consonantal, z is the sound of the Eng. y in yard; w is the Eng. w in will. c2


(delwedd 1450) (tudalen 20)


§ 18
H "Welsh w is the same sound as that which is written u in the hypothetic forms of Ar., Kelt., Brit., etc. Thus Mn. W. wir ' indeed' is identical with the first syll. of Kelt.
*uw-os ' true' < Ar. *uer-os.
§ 18. i. The characters p, t, o had the values in O.W. of modern p, t, c. They also represented the mutated sounds 5, d, g, see § 103 iii; as in scipaur JUV. = scubawr, Mn. W. ysgubor ' barn', creaticaul ox. •=. creadigawl, Mn. "W. creadigol ' created '. When they have this value they are sometimes doubled ; thus in M.c. we find catteiraul, Mn. W. cadeiriol ' cathedral' adj., carrecc, Mn. W. carreg ' stone ', hepp, Ml. W. 1ieb' says'. Possibly this is due to the influence of Irish spelling. [In Old Ir. original *nt > *d-d written t and sometimes tt.]
ii. In Ml. W. p, t, c no longer represent I, d, g medially, but finally after a vowel they continued to do so even down to the Mn. period. The facts are briefly as follows: In the B.B., late l2th cent., the final labial is written p, but often b {mab 27, a8, 39) ;
the dental is always d, because t is used for the soft spirant § ;
the guttural is always c. In the l4th cent. the labial very generally appears as b, though often as p ; the dental is always t, the guttural always c. In the i5th cent. (e.g. IL 38) we have b, d, c. In the 1630 Bible b, d, g, but c in many forms, waic, lluddedic, etc. The final c is still written in ac and nac, which should be ag, nag, § 228 i (i), ii (3). On the sound of the consonant in these cases see § 111 v (4).
Finally after a consonant p, t, c have always represented the voiceless sounds.
iii. In. Ml.W. and Early Mn. W., initial e is generally written k. The chief exceptions are the combinations cl, or. Medially we find c, k, cc, ck. Finally after a consonant, though we generally have c, wo also find k (or even ck); as grafangk, oer-drangk E.P. l3»l, diagk etc. do. 1314, digelk do. 1364, lork &.B.B. 397, carfimck, IL.A. 170. In these words the sound was, and is, voiceless. Note that after a vowel, where the sound is now g, it is never written k in Ml. W. Thus k, which represents the tenuis only, is clearly distinguished from c, which also finally represents the media.
NOTE. In 0. W. and the carlie&t Ml. W., as in L.L. (about 1150), c alone is used; k appears in B.D. and was general in Ml. and Early
§ 19



(delwedd 1451) (tudalen 21)


Mn. ~W. G.R. discarded k on the principle of " one sound one letter ", p. 20. But the decisive factor in its banishment from the "Welsh alphabet was its replacement by c in Saleshury's N. T., published the same year (1567). This being one of the many innovations '' quarrelled withall" in his orthography, Salesbury,' in the Prayer Book of 1586 gave his reason for the substitution : " 0 for K, because the printers haue not so many as the Welsh requireth," Llyfryddiaeth 34. It is curious to note that a letter which was thus superseded because of its greater prevalence in Welsh than in English was classed 160 years later among- "intruders and strangers to the Welsh language", Gor-mesiaid a dieithriaid i'r Iwith Gymraeg, S.R. (1728) p. i.
§ 10. i. The characters b, d, g, in Q.W. represented initially the modern sounds b, d, g ; but medially and finally they stood for the mutated sounds f, 8, 5, as in gilbzii JUV., Mn. W. gylfin 'beak', gwirdglas u.c. = gwyrb^las, Mn. W. gwyrddlas 'greenish blue '. Medially and finally/"was also represented by m, though in this case the spirant was doubtless nasalized then, as it is still normally in Breton ; thus nimer ox. = nirer, Mn. W. nifer ' number', heitham ox., Mn. W. eithaf ' extreme '.
ii. (i) In Ml. W., b represented the sound b, but no longer the sound/".
(3) The sound/ was written in Early Ml. W. u or v, w and f;
thus in B.B., niuer 'Jenifer; vaur 31 =.fawr 'great', sew 45 s sef ' that is '; dzhafal 30 •= dihafal ' unequalled'. We also find ff, as ajfv 31 s a fu ' who has been', barijfoin 53 = barfwyn ' white-bearded ,' tiff 50 s tyf ' grows '.
As •u. and v also represented the vowel zi, and as u, v, and w repre­sented w as well, the oithography of this period is most confusing.
(3) In Late Ml. W. the sound /was written medially u or v and fu, finally it was represented by f regularly (the few exceptions which occur, e.g. in W.M., being due to mechanical copying). Thus, IL.A., vy 3 =-fy ' my'; llauur 3 = llafur ' labour' ;
kyfuoethawc 55, Mn. W. cyfoethog ' rich '; gyntaf 3 ' first', dywedaf 3 ' I say', ef 3 ' he', etc. u and v continued to be used medially for/during the Early Mn. period ; but G.R. has f everywhere, and was followed by Dr. M. in the 1588 Bible, which fixed the Late Mn. orthography.
As u and v also represented the vowel u, the word/u, may be found written wv, vu, uv, uu. But there is much less confusion than in the



(delwedd 1452) (tudalen 22)


§ 19
earlier period, for (i) w is distinguished from u; (2) finally -u and V are distinguished; thus new means neu 'or ', not nef 'heaven '.
The distinction between the characters u and v is a modern one;
double v (i. e. w) is still called " double u " in English.
6s* In the quotations in this grammar the letter u or v (for it was one letter with two forms) is transcribed u when it stands for the vowel, and v when it represents the consonant f, irrespective of the form in the MS. , which depended chiefly on the scribe's fancy at the moment.
(4) The sound which is now the labiodental f (= Eng. v) was in 0. W. and probably also in Ml. W. a bilabial S, like the South German w. It was the soft mutation of 6 or m, and resulted from these bilabial sounds being pronounced loosely so that the breath was allowed to escape, instead of being stopped, at the lips. It was sometimes confused with w, § 26 v; and was so soft that it might, like w, be passed over in cynghanedd, e.g.jowynt •vy cJiwaer p. 17 above; see Tr. Gym. 1908-9, p. 34.
iii. (i) The letter d in Ml.W. stands for both d and dd (8).
(a) In some Early Ml. MSS., of which the most important is the B.B., the sound 8 when it is an initial mutation is generally repre­sented by d, but medially and finally is represented rather illogi-callybyt; thus B.B., dy divet 19 =.dy Siweb 'thy end'; imtuin 32 =ymowyn 'to behave'; guirt ^^^gwyrS 'green'; tetev 6a = SeSew ' graves'. Medially, however, we also have d, as adaw 41 = A^af ' Adam '; and occasionally, by a slip, finally, as oed I = oeS ' was' (conversely, by a rare slip, final t s d, as i'mbit 70 ^.ym mgd ' in the world '). In B.CH. usage is still looser.
(3) In the Late Ml. period the sound 8 is represented by d, rarely by dd, see IL.A. p. xxii. Initially and medially d and 8 cannot be distinguished at this period, but finally they can, since final d is written t, § 18 ii, so that final d must mean the sound 8. But it often happens that -d for -d and -t for -8 are copied from an earlier MS.
While w. is distinctly Late Ml. W. in the representation of w, ify, it has -d for -d and medial and final t for 8 ; also occasionally dd, as ar dderehet iwa^arSerc/teb.
(4) dd came generally into use in the i5th cent. In the i6th Sir J. Price, 1546, used d;; G.R., 1567, used <jl; Salesbury, 1567,
§ 20



(delwedd 1453) (tudalen 23)


used dd and * ; Dr. M. in the Bible, 1588, itted dd, which in spite of J.D.R.'s dh, 1592, has prevailed.
<W In this grammar Ml. W. d when it stands for dd (8) is transcribed 8.
iv. (i) In Ml. W. the letter g stands initially and medially for the sound g. The voiced spirant 5 had then disappeared.
(a) But g is also used as well as ng for the sound iig (») (as in Eng. song). When final, g must mean the nasal, for the explosive is written c, § 18 ii; thus Hog B.B. 90, W(M. 180, E.M. 87 must be read Hong ' ship '.
W In this work Ml. g when it represents the nasal ng (w) is transcribed g.
(3) Medially ng sometimes stands for n\g (pronounced K>g like the ng in the Eng. finger) ; thus Bangw, pronounced Bawgor. The simple sound represents original v>g as in angel ( s awisel §54i(2))< Lat. angelus ( = awgelus); the composite sound occurs where the nasal and explosive came together later, and the g is the soft mutation of c, as in Ban-gor, radical cor; un-glust' one-eared', dust' ear'. In 0. W. the composite sound appears as nc, as uncenettidon M.C. =. un-genedigion, gloss on ' solicanae'. Cf. Bede's Bancor, doubtless the Early W. spelling.
§ 20. i. (i) The sound ^f is represented in O.W. by f, asfiwn, fonowsi.G. =. ffyvtfi' sticks',, ffionou 'roses'; sometimes medially by ph as in ciphillion M.C. ' sprouts', grephiou M.C. ' pencils', Griphmd A.C. 814, § 36 ii, and p or pp as Gripiud B.S.CH. i, Grippi(ud) GEN. xxx.
(a) In Ml. W. the sound ff is represented initially by f, both when it is radical and when it is a mutation of_p, though in the latter case ph is perhaps more usual; rarely we have f£; thus tanfoher B.B. 5 'when they are put to flight' ,fort do. 33 = fforb 'way', nyforthmt do. 34 'they did not cherish', WJ phercheiste do. a i 'thou hast not respected'; A fa Ie e maynt A.L. i 160, MS. A., a pJiy . ., ES. D., ' and where they are' ; Jieb bant yn y fenv, W.M. 453 . . .yny plienn E.M. 101 'without a tooth in her head' ; ffoes B.B. 44 ' fled'. Medially and finally it is generally ff, as diffuis B.B. 35 s diffwys 'steep', projfwid do. 85 'prophet', ''graft K.M. 5a ' croft', anffurvaw do. a9 ' to disfigure ', gorff'en.do. 5 ' to finish', sarff do. 186 'serpent', haff w.M. 73 ' desirable'. It also appears as ph, as corpA B.B. ao ' body', (g)wphen do. 76 ' end'; and often as f, as dew gorf E.M. 5 ' two bodies', awfuryf do.



(delwedd 1454) (tudalen 24)


§ 21
39 (.=anff'itrf) ' disfigurement', yn traf W.M. 53 (s^ ^ff^') ' strong'', groft do. 73 ' croft'.
(3) In Mil. W. ff and ph are used, the latter generally as a mutation ofp only ; but G.R. and J.D.R. use ph exclusively.
Many modern writers use ph in all positions where they perceive that it is derived from p, as in corph < Lat. corpus, writing ff where it does not appear to them to be so derived, as in cyff ' stem, trunk', ffon ' stick '. It is mostly a distinction without a difference: cyff comes from Lat. cippus, and ffon is from Pr. Kelt. *spoiid-, § 96 iv (i). The attempted differentiation is a useless one ; and as the etymology of too many words is still uncertain, it cannot be carried out. It is better, therefore, to write ff always where the sound is immutable, and ph only as a conscious mutation of initial p; thus cor^f, cyff, ffon; chwe phvitt, chwepfiunt ' £6', gwragedd aphlant' women and children', filith draphlith ' higgledy-piggledy'.
ii. (i) The sound th (f) is represented in 0. W. by th, as brith JUV. ' variegated'; by d, as papedpinnac M.c. '^.pa bei/i bynnag 'whatsoever' ; by t after r, as gm't ox.=gwrt/i, Mn. W. wrth ' against'; and by ]p, as papef JUV. = pa let/i. ' what'.
(a) In Ml. W. the sound is generally written th, though in some early MSS., as B.CH., sometimes t (after i) as kemyrt A.L. i 4 =. Jcymyrth ' took '. In Mn. W. it is always written th.
Such a form as per/feidyaw JL.A. 19 is no exception to the rule. The th had been voiced to dd, and the word was perjfeiddww. It is so written in Early Mn. W., and the Late Mn. W. perffeithio is a re-forma- . tion. See § 108 iv (2).
iii. (i) The sound ch (^) is written ch in 0. W., as Uchan ox. =. tychan' little'. Once we have gch, in iuigchell M.C. ' fawn', Mn.W. tyrcJiell.
(a) The sound is written ch consistently in Ml. and Mn. W., and there seem to be no variations to note.
§ 21. i. The sounds mh, nh, and ngh were written mp, |it, and no in 0. W.; and mp, nt and no, ngk, or gk in Ml. W. 'These combinations continued to be written throughout the Ml. period, though the modern signs appear as early as W.M. or earliei; see § 107. (
§ 22



(delwedd 1455) (tudalen 25)


<*»In Early Ml. W. we also find m for mh, n for nh, and g for ngh; see § 24 i.
ii. The letters m, n, ng have always represented the sounds m, n, w; but m also represented w in. 0. W., § 19 i; ng may represent v>g in Ml. and Mn. W.; and w was also written g in Ml. W.; § 19 iv.
iii. Initial n has sometimes a prosthetic y-; as yrwng e yniver ef ac yniver y Uys . . . yr yniveroeS W.M. 40 ' between his host and the host of the court . . . the hosts'. It is also written a as &nadre8 C.M. 21 'snakes', smniver W.M. 65.
§ 22. i. In 0. ~W. the sound II was written 1 initially, and 11 medially and finally; as kill ox. ' others', lenn M.c. ' cloak ' guollung JUV. •=gwollwng ' release'. In dimthruim JUV., if rightly analysed into llwyth ' weight' and rhwyf ' oar', we have dl- for pi-, the usual imitation, of the II sound, § 17 vii, proving the sound to be as old as the 9th cent., though then usually written 1- initially. The imitation thi is common in the earliest Norman records, but has not been used by Welsh writers.
ii. In Ml. W. the II sound is represented by 11 ; in some MSS., e.g. the E.B., it is ligatured thusH, enabling it to be distinguished from double 1 as in callow E.M. 106 ' heart', lollo R.P. 1369,1407, kollyn E.B. 1073 'pivot', which we now write colon, lolo, colyn, § 54 ii. The ligatured capital Id has been used from the Ml. period to the present day in lettering done by hand.
iii. In Mn. W. 11 is used.
Several attempts have been made from time to time to find substi­tutes : G.R. used 1, Sir J. Price and J.D.E. used Ih; Ed. Lhuyd used Ih and \; hut 11 has held the field.
iv. The sound rh was written r in 0. and Ml. W. The scribes use r for rh even when the ft has a different origin, and some­times even when it belongs to another word, as in y gwamcyn ara/'E.B.B. 194 for y gwanwyw a'r haf 'the spring and summer'. @s" Ml. W. r for rh is transcribed r in our quotations. v. In the late l^th and early 16th cent. the &ound rh was represented by rr and E,; it was not until the middle of the 16th cent. that the present digraph rh, which seems to us so obvious and natural a representation of the sound, came into general use.


(delwedd 1456) (tudalen 26)


§ 2S
vi. The sounds I and r have always been represented by the letters 1 and r.
§ 23. i. The sound s haa always been written s. In 0. W. it is sometimes doubled as in (him JUV. = dryssi ' thorns', iss-M.C., M1.W. ys ' is'. In Ml. W. it is usually doubled medially between vowels, as in lessu B.B. 25, 50, IL.A. i, 19, etc., Saessoit B.B. 48, messw B.B. 3 ' measure', etc., but sometimes written single as in Saeson B.B. 60. Initial ss also occurs, as ssillit B.B. 99 £ sylly^, Mn. W. sylli ' thou g-azest'. z for s is rare : tryzor IL.A. 17 ' treasure '.
ii. Initial s followed by a consonant has developed a prosthetic y- (written y, e, i, etc. § 16), as in ysgol' school'.
It is not derived from the late Lat. prosthetic i- as in iscola, sinca Corn., Bret., Ir. scol do not show it, and it appears in native words ifl W., as ystrad. It arose in W. for the same reason as in late Lat., a syllabic pronunciation of s- after a consonant. The earliest recorded examples are Istrat, -Estrat, beside Strat in ii.L. see its index s.v. Istrat. In the spoken language it is not heard except in words in which it is accented, as ysgol, 'ystrad, ysbryd, etc., and sometimes in derivatives of these, as ysgolwn; but sgiibor, strodur, sgr"ifen, str'i[d. In 0. W. it ia not written : scipaur JUV., strotur M.C., scribenn M.C. In Early Ml. "W. we have gwastavel A.L. i 4 s gwas-stavell foi the later gwas ystavetl 'W.M. 183, B.M. 85. In the oldest verse it does not count as » syllable:
Stavell GynSylan ys tywyll heno (10 syll.) E.P. 1045.
' The hall of Cynddylan is dark to-night.' In later verse it usually counts after a consonant and not after a vowel:
Mi Iscolan yscolheic (^Mi 'Scolan yscollw\ie, 7 syll.) B.B. 81.
'I am Yscolan the clerk.' But in B.B. 91 we seem to have swiheie after wyd, see § 41 ni (2).
Mac sgrifen uwchben y bedd.— L.G.C. 20. ' There is a legend above the tomb.'
Damasg a roed am i sgrln.—T.A., A 31101/115. * Damask was spread over his coffin.'
Ac ysgrin i geisio gras.—D.G. 60.
' And a coffin to seek grace.'
The y- was geneial in late Ml. MSS., but it is possible that when unaccented the actual spoken sound consisted of a gradual beginning of the s, which like a vowel preserved the r of the article, etc. G.R., 1567, says that yr is used before st, sc, sp, as yr stalwyn, though some.
§§ 24, 25



(delwedd 1457) (tudalen 27)


write yr y stalwyn, p. 68. He himself also writes ag scrifennu, p. 69, etc. In the 1620 Bible we find seder, sclyfaeth, scrifennedic, but yscubor, yspeilio, yscrifen, each word generally written in the same way whether it follows a vowel or a consonant. The r of the article is retained before forms without y-, as yr scrifenyddion Barn. v 14, Matt. vii 29. The y- is introduced more freely in the 1690 edition;
but its insertion everywhere is late^ and of course artificial, since it never became general in natural speech.
§ 24. i. The letter h has always been employed to denote the aspirate ; but it was not used to represent the aspirate glide after r until the modern period, § 33 iv; and in some Early Ml. MSS. mJi, wh and ng/i were written m, n and'g, as emen (=ymhen) A.L. i 84, ewenynes {=.y vrenhlnes) do. 4'; vy gerenhyt W. y ( s vy fig/ieremnAyS); yg gadelhy do. w (sywg Ifghadelling).
ii. In 0. and Ml. W. h seems also to have been used to denote a voiced breathing; see § 113.
§ 25. i. Consonantal z is represented in 0. W. by i, as iar JUV. = idr ( hen', Jie&torlou ox., pi. of hestawr, cloriou ox., Mn. W. cloriau 'boards', mellliwnou M.C., Mn. W. meillipn 'clover'. Before -ow it is also found as u (once iu), as enmeituoii ox., Mn. W. amneidiau ' beckonings', damcirc/iinmuow JUV. ' circuits';
dificiuou JUV. ' defects' ; here it was probably rounded into ii in anticipation of the final ii; cf. § 76 iii (3). Where it is the soft mutation of front g it appears as g in 0. W., as in Urbgen in Nennius s Urfwn, Mn. W. Urzen; Morgen GTSS. xxv s Morien. Here the i was doubtless heard with more friction of the breath being the spirant 5 corresponding to front g ; see § 110 ii.
ii. In Early M1.W. ^ is represented by i, except in MSS. where y is used for i, § 16 ii (a); thus tirion B.B. 36, pi. of tir ' land', dinion, do. 45 (s dynmi) ' men '.
iii. In late Ml. W. it is represented initially by i, rarely by y ;
as lessu B.B. 25, 50, IL.A. I, 19, etc., leuan IL.A. 78, iartt, iarlles W.M. 136 'earl, countess', iawn B.M. 16 'right', yawnhaf do. 34 ' most proper ', Tessii, Tiessu, IL.A. 100. Medially it is written y, as Synnyon W.M. 33 'men', becfySyaw do. 33 'to baptize', mebylyaw do. 34 ' to think ', etc., etc., rarely as i, as ymbilio B.M. 3 ' he may entreat.'
ts" When y represents % it will be dotted as above in the quota­tions in this book.


(delwedd 1458) (tudalen 28)


§ 26
iv. In Mn. W. i is written i ; but often j in the l8th cent., see e. g. Llyfryddiaeth 1713, 4 ; 1748, 4, 8 ; i749> 2-
v. Voiceless » occurs where the word or syllable preceding' z causes aspiration, and is written hi (also by in Ml. W.), as y hiarllaeth E.M. 178 ' her earldom ', kennJiyadu IL.A. 79 ' to consent',
If pronounced tensely hz becomes the palatal spirant j( as in the German ich, but this does not occur in Welsh: hi remains a voiceless semi-vowel. Cf. § 17 iii.
§ 26. i. Consonantal w is written gu in 0. W. as in petgmr ox. =. pedwar 'four'. See § 113 ii (i).
ii. In Early Ml. W. w is represented by u, v, and w; in Late Ml. "W. by w and 0. Its representation is the same as that of the vowel w; see § 14 ii (2). In Mn. W. it is written w. *
The letter w sometimes appears in the form uu, as in keleuwt A.ii. i 40 ( s cylywed) ' to hear'.
iii. Initial w- had become gw- in the Early Welsh period ; gee § 112 ii (i); but it is w- under the soft mutation, thus gwallt ' hair,' dy wallt' thy hair '.
Initial gw may come before I, r or n, as in gwlad ' country', gwraig ' wife', gwn&f ' I do ', each one syllable. The initial combinations are practically gl, gr or gn pronounced with rounded lips, the rounding taking place simultaneously with the formation of the g, so that the off-glide of the g is heard as w. When the g is mutated away the initial is I, r or n with w as an on-glide ; thus dy wlad ' thy country' sounds like dyw lad, except that the syllabic division is dy \ wlad.
iv. In Ml. and Early Mn. W. final w after a consonant was consonantal; see § 43. Now the w is made syllabic.
The exceptions to the rule were forms in which -w represents earlier -wy, as fi'tcnnw; Mn. W. acw, Early Ml. W. raccw, Ml. W. ractco; assw, gwrw, bamo^ 78 i (2). It may have been made consonantal in the last three by analogy, coming after s, r, single n.
v. Medial w is liable to interchange withy; thus cawod, cafod ' shower' ; cyfoeth, cywaeth § 34 iv; diawl ' devil' for *diafl. The old verbal noun from lliw ' colour ' is llvfo ' to dye', a newer formation is lliwio ' to colour '. The reason for the interchange is that f was once a bilabial, 5, § 19 ii (4), and so, very similar to w, being in effect w with friction of the breath at the lips in­stead of at the back.
vi. (i) Voiceless w, by being pronounced tensely, has become
§ 36


(delwedd 1459) (tudalen 29)


a rounded cJi, written ohw. It is the result of pronouncing Voiceless w with the mouth-passage narrowed at the back so as to produce audible friction, which is heard as ch (\) accompany­ing the w. In S.W. dialects the loose voiceless w (written wh or hw) prevails initially. In, O.W., in rov. and M.C., cJiwi ' you' appears as Jim; later this word was everywhere chm, the ch being still heard even in S.W. (though now unrounded in this word, thus cAi). Initial chw prevails in Ml. W. and later, as chuerv B.B. 83, %^.=chwerw 'bitter', chuec do. 84 'sweet', chitant do. 34 ' lust' ; chwythu W.M. 47 ' to blow', chwaer do. 41 ' sister', chwedy-l do. 42, E.M. 29 ' ia\.e',,chwythat IL.A. 9 ' breath', chwant do. n ' lust', and so generally in Mn. W.; but wh fre­quently occurs in Ml. MSS. and sometimes in Early Mn. poets, as whechet IL.A. 147 ' sixth ', whennydiu do. 149 'to desire', whaer E.M. 28, wJiedlQ. 147.
(2) Initial rounded ch is heard with w as an off-glide, as in cJiwaer;
final rounded ch has w as an on-glide, as in iwch ' to yon', ewch ' go ye'. In the latter case the sound is ch in all the dialects, not h.
(3) Initial chw sometimes interchanges with gw; as G-wovre dy chware E.M. 154 'play thy game', chwith, gwith do. 301 'sinister';
this is due to the variability of original initial s-, § 101 ii (i);
*su- > chw-; *u- > gw-. nghw for chw is due to a preceding n {nhw > whw), as chwaneg, anghwaneg ' more'; yn chwaethach B.M. 7, yghwaethach do. 85, io8 'rather'.
(4) Initial chw has often a prosthetic y-, as ychwaneg ' more', ychwanegu W.M. 44 'to add'.
(5) Final rounded -ch, of whatever origin, becomes unrounded if the syllable is unaccented; thus welewch W.M. 50 'ye saw' is welech. But -ifweh gave -wch, as in cerwch 'ye love' for *ce'n{wch,.see § 173 viii; so peswch for *pes'i{wch: pas, § 201 iii (2). The form ydych is due to the analogy of ydym; so Late Mn. W. gwnych after the ist pi. for Ml. and Early Mn. gennwch.
TSANSCEIPTION.—By means of the devices mentioned in the above sections (the use of 8, g, r, etc.) the forms of Late Ml. W. can generally be transcribed so as to indicate the approximate sound while preserving the exact spelling of the MS. But, as we have seen, the orthography of 0. and Early Ml. W. is so irregular that no such plan is possible. Accordingly, for these periods, the form in the MS. is given, followed, where necessary, by a transcription introduced by the sign =, giving the probable sound in modern characters.
The works of Early Mn. poets are often found in late MSS. and

29 (^awffmf) 'disfigurement', yn ~braf w.M. 53 (=yn ^ff) ' strong ', groft do. 73 ' croft'.
(3) In Mn. W. ff and ph are used, the latter generally as a mutation ofp only ; but G.B. and J.D.R. use ph exclusively.
Many modern writers use ph in all positions where they perceive that it is derived from p, as in corph < Lat. corpus, writing ff where it does not appear to them to be so derived, as in cyff ' stem, trunk ',ffon 'stick'. It is mostly a distinction without a difference: cyff comes from Lat. cippus, and^cw is from Pr. Kelt. *spond-, § 96 iv (i). The attempted differentiation is a useless one; and as the etymology of too many words is still uncertain, it cannot be carried out. It is better, therefore, to write ff" always where the sound is immutable, and ph only as a conscious mutation of initial p; thus corff, cyff, ffon; chwe phunt, cJiwephunt ' £16', gwragedd aphlant' women and children', UitJi draphlitfi' higgledy-piggledy'.
ii. (i) The sound tJi (/) is represented in 0. W. by th, as brith JUV. ' variegated' ; by d, as papedpinnac M.c. ~=pa teth tymnag 'whatsoever' ; by t after r, as gwt o's..-=gwrth, Mn. W. wrth ' against'; and by ]?, as papep JUV. = pa lieih ' what'.
(a) In Ml. W. the sound is generally written th, though in some early MSS., as B.CH., sometimes t (after r) as kewyrt A.L. i 4 =- kymyth ' took '. In Mn. W. it is always written th.
Such a form as perffeidyaw IL.A. 19 is no exception to the rule. The th had been voiced to dd, and the word was perffeiddiaw. It is so written in Early Mn. W., and the Late Mn. W. perff'€ithio is a re-forma­tion. See § 108 iv (2).
iii. (i) The sound ch (x) is written oh in 0. W., as Uchs.n ox. =. lyuhan' little'. Once we have gch, in iwgchell M.C.' fawn', Mn.W. vyrcliell.
(a) The sound is written ch consistently in Ml. and Mn. W.,
and there seem to be no variations to note.
§ 21. i. The sounds mil, nh, and ngh were written mp, yk, and nc in 0. W.; and mp, nt and no, ngk, or gk in Ml. W. ' These combinations continued to be written throughout the Ml. period, though the modern signs'appear as early as v.M. or earliet; see § 107. . {
In Early Ml. W. we also find m for mi, n for n1i, and g for wjh; see § 34 i.
ii. The letters m, n, ng have always represented the sounds M, n, w; but m also represented v in 0. W., § IQi; ng may represent wg in Ml. and Mn. W.; and so was also written g in Ml. W. ; § 19 iv.
iii. Initial n has sometimes a prosthetic y-; UK yrvw/ e yniver ef ac yniver y lli/s . , , yr yww(wS w.M. 40 ' lietwcyii his liost and the boat of tlio court . . . (lir lioxtH'. It in ulno written a as anadreS O.K. 21 'miiikcH', annivrr W.M. 65.
{ 22. i. In 0. W. tlio sound U was written 1 initially, and 11 mixliiilly und finally; \w Ic'ill ox. 'others', lenn M.C. 'cloak' ffUolluHiJ iuv, sffyollwHff ' release '. In dluit7iruim JUV., if rightly fttlftlyMxl into llwyth' weight' and rliwyf ' oar', we have dl- for //-, tlio umal imitation of the II sound, § 17 vii, proving the wound to be as old as the 9th cent., though then usually written I- iiulitlly. The imitation thi is common in the earliest Norman iworda, but hoe not boon used by Welsh writers.
11. In Ml. W. the // sound is represented by 11; in some MSS., f.lf. tho n.D.i it in li^ntm-ed thusH, enabling it to be distinguished ft«»m iloublo 1 — in riillmi u. M. 106 ' liciirt', lollo R.P. 1369,1407, l^iiHyn II,R. 107'! ' |iiv"l ', which w« now writifl fa/ou, Jolo, colyn, | 64 Ii Tliii lignliirMi c«|iil«l IL huN hcun >in<'<l from the Ml. |w«l<») i.. ihft ixpwoiii ilny In leUfrlntr done by hiiinl.
(*l 1« UM \\. UtouMd.
ftl*—«J «««IMH|>I* lev IMIOU inaile liuin time to time to find suhsti-(•(•» «JJL WMKI ), NIr J. I'riflfl nii<l .t.D.Jf. used Ih; Ed. Lhuyd used Ml «-1 HJftiK II ||M Mil the fluhl.
(». 'ttw kouiiil rfi wan written r in 0. and Ml. W. The scribes — f ^St fA ovun when tlio h lias a different origin, and some-Unxw <»VB wlion it belongs to another word, as in y gwamvyn, <H^/'Kli.U. 194 {orygii'iiMi'ffi a'r liaf 'the spring aud summer'. <» Ml. W. r for r/i w trunHrribed /'• in our quotations. V. In U>o late l.';t.h und eiirly i6th cent. the &ound rh was lv|irWBt<«l by rr and B; it was not until the middle of the t^lh cent. that the present digraph rh, which seems to us so »(>*louii und natural a representation of the sound, came into ircirmi uw,



(delwedd 1460) (tudalen 30)


printed books containing not only dialectal forms inconsistent with the forms implied by the rhymes of the bards, but also late inventions, such as ei, eich, etc. In these cages the spelling has been standardized in the quotations in this work. The spelling of the MS. is here of no importance, as the cynghanedd, rhyme or metre is in every case relied" on as showing the exact form used by the author.
All quotations are given with modern punctuation, including the insertion of the apostrophe, and the use of capital letters.
Syllabic Division.
§ 27. i. In Welsh a single consonant between two vowels belongs normally to the second syllable; thus ca nu ' to sing', gws\le\dig ' visible '; when there are two or more consonants the first belongs to the first syllable, as can\tor ' singer', caa\zad, 'song', tan\wi[dd 'fire-wood', can\fref ' hundred (district)'. A double consonant belongs to both ; thus in can nu ' to whiten ', the first syllable ends after the stoppage of the month-passage for the formation of the ft, and the second begins before the opening of the passage which completes the formation of the consonant. Thus a double consonant implies not two indepen­dent consonants, but a consonant in which the closing of the passage takes place in one syllable and the opening in the next, and both count. This is seen most clearly in a word like dryeilt ' storm', where the c closes as a velar q and opens as a palatal & (drfq^in), and yet is not two complete consonants. The conso­nants p, t, c, m, s, ng, 11, are double after accented vowels, though written single; thus ateb, canasant = at\teb, ca\nas\sant. See § 54.
ii. A consonant which is etymologically double is simplified after an unaccented syllable; as cy\a.^\fn B.M. 183 'familiar' (cy'a-'a.ef-m < *koia-6Lom-mo-: Lat. domus); w1>e\a.y\cJiu K.B.B. 89 (from chwaut) ' to desire '; ym^y^Waw, do. 49 (from cyuaull) ' to gather together'. But this phonetic rule is not regularly observed in writing, except in the final unaccented syllable, calonn ' heart' (pi. calonnau), Galann (from vulg .Lat. Kalanc!-), etc., being generally written calon, Calau, etc.
iii. In modern writing the division of syllables where required, as at the wd. of a line, is made to follow the etymology ratl»er than the
§§ 28,29


(delwedd 1461) (tudalen 31)


sound; thus it is usual to divide can-u ' to sing' so, can being the stem and u the ending, instead of ca-nu, which is the true syllabic division. In the case of more than one written consonant the division is usually made to follow the sound; thus, carwu ' to whiten ', plen-tyn ' a child', the etymological division being cann-u, plent-yn. Ml, scribes divided a word anywhere, even in the middle of a digraph.
In this grammar syllabic division is indicated when lequired hy as above ; and the hyphen is used to mark off the formative elements of words, which do not necessarily form separate syllables.
§ 28. A diphthong consists of the combination in the same syllable of a sonantal with a consonantal vowel. When the sonantal element comes first the combination is a falling diphthong. When the consonantal element comes first it is a rising diphthong. " Diphthong " without modification will be understood to mean falling diphthong.
Falling Diphthongs.
§ 29. i. In 0. W. falling diphthongs had for their second element either i, front u, or back u. The 0. W. diphthongs with their Ml. and Mn. developments are as follows;
Front u
Back u
O.W. ai oi ui ei
on (au) an eu
au, ae
ou, oe
uw, yw
yw, ew
Mn.W. (an), ae (ou), oe wy ei,ai eu, au aw ew iw
•uw, yw yw, ew
ii. (i) As i in 0. W. represented both i and i{ the exact value of the second element in 0. "W. ai, oi, ui cannot he fixed; hut it was probably receding in the direction of if. In wy it has remained y. The former diphthongs are generally written ae and oe; hut the spellings ay, oy are commonly met with in Early Ml. W., and sometimes in MSS. of the Mn. period; as guayt 'blood', coyt 'timber', mays 'field' ii.L. 120; croyn 'skin' A.I. i. 24, mays do. 144; Yspayn 'Spain', teymassoyS ' kingdoms' P9B. In B.M. 118



(delwedd 1462) (tudalen 32)


30, 31
we have haearn, in 119 hay am. 'iron'. Though now always written ae, oe, the sound in N. W. is still distinctly ay, o^; thus maes, coed are read mays, wi{d. In Mid and S. Wales the sound approaches the spelling ae, oe. In parts of 8. W. the diphthongs are simplified into d, o in the dialects: was, cod. In Pembrokeshire oe becomes w-e and even we.
(2) Ml. W. ae and oe are derived not only from O.W. ai and oi, but also from O.W. disyllabic a e and o|e ; thus saeth < sa\eth < Lat. sagitta; maes < ma\es (rhyming with gormes, B.T. 25) < *may,s; troed pi. traed (rhyming with vrithret / bryssyet E.P. 1042) from *troget-, *traget-, § 65 ii (i). They may also represent a contraction of a|u, o|il as in daed § 212 iv, tr6ent, § 185 i (i).
iii. Ml. W. ei had an open and a close e according to position;
these developed into Mn. W. ai and ei; see § 79 i. The present sound of the form ei is 9i, where 9 is an obscure vowel which is hardly, if at all, distinct from y.
iv. O.W. ou (= ou) occurs once as au, in anutonau JUV. ' perjuria ', which in ox. is anutonou. The o was unrounded in Ml. W., becoming an indistinct vowel, open and close, written e; the two forms became Mn. W. au and ev ; see § 79 ii.
v. O.W. au and eu (back u) have remained the same phonetically, the back u being written w in the later language. O.W. iu repre­sented three distinct diphthongs according as i represented i or either sound of y. The diphthongs ijw and yw are even now of course both represented by a single group yw in ordinary writing. The rules^or distinguishing between them are those that apply to </ and y generally;
§ 82 ii (4).
vi. O.W. ou (back u) represents the diphthong yw, written yw and also ow at a later period, § 33 iii (a). Thus diguolouichetic ox.;
Ml. W. llywychedic E.M. 84 ' shining', llywych E.P. 1153, which appear beside llewifch E.P. 1154, Mn. W. llewych corr. into llewifrch 'light';
§ 76 vi, viii.
§ 30. The diphthongs ae or aq and oe or oq followed by w form the falling triphthongs aew, oew or aqw, ouw, in gwayw 'spear', gloifw ' bright', /toyw ' s-ipiightly', ao//w 'clear', which remain strictly monosyllabic in the cynghanedd of the Early Mn. bards. In late pronunciation the w is made syllabic, except when a syllable is added, as in the pi. gloywon which is still disyllabic. In dd^wch, contracted from da ywch, the ayw has now been simplified into aw ; see § 313 iv.
§ 31. i. Unaccented ae in the final syllable was often re­duced to e in the Ml. period, especially in verbal forms and proper names ; as in adwen for adwaen ' I know', chware for cJiwarae ' to play ', ItJiel for Ithael, 0. W. ludfiail (•=. y^-liail}. -
§ 32


(delwedd 1463) (tudalen 33)


Pan aeth pawb allan y chware E.M. 116 ' When everybody went out to play'; see also E.M. 15, 38, 84, §7, 153, etc.
Lloches adar i chwarae, Llwyn mwyn, llyna'r llun y mae.—D.G. 37.
'A retreat for birds to play, a pleasant grove, that is the manner [of place] it is.' See also D.Q. 40, 58, 465 (misprinted -au in 169). Nid gwr heb newid gware:
Nid llong hebfyned oh Tie.—G.G1. o. i 197.
' He is not a man, who does not change his pastime; it is not a ship, that does not move from its place.'
For examples of adwen, see § 191 ii (2).
ii. (i) The simplification of final unaccented ai and au to e are dialectal and late. Such forms as llefen for llefain, gzoele for gwelai are avoided by the Early Mn. bards in their rhymes, but they begin to appear in MSS. in the late i5th cent., and were common in the 16th and lyth cent. But the literary forms never fell out of use, and ultimately supplanted the dialectal foims in the written language, though some of the latter have crept in, as cyfer for cyfair, Ml. W. Jcyveir § 215 iii (9), ystyried for ystyriaid § 203 iii (2).
(2) The levelling in the dialects of the sounds mentioned gave rise to uncertainty as to the correct forms of some words. The word bore 'morning' began to be wrongly written boreu or borau in the i5th cent^; see o. 190. The forms camrau, godreu, tyiau are later blundeis for the literary forms cawre 'journey', godre ' bottom edge', pi. godreon, E.M. 147, and tyie 'hill; couch'. The new ychain for ychen 'oxen' § 121 iii is due to the idea that -en is dialectal. In Gwynedd ychain is heard, but is a dialectal perversion like merchaid for merched. Tesog fore gwna'r lie 'n lion, Ac annerch y tea gwynwn.—B.G. 524.
' On a warm morning make the place merry, and greet the white houses.' See tore B.B. 31, 55, 82, 92, 108, W.M. 56, 73, etc.
Ni adewais lednais Ie
Tnghymry arfy nghamre.—I.G. 201. 'I left no noble place in Wales on my journey.' See kamre, E.P. 1269.
Lluwch arfre a godre gdllt,
A brig yn dwyn barug-wallt.—D.Q. 508. ' Snowdrift on hill and foot of slope, and branch bearing hair of hoar-frost.' See also E.P. 1036.
A phan edrychwyt y dyle E.M. 146 'And when the couch was examined.'
§ 82. The diphthong ai is wiongly written ae by most recent writers (under the influence of Pughe) in the words a/with
* There is one example in O.tt. 5, which stands quite alone in the E.B., and so ia prob. a scribal error.
noa I)


(delwedd 1464) (tudalen 34)


' delight', araith ' speech', cyffaiffi ' confection', disglaw ' bright', goddaith ' conflagration', gweniaitJi, (or gweiniaitK) 'flattery', rJif/ddiait/t 'prose', talaHh 'crown; realm'. See §202 iv (l). The word diffaith. Ml. W. diffeitfi, ' waste, wild, evil' (from Lat. defect-us) is generally written so in the good periods (e. g. (1'iffeWi B.B. 106, B.M. 183); hut some early examples occur of a new forma­tion bomffaeth 'cultivated' (from Lat. foetus), tt.P. 1047, 1. a.
Yn y nef mae 'n un aflaith Tn s6n archangylion saith.—Gr.H. G. 101.
' In heaven in pui e rapture there speak archangels seven.' See D.G. 358, where afiaith is printed afiaeth in spite of its rhyming with gobaith. See also G. 122.
Ef a g&r awdl ae araith,
JSf a wyr synnwyr y saitfi.—H.D. p 99/469.
' He loves song and speech, he knows the meaning of the seven
[sciences].' See G. n8; areith B.B. 9, 15.
Disgleir Siweir Veir vorwyn.—Ca., K.P. 1247.
' Blight chaste virgin Maiy.'
Coed osglog, caeau disglair, Wyth ryw ffd, a thri o wair.—D.G. 524•
' Branching trees, bright fields, eight kinds of corn and three of hay.' See D.G. 54, i20, 209, 404. See B.CW. 8, early editions of Bible, etc.
Fal goddaith yn ymdaith iios.—D.G. 13. ( Like a bonfire on a night's march.' See goSeith E.P. 1042, B.B. 73.
Gwenwyn ydiw eu gweiniaith, Qwywt i gyd gennyt eu gwaith.—I.F. M 148/721.
' Their flattery is poison, to thee their work is all wind.'
Twysog yw, enwog i waith, Teilwng i wisgo talaith.—E.U.
' He is a prince whose woik is famous, worthy to wear a crown,'
Troes dilyw tros y dalaitb, Torri M rif tyrau'r iaith.—GU..O. A 14967/62.
' A deluge has overflowed the realm, thinning the number of the
nation's towers.' See G. 80, 87, 199, 2i8, 257. Tro 'n d'6l at yr 'hen dalaith ;
Digon yw digon o daith,—E.P. Tii 124/283 B.
' Turn back to the old country ; enough is enough of travel.'
§33. Late Contractions, i. (i) We have seen that a-e and o-e were contracted early into ae and oe ; § 29 ii (a). This contraction also took place later, as in Cymraeg ' "Welsh ', Groeg
^ 33


(delwedd 1465) (tudalen 35)


' Greek', and in verbal forms such as aed ' let him go', rfioed 'let him give', r/ioes ' he gave'; see § 185.
In E.P. 1189 ffro-ec is a disyllabic rhyming with chwec, ostec, Cym\ra\ec, tec; in the B.C. 1119 it is stated to be a monosyllable;
D.G. uses it as a monosyllable, 53, as well as rhoes 6 ' gave', troes 68 'turned', gwnaed 149 'let her do', doed 145, 228 'let him come', ffoes 191 'fled', hut jf6\es 61. He uses Oym\rd\eg as a trisyllable rhyming with teg, 2, 179 ; so G.Gr., D.G. 243. This form persisted in the 15th cent.; as
Cymro da I G-ym.|ra|eg, Gymered air Gymru deg.—G.GL, M 146/281.
' A Welshman of good "Welsh, let him take the praise of fair "Wales.'
In the 15th cent., however, we meet with the contracted form; see T.A. G. 251. Later, this was usual:
Da z G-ymjraeg, di-gymar 6edd, Di-dldwd ym mhob dadi ydoedd.—W.IL. 120 (m.S.B.).
' Good [in] his Welsh, incomparable was he, lesourceful in all debate.'
(2) The contraction of the accented penult with the ultima results in an accented ultima § 41 iii. But in newly-formed compounds, contracted forms such as macs, troed are treated like other mono­syllables, and the accent falls on the penult; thus glyn-faes D.G. 135 ' vale', mein-droed do. 262 ' slender foot', deu-drwd ' two feet'.
ii. The E.G., 1119, states that ey is always a disyllabic. This is not necessarily the case in the penult, for in such forms as keyrifi, § 122 ii (3), pi. of kaer 'fort', trei[tJii[ch B.P. 1153 from traethaf 'I treat', etc., it is an old affection of ae. In other cases, however, the diphthong is late, and the disyllabic form is used in poetry down to the i6th cent. Thus:
Lloer yw a dawn llawer dyn, Lleuad rhzanedd I»le|-qn.—G.GL, M 148/191.
' She is the moon and the grace of many women, the moon of the ladies of Lleyn.' See also I.G. 388, 405.
Salbri ieuanc sel bre|ur Sydd i gael swyddau a gwyr.—Gu.O. 4. 14967/94.
' Young Salesbury of the stamp of a chieftain [is he] who is to have offices and men.'
Nid di na chawr na dyn, chwifrn, Heb haint Duw, a'ft pen te|qrn.—T.A. c. ii 81.
' Neither a giant nor a violent man, without the scourge of God, could take our liege lord.' See G. 176, r. 14, 33. See hejiirn / tehirn / kedifrn E.P. 1226.
D 3


(delwedd 1466) (tudalen 36)


The contracted form sometimes occurs; as
Penfar heurn pan fo 'r hirnos.—D.G. 267. ' A head-dress of iron spikes when the night is long.'—To the holly.
The name Lleyn is now pronounced Llifn, and regarded as an exception to the rule that Welsh is written phonetically. Llyn, as the name should be spelt, is a contraction of Llyyn, which also occurs, E.B.B. 307, 342 ; and has been written in the contracted form from the 16th cent. The contraction is as old as the i4th, for we find tlyyn in E.P. 1360, where the metre proves the sound to be 1.li]n,
0 Iiyn i Dywyn, yn daw, 0 Dywyn i dir Deau.—W.IL., G. 297. ' From Llyn to Towyn, we two, from Towyn to the land of the south.'
iii. (i) The Mn. W. diphthongs oi, ou and ow are always late contractions; as in r/ioi for r1io\i from rJioddi ' to give';
yw.arJi6us c.o. 330 for ymcw1w\us ' dilatory'; rJmsch for r?io\wch i give ye'; rhoist for rJto\ei8t ' thou gavest' ; rJi.di for r!io\ei ' he gave'.
These contractions occur in common words in the i4th cent.; see roi E.P. 1206, i2io, rhoi D.G. 206, 521, 524, rhois do. 206, rhoist do. 2, E.P. izii; rout (printed roit) D.G. 206, roi, rwwn do. 243. But micontracted forms occur even later ; tro\ais D.G. 307, tr6\i I.G., cyjJ'r6\l L.G.C., i). 16.
(2) The diphthong ow is pronounced with the o unrounded, thus 9i,v, where the 9 is closer than the first element in the Eng. ow, and is scarcely distinguishable from the obscure y ; in fact the yw in cywydd and the ow in rhowch are identical. Hence in the igth, i6th and .i7th cent. the old diphthong yw was often written ow; as in cowydd or Icoioydd for cywtfdd, see Mostyn E. pp. 2, 3, etc., 26, 27, etc. etc.
iv. A late contraction may take the form of one of the old diphthongs, or even of a simple vowel; as gld\nhau for gla\n/id\u 'to clean'; plan K.I'. 1323 for pld\eu 'plagues';
cli\Ieu for di\le\u 'to delete'; awn for d\ww 'we go'; gla\n1idd for gla nM\ad ' cleansing'; (g}zcnai W.M. 54, 350 for gwna\ei 'did', cf. B.B. 64; cy\tun for cy\f,u un ' united'; Mm for M'\um ' I have been'; gwy\b'am for gwy\bu\um ' I knew'; can for cae\u ' to shut'. These forms occur nncontracted in Ml. W.: gunaun B.B. 81 ( =gwna\wn rhyming with wn) ' I would do'; yn gyttuun E.B.B. 338; cayu IL.A. 167 (^cdy\u), Jcaezi W.M. 34 (=Me\v). Uncontracted forms are met with as late as the i6th cent.
Dy garu a wybu|um ;
DarUain dy hylgain y bUm.—H.S. 5.


(delwedd 1467) (tudalen 37)


'I have known [what it is] to love thee; I have been reading thy vigil.' See D.G. 38. ' "
v. A late contraction usually takes place when a word ending in a vowel is followed by i ' his' or ' her', Ml. y, and often when it is followed by the preposition i 'to', Ml. y. Ac, ag lose their final consonant and form a diphthong with the former, as a'i Ml. W. ae, ay ' and his, with his ', but not with the latter : ac i ' and to'. Ancr wyffi'n cyweirio ifedd.—7 syll. § 44 vi. Da i Gymraeg, di-gymar oedd.—7 syll., i above.
Nos da i walch oiiest y Waun.—7 syll. G. 177. ' Good night to the honest fellow of Chirk.'
Rising Diphthongs. ^
§ 34. i. The rising diphthongs in the Mn. language are as follows :—
la as in caumd, zAr ;
ie as in zec1ii[d ;
10 as in rJiodw, wr ;
rw as in zwrc/t, rKodnca;
ly as in lyrcliell;
•wa as in anwar ;
we as in adwen;
wi as in cedwir;
wo as in gwaiwor , wu as in galwut;
wu as in edwi/ii;
wy as in penwynnl.
In Ml. W. i is generally written y, § 17. The combinations zi, iy, w, w'w do not occur in Mn. W. They occur in verbal forms in Ml., W. but are generally simplified ; see § 36 i, ii.
ii. When i or w comes before a falling diphthong the com­bination becomes a mixed triphthong; as iai in with ' language';
iau in teithwu 'journeys5; waw in gwaiod 'song, mockery';
iwy in meddylwyd ' it was thought', neithwj/r, D.G. 434 (now generally neithmr § 78 i (3)) ' last night'.—We have a tetraph-thong in the old pronunciation of gwayw (or gwaew) §30.
iii. When an unaccented i comes before any other vowel the two are frequently contracted into a rising diphthong ;
thus di\6\ddef ' to suffer ' becomes a disyllable dj.o\ddef D.G. 137. Some early examples occur, as er\ioed 'ever' for *er\i\oed 'since his time\ d'loer 'by heaven' § 2.24 iv (3) is a mono­syllable, as the metre shows in E.P. 1306, D.G. 46, 51. duiwi ' devil' must have been contracted into a monosyllable in O.W.



(delwedd 1468) (tudalen 38)


§ 85
when the accent fell regularly on the ultima; otherwise it would have become *di\awl.
iv. The rising' diphthongs wa and wo are frequently inter­changed; as gwatwar W.M. 185, gwatwor D.G. 136 'to mock';
marwar IL.A. 39, marwor ' embers ' (cf. maroryn, § 36 iii); cawaci, cawod ' shower'; peclwar, pedwor ' four'.
Pedwor trysor tir lesu.—H.R., o 7/114. ' The four treasures of the land of Jesus.'
The change takes place both ways ; wa becomes wo in cawaci E.M. 180, E.P. 1223, D.G. 57 (rhyming with brad} and cawodydd or cafod-ydd D.G. 305 (penult rhyming with bod) ; wo becomes wa in cynawan C.M. 21 for cynawon pi. of ceneu § 125 iii; dywad for dywd fiom dyfod § 193 ix (3).
v. (l) The rising diphthongs wy and wy are of course not distinguished in ordinary writing, both being represented by wy; see § 82 ii (5). Note then that wy represents three distinct diphthongs, the falling wy as in mwyu ' gentle', swyno ' to charm'; the rising wy, short in gwi/wi' white', long in gwyr ' men'; the rising wy as in fywynnii, ' to shine '. See § 38.
(a) In ordinary writing the falling iw and the rising m are' also not distinguished. See § 37.
§ 35. i. Many stems end in i, which appears before all inflexional endings beginning with a vowel (with the exceptions mentioned in § 36), but is dropped when the stem has no ending ; thus myfyrmf ' I meditate', 'inyfyrwnt ' they meditate', myfyrw ' to meditate', myfyrwl' meditating', but my/ifr ' medita­tion '.
In words boi rowed fiom Lat. the ^ can bo traced to its source in short *; thus nyfi[r < iitemoria; sipvn, symaf < sentio; ysti/r, ystyrwf < historia. In native wolds it represents original l, as in dyn, 'man' pi. dynwn from Kelt. *domos: Ir. duine § 100 iv; cf. also § 201 iii (6).—In a few new formations the z is ignored as in di-ystyru ' to ignore', dynol ' human' a new formation which has replaced Ml.
"W\ dynyawl IL.A. 12, 24, 38, etc.
(i) In Mn. lit. W. i generally appears after syllables having ei, as in ysbeilvaf ' I rob' [ysbail ' spoil' < Lat. syolium) ;
teithiaf'' I journey' (faif/t' journey '),geirmn ' words' (gair ' word'), weitkiw(y)r 'last night', Ml. W. neUhzoi/r § 98 i (3). In these cases the i is omitted in S. W. dialects and most Ml. MSS., as



 (delwedd 1469) (tudalen 39)


keinhauc B.B. 54 ^ keinhawc B.T. 38 ; but the oldest Ml. prose MSS. (the early MSS. of the laws) and Mn. lit. "W. follow the practice of the N. W. dialects and insert the i;, as Iceynyauc A.t. i 24 MS. A., cf. a% MSS. B., D., Mn. W. ceintog ' penny'.
(a) There are, however, several exceptions to this rule besides those mentioned or implied in § 36. The'i is omitted before the substantival terminations -en, -es, -edcl; as deilen (M.IL. i 155 has the unusual deilien) 'leaf, bugeiles ' shepherdess', cyfeiiles (printed cyfeillies in D.G. 75)' amie ', meithedd ' lengthi-ness'; before endings of comparison, as meithed, meitkach, meithaf (•maitJi ' long'), meined, meinach, meinaf (main ' slender'), except rheit-ied, -wch, -iaf § 149 i, stems in -eidd- as ^anweibyac/i IL.A. 8 'finer', pereiddwf ' sweetest', and some stems in -eitft-as perffeii fiwf ' most perfect'; before the pi. endings -edd, -oedd, as ieitJwedd ' languages'; in a few isolated words as tetto ' to manure' (but teylgaw in B.CH. ioa), adeilad 'building^ (but adezlyat in B.P. iaao), cymdeithas ' society', eiddo 'property'.
(3) Medial ei before a consonant originally simple must be due to affection by z after the consonant; and the ^ in ysbeiUaf etc. is the affecting z preserved, -eith- generally represents *-ekt- a veibal noun and adj. formation, as in perjfeith ' perfect', and the i in perjfeithw is probably analogical, § 201 iii (6). From these the z has tended to spread. But there is necessarily no original reason for it when ei comes from -ek- or -eg-; hence the exceptions meithach, cymdeithas, teilo (fail < *tegl- § 104 ii (i)), etc.
iii. i is also added to many stems having i or u; as oil 'back', pi. ciliau, cilwf 'I retreat'; tir 'land', old poetic pi. tinoft B.B. a6, E.P. 1144, tino 'to land', tirwg 'landed' (but pi. tiredd, tzroedd); gruddi 'cheek', pi. griiddiau; llun 'form', pi. llumau, Ihmw ' to form', llwiiaidd ' shapely'; y study aw, llavwyaw IL.A; n 'to study', 'to labour'. In some of these cases also the i is lost in S. "W. dialects.
iv. Many stems end in w which forms rising diphthongs with the vowels of all endings, except with w § 36 i; thus galw ' to call', galwaf ' I call', gelwaist' thou calledst', gelwynt ' they called', etc.
§ 36. i. w drops before w, and i drops before i. The semi­vowel is sometimes written (as w or y) in Ml. W., but is often



(delwedd 1470) (tudalen 40)


omitted. Thus while B.M. 51 has mi a gadwwn, mi ae kadwwn, the older W.M. 71 has in the same passage mi a gadww, mi ay cadwn. Similarly we have vedy^y'd in IL.A. 48 but tedy'bw earlier, p. 43.
The syllable closed by the w or i remains closed after its loss; thus cad\wwn, be\dydd\ii'r became cad\zon, be\dydd\ir (not cd\dwn, be\dy\ddir). By re-formation the w is sometimes restored in the spoken lang. in forms like ber\wwch ' boil ye' impve., on account of the strength of the analogy of ber\wi, ber\waf, ber\woS, etc. But the lit. and ordinary form is ber\wch, and the absence of ww in the traditional pronunciation accounts for the well-known W. pronunciation of E. wood as 'ood, etc.
ii. i drops before y and u in monosyllables and final syllables;
as 1/rch A.L. i 30, IL.A. 67 for ^ji/reJi pi, of wrch ' roebuck'; ucJd
* lord' < 0. W. Tud- (' *warrior'); peidifnt E.M. 90 (from peiclyaw 'to cease', cf. peidywys E.M. 98); Mareditb E.P. 1194 for
*Mare(lmb, 0. W. Moigetind GEN. xiii (^ Mor-ystiu'S), Grnffudd< 0. W. GrifJmid (= GriffwS). It is often found written in Ml. W., as ystyryydi E.P. 1153 'thou mayst consider', hilyynt IL.A. n ' they would breed', Uafvuryus do. 28 'laborious', mebylyut W.M. 103 ' thou wouldst think '; but the spelling- is perhaps theoretical;
see below.
Initial lu in polysyllables has given i, as in Iddew ' Jew' for
*zn6ew; It/id < *w6-/iael, 0. W. lud/iail.


(delwedd 1471) (tudalen 41) 


See ISew p 14/1 E. (i3th cent.); iteioon (( E S) B.B. 102; so in IL.A. see its index, and in E.B., see E.B.B. index. Salesbury wrote luddew, which he inferred from the derivation. The Bible (1588 and 1620) has Iddew; but late editors have adopted Salesbury's unphonetic spelling. D. includes w among rising diphthongs ; but his only example is the artificial luddew.
It is seen tliat lu became u in the syllables which were accented in 0. W., and i in syllables unaccented at that period, § 40. The simplification must therefcie have taken place before the shifting of the accent; and Ml. W. forms with yu ( =. vu) are analogical formations, and perhaps artificial.
iii. w sometimes drops before o ; as in the prefixes go-, gor- for gwo-, gwor-; thus Ml. and Mn. W. goleuni ' light', 0.
W. gwolleuni JUV. But analogy has tended to restore it; thus while we find- athraon M.A. i 256, ii 319 for athrawon IL.A. 113, li.M. 19, E.P. 1334 'teachers', canao/i B.A. 38, M.A. i 261, 315 for Jcanawon E.B.B. 147 'whelps', lleot H.M. ii 234, 335 for llewot IL.A. 10
'lions', maroryn IL.A. 35 for marzcoryn D.G. 363 'ember', it generally remained in these words. Late examples of its loss^ Ml. "W. etwo (varying with etwa by § 34 iv) gives eito E.P. 1357, Mn. W. eto (^effo) 'again'. So penwag became *_penwog whence pennog ' herring', the pi. retaining the w: penwaig L.G.C. 158, Ml. W.penweic A.L. i 66.
"gwolchi ' to wash ' gave golchi, whence gylch ' washes *; but in Ml. W. the latter was gwylch, as y dwfvyr a wylch pob peth IL.A. 18 ' water washes everything.'
M6r a wylch mwyn amgylch MQn.—Ca., E.P. 1244. ' The sea washes the sweet coast of Mon.'
iv. i drops before w owing to the extreme difficulty of pronouncing the combination, but it remains before vocalic w;
thus gweitkwr ' worker ', gioeitMwyd ' was worked', but gweithwi/r ' workers' (not *gweitJivwi^r).—Of course vocalic i remains in all cases : ysbi-wr ' spy', pi. ysli-wy.
v. i drops after w following a consonant, or following a diphthong; thus ceidwad for *ceidwiad ' keeper, saviour', geirwon for *geirmon, pi. of gww ' rough', Jioywon for *hoywwn, pi. of 1wyw ' sprightly'. But when w follows a simple vowel the i remains, as in glemon, pi. of glow ' bold ', glamo ' to rain'.
It is kept in gvndlen. when contracted (as in D.G. 60) for g'wi\d\lw, § 75 vi (2).
vi. i drops after u, as in diwn for *dwiofi, pi. of dw ' black',
gweuon for ^goreuzon pi. of goreu ' best'.
vii. i drops after r or I following a consonant, as meidrol for meidrwl 'finite' (veidryawl E.P. 1333, veidi'awl do. 1334), Sucfroa for ^bzidrwn, pi. ofbzidr ' dirty', crwydmcl for cnoydrwd' wanderer', meistraid for meistrtaid ' masters', teimlo for *teimlw ' to feel', treiglo for treiglw ' to roll'.
This rule is not always observed. In some late Bibles crwydrad has been altered into wwydriad. We also find meistriaid in Mn. W.;
dinistrw always retains z, and mentrio occurs for mentro.
Ambiguous Groups.
§ 37. i. As above noted iw in ordinary writing represents both the rising diphthong vw and the falling diphthong iw.



(delwedd 1472) (tudalen 42)


ii. iw in the ultima followed by a consonant is i;w, as vwrch 'stag', rhodwch 'walk ye', cofmft 'we remember', wyrddncn 'a myriad'. The only exceptions are the Mn. forms iwch for Ml. ywch ' to you', and niwi for Ml. m/wl § 77 v, § 90.
The Demetiau disyllabic ni\wl (D.D. s.v., D.G. 150 m-wl /n a-wyr) is <*niwwl < *mwyl < nijivl with irregular epenthetic vowel § 16 v (3) (y> w softer w § 66 ii (2)). Nifwl existed beside *mwwl. But the standard form appears to be a monosyllable (D.G. 70 niwi /' nos);
and all the derivatives are from niwi-, as niwiiog or niwiog ' misty', niwien ' a veil of mist'.
Initial vw became *uw and then uw in uwds.' porridge' < Ml. W. iwt (=iwd)'&.~B. 1061, Bret. iot; but vwrch remained because it is easier so than if another consonant were added to the group at the end of the syllable.

iii. In all other cases iw is iw; thus (l) finally, as in i'w, Ml. yw ' to his', rhiw ' hill', bi'iw ' wound', edUw ' to reproach', heddiw 'to-day'.
There is no exception to the rule in lit. W. In the Powys dialect heddiw is sounded heddw, and in Gwyiiedd Iwiddvw ; but the Demetian heddi' implies heddiw. The bards always rhymed it as heddiw, till it came to be written heddyw in tlie 15th cent. (one example in E.P. 1286), an artificial restoration, see § 77 v.
Nid oes fyd na rhyd na rhiw
Na lie rhydd na llawr heddiw.—D.G. (to the snow), 408. ' There is no world or ford or hill or any free place or ground to-day.' See also D.G. 16, 26, 82, 86, 126, 153, 194, etc.
Ni fu hawdd nofio heddiw
I un ajfrwd yn i ffriw.—T.A., r. 22. ' It has not been easy to swim to-day for one with the stream in his face.'
(a.) In the penult or ante-penult, as diwedd ' end', ni\weldw ' to harm', ciwdod ' race, people '. Exceptions are the borrowed words smrnai 'journey', s'mr 'sure', and dmrnod 'day' when contracted, as in Gr.O. 88, for di\m'nod for Ml. W. diwyrnaicd, w. i« (generally in Ml. W. dzwarnawt, a S. W. form).
iv. iw is disyllabic when it is formed by adding- a syllable beginning with w to a syllable ending in i ; thus gioeddi ' prayer', gweddi-wn ' let us pray', gweddt-wr ' suppliant'. In such words the i ia generally written in Mn. W. with a diaeresis—



(delwedd 1473) (tudalen 43) 


v. The combination iwy has four sounds: (i) the, mixed triphthong iwy, as in neithwyr, § 34 ii. It occurs in verbal forms when the terminations -wyf, -wyd, -wys are added to stems in i, § 35; aa, 'rliodvwyf ' I may walk', tybvwyd ' it was thought'.
(z) iwy disyllabic. It occurs when the above endings are added to stems in vocalic i, as gweddzwyf (3 syll., see example in § 201 ii (2) ) ;
and in compounds of di- with stems having wy, as in di-wyr ' not bent'
^ (gwyr ' bent').
(3) ^'W.i w (4) ^W' according to position, as in lliwifdd G. 164 ' painter', pi. lliwyddion', diwifd ' diligent' spy. diwytaf. These sounds may occur either when iw is followed by y or y or when i is followed by wi{ or wy in word-formation.
§ 38. i. The distinction between the falling diphthong wy and the rising diphthong wii, both written wy, is an important one. The difference between them is seen most clearly in monosyllables such as gwyr ' he knows ', gw^r '• men '. In other positions they are liable to be confused in the dialects, and in a few cases we find confusion even in lit. W.
In ordinary written W. the falling diphthong when long is denoted by wy (only used initially and after g, cJi), but when short or unaccented there is no method in ordinary use by which it can be distinguished ; in that case it is printed wy, where necessary, in this book. The rising diphthong is indicated by marking the w a consonant.
ii. In monosyllables wy represents the falling diphthong except when preceded by g or ch; thus dwi/n, ' to bring', brwi/n ' rushes ', cwyn ' complaint', clwyd ' hurdle', llwybr ' path ', htcifnt ' they, them', cwyinp ' fall'. Words beginning with g or ch have usually the rising diphthong, as gwyn ' white', gwyrdd ' green \gwydd ' trees', c^wyrn ' roaring ', chwytli' blows';
the exceptions are Gzoy ' the Wye', gwifdd ' goose', gwi[dd ' presence', gwyl 'vigil, holiday', gwifl 'modest', gwi/ll 'goblin', gw-i/r ' knows', gwyr ' a bend', gwysti • pledge', gibifth ' anger', c1tm[dd ' swelling'.
Note the following words which conform to the rule, though spelt like some of the above-mentioned exceptions: gwydd ' trees', gwyl 'sees' § 173 iv (i), gwifll 'darkness'.
iii. When a word has the falling diphthong wy in its simple form, the diphthong remains so in all derivatives; thus mwyw



(delwedd 1474) (tudalen 44)


' gentle ', mwynach ' gentler', mwyii.Ji.aii ' to enjoy ' ; cwi/n ' complaint', pi. cwymon, V.D. cm/no ' to complain'. Similarly the rising diphthong remains rising, the y becoming y according to rule, § 82 ii (5); thus ffwi/n ' white ', gwynnack ' whiter', gwymm (to whiten'.
In N. W. dialects wy has come to be sounded wi[ in the penult 'after c, g or ch, as cwyno for cm/no ' to complain'; gwifddau for gwyddan ' geese'; chwt[ddo for chwyddo ' to swell'. But original wi{, which in the penult is properly wy, has become w in all dialects, as chwthu for cJiwythit ' to blow', cfnornu for chwyrnu ' to roar', gwnnu for gioynnu ' to whiten '; see § 66 ii.; "
iv. When a word in its radical form begins with wy the diphthong is the falling one ; thus zoy ' egg', wi/f/t ' eight', wythnos ' week', m/br ' sky', ioylo ' to weep ', Cci[l' weeps', wyneb ' face '.
wybr, wylo and wyneb are frequently mispronounced; and in N. "W. dialects the w of wyneb having been made consonantal a g has been prefixed to it giving gwyneb. This vulgarism hardly occurs before the ]9th cent.
Tfhaid im ddwyn pridd ar f wyneb a
lilw.g bod i'm adnabod neb.—D.G. 307. ' I must bear earth upon my face, so that no one shall know me.' See wrth f wyneb D. G. 23, yn f' wyneb do. 442.
Amhog fydd trwi/n ar wyneb^
Afraid i ni nodi neb.—E.P. 212., ' Plain is the nose on a face ; we need mention no one.'
A'r anadi oil a'r wyneb l)
Fal aroglau swpau Sieb.—D.G., 330.
' And all the breath and face like the perfume of the shops of1 Cheap-side.' See also G. 49.
On wyneb 11 wril sy 'n y bedd, larll a aned erilynedd.—D.N., c. i 161. ' If an earl's face is in the grave, an earl was born last year.'
So always in the Bible; see/y 'm/neb,0 Gen. xliii 3, Ex, xxxiii 26, Lev. xvii 10, etc.; 'eu hwynebau,0 Uen. xlii 6, etc. An early indication of the mispronunciation is found in y wynebeu, B.CW. (i 703), p. 7, which should be yr wynebeu, but lias not yet become y gwynebeu.
v. Final wy is always the falling diphthong ; as p'wtf ' who ?' Coiiicy, Myfanwy, arlwy ' a spread', dirwy ' fine', llyw/ ' beautiful',
"• Pronounce the zoyn of wyueli so that it rhymes with the wyn of tlduivn,tr<i^n as the cyaghanedd lusg demands. '
11 Not a'r <Jicynel>, us gwynel), the g being ruled out by the cynghanedd. c flotJ'y ligwyneb,-eu gwyneliau. f
§ 38



(delwedd 1475) (tudalen 45)


45 -
Tarn/; also medial wy followed by a vowel, as mwyar ' blackberries ', gwyar ' gore '.
Tiatod a wyr talu dirwy :
Ni thelir math Lowri mwif.—T.A., A 14879/20.
' The poor are accustomed to pay forfeit; they will never more forfeit
such a one as Lowri.'
But in the Ml. and sg. pres. ind. of verbs with w stems, as in gelwy ' thou callest', kedwif ' thou keepest' § 173 iii (i), Mn. W. geiwi, cedwi, the diphthong is of course the rising one.
vi. When a word has wy in the last syllable and a in the penult, the wy is the falling diphthong; thus arm/dd ' sign', arglwycid ' lord', annvJyd ' cold ', addm/n D.G. 355 ' gentle ', cann-' wyll' candle ', gwanwyn, ' spring', cadwyn. ' chain ', annwyl' dear';
awyr ' air ', awydd ' desire ', see x below. Except in compounds, such as tanwydd ' firewood', etc. ; see § 83 iii.
Khaid i'r gwan dddl y gannwyll I'r dewr i wneuthur i dwifll.—E.P. 2gg.
' The weak must hold the candle for the bold to do his deceit.'
Oer gennych eira gwanwyn :
Oe'rach yw 'myd er ych mwyn.—T A., c. i 342. :,
' Cold you deem the snow of spring : colder is my plight because of you.' See D.G. 321, 408, 525.
Aw a gdd yn ddwy gadwyn, A'i roddl'n faich i'r ddynfwi[n.—D.G. 64.
' Gold was brought in two chains, and laid as a burden on the gentle maiden.' See also o. 250. . . -
Dyfynnodd i'w daif annwyl— Da o Ie mae 'n dala i wifl.—H.D., r 99/430
' He has summoned to His mansions my dear one—it is a good place where he is keeping his holiday.' See § 54 i (3).
vii. wy is the falling diphthong when it is derived from Kelt. ei corresponding to Irish w or e, as va.pwi[ll' thought', Ir. cwll, gzvi/dd ' goose ', Ir. ged, gm/sti' pledge ', Ir. gwll, etc. ; or when it is derived from Latin e, ig or i, as in rJiwifd ' net' from rete, c'icyr '' wax' from cera, eglwys ' church ' from ecclesia, egm/ddor ' alphabet' from dbeceddrium, gwenwyn ' poison' from venenum, dwys ' intense' from densus, swya' charm' from signum ; synnwyr ' sense ' from sentwe. Eule vi may be verified in many words



(delwedd 1476) (tudalen 46)


by applying the test of derivation ; e. g. camiwyll from candela,
cailiHyn from catena,9' pamdwys from paradzsws. Geiriau da a gwyr i'w dwi[n A ddinietr y ddau wenwyn.—D.T.D., p. n.
' Good -words and men to bring them will destroy the two poisons,'
Y doeth ni ddywaid a wi/r ;
Nid o son y daw synnwyr.—G.I.H., G. 144.
' The wise does not say what he knows ; it is not from talk that sense
comes.' See also G. nr, 175, 234, 296.
viii. wy is the falling diphthong in the substantival terminations -/ i^/iJd' -ness ', -wys' -ians ', and in the verbal terminations ' '"^/'i -'^i •'^y'^ but is the rising one in -wyr pi. of -wr ' -er'.
The cixliiiH -v^is ' -ians' uddcd to names of places is probably derived from tlio Latin -hiwii.
tfi/il Tork if bu hydrefdwi/s, A'r ijwanwiin ar y G-wenn^rys.—L.G.C. 421.
' AH fin- IIM York it IIIIM been a very autumn, while it was spring to the
inon of Owciit,'

The following words may be mentioned as those most commonly mispronounced: wy is the falling diphthong in cer2226_wy_mwyn_y_ar_ffurf_h_hanner_cylchn ‘vat’, disg2226_wy_mwyn_y_ar_ffurf_h_hanner_cylchl, ‘look, expect’, G2226_wy_mwyn_y_ar_ffurf_h_hanner_cylchnedd ‘Venedotia’, G2226_wy_mwyn_y_ar_ffurf_h_hanner_cylchndid, id., mor2226_wy_mwyn_y_ar_ffurf_h_hanner_cylchn ‘maiden’, ter2226_wy_mwyn_y_ar_ffurf_h_hanner_cylchn ‘ fervent’; it is the rising diphthong in oher2227_wy_gwych_w_y_ar_ffurf_hdd ‘because of’, cych2227_wy_gwych_w_y_ar_ffurf_hn, ‘rise, start’, erch2227_wy_gwych_w_y_ar_ffurf_hn ‘protector, [bed]-side’, ded2227_wy_gwych_w_y_ar_ffurf_hdd ‘happy’

See terwyn / gwyn / hrwyn n.p. 1306; cerwyn / coll-lwyn D.G. 347.
Y ferch addftSyn o "W^ynedd,
'S.1/ .'/"W/ osai a medd.—D.G. 314. 'The gentle mind of Owynedd, who lives in the midst of wine and mead.' SeealtoL.OC 219.
Mi it f urn/bob morwyn 0 eiruiii lunnil er i 'nii!nfn.—D.G. 281.
'I will gild eveiy miudcii with W()I(IB (if praisS for her sake.' @ee also D.G. 126, 236, 297, 298,356,nnd u. 119, 229, 243.
Ar i farch yr dif' erohwun Yn y Vii ddoe'n Hew o ildyn.—T.A. o. 234.
* 1'tinlni, ilwlvliiK <-<it/iii(/M fn»n cnily, made It cadwyn, and aoBerted that it was mimciilliio. H» Uii'n liifnrroil n f«in. eailysn, whiuli (u oiidwyn ia fern.) was un-furtuiiktely i»dopf<l by inimy lyth cent. wrItoA. But no one ha« had the courage to write odiluwiHi for tliti pi. t'iiittey»i. There la an old word cadyen or eadweut which ineani1 ft battio ', froni rail.



(delwedd 1477) (tudalen 47)


' On his steed went my protector in the host yesterday, a man like a lion.' See also L.G.G. 143, D.G. 510. *
The word kyfrzyifs ' shrewd' (rhyming with henwerifs and ynt[s in B.T. 78, and with prises pry s and chuis s ohwys in B.B. 57) is now Bounded tcyfrwys on account of the difficulty of the consonantal group frw. The word celwi[dd has undoubtedly the rising diphthong; see kelwifS I kynwt/S a.p. i 223, cf. 1251, and D.G. 338 ; probably gwydd / yelwydd, D.G. 256, is a misreading, but this foirn occurs in the i6th cent., see r. 36.
x. yry after a vowel has generally been changed to wq, except in verbal terminations. Thus awyr/ hw^r / limy E.r. 1029, and generally so rhymed, see D.G. 395, 416, is now pronounced aw^r, and the rhyme with y occurs already in the i3th cent.: awy / s'1/r B.T. 23, G.Y.G. B.P. 1418. Similarly awy& / rwifS / arwyS B.P. n8o is later a-wi{dd. Powys L.G.C. 381 is pronounced Powt[s § 192 ii (2); tywyll as in tywiTI / canvill B B. 30, tywyll / gawnwyll / Jwyll E.P. 1045, tywyll/ wnwyTl D.G. 267, tw^ll / tyCyll do. 117, 283 is now tywqll, and already in D.G. rhymes with hyll 71, 285, 421, and with cyll 173, 185;
ewyn B.P. 1036, later ewifn 'foam'. On the other hand glanha-vn/d ' was cleansed' and all similar inflected forms are still so pronounced.
Lat. dvzdus would have given *ewydd in Welsh; awydd cannot be derived from it, see § 76 iii, iv.
§ 89. i. In a polysyllabic word, one syllable is always pronounced with more emphasis than the others; this is called the syllable bearing the principtil accent, or, &imply; the accented syllable. In Welsh the accent is a stress accent.
A syllable may be emphasized either by raising the tone of voice or by a mole forcible utterance. The two things may go together; but speakers of various languages unconsciously adopt one or the other as their principle of accentuation. The first produces musical or pitch accent, the second produces expiratory or stress accent. In Pr. Aryan the accent before the dispersion is believed to have been predominantly pitch, though vowel gradation, § 63, points to the working of a strong stress accent. Tn Keltic, as in Italic and Germanic, the accent became predominantly stress, and has remained so, though its position has varied greatly.
W The syllable bearing the principal accent is denoted by an acute accent/ placed above its vowel.
ii. The remaining syllables of the word are also pronounced with varying emphasis, but this may generally be disregarded, and they may all be considered as unaccented syllables. In



(delwedd 1478) (tudalen 48)


some cases, however, one of them may attain a decided prominence in comparison with the others; such a syllable may be said to bear a secondary accent.
W" The vowel of the syllable bearing the secondary accent is denoted where necessary by the grave accent \.
iii. Most monosyllables are stressed, but many frequently-recurring monosyllables bear no stress, but are pronounced in conjunction with another word. These are proclitics, which precede the accented word, and enclitics, which follow it.
The Welsh proclitics are the article y, yr, the prefixed pronouns fy, dy, etc., which are always unstressed. Usually also the relatives a, 2/8, yi'1 y, the negative, interrogative and affirmative particles, most conjunctions as the a in tara a chaws ' bread and cheese ', and often prepositions as the rhag in rhag ofn ' for fear'.
The Welsh enclitics are the auxiliary pronouns i, di, etc. They are often written in MSS. where they do not count in the metre, as in Arduireaue tri B.B. 36 (ArSwyreaf-i dri) for Arddwyreaf dri (g syll.) ' I will exalt Three '. These may however be accented for emphasis.
§ 40. i. In Mn. W. all polysyllables, with a few exceptions named in § 41, are accented on the penult; as cd naf ' I sing ', cdn\wd ' a song ', can id\dan ' songs '.
ii. The position of the accent was certainly the same in the Late Ml. period. This is proved by the fact that in the l4th cent. the cynghanedd was fully developed in its modern form in which the penultimate accent plays an important part, ZfCP. iv 133 ff.
iii. (i) But certain vowel values point to a period when the accent fell generally on the ultima. The evidence seems to show that this was the case in 0. W., and that the transition took place in the Early Ml. W. period.
(2) Th^ clear sound i{ occurs in the ultima only; the obscure sound y, which must have been the sound when unaccented, occurs in all other syllables. Hence the ultima must at one time have borne the accent. In monosyllables which have always been unaccented such as the article yr, y, the sound is y ; but in those which have always been accented, such as dyS ' day', it is i{. There has been no shifting of the accent in y dyS ' the day', which therefore preserves the accentuation that resulted in the vowel sequence y ... t[. Hence a word like mynt{8, which contains this sequence, must once have been accented *my'in{8.
§ 41



(delwedd 1479) (tudalen 49)


Similarly Brit. u remains (written w) in the ultima; bat appears as y in other syllables, § 66 i;—ei remained and became a? in the ulfc., but became ei giving ei ( s %') in the penult, § 79 ;—Brit. a is aw in the ult., o in the penult, § 71 i;—uw in the ult. is u in the penult, § 77 x ;
from iu we find u in the ult. and monosyllables, tlie easier i in the penult, § 36 ii.
(3) In one or two words the vowel of the old penult lias dropped since the separation of W. and Bret.; thus W. cryS ' shoemaker' < *cery8 < Brit. *kar{p)u9: Bret. kere, § 86 i (5) ;—W. ysbryd <
*spryd < *spyryd < Lat. spiritus: Bret. spered.
On the other hand in some words an intrusive vowel developed before the accented syllabic; All. W. dyly 'deserves, owes' comes through !dyl^ < *dly^,, § 199 ii (2); the y spread from this to other forms of the vei b.—Ml. W. taraw ' to strike', tereu ' strikes' < *tardw,
*fereu <*traw, *treu. The vowel did not spread from these to trawaf;
the late Mil. tarawaf is an artificial lit. form, § 202 i (3).
(4) The accent in ysgol, ystrad, etc., now falls on a syllable that at one time had no existence. It is obvious that the shifting took place after the introduction of the prosthetic vowel. There is no evidence of that vowel in O.W. In the earliest Ml. W. we find Istrat and Sfraf, § 23 ii. The latter may be an archaic spelling, but it seems to show that the accent was on the a. We may therefore infer that the transition took place in the Early Ml. period. In some words the prosthetic vowel was never firmly established; and the accent remains in its original position in these, § 41 i.
iv. In Brit. the accent was apparently free as in Pr. Ar. As unaccented d was shortened, it is seen that in *brdteres ( > broder) the accent was on the ante-penult; as a which remained accented gives aw, the accent to give o must have shifted to the er in 0. W., according to the general rule at that period. By the second shifting it went back to its original position, the new penult. Two shillings must be assumed to explain such a form as ysbryd, which Involves a shifting from *(y)spryd, which in turn implies a shifting from spirit-us.—It will be seen in the following pages that British cannot have shared the fixed initial accentuation of Goidelic.
§ 41. In some words in Mn. W. the accent falls on the ultima. These are
i. A few disyllables in which the first syllable is (i) ys- or (a) ym-; as (i) ysgrin ' shrine, coffin', § 23 ii, ystryd ' street', ysgrSch ' screech ', ystor ' store'; (a) ymwel' do thou visit', y'mad, ' do thou leave'. But most words with these initial syllables are accented regularly, as ysgol ' school', ysbryd ' spirit', ysgwyd ' to shake', ymdaith 'journey', ymgudd D.G. 374 'hides'. In some cases we have both accentuations, see Jymwel below;
1402 B




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Ble’r wyf i?
Yr ych chi’n ymwéld ag un o dudalennau’r Gwefan “CYMRU-CATALONIA”
On sóc? Esteu visitant una pàgina de la Web “CYMRU-CATALONIA” (= Gal”les-Catalunya)
r àm ai? Yùu àar vízïting ø peij fròm dhø “CYMRU-CATALONIA” (= Weilz-Katølóuniø) Wéb-sait
Where am I?
You are visiting a page from the “CYMRU-CATALONIA” (= Wales-Catalonia) Website




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