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§41
occasionally with different meanings, as ymladd 'to fight', ymladd 'to tire
one's self; ymddwyn 'to behave', ymddwyn,
' to bear'.,
Y dydd a'r aw, ni'm dawr, dod ;
ymwel A mi dan dmod.—G.I.H., TB. 91.
' Fix the day and hour, I care not [when]; visit me under [that]
-.condition.' • Arthur o'i ddolur oedd wan, Ac o ymladd '•ad Gamlan.—L.Q.Q.
450. , _»
' Arthur •was weak from his wound, and from; fighting the battle of Camlan.'
See also T.A., c. ii 78.
Y fn'rcJi weddw ddifrycheuddeddf Wcdi'r ymladd u'r drem leddf.—D.E., s
112/840.
' The widowed woman of spotless life after the prostration and disconsolate
aspect.'
ii. The reduplifiitod pronouns my ft, tydi, etc. Rarely these are
accented regularly; HOC § 1^9 ii (l).
iii. (l) Words in which the last syllable has a late contraction, § 33, such
as pa\ra\t6i for Ml. W. pa\ra\toi 'to prepare', cy\tun for Ml. W. ci]\tw wi '
united ', Gwr\l,hvi/rn for Qwr\t1ie\'i[rn, Cf'm\raeg for Cyn\rd eg, pa\rhad
for pa\rha\ad 'continuance '. It is seen that in these words the accent in
Ml. W. was regular, and kept its position after the ultima was merged in the
penult.
(a) In the word ysgolfidig, Ml. W. yscolheic ' scholar', the contraction in
the last syllable seems to have taken place early in the Ml. period, as Nid
vid iscolheic nid vid eleic unhen, B.B. 91 (10 syll. ; read smiA/ieic, ^ 23
ii), but it was necessarily subsequent to the fixing of the present accentuation
; in B.TI. 81 the uncontracted form occurs, rh. witli gitledic. A niinlhir
form is pea-dig ' chief. , The wOTdjfelazy seems to have boon accented
regularly ; thus in,. B.P. iaai we have ffeleic /ffiliji the latter being the
J-iat.filii.
Tudur waed Tewdwr ydoedd, A phenaig cyff' leuan oedd.—G.u.O., 0. 196.
' He was Tudor of the blood of Tudor, and chief of the stock of
leuan.'
«
iv. A few words recently borrowed from English; as apel, ' appeal'.
§42
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v. Disyllables in which h stands between two vowels are accented regularly;
thus cyhyd as in Cyhyd a Thai og hdearn D.G. 386 . ' [spikes] as long as
those of an iron harrow'; and hyd gyhyd C.O. 312 'full length'; cyhoedd '
public', as in gyhoedd/gdeat, B.P. 1283;
gweheirdd D.G. 20 'forbids '. Contraction has taken place in some of these,
thus cyhoedd > *c6hoedd > coedd, D.G. 524; so gwdhan > giodn, which
gave rise to gwahan. This appears to be the reason for gwah&n, cyhyd,
gwahdrdd, etc. in recent W.
§ 42. In Ml. and early Mn. W. final w after d, 8, n, l, r, s was consonantal,
§ 26 iv; thus meddw 'drunk', marw 'dead', delw ' image', were monosyllables,
sounded almost like meddf, marf, delf. Hence when a syllable is added the w
is non-syllabic for the purposes of accentuation ; thus meddwon ' drunkards',
marwol' mortal', marwnad ' elegy ', clelwau ' images ', arddelw ' to
represent, to claim'. The w is usually elided between two con-' sonants, as
medd-dod ' drunkenness', for meddwdod. In B.B. 84 we have uetudaud
('=fehwdawd), but in Ml. W. generally such words were written without the w,
as mebdawt, E.P. 1217, i245> 1250, 1269, IL.A. 147 ; gwebdawf B.T. 31,
B.P. 1261 ' widowhood '. ' The w inserted in these words in recent
orthography is artificial, 'and is commonly misread as syllabic w, thus
medd\w\dod, the accent being thrown on the ante-penult, a position which it
never occupies in Welsh. The correct form medd-dod is still the form used in
natural speech. When final, in polysyllables, the •w is now dropped, and is
not written in late W., so there is not even an apparent exception to the
rule of accentuation; thus . arddelw ' to claim ', syberw ' proud ' are
written drddel, syber. In vwdrcJiadw ' to guard', ymoralw ' to attend (to)',
metathesis took place about the end of the Ml. period, giving gwdrchawd,
ym6r-}dwl, which became gwdrcfiod, ym6rol in Mn. W.
In all standard cynghanedd the w in these words is purely non-syllabic :
Da arSelw kynnelw KynSelw MinSawn.—E.P. 1229 (9 syll.) 'A good representation
of the exemplar of Cynddelw exquisitely gifted.' The accentuation of KynSelw
corresponds to that of JcemSavm. Cf. Aymrc/t / kyfenw, 1230.
^ I llorf am pair yn ll-^yrfarw
0 hud gwir ao o hoed garw.—D.G. 208.
' Its [the harp's] body makes me faint away from real enchantment and sore
grief.' ,
E3
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PHONOLOGY
§ 42
Dyn marw a atlai f'drwain Weithian drwy eithin a drain.—D.I.D., G. 182.
' A dead man might lead me now through furze and thorns.'
Fenaid hoen geirw afonydd, Fy nghaniad dy farwnad f^'Id.—TLi.O; V.TS. 30.
' My beloved of the hue of the foam of rivers, my song thy dirge shall be.''
Cf. i farwnad efo D.I.D., o. 184. ,;' Marwnad ym yw awr yn d'6l.—T.A., A
14894/35. ' It is a lament to me [to live] an hour after thee.'
Pwy a'th eilw pe d'th wayw onnl—T.A., A 14975/102. '.Who will challenge thee
if with thy ashen spear"i'
The last example shows that eilw could still be a pure monosyllable at the
end of the igth cent., for the present disyllabic pronunciation .mars the
cynghanedd. Even stronger evidence is afforded by the accentuation deu-darw /
dodi B.Ph.B., Stowe 959/986. Although final W was non-syllabic, yn or yr
following it was generally reduced to 'n or 'r, being combined with the w to
form vm or wr, § 26 iii.
A'ch gwaed, rhyw ywch gadw'v hisol.—T.A., A 14965/46, ' With your blood it is
natural to you to guard tlie road.'
Mwnio da, inarw'Td y dizcedd.—D.IL., r. 31. ' Stowing away wealth, [and]
dying in tlie end.'
In a compound like marvmad the w was not difficult, for wn (rounded n) is
common in Welsh, § 26 iii. But the colloquial pronunciation is now mawrnad,
with metathesis of w. In i6th and i7th cent. MSS. we also find marnad and
barnad. The combination is more difficult in such compounds as derwgoed
'oak-trees', mdrwddwr 'stagnant water', ohwerw-der ' bitterness'; and though
tlie etymological spelling persisted in these, the pronunciation der-goed,
mdr-ddwr, chwer-der is doubtless old.
Lie d'vrgel gerllaw derwgoed.—D.G. 321. 'A secret place near oak-trees.' Cf.
dwwgist, T.A., G. 232.
Fro fy chwer'der yn fclysdra.—Wms. 657. ' Turn my bitterness into sweetness.'
—
Gyr chwerwder o garchdrdai;
Newyn y lleidr a wna'n llai.—D.W. 112.
' [Charity] drives bitterness from prisons; it makes less the hunger of the
thief.'
NOTE i. The rule that such words as marw, delw are monosyllabic was handed
down by the teachers of cynghanedd, but the bards of the 19th cent. hardly
knew what to make of it. Thus R.G.D. 97 uses marw and delw, und E.F. 185 uses
enw and garw as monosyllables, while at the same time rhyming them. They no
more rhyme as
§43
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monosyllables than if they were marf, delf, or enf, garf. In standard
cynghanedd, marw rhymes with garw, tarw only, and delw with elw, gwelw only ;
see below. The disyllabic pronunciation may be traced as far back as the i5th
cent. In a couplet attributed to D.G. (see D.G. 322) bw rhymes with galw, a
rhyme condemned by S.V. because galw is a monosyllable whose vowel is a,
P.IL. xcii.
Some old rhymes are syberw/hirerw/derw/chwerw, B.B. 69 ; agerw/
chwerw/syberw/gochwerw, B.A. 19 ; helw/deJw, ib. ; dyveinw/dyleinw, B.T. 21;
divanw/llanw, M.A. i 475; ymoralw/salw, do. 466; cadw/ achadw/bradw, I.G. 422
; enw/senw, do. 407 ; geirw/teirw, D.G. 5°°'5 syberw/ferw, E.P. 203.
NOTE 2. In hwnnw, acw (earlier raccw') the w was vocalic; also probably in
other forms in wliicli it is a reduction of -wy, see § 78 i (2).
§ 43. i. No Welsh word or word fully naturalized in Welsh is accented on the
ante-penult. Such forms as Sdesoneg, Sdesones are misspellings of Sdesneg,
Sdesnes.
A'r gyfreith honno a droes Alvryt vrenhin o Gymraec yn Saesnec B.B.B. 79 'And
that law did king Alfred turn from Welsh into English.' See ib. 64, 95, 96,
etc.
The following words for different reasons are now sometimes wrongly accented:
catholig, omega^ penigamp 'masterly', periglor 'parson', lladmerydd '
interpreter', ysgelerder ' atrocity', oUwydd ' olives'.
A tMlu'rffin gath61ig.—S.C. 'And to pay the catholic fine.' Cf. c.o. 25; I.G.
491; L.M., D.T. 196.
Cyngor periglor eglwys.—M.R., F. 12. ' The counsel of a church parson'.
Pendig y glod, penigamp— • Penned i chompod a'i champ.—M.B. (m. D.G.), A
14967/183.
' Master of the [song of] praise, supreme—the height of its compass and
achievement.'
Alpha ac Omega mdwr.—A.E. (1818), E.G. p. xiii. 'Great Alpha and Omega.' Of.
IL.M. 2. See Wms. 259, 426, 869.
ii. A few words recently borrowed from English are accented on the
ante-penult, as melodi, philosophi; but derivative forms of even these are
accented regularly, e.g. melQdaidd, philosophydd.
This word has been naturalized in
Welsh as in other languages, and the natural Welsh pronunciation is probably
nearer the original than the tmega now sometimes heard from the pulpit in
imitation of the English fashion. The adjective is not an enclitic in Si
fiffa. The natural accentuation, as used by the hymn-writers, is
unconsciously adopted by those like A. Roberts who are not affected by a
little learning. '
'M.
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PHONOLOGY
§ 44
§ 44. i. In a regularly accented word of three syllables the first syllable
is the least stre&sed; thus in can w\dau the stress on can is lighter
than that on dan, both being unaccented as compared with w. Hence the vowel
of the first syllable is liable to drop when the resulting combination of
consonants is easy to pronounce initially; as in Mn. W. pladur ' scythe', for
Ml. W.paladur, CM. 95 (paladnrwyr W.M. 425, 426); Mn. W. gwrando 'to listen',
for Ml. W. gwarandaw, E.M. 16, c.M. 29;
Mn. W. Clynnog for Ml. W. Kelynnawc, IL.A. 124.
Some shortened forms are found, though rarely, in Ml. prose and verse :
gwrandaw, C.M. 27 ; kweirywyt for kywewywyt 'was equipped', E p. 1276 (the y
was written, and then deleted as the metre requires);
pinywn a.p. 1225 from E. opinion ; grennyS do. iog5 for garennyS.
For dywedud 'to say' we geneially have dwedud in Early Mn. poetry (written
doedyd in the 16th cent.); so twysog,^.V. § 32,B.cw.7i, for tywysog '
prince'; cledion c.c. 334, 390, pi. of caled ' hard'; donnaw for calonnau '
hearts', in Tyrd, Ysbryd Gidn, i 'n clonnau ni, E.V.
ii. In words of four or more syllables, when pronounced deliberately, the
first syllable has a secondary accent, as ben\di\ge\dig ' blessed ', pi.
len\dz\ge\ilig\wn. This also applies to tiisyllables with the accent on the
ultima, as cyj \taw\n/iad ''justification '. The least stressed syllable is
the second ; and this is often elided, in which case the secondary accent
disappears ; as in Mn. W.gorcJifygu for ^brcJiyfygii IL.A. 15, and in Mn. W.
verse tragwyddol for tra\gy\wy\ddol ' eternal', partoi for pa ra\t6i ' to
prepare', llytJirennau for llytJiyrenwiu ' letters ', perthndsau ' relations
' for perthyndsau, etc.
Gzoaeddwn, feirdd, yn drag'wyddol;
Gwae id nad gwiw yn i 61.—Gu.O., A 14967/120.
' Bards, let us cry for ever; woe to us that it is useless [to live] after
him.' See o. 160, 253. •
Tn ddgfal beunydd i bart6i.—"Wms. 259.
' Assiduously every day to prepare.'
iii. When a vowel is elided, as in i, ii, or v, the same vowel disappears in
the derivatives of the word; thus pfadwwyr ' mowers '; hvysoges B.CW. 11 '
princess', from twysog, for fywysog ;
tragwyddolileb ' eternity ', yMlarl6i' to prepare one's self, 'wyllys-gar c
willing' (ewyllys, 'wyllys ' will').
'§ 44 ACCENTUATION
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55
Wedi 'mrawd yma'r ydwyf;
Ato, Dduw, ymbartdi 'dd wyJ.—L.Mor. (m. I.F.).
' After my brother I tarry here; to him, Oh God, I am preparing [to go].'
(The metre proves the elision, but not its position.)
In tragwyddoldeb the lost syllable is the second, so that" there is no
departure from the general principle laid down in ii; but in pladur-wyr the
first is lost because the word is foimed fiom the reduced pladur. If
paladurwyr had been reduced dhectly it would have given *paldurwyr ;
similarly twysoges, etc.
iv. Occasionally in Mn. W. haplology takes place, that is, a consonant, if
lepeated in the following syllable, is lost with the unaccented vowel; as
eriedigaeth for erildedigaetft ' persecution', crecl'imol for credaduniol, §
133 (8), ' believing'. (Cf. Eng.
singly for single-ly, 'Bister for Bicester, Lat. stipeiidium for
stipife'n-diufii, etc.)
v. An unaccented initial vowel sometimes disappears, as in Late Ml. W. pinywn
E.P. 1235 'opinion', borrowed from Eng.;
'wyllys for ewyllys in verse ; and in Late Mn. "W. machlud ' to set' (of
the sun) for Ml. and Early Mn. W. ym-achludd, D.G. l2i, § 111 vii (3). As a
rule, however, this elision only takes place
after a vowel:
Tebig yw 'r galennig Idn
I 'dafedd o wlad I fan.—I.D., TB. 142. ' The fair new year's gift is like
threads from the land of [Prester] John.' Another reading is I edufedd gwlad
Ifan, I.D. 22.
Ac efgydft'i ogyfoed
Yw gwr y wraig oreu 'rioed.—L.G.C. 318. ' And he with his mate is the husband
of the best wife [that] ever [was].'
In the dialects it is very common : moral' attend (to)' for ymwol, molchi for
ymolchi 'to wash', deryn for aderyn 'bird', menyn for ymenyn ' butter',
mennyS for ymennyS ' brain ', etc.
vi. In a few disyllables the vowel of the final unaccented syllable is
sometimes elided ; thus o/lid ' but' appears generally as ond in Mn. W. Other
examples met with in Mn. (rarely in Late Ml.) verse are mynd for mfwed ' to
go', tyrd for tyred ' come ! ' gweld for gweled ' to see ', llond for llonazd
' full (capacity) ', cans for cdnys ' because ', namn for ndmyn ' but', all
except the last two in common use in the dialects. Similarly er ys becomes
ers, § 214 vii.
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§45
Ancr wyffi'n cyweirio i frdd, Ond aros mqnd i orwedd.—D.G. 295.
' I am an anchorite making ready his grave, only waiting to go to
rest.'
Cans ar ddzwedd pob gweddi, Cofcywir, yr he-nwir hi.—D.G. 235.
' For at the end of every prayer, unforgotten she is named.'
MaSeu, kanys ti yw'r meSic.—sr. 1298 (7 syll.).
' Forgive, for Thou art the Healer,' The length of the line shows that kwiya
is to be read leans. It occurs written cans in 'W.M. 487.
Ni edrychodd Duw 'r achwyn;
Ni mynnodd aur, namn i ddwyn.—G.GL, M 148/256.
' God did not regard the lamentation ; He desired not [to have] gold, but to
take him away.' See also I G. 380.
See examples of tyrd, dyrd in § 193 viii (2).
vii. The vowel of a proclitic is often elided
(1) After a final vowel, y is elided in the article^/-, § 114 ; the pronouns
yn' our ', ych' your' (now written ein, ezch), § 160 ii (i);
the oblique relative y ox yr, § 83 ii (i), § 162 ii (a) ; the preposition yn,
§ 210 iv.
(2) Before an initial vowel, g is elided in fy ' my', cly 'thy', § 160 i (i).
(3) The relative a tends to disappear even between consonants, § 162 i.
(4) The vowel o?pa or py ' what ? ' sometimes disappears even before a
consonant, as in pie ' where ? ' § 163 ii (2).
(5) After pa, ryw tends to become tf and r, § 163 ii (6).
§ 45. i. (i) Compound nouns and adjectives are accented regularly; thus
gn't/i-i/an 'vineyard', cadew-fardd 'chaired bard', gwag-lalo or lldw-wag '
empty-handed '.
G-wawd-lais niwyalch ar gded-lwyn,
Ac eos ar lws Iwyn.—D.G. 503.
' The musical voice of a thiush in a grove, and a nightingale in many a
bush.'
Yn i dydd ni adai wan
Acw 'TO llaw-wag, Gwenlltan.—L.G.C. 232. ' In her day she, GwcnDian, left not
the weak empty-handed there.'
(a) Even a compound of an adjective and a proper name may be so accented ; as
v45
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57
' Ddqrau am urddedig-Rys <-Yw 'r mSr hallt, os gwir wiarw £hys.—G.GL, M
146/171.
' The salt sea is tears for noble Rhys, if it is true that Ehys is dead,'
See TTchel-Grist, D.G. 259. The name Bendigeid-fran. 'Bian the Blessed', was
so accented, and the/was lost, § 110 lii (3), giving Bendigeidrun (coirupted
into Benegrzdran, in Emerson's English Tiaits, xi).
.ScWo^wydrBendigeidran.—T.A., A 14976/166 ; c. ii 83.
' The glass eaves of Bendigeidi\m.'
(3) When the first element lias one of the mutable sounds ai, au, w, t{ it is
mutated in the compound, becoming ei, eu, y, y respectively, because it is no
longer ultimate when the compound is treated as a single word; thus gweith-dy
'workshop' [gwaith 'work'), heul-drs 'heat of the sun' (haul 'sun'),
dryg-waith 'evil deed' (drwg 'evil'), nielyn-wallt ' yellow hair' (melifn '
yellow'). In old compounds aw also is mutated, as in Udfrwid, § 110 iii (i).
yr A compound accented as above may be called a strict. compound. \
ii. (i) But the two elements of a compound may be separately accented; thus
wel grefydd ' false religion ', gdu hr6jfwyil ' false prophet', fien, wr '
old man ' (sometimes accented regularly, henwr, B.cw. 64).
(2) The diffeience between a secondary accent and a separate accent should be
noted. A secondary accent is always subordinate to the principal accent; but
when the fnht element of a compound has a separate accent it is independent
of the accent of the second element and may even be stionger if the emphasis
requires it. Again, the fust element when separately accented has the
unmutated ai, au, w, or Y in its final syllable ; thus in cyd-nabyddiaeth '
acquaintance ' there may be a secondary accent on cyd (short y), but in mfd
gyn'&ll-wd there is an independent accent on cyd (long y). In fact, when
there is a separate accent, the fust element is treated as an independent
word for all purposes of pronunciation (accentuation, vowel quantity, and
vowel mutation).
@s- A compound accented as above may be called a loose compound.
(3) Sometimes the elements of a loose compound are now hyphened, thus
coel-grefydd; but as any positive adjective put before a noun forma with it a
loose compound, in the vast majority of such compounds the elements are
written as separate words. See § 156 iii.
iii. An adjective or noun compounded with a verb or verbal
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noun forms a loose compound, as cynjfon Idwni ' to wag the tail', prysur
redant ' they swiftly run'.
Fel y niwi o afael nant T dison ymadawsant.—R.G.D. 149.
' Like the mist from the grasp of the valley liavo they silently passed
away.'
iv. (i) Prefixes form strict compounds with nouns, adjectives, and verbs ; as
athrlst ' very sad' (trist' sad'), dm-gylch ' circumference ', cjn-nal' to
hold', etc., etc.
(2) But compounds with the prefixes an-, di-, cyd-, go-, gor-, gwrth-, rliy-,
tra- may be either strict or loose; as dn-awdd or an hdwdd ' difficult', §
148 i (6); dn-aml/ynys G. 103, an ami, § 164 i (i) ; di-wair, di wdir '
chaste '; rJiy-wyr ' high time' and rKy hwyr ' too late'; trd-mawr Gr.O. 51,
tia mdwr ' very great' ;
trd-doeth do. 53, tra doetk ' very wise'.
Di-dad, arnddifad ydwyf, A di frawd wedi i farw wy],—L.Mor. (m. I.F.).
' Fatherless, destitute, am I, and without a brother after his death.'
Y mae'r ddwyais mor ddiwair.—D.G. 148. ' The bosom is so chaste.'
Fwyn a di wair—f'enaid yw.—D.G. 321. ' Gentle and chaste—she is my soul.' Cf.
D.G. 306.
Tra da im y try deu-air.—I.F., o 18/11. 'Very good for me will two wolds tuin
out.'
In late Mn. W. new compounds are freely formed with these elements separately
accented; thug tra, go and rJiy are placed before any adjectives, and treated
as separate words; § 220 viii (i).
When botli elements are accented, the second has generally the stronger accent,
unless the prefix is emphatic; in gor-uwch ' above', gor-zs ' below ', tlie
first element lias lost its accent, though these are also found as strict
compounds, thus guruwch, O.G., o. 257, Gr.O. 34.
§ 46. i. Expressions consisting of two words in syntactical relation, such as
a noun and a qualifying adjective or a noun and a dependent genitive, are in
some cases accented as single words, ffs- These may be called improper
compounds. Mutable vowels are mutated (// >y, etc.) aa in single words.
They differ from proper compounds in two respects: (i) the initial of the
second element is not softened except where the ordinary rules
ACCENTUATION
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of mutation require it; (2) the words are arranged in the usual syntactic
order, the subordinate word coming last, except in the case of numerals, ii
(5) below.
Cf. in Latin tlie improper compounds pater-familias, juris-dictio, in which
the first element is an intact woi d, by the side of the proper compounds
patri-cida juri-dicus in which the first element contains the stem only.
ii. Improper compounds accented on the penult con&isfc of—
(1) Some nouns qualified by da, as gwr-da ' goodman ', gwreig-dda ' goodwife',
hin-dda ' fair weather', geir-da ' good report'. Names of relatives with
maeth, as tdd-maeth' tostel father ', mdmaeth (for mdm-faeth, § 110 iii (i))
' foster mother', mdb-maeth, brdwd-maeth, chwder-faeth. A few other
combinations, such as heul-wen ' bright sun'a {haul fern., § 142 iii),
coel-certh 'bonfire' (lit. 'certain sign'). See also (3) below.
A bryno tir d braint da Tn i drddl d'n Wr-da.—L.G.C. 249.
' He who buys land with good title in his neighbourhood will become a
goodman.'
(2) Nouns with dependent genitives: tref-tad 'heritage', dydd-brawd or
dydd-bam (also difdd brdwd, difdd barn) 'judgement day', pen-tref' village ',
pen-cerdd ' chief of song', yen-tan ' hob'. See ako (3) and (4) below.
(3) Nouns with adjectives or genitives forming names of places;
as Tre-for or Tre-fawr, Bryn-gwyn, Mynydd-mawr, Aber-maw, Mm-jfordd, Pen-fir,
Pen-mon, Pen-won Mdwr.10
Even when the article comes before the genitive, the whole name is sometimes
thus treated, the accent falling upon the article; as Pen-y-berth near
Pwllheli, Tal-y-bryn in Llaunefydd, Clust-y-blaiS near Cenig y Drudion, Mod
y-ci (pron. Mm[\lyc\i), a hill near Bangor, Llan-e-cil near y Bala,
Pen-e-goes near Machynlleth, Pen-e-berth near Aberystwyth (o for y, § 16 iv
(2)). Cf. (7) below. Mi afi ganu i'm oes
I bendig o Ben-6-goes.—L.G.C. 429. ' I will go to sing while I live to a
chieftain of Penegoes.'
(4) The word duw (or di[w) followed by the name of the day in the genitive ;
as Duw-sul as well as Ddw Sul or Dydd Sul ' Sunday'; so Duw-llun ' Monday ',
Duw-mawrth ' Tuesday', and -Dif-wu for Duw law ' Thursday '. Similarly
d(i{w)-gwyl' the day of the feast (of)'.
* It is often supposed that healuen ia a proper compound of hawl and gwSn,
meaning the ' smile of the gun'; but erroneously, for heulwen is the ' sun '
itself, not ' sunshine'.
b The common spelling Penmaenmawr appears to be due to popular etymology. Camden, 4th ed., 1594,
p. 18, has Pen-mon maw, and the word is now pronounced P^n-mon-mduir.
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PHONOLOGY
JSchrys-hamt, och, wir Tesu ! Ddyfod i Idl Ddif-iau dw.—T.A., a. 235.
' A dreadful plague, Oh true Jesus ! that black Thursday should have vi-sited
Yale.' See § 214 vii, ex. 2.
Both accentuations are exemplified in—
Bum i'r gog swyddog Dduw Sul;
Wy ddi-swydd, a hyn Dduw-sul.—T.A., A 149'76/108.
'I was an officer of the cuckoo on Sunday ; I am without office, and this on
Sunday.' (Gwas y gog ' the cuckoo's servant' is the hedge-sparrow.) »
(5) A numeral and its noun, as deu-lwys ' 2 Ibs.', dwy-bunt ' £2 ', can-punt
' £100 ', etc. Gf. E. twopence, etc. Tliough the order is the same liere as
in proper compounds, and tlie mutation is no criterion, it is certain that
most of these are improper compounds. In the case of un, proper and improper
compounds can be distinguished : un-ben 'monarch' is a proper compound, the
second element having the soft initial, but iin-peth is precisely the
combination un peth 'one thing' under a single accent.
(6) The demonstrative adjective after nouns of time. See § 164 iii. (?) Very
rarely the article with its noun, as ill IQ-fenechtyd for
y Fenechtyd 'the monastery', in which tlie aiticle, taken as part of
the word, acquired a secondary accent.
iii. Improper compounds accented on the ultima consist of—
(1) A few combinations of two monosyllabic nouns, of which the second is a
dependent genitive and the first has lost its accent; as pen-rhdith'
autocrat', pen-Had ' summum bonnm ', pry-nhdwn for pryt nawn.
^ Tr eog, r/iywwg ben-rhaith,
At Wen dos eto •dn-waith.—D.Q. 148. ' Thou salmon, gentle master, go to Gwen
once more.'
A 'm cerydd mawr i 'm cdrwd, Ac na'th yawn yn lldwn ben-Had.—D.G. 513.
'And my great punishment for my love, and that I might not have thee as my
whole delight.'
(2) A number of place-names of similar formation, as Pen-tyrch.
NoTE.—(i) From this and the preceding section it is seen that accentuation
-does not always accord with the formation of words. A loose compound is
etymologically a compound, but its elements are accented as separate words.
An improper compound is etymologically a combination of separate words
accented as one word. The accentuation of improper compounds is to be
accounted for thus : in 0. W. we may assume tliat gwr da, Aber Maw, Pen y
berth were orioinally accented as they would be if they were formed now, with
the main
§47
ACCENTUATION
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stress in each case on the last word. When each combination came to be
regarded as a unit, the main stress became the only accent; thus, *gwr-dS,,
*Aher-mdw, * Pen-y-berth. This wns at that time the accentuation of ordinary
words, such as *pechadur, § 40 iii. When the accent shifted, and *pechadur
became pechddur, *gwr-dd became gwr-da, *Aber-mdw became AVer-maw and
*Pen-y-berth became Pen-y-berth. In most cases of a combination like the
last, each noun retained its individuality, and the original accentuation
remained; hence Pen-y-berth, which is a common place-name, is usually so
accented, and the accentuation Pen-y-berth is exceptional. In such a phrase
as pryt ndwn ' time of noon ', each noun retained its meaning to the Ml. W.
period; then, when the combination came to be regarded as a unit, the first
element became unstressed, resulting in pryt-ndwn, whence pry-nhdwn, § 111 v
(5).
(a) Improper compounds having thus become units could be treated as units for
all purposes ; thus some of them have derivatives, such as gzor-da-aeth,
'nobility', tref-tdd-aeth 'heritage', di-dref-tdd-u S.G. 306 ' to
disinherit', prynhdwn-ol' evening ' adj.
(3) On the other hand, in some proper compounds each element was doubtless
felt to preserve its significance ; and the persistence of this feeling into
the Ml. period resulted in loose compounds.
§ 47. i. In compound prepositions the elements may be accented separately,
a.s/6ddi dr. But the second element has usually the stronger accent; and in
some cases the first element becomes unaccented, as in Ml. W. y gdnn, which
became gaw ' by' in Late Ml. and Mn. W. by the loss of the unaccented
syllable.
On the analogy of y gdnn, y wrth,. etc., derivative and other old
prepositional and adverbial formations retained the 0. W. accentuation, as
oddn, yrwng, yrhdwg.
The separate accent often persists in Mn. W., as in oddi wrth (Ml. W. y
wrth), and in adverbial phrases like oddi yno (in the dialects odd yno as in
Ml. W.). In the latter the first element may become predominant, thus odd yno
' from there' in the spoken language (often contracted to oSno and even ono).
ii. In prepositional and adverbial expressions formed of a preposition and a
noun (whether written separately or not), the last element only is accented;
thus iwch-ben ' above', dra-c/iefit ' again', ger-bron ' before ', uwch-ldw '
above ', ymlaen ' forward', ynghycl' together', i gyd, ' together', erwed '
ever'.
These expressions thus form improper compounds accented on the ultima. The
adverb achlan {achldn) ' wholly' is similarly accented.
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PHONOLOGY
§ 47
Hears fat mohwn
I chl6d yng Ngwynedd achlan.—D.G. 235. ' I have sown her praises like a paean
through the whole of Gwynedd.'
iii. Many adverbial expressions of three syllables, consisting of a
monosyllabic noun repeated after a preposition, form improper compounds
accented on the penult; as ol-yn-ol 'track in track', i. e. 'in succession
',"• ben-dfd-phen ' head over head', laio-fn-llalo 'hand in hand', etc.
The first noun may have a secondary or separate accent, as With drd-phlith '
helter-skelter'. The first noun being in an adverbial case has a soft
initial.
A dau frawd ieucif ar 61 Eli enwog ol-yn-ol.—G.GL, c. i 201.
'And two younger brothers in succession after the famous, Eli.' L '^/ Oes hwy
no tlvri, Sion, y'th row,
Law-yn-llaw d'th lawen-lloer.—T.A., A 14866/745.
' For a life longer than three, Si6n, mayst thou be spared, hand in hand with
thy bright moon.' See also E.P. 240.
Ael-yn-ael a'i elynwn.—D.N., c. i 160. ' Brow to brow with his enemies.'
Dal-yn-nal rliwng dwy Idnnerch.—D.N., M 136/147. ' Face to face between two
glades'; ynndl for ^n-nhal, § 48 ii.
Daw o deidmu dad-i-dad,13 Gollwyn hen,—nid gwell un had.—'W.TL.
' He comes from forebears, father to father, like an ancient hazel-grove
—there is no better seed.' f
Arglwyddi lin 6-lin ynt.0—L.G.O. 460. ' They are lords from line to line.'
See icers dragwers IL.A. 164 ' reciprocally', gylch ogylcJi do. 166 'round
about', ddwrn trd-dwrn, law drd-llaw, L.G.C. 18. la many cases the first noun
also is preceded by a preposition, as
Marchog o 1m 6-lin oedd.—L.Mor., I.MSS. 292. ' He was a knight from line to
line.'
gee o Iwyn z-lwyn D.G. 141, o law Uaw do. 145. Of. Late Mn. W. z-gam 6-gam '
zig-zag '.
" Tlie last ol of olynol was mistaken about the middle of the last
century for the adjectival termination -ol (= -awl), and from the supposed
stem olyn an abstract noun olymaeth was formed to render ' succession' in '
apostolical succession '!
b In all the above examples the cynghanedd is either Ta or Os, which implies
the accentuation indicated. See ZfCP. iv. 134, 137.
" The cynghanedd is 84, which implies the accentuation marked. '_
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ACCENTUATION
The ordinary accentuation is also met with in the bards : ^
0 rWyn i 1-^yn, ail 6nid.—D.(x. 84. ' From bush to bush, [maiden] second to Enid.'
iv. When pa or py is followed by a preposition governing- it, the latter only
is accented: pa-ham (for pa am, § 113 i (a)) (what for ? why ?' often
contracted into pam by the loss of the unaccented syllable, § 44 vii. So were
doubtless accented the Ml. W. paJidr A.L. i 108, 134, pa, Mr do. 118 (for pa
ar) ' what on ? ' pa rdc B.B. 50, pyrdc B'.M. 136 ' what for ? '
§ 48. i. When the syllable bearing the principal accent begins with a vowel,
a nasal, or r, it is aspirated under certain conditions, § 112 i (4); thus
ce\nhed\loedd ' nations', from cenedl;
fio\nhe\ddig (vonheSic E.P. 1331) from Sonedd 'gentry', § 104 iv (i);
cy\nhalwyd, from cynnal 'to support' from cyti+da^ (d normally becomes n, not
nh, § 106 ii); di\fidng\ol from di-anc 'to escape'; a phlannhedeu E.P. 1303
'and planets', usually \ planedau; Jcenhadeu w.x. ^84, oftener in Ml. W.
keanadeu do. 42
'messengers'.
A'i aur a'ifedd y gwyr fo, ronh^ddig,'1/y nyliuddo.— L.G.C. 188.
' 'With his gold and mead doth he use, as a gentleman, to comfort me.'
ii. On the other band, an h required by the derivation is regularly dropped
after the accent; as Cannes
' warm', for e^n-nhes from cym+tes (t gives nh, § 106 iii (i)) ; Sr^niw
'king', for brw\nhm from hre\e'n\nftin from *breewtin,, Cornish Srenfyn.;
tdn\nau ' strings', for tdn\nheu from 0. W. tantou M.o.; tang ' wide ', for
eh-ang from *eks-ang-; dwawdd IL.A. 109 for dn-hawdd ' difficult'; drawl '
bright', for ar-haul, which appears as arheui in B.P. 1168. The h is,
however, retained between vowels in a few words, as thud ' foolish', dthau
and Ataw ' right (hand), south' ; and in nrh, nhr,13 nghr, and Irh, as
dnrhaith ' spoil', anhrefn ' disorder', anghred ' infidelity', olrhain ' to
trace'.
The h is also dropped after a secondary accent, as in
^ L. G. C.'s editors print voneddig in spite of the answering h. in nyJiuddo.
1 nrh and nhr have the same Bound but differ in origin : nrh =-- n + rh; nhr
is from B + tr. They are often confused in writing.
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PHONOLOGY
§ 48
§§ 49, 50
ACCENTUATION
65
brenimdethav, ' kingdoms'. So we have cenedldethau ' generations',
tbiteddigaidd 'gentlemanly' (vonebigeiS B.G. 1129).
in. Note therefore the shifting of the h in. such a word as dihdreb
'proverb', Ml. W. di/iaereh K.P. 1336, pi. dwrhebion, Ml. W. diaerhebyon B.B.
974, 975, 1083. The word has etymo-logically two h's: di-haer-heb, but only
that is preserved which
precedes the principal accent.
iv. Th*e above rules may be briefly stated thus: an intrusive h sometimes
appears before the accent, and an organic h regularly disappears after the
accent. It is obvious that the' rule cannot be older than the present system
of accentuation; it is indeed the direct result of that system, and is
probably not much later in origin. The first change was the weakening and
subsequent loss of h after the accent, giving such pairs as brenin,
brenhinoedd; angen, anghenus (< *nken-, Iv. ecen)', cymar, cymharu (•<
Lat. compar-): here h. vanishes in tlie first word of each pair. Later, on
the analogy of these, other pairs were formed, such as bonedd, bonhcddig ;
cenedl, cenhedloedd; where an intrusive h appears in the second word of each
pair.
In 0. W., when the accent fell on the ultima, it was easy to say bre\en\nhzn;
but when the accent settled on the penult, it required an effort to sound the
aspirate after the breath had been expended on the stressed syllable. Hence
we find, at the very beginning of the Ml. period, breenhineS and breenin L.L.
120. But the traditional spelling, with h, persisted, and is general in B.B.,
as minheu 12 ;
synJi.uir ( s synnhwyr) 17 ; aghen agheu 23 ; breenhin 62 ; though we also
find a few exceptions, as kayeU 35. In B.M. it still survives in many words,
as brenfin 2; agheu, 5 (but angev, ib.); mwyhaf n ;
minheu 12 ; but more usually wwyaf 13 ; minneu 3 ; gennyf 8 ; synn-wyr 13 ;
amarch 36; llinat (for Urn-had) 'linseed' 121. In the B.P. we find dnawS
1227, 1264, 1270, 1299 ; dneirdd, dnoew 1226 ; diagyr (for dt-Jiagr) 1289;
lldwir (for llaw-hir 'long-handed') 1207, 1226;
~ldwl<•ir 1214, witli h inserted above the line—an etymological correction
;
dwrhonn 1271, with h deleted by the underdot—a phonetic correction.
Intrusive h makes its first appearance later, and is rarer in Ml. W. than
lost h. In A.L., MS. A., we find boneSyc ii 6, 14, but in this MS. ft may be
for nh; in later MSS. bonheSyc i 176-8, MS. a. ; bonheSic in Ml. W.
generally. In other cases it is less usual; thus Icennadeu is the form in
B.M., though the older W.M. has sometimes kenhadeu 184, 249 ; kenedloeS
B.B.B. 239, IL.A. 169, so generally.
The orthography of the 1620 Bible generally observes the phonetic rule; thus
brenin, brenhinoedd Ps. ii 6, 2 ; cenedl, cenhedloedd do. xxxiii 12, ii r ;
angeu, anghefol do. vi 5, vii 13; aros, arhosodd JOB. x 12, 13; bonheddig,
boneddigion Es. ii 9, i Cor. i 26; ammarch, ammherchi Act. v 41, Rhuf. 124;
etc. There are some irregularities and inconsistencies; e.g. diharebion
Diar., title, i i, and anghall Diar. i 4 beside the phonetic angall do. viii
5. The Bible-spelling wasv
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generally followed, and the use of h medially was fairly settled OB phonetic lines, when Pughe introduced confusion by
discarding it wherever his mad etymology failed to account for it. His
wildest innovations, such as glandu, pardu for glanhdu, parhdu, were rejected
by universal consent; but his principle was adopted by the " new school
" including T. Charles, Tegid and G. Mechain, who disregard the accent,
and insert or omit h in all forms of the same vocable according to their idea
of its etymology." Silvan Evans (Llythyraeth, 68), writes as if the
cogency of this principle were self-evident, and imagines that to point out
the old school's spelling of cyngor without, and cynghorion with, an h, is to
demonstrate its absurdity. In his dictionary he writes brenines, boneddig,
etc., misquoting all modern examples to suit his spelling; under ammeuthun
(his misspelling of amheuthun) he suppresses h in every quotation.
In spite of the determined efforts of the " new school" in the
thirties, present-day editions of the Bible follow the 1620 edn. with the
exception of a few insertions of etymological h, as in brenin, ammarch, which
appear as brenhin, ammharch.
short.
Quantity. In Mn. W. all vowels in unaccented syllables are
Unaccented syllables here include those bearing a secondary accent, in which
the vowel is also short, as in cmedldethau, though before ft vowel it may be
long in deliberate pronunciation, as in dealltwrweth. ,
In Late Ml. W. the same rule probably held good, but not necessarily earlier.
In 0. W. it was clearly possible to distinguish in the unaccented penult the
quantities preserved later when the syllable became accented, § 56 iv.
§ 60. Vowels in accented syllables in Mn. W. are either (i) long, as the a in
edn 'song'; (a) medium as the a in canu; or (3) short, as the a in cann '
white', cannw ' to whiten'.
In monosyllables a long vowel (except i or u) is generally circumflexed
before n, r or 1, § 51 iv, and in any other case where it is desired to mark
the quantity. Short vowels are marked by \ which is sometimes used instead of
doubling the consonant, as in D.D. s.v. can == gan ' with', and before I
which
"• G. Mechain (iii. 224) writing to Tegid, assents to brenin, hreninoedd
"though from habit I always read 'brenMnoedd with an aspirate; but the
root does not warrant such reading." His pronunciation was correct; and
it juat happens that the " root" does warrant it; see $ 103 ii (i).
1401 V
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PHONOLOGY
§ Sl
cannot be doubled in writing; ddl B.CW. 91, hel do. 95, calon Hyff. Gynnwys
(1749) pp. 3, ao, 319 bis.
6®-In this grammar the circumflex has been retained in most cases where it
is, or might be, used in ordinary writing. But where the position of the
accent has to be indicated, is used;
where there is no need to point out the accent, and the word is not usually
circumflexed,' is used. As every long vowel must •be accented in Mn. W., it
will be understood that ','' and " in Mn. W. words mean the same thing.
In Brit. and earlier a vowel marked ' is not necessarily accented. As ' is
required to denote a secondary accent it would be confusing to use it to mark
a short accented vowel; hence * is used here for the latter purpose, where
necessary. The accent mark / denotes accent without reference to quantity. A
medium vowel can only be indicated by showing the syllabic division ; thus cd
wi,
NOTE. The medium vowel, or short vowel with open stress, which occurs in the
penult, is not heard in English where a penultimate accented vowel, if not
short as in fathom, is long as in father. Silvan Evans calls the medium vowel
"long", and J.D.R. often circumflexes it. Bat the a of cd\nu is not
long, except in comparison with the a of cdn\nu; beside the a of can it is
short. It is a short vowel slightly prolonged past the point of fullest
stress, so as to complete the syllable, and the following consonant is taken
over to the ultima.
§ 61. i. If a vowel in a monosyllable is simple its quantity is determined by
the final consonant or consonants, the main principle being that it is long
before one consonant, short before two, or before a consonant originally
double ; see § 56 ii.
ii. The vowel is short before two or more consonants, or before p, t, c, m,
ng; as cant ' hundred', torf ' crowd', p6rth ' portal', bardd ' bard', at '
to', lldc ' slack', cam ' crooked', Hong 'ship'. . \
Nearly all monosyllables ending in p, t or c are borrowed; some from Irish,
as brat ' apron', most from E. as hap, top, het, pot, cnoc, which simply
preserve the original quantity. E. tenuis after a long vowel becomes a media,
as W. cl6g < E. cloak, W. grod o. 157 < E. groat, re-borrowed as gr6t;
so the late borrowings c6t, grdt (but in S. W. c6t).
W. at is an analogical formation, § 209 vii (2); ac, new should be ag, nag in
Mn. orthography § 222 i (i), ii (3).
§ 51
QUANTITY
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Exceptions to the above rule are the following:
(1) In N. W. words ending in s or 11 followed by another consonant have the
vowel long; as trzst 'sad', cosh 'punishment', hallt 'salt' adj., etc.,
except in borrowed words, as cast 'trick'. In S. W., however, all such words
as the above conform to the rule.
(2) The vowel is long when it is a late contraction, § 33 iv; as ant ' they
go ', for a-ant; hdm ' I have been ', for bu-um; bont ' they may be', for
bo-ont; rh6nt ' they give', for rho-ant. In 'ijm ' we are', i/nf ' they are',
the vowel is pronounced long; it is marked long by J.D.E. 94; but E.P., PS.
Ixxv r, rhymes ynt with hynt, and in Ml. "W". it is written ynt
(not *yyn£); hence the lengthening is probably due to false analogy.
Cant' they shall have ' is for ca-ant and has long a; but cant' sang' is for
can-t, and is therefore short. Even gweld, § 44 vi, from gwSl, has the e
shortened by the two consonants; a fortiori, in cant ' sang' where the final
double consonant is older, the a must be short. Silvan Evans (s. v. canu)
adopts the error of some recent writers, and circumflexes the a in cant, even
where it rhymes with chwant, and in quoting Gr.O. 82, where no circumflex is
used. The word never rhymes with ant, gwndnt, etc.
W The vowel is circumflexed when long before two consonants, except where the
length is dialectal.
(3) The mutated form deng of deg 'ten ' preserves the long vowel of the
latter in N.iW.
iii. The vowel is long if it is final, or followed by b, d, g, f, dd, ff, th,
ch, B ; as ty ' house', lie ' place ', mob ' son', fad ' father', gwag '
empty ', dof ' tame ', rfiodd ' gift', doff ' lame', crotJi' womb', cocJi '
red ', glas ' blue '.
Exceptions : (i) Words which are sometimes unaccented, vi below.
(2) Words borrowed from English, as sad ' steady', twb, fflach (tromflash),
loch (from lash). SUd, also written sut, ' kind, sort' from suit (cf.
Chaucer, Cant. Tales 3241) is now short; but in D.G. 448^it is long, rhyming
with hud.
(3) Some interjectional words, such as chwaff, pvff, ach. The interjection
och is now short, but is long in the bards; see Oeh / ffoch D.G. 464. Cyjfis
now sometimes incorrectly shortened.
tsr A long vowel need not be circumflexed before any of the above consonants.
In the case of a contraction, however, the vowel is usually marked; thus
rlwdd ' he gave ' for rhoodd for rhoddodd. In such forms the circumflex is
unconsciously regarded as a sign of contraction, and may be taken to indicate
that the vowel is long independently of the character of the consonant.
The circumflex is also used in ndd ' cry' to distinguish it from nad 'that
not'.
iv. If the vowel be followed by 1, n or r, it may be long or r2
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68
PHONOLOGY
§ 31
§52
QUANTITY
69
short: tdl' pay', dal' hold', can ' song ', cda ' white '; car ' relative ',
car ' car'.
Each of these consonants may he etymologically single or double.' Dal is from
*dalg- § 110 ii (2), so that the final 1 represents two root consonants. In
0. and Ml. W. final n and r when double in origin were doubled in writing, as
in penn, ' head', Irish cenn, in other cases of course remaining single as in
hen ' old ', Irish sen; thus the principle that the vowel is short before two
consonants, long before one, applied. The final consonant is now written
single even in words like pen, and only doubled when a syllable is added, as
inpennaf, cf.Eng. sin (0. E. sinfi) but sinner (though even medial -nn- is
now sounded -n,- in Eng.).
It is therefore necessary now to distinguish between long and short vowels in
these words by marking the vowels themselves.
gap In a monosyllable, a long vowel followed by 1, n or r is circum-flexed;
thus, tdl' pay', coin, ' song', d6r ' door', del ' may come', hyn ' older'.
But i and u need not be circumflexed, since they are always long before these
consonants, except in prin, and in (= Ml. W. ynn 1 to us'), and a few words
from English as pzn, bzl. The common words dyn, hen, 51 are seldom
circumflexed.
Ml. ~W. -nn is still written in some words, e. g. in onn ' ash' pi. ynn, as
in the names Llwyn Onn, Llwyn Ynn. Doubling the consonant is preferable to
marking the vowel when it is desired to avoid ambiguity, as in cann ' white
', a yrr ' drives'. It is not sounded double now when final; but the
consonant is distinctly longer e. g. in pen than in hen. In Corn., penn
became pedn.
NOTE. The a is long in tdl' forehead, front, end', and was circumflexed down
to the latter part of the i8th cent.; see D.D. a.v., G. 68. The 1 is
etymologically single, as is seen in the Gaulish name Cassi-talos. In the
spoken language the word survives only in place-names, and is sounded short
in such a name as Tal-y-bdnt because this has -become an improper compound
accented on the ultima, § 46 iii, so that its first element has only a
secondary accent, § 49. When the " principal accent falls on it, it is
long, as in Trwyn-y-tal near the Rivals. Tegigil o tal, Edeirnaun, Idl B.B.
74 ' Tegeingi to its end, Edeirnawn, [and] Yale.' The rhyme with Idl shows
the quantity of tdl.
f fun araf, fain, eirian, A'r, t&lfal yr aw mdl mdn.—D.G. 330.
' The calm, slender, bright girl, with the head like finely milled gold.'
v. When the word ends in 11 the quantity varies. In N. W. it is short in all
such words except oil, /toll; in S. W. it is long, except in gall ' can ',
dwR ' manner', mibll' sultry ', cyll' loses ', and possibly some others.
vi. Many prepositions, adverbs and conjunctions, which are long by the above
rules, by being often used as proclitics have become short even when
accented, more especially in N. W.; as r1iag 'against', hell 'without', nid,
nad 'not', dm 'under' (originally one 11), mdl,fdl,fel' like', ag (written
ac) ' and ', wig (written nac) ' nor' ; but ag ' with '.
The long vowel is preserved in some of these in 8. "W. The word nes
'until', § 215 i (2), was circumflexed even by N. W. writers as late as the
i8th cent., see nes Q. 237; it is now sounded nes (already nes in B.CW. 83,
115 beside nes ' nearer' 13, 109, no). In D.G. dan ' under ' has long a: ,
Serchog y cdn dan y d'ail.—D.G.223.
' Lovingly it sings under the leaves.' i
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69. i. If the vowel in a monosyllable is the first
element of a diphthong, its quantity depends chiefly upon the form of the
diphthong.
ii. The vowel is long in ae, oe,wy ; thus trded' feet', oen' lamb', 1iwyr '
late', cae ' field ', caem ' we might have ', doe ' yesterday', mwy ' more',
cwyn ' complaint', /iwyiit ' they', bloesg ' blaesus ', rhwysg ' pomp ',
,'maent' they are', troent' they might turn '.
iBut except before -sg, wy is short before two or more consonants or m ; as
twym, twymn,' hot', rivwym 'bound' (also rhwym), owymp ' fall' (now proti.
cw^mp in N. W.), llwybr ' path', rhwystr ' hindrance',' brwydr' battle
',pwynt' point' ; — hwyntis influenced by hwy 'they'.. Similarly maent formed
from, and influenced by mae. The other. cases are examples of contraction:
caem < ca-em, tr6ent < tro-ynt.
iii. The vowel is short in all other falling diphthongs ; as Mi ' fault', iyw
' alive', troi ' to turn ', llaid ' mud', brw ' wound ', duw ' god ', buzoch
' cow ', haul ' sun', aw ' gold ', dewr ' brave ', bazod ' thumb', mawl'
praise ', etc.
Exceptions: (i) Tn N. W. aw, ew are long when final only; as taw I 'be
silent', 'bow 'dirt', llezv 'lion', two 'fat'; otherwise short as above. In
S. W. the diphthongs are short in both cases.
(2) au is long in traul 'wear, expense', paun 'peacock', gwaudd ^
'daughter-in-law', ffav, 'den', gwaun 'meadow', caul 'rennet', pdu '
country'. The form gwaen is a recent misspelling of gwaun. In West Gwynedd the word is pronounced gweun (esa), Ml. W.
gweun, 0. W. guoun.
(3) The vowel is long in du when contracted for a-au, as in pidu ' plagues';
but in cdu for cde-u, § 202 iii, it is short. It is long in &i for a-ai,
and 6i for o-ai when final, as gwndi, troi 3rd eg. impf.; but
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70
PHONOLOGY
53, 54
6i for o-ai not final, as in trois for tr6-ais. On account of the long vowel
gwnai, troi, etc. are generally sounded and often written gvmae, troe, etc.;
but in the bards -di rhymes with ai, see wn^i / ehedai o. 242. Both forms are
seen in Ml. W. gwnai W.M. 25, 54, gwnay B.M. 237 (ae=ay, § 29 ii (i)).
(4) The vowel is long in o'l, a'i, da z, etc., § 33 v, of course only when
accented. In Ml. W. o'i, a'i are written oe, ae or oy, ay.
§ 63. When the accent in a polysyllable falls on the ultima, the above rules
apply as if the ultima were a monosyllable ; thus, short, paJiam ' why ? ',
penaig, §41 iii (2), parh&ti, ' to continue ', gwyrdrSi ' to distort';
long, Cymraeg, parh&nt (for parha-ant}, gwyrdroi (for gwyrdro-ai) ' he
distorted', penllad ' summnm bonum'.
In parhau, caniatau, etc., some recent writers circumflex the a, possibly a
practice first intended to indicate the long vowel in the uncontracted form
-ha-u, § 54 iii. When contracted the a is short. In D.D. and Bible (1620) it
is not circumflexed. J.D.R. 144 writes cadarnhuu. But see § 55 ii.
§ 54. In the accented penult—
i. (l) The vowel is short, if followed by two or more consonants, or by p, t,
c, m, ng, 11, s ; as harddwch ' beauty', plentyn ' child ', cannoedd'
hundreds ', Vjjrradi ' shorter ', estron' stranger', epil 'progeny', ateb
'answer', ameu, ' to doubt', angen ''need' Wan ' out', lesu ' Jesus', glandeg
' fair', glanwaith' cleanly ', tamo ' to fire ', tybzaf ' I suppose'. There
is no exception to this rule, though before m the vowel is sometimes wrongly
lengthened in words learnt from books, such as trumor ' foreign', amwy's '
ambiguous'.
Silvan Evans marks many obsolete words, such as amwg, amug with long a, for
which there is no evidence whatever; it merely represents his own misreading
of Ml. W. -m-, which always stands for -mm-.
(2) The consonants above named are each double in origin. In Ml. W. t, c, s
were usually doubled in this position, as atteb, racco or raoko, messur; but
-m- is generally written single, owing to the clumsiness of -mm- and its
frequency ; possibly -p-, which is not very common, followed the analogy of
-m-; 11 and ng being digraphs can hardly be doubled in writing. In early
Bibles m and p are doubled;
and Cr:E. wrote gallu, doubling ; (his / = tt). As however each is
e^rmologically double (except in borrowed words), the double origin
/
'§ 84
QUANTITY
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71
is sufficiently indicated by writing the letter; thus ateb is necessarily the
same as atteb; mesur is necessarily messur. So every medial or final m, ng or
11 means mm, ion, or fttt etymologically, and is so pronounced in the
accented penult.
68" But in the case of n and r the consonant is not necessarily double;
hence a distinction must be made between single and double n and r. The a in
cannu ' to whiten ' is short because it is followed by nn, representing
original nd (cf. Lat. candeo) ; the a in canw ' to sing' is medium because it
is followed by a single n (of. Lat. cano). The distinction is made in nearly
all Ml. MSS., and generally in Mn. MSB. and printed books down to Pughe's
time.
(3) The accented syllable is " closed " (stopped, blocked) by the
first of the two consonants, thus glan\deg, pUn\tyn, can\nu. Even i and w
cause the preceding consonant to close the penult; thus glan\waith from gUn '
clean '. Ml. scribes, knowing that the syllable was closed by two consonants,
and not knowing that the second in this case was i or w, sometimes doubled
the first consonant, as in dynnyon W.M. 32, (g)lannweith E.M. 52; but as a
rule, perhaps, it is written single, as in dynyon R.M. 21, (g)lanweith W.M.
72. A consonant originally double cannot be distinguished from one originally
single in this case ;
thus tan-io' to fire ', from t&n ' fire', and glan-w ' to land', from
glawiz ' shore', form a perfect double rhyme. It is therefore unusual to
double the consonant in the modern language in these forms; glannio and
torriad are written glanio and tariad, which adequately represent the sound
(cf. pentreffor penntref, etc.). Thus in ysgrifennwyd ' was written' the
double n. indicates that the w is a vowel; in ysgrifenwyr ' writers', the
single n indicates that the w is consonantal. Hence some words like annuyl
C.M. 70, synnwyr a.M. 116 are now written with one n owin-g to a common, but
by no means general, mispronunciation of wy as wi[; see P.IL. xcvi, where
Llyr / ssynwyr is condemned as a false rhyme.
ii. The vowel is medium if followed by b, d, g, ff; th, oh, 1,
single n, or single r; as g6\laith 'hope', d\deg 'time', se\gur ' idle ',
e\ffaH?i. ' effect', e\thol' to elect ',pe'\c/tod ' sin', ca\nu ' to sing',
b6\re ' morning', ca\lan ' new year's day '.
In this case the accented syllable is " open" (free), that is, it
ends with the vowel, and the consonant is carried on to the next syllable.
See §50, Note; § 27 i.
In a few forms we have a short vowel before 1, as in l8l\o (often mis-read
I6\ld); cal\on ' heart'; c6l\yn ' sting', 0. W. eolginn svv.;
b8l\wst 'colic' < *bolg-; dSl\ir 'is held' for dSl\w §36 i <*dSlj,ir.
In Ml. "W. such forms are written with double 1, § 22 ii.
Double I cannot be from original II, which gives the voiceless Welsh II W).
It occurs only in a new hypocoristic doubling as in lol-lo, or where a
consonant now lost closed the syllable before disappearing.
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72
PHONOLOGY
§ S5'
in colon the lost consonant is w; in cSlyn it is i < ^', w drops before o,
and ^ before y § 36 iii, ii;—calon (Corn. colon, Bret. lealon, kaloun) <
*kaluond- : W. colweS B.A. 6 ' heart', coludd ' entrail' : Skr. krodd-h'
breast, interior': Gk. ^oXaoes, 0. Bulg. Kelqd-uku ' maw' with 9^' ('S'/fff''
alternation).—For Early Mn. W. calyn ' to follow' the Ml. eanlyn has been
restored in writing.
A short vowel also occurs in cadwn, tybir, etc. § 36 i.
'• iii. The vowel is long- if followed by a vowel or h ; as e og 'salmon',
cU-hazi, ' right, south', Gwem \ id \ an.
iv. It is short in all falling' diphthong's'; as cSe\ad ' lid', mwy\af
'most', llSi\af ' least', rhwy\dav, 'nets', lliSy\brau 'paths', Jim\log
'sunny', tw\dwr 'thickness', byw\yd 'life^, cndw\dol' carnal'.
But in N. "W. the vowel is medium in aw, ew, iw before a vowel, that is
the w is heterosyHabic; thus ta\wel ' silent', te\wi ' to be silent', lle\wod
' lions', m\wed 'harm'. In S. W., however, these are sounded taw\el, tSw\i,
llSw\od, ntw\ed.
§ 55. i. The above are the quantities of the vowels in the Mn. language. They
were probably the same in Ml. W. where the-vowel is simple. Thus map or mab,
tat, gwac had A long a like their modern equivalents mob, tad, gwag ; for
where the vowel was short and the final consonant voiceless (=Mn.^, t, c),
the latter was doubled, as in bratt K.G. 1117, Mn. W. bratt D.D., or brat (s
brat) ' rag, apron'. In the case of Ml. single -t, both<fche long vowel
and the voiced consonant are attested in the spelling of foreigners ; thus
the place-name which is now Bod Feirig, which in Ml. W. spelling would be
*-Bo< veuruc, appears in Norman spelling in the Extent of Anglesey, dated
1294, as Sode-ueuryk (Seebohm, Trib. Sys.1 App. 6), where bode doubtless
means bod, the Mn. W. sound. Again in the Extent of Denbigh, dated 1335, the
Mn. W. ~RJios appears as Roos (op. cit. 72), showing the vowel to he long before
s then as now. The N. W. long vowel before st is attested in 1396 in the
Kuthin Court Rolls p. 15,1. 10 in the spelling Neeste of the name Nest. The
distinction between medium and short in the penult is everywhere implied in
Ml. spelling; and we are told in K.G. nao that the vowel is long when
followed by another, as the i in Gwenlliant, Mn. W. Gwen-lli-an. Thus the
quantity of a simple vowel was
§ S6
QUANTITY
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73 a
generally the same In all positions in Ml. and Mn. W., even local usage
agreeing ; except in shortened words § 51 vi.
ii. But in diphthongs many changes must have taken place. As a " vowel
before a vowel " was long then as now, tro-'i must have had a long o, so
that, when first contracted, it was still long ;
it remains long in Montgomeryshire; thus the short o in trot is probably
late. Similarly short Si for e-i, au for a-u, w for o-u. Other diphthongs
also probably differ, and we can infer nothing as to Ml. W. quantity in
diphthongs from the Mn. W. pronunciation./
§ 56. i. The quantity of-a vowel in British determines its quality in Welsh ;
but its quantity in Welsh depends, as we have seen, on the-consonantal
elements •which follow it in the syllable.
ii. A short accented vowel in Brit. or La-tin followed by a single Consonant
was lengthened in Welsh; thus Brit. * tolas gave tal, § 51 iv Note, *r6ta
(cognate with Lat. rota) gave rhod, Lat. sonus gave son, etc. This took place
after the change in the quality of long vowels, • for while original a gives
aw § 71, long a lengthened from a remains A. If also took place after the
reduction of pp, tt, w iatojf, th, ch, for the latter are treated as single
consonants for this purpose; thus Lat. saccus became *sa^os with single ^,
which gives sach (ssa^) in Welsh. Long vowels remained long, as in pilr from
Lat. purus. On the other ha'n^, a vowel originally long was shortened before
two consonants; thus the o of Lat. forma became u, which was shortened in the
Welsh ffUrf. Hence the general rule § 51 i, which probably goes back to Early
Welsh and beyond; for the lengthening of short vowels originated at the time
of the loss of the ending, and is due to compensation for that loss.
iii. There is no reason to suppose that this lengthening took place only in
monosyllables. Thus 0. W. litan ' wide' (: Gaul. litanos in KoyKo-XtTavos,
Smertu-litanus, etc., Ir. lethan) was probably sounded *lly-daiz, while
guinlann was doubtless *gwinl(f)an'ii. In Ml. W. when the ultima became unaccented
this distinction was lost, the a of llydan being shortened, § 49, and the nn
of gwm-llann being simpli-. fied, § 27 ii. The rule forbidding the rhyming of
such a pair was handed down from the older period, and is given in E.G. 1136;
such a rhyme is called trwm ao ysgawn ' heavy [with 2 consonants] and light
[with one]'. But the bard's ear no longer detected any difference in the
unaccented ultima; he is therefore instructed to add a syllable to find out
whether tlie syllable is "heavy" or "light": kalloxna.eu
{U = l-T) is given as an example to show that the on(%) of Jcallon [sic] . is
" heavy ", and amkcm.eu to show that the an of amkan is "
light". The Early Ml. bards avoid trwm ac ysgawn; but in the first poem
in B.B., where the rhyme is -ann, several forms in -an occur, as imuan i (:
gwanaf ' I wound'), darogan ^ (: canaf ' I sing'), which shows that
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74
PHONOLOGY
57, 5i?
the distinction was beginning to disappear. The Late Ml. poets frankly give
it up; e. g. Ca. bychan / glan / kyvan(n) / dvflan(n) / darogan/ . . .
!calan(n) / kan / Ieuan{n), E.P. 1233-4. Yet in 0. W. the distinction was a
real one, for it is reflected in the ordinary spelling of words; as Uchcm.
ox. 'little' (cf. vychaTO.et W.M. 44, E.M. 31), atac ox. 'birds' (cf. adaven
B.B. 107), scribenm. M.O. 'writing' (cf. yscrivesnau IL.A. 2), corsetca. ox.,
gmnlawa. JUV., ^tc. The dimin. endings -yn, -en appear as, -inn, -din ; the
pi. ending -•wn is always -ion.
iv. In the unaccented penult in 0. W. the distinction between an open and a
closed syllable was preserved; the vowel must have been shorter in the
latter, as it was later when the penult became accented.
v. The diversity in the present quantity of vowels before II and e, and the
fixing of the present quantities- of diphthongs, are due to complicated
actions of analogy, which it would take too much space here to attempt to
trace.
THE ARYAN VOWELS IN KELTIC
§ 57. Parent Aryan had the following' vowel-system :
Short vowels Long vowels Short diphthongs Long diphthongs Short vocalic Long
vocalic
a e i o u a a e i 6 u ai ei oi au eu ou ai ei oi au eu ou
I m n r I m n r
e and o were probably pronounced open; u has of course its Latin value =
Welsh w (not Welsh u); a was an obscure vowel whose exact quality is
uncertain, but which was probably not unlike W. y ', vocalic 1, m, n, r arose
from reduced el, em, en, er; when long they represent the contracted
reductions of two syllables § 63 vii (2).
§ 68. i. The Aryan short vowels remained unchanged in Primitive Keltic,
except a, which became a as in all the other branches except Indo-Iranian, in
which it became i, see vii below.
ii. Ar. a (Lat. a, Gk. a). Lat. dacruma (lacruma), Gk. SaKpv, Goth. tagr : W.
pi. dagrau 'tears' < Pr. Kelt. *da&ruya.—Ar. *ag6 > Lat. ago, Gk.
aycu : Ir. agaim ' I drive', W. of for a-af for *a!af '1 go' < Pr. Kelt.
*ag:—Lat. sal, salis, Gk. aXy, Goth. salt : Ir. salanw, W. halen ' salt' <
Pr. Kelt. *sal-.
iii. Ar. e (Lat. e, Gk. e). ' Ar. *bher- > liat.fero, Gk. (f>epa>,
0. E. herein, 'to bear' : Ir. berimm 'I bear', W. ad-feraf 'I re-
§ 59
ARYAN VOWELS IN KELTIC
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store' < Pr. Kelt. *&('/•-.—Ar. *medhu- > Gk. y.i6v 'wine', 0. H.
G. metu ' mead', 0. Bulg. medw ' honey', Skr. mddhw ' honey': W. medd 'mead',
meddw ' drunk ' < Pr. Kelt. *medu-
*medu-.—Ar. + ekMS > Lat. equv,s, Skr. dsva-h : Ir. ecfi ' horse ', Gaul. Epo- (in Epo-redia, etc.), W. eb-ol' colt' <
Pr. Kelt. *c^-.-> A .
iv. Ar. i (Lat. i, Gk. t). Ar. *md- (Vueid- 'see, know') > u .^A^t)^-Lat.
video ' I see', Gk. Horn. Fi8p.w, Goth. witum ' we know': — Ir. jfisss '
knowledge', W. gwys ' summons' < Pr. Kelt. *wiss-, § 87 ii.—Ar. *uli^-
(Vyeletq"- ' wet') > Lat. liqueo : Ir. fiwcJt ' wet', W. gwlyJ) '
wet' < Pr. Kelt. * yliq»-.
v. Ar. o (Lat. o, Gk. o). Ar. *oito(u) > Lat. octo, Gk. OKTW :
Ir. MM, W. wyth 'eight' < Pr. Kelt. *okt6, §69 iv (a). Ar.
*logk- (Viegh- 'lie') > Gk. Xoy^os 'bed, couch, ambush', 0. |, Bulg.
sa-logu ' consors tori': W. go-lo-i, E. p. 1040, 'to lay, bury' ' <Pr.
Kelt. *log-.—A.T. *tog- (V\s)t1wg- ' cover')> Lat. toga : W. » fo
'roof',§104ii(3).
. vi. Ar. u (Lat. u, Gk. v). Ar. weak stem *'kwi- > Gk. gen. sg. KVVOS,
Goth. bunds, Skr. gen. sg. suHaJt: W. pi. cwn' dogs' < Pr. Kelt.
*ktm-es.—Ar. *sm-f- {^/sreti- 'flow') > Gk. pvTOS ' flowing ', Skr. smtah
' flowing', Lith. sruta ' dung-water ':
Ir. smth ' stream', W. rJiwd ' dung-water ' < Pr. Kelt. *srut-.
vii. Ar. e (see i). Ar. *pater *pater- > Lat. pater, Gk. Trarrjp, Goth.
fadar. Arm. hair, Skr. pitdr- : Ir. athir 'father' < Pr. Kelt. *{p)atw.—Ar.
*s9t- (v^e- 'sow')>Lat. satus ; W. had, ' seed' < Pr. Kelt. s) sat; §
63 vi (i).
§ 59. i. The Aryan long vowels a, i, u remained ; bat e became i ; and 6 in
stem syllables became a, in final syllables u. ii. Ar. a (Lat. -a, Gk. Dor.
a, Att. Ion. i]). Ar. *bhrdt-er,
*er-, -w, -or- > 'Lat.frdfer, Gk. Dor. <f>paTi]p' member of a clan',
Goth. Sro^ar, Skr. Mmtar- : Ir. brathir,^. brawd 'brother', pi. bioder,
brodorion § 124 i < Pr. Kelt. *bmt-w, -er-, -or-.—Ar.
*mat-er, -er-, -r- > Lat. mater, Gk. Dor. y.a,Tt]p, Skr. mdtdr-: — f 'X
Ir. mdthir ' mother ', W. madr-yb' aunt' < Pr. Kelt. *maf-er, -r-^'1 ^
't^t*<L^<
iii. Ar. e (Lat. e, Gk. i;). Lat. verws, 0. Bulg. vSra ' faith ': '"'
Ir.^fir, W.gwzr 'true' < Pr. Kelt. *mros.—Lat. rex, Skr. mj-' king': Ir.
)i, Gaul. rice, W. r/iz < Pr. Kelt.
*n&, *ng-.
iv. Ar. i (Lat. i, Gk. i). Ar. *q"rU- {V^rew- 'buy') > Skr. krUdJt '
bought' : Ir. wzthid ' inclined to buy', W. pnd
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PHONOLOGY
60, 61
§62
ARYAN VOWELS IN KELTIC
77
' precious' < *Pr. Kelt. c^nt-.—0.
H. G. rw, 0, E. Tzm' number ":
Ir. rim, W. rlwf ' number' < Pr. Kelt. *w%-.—Ar. suffix *-wo-, as in Lat.
su-mus : W. -in, § 153 (10) < Pr. Kelt. *-mo-. •
v. Ar. o (Lat. o, Gk. <o). Lat. odor, Gk. WKVS, Skr. dswS /X^-' quick':
Ml. W. di-awc, Mn. W. cli-og ' idle' < Pr. Kelt. *dk-us. ^w^—Laf. ignotus,
notus, Gk. yvwrds '• Ir. gadth' known, accustomed', ^a*^*^^- gnawd '
customary ' < Pr. Kelt. *gndtos.—Lat. flos, 0. H. G. llmt ' bloom': Ir.
Math, Ml. W. Uawt ' blossom ' < Pr. Kelt. *bldt:
rf,^--*^' In final syllables Ar. 6 > Kelt. u ; this became u, later z in A
Brit., and affected @. preceding vowel, § 69 i; it remains as -z in y/ W. cz
' dog' § 133 (i). But when followed by a final nasal o be-
v y^-"" came o in Pr. Kelt.; thus Ir. gen. pl._/er (of men '
implies *umit ^»» from *uir6m\ *-om : Gk. -air). (y^" vi. Ar. u (Lat. u,
Gk. ii). Lat. tu, Gk. TV-VIJ, 0. Icel. pw,
A vest. tu : Ir. i'a, W. tz ' thou' < Pr. Kelt. *tu.—0. H. G. w»a, 0.
Icel. y%% ' secret, rune': Ir. run, W. rhm ' secret' < Pr. Kelt. -Lat.
culiiiS : Ir. cul, W. czl' back' < Pr. Kelt. *kul-.
JL t
§ 60. The Aryan short diphthongs remained in Pr. Kelt.;
see examples in §§ 75, 76. In the long- diphthongs the long vowels developed
as elsewhere; thus ai, au remained ; ei>u;
eu > m; in syllables not final oi, ou became ai, au respectively ;
in final syllables oi>ui, later doubtless u, but seemingly still '^written
-ovi in Gaulish, Bihys CIG. 5 ; ou>uu; §§ 75, 76. ;
§ 61. i. (i) Aryan 1, r (Lat. ul, or; Gk. a\, \a, ap, pa; ;
Germ. ul, ur;
Skr. r, r) probably remained m Pr^ Kelt., but yjj^' developed in all the
groups as li, ri. Thus Ar. *mlk-t- (V meig-' milk')> Lat. mulctus : Ir,
mlicht, blicht, W. blith ' milch'< ' \(/ *mlikt-< Pr. Kelt. *mlkt- (W.
ar-mel' the second milk', mel-foch •u' ' suckpng pigs' < F-grade
*melg-).—Ar. *^-f- (Vkel- 'hide') >Lat. oc-cult-us : Ir. clethi
'celandum', W. clyd 'sheltered' <Pr. Kelt. *klt——Kv. *j,wt- {V'
per-)>~La,\,.fortus, O.R.G furt:
Gaul. -ritum, 6. W. rit, Mn. W. rhyd' ford' < Pr. Kelt. *(p)rt——
Ar. *^mi-is ' worm ' > Skr. Iwnii-Jt., Lith. kirmis : Ir. wuim,f. <^|
"W. m"ui' ' worm ' <" Pr. Kelt- ^nf-rmis—Ai\ *^'r?'_ I
A/r1/>vf'.\ •~» f~i}r 0' ^1
0 U.
l^J. ^^
'•A.VL \
W. p-yf \ worm' < Pr. Kelt. *q!'rmis.—Ar. *-dri- {*/ cleric-} >Gk.
'eSpaKov '1 saw', Skr. dfs- 'look' : Ir. drecfi 'aspect', W. drycJi
'appearance', e-drychaf''1 look'<Pr. Kelt. *drk-. i
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I \hc
Ir. cru conies from q^ri before i, e or u, as shown by wuimther ' priest'
which appears in ogam as qVrimitir < Early W. primter, Thurneysen Gr. 135;
therefore this proves nothing as to Kelt. r. But Kelt. *rk gave Brit. *rkk
> W. rych as in drych above, rhyoh < *prk-§ 101 iii (i), Zapitza K-Z.
xxxv 2g6, while Kelt. rik gives W. ryg as in cryg § 101 ii (2).
(a) Before vowels and i and u, Ar. preserved an older form of these sounds,
which we may write gl, gp, where g represents an indistinct or murmured
vowel. These give Kelt. ar, al, see
§63"i. Lt^ ii. Ar. 1, r (Lat. la, m; Skr. ir, ur for both) appear in Pr. /^g, 'f^'
Kelt. as la, ra. Thus Ar. *_pl-no- 'full' (Vpele-)
>"Skr"^3"I '^^/^ ' TT?:" Un~\f. llawn ' full'<
Pr.'Kelt. *{_p)ldnos.^-Ax. *mU- \)^^y\/ (•/meld- 'grind') >W. Uawd 'flour' < Pr. Kelt. *mldt-.—Ar. *gn-
"-' "- ^f/ (•/gei'o"- 'rub, grind')> Lat. grdnum, Skr.
jwnd-h 'worn out' :
Ir. gran, W. gmwn ' grain' < Pr. Kelt. *gran-. See § 63 vii (a).
§ 62. i. (i) Ar. m, n. (Lat. em, en; Gk. .a; Germ. urn, un;
Skr. a) remained in Pr. Kelt., and appear as am, an in. Brit.
e'xssw-wswy ^ysaas^^'^f^u; . <'
and Gaul., and^w/?, ^en in Ir. (becoming e before c, t, and im, in before 6,
d, g). Thus Ar. K^itdm ' hundred' > Lat. centum, Gk. f.-Ka.rw, Goth. Aund,
Lith. szimtas, Skr. satd-m:
Ir. cet, W. cant.—Ar. *dnt- 'tooth' > Lat. dent-, Goth. tunpus, Skr. dat-
: Ir. det, W. clanf.—Ar. *»- negative prefix > Lat. in-, Gk. a-, Germ. w»-
: Ir. in-gnath ' unwonted', e-trocar ° unmerciful', W. an- § 156 i (5).
(a) Before vowels and » and u, the forms were ^m, gU, see § 61 i (a); these
gave am, an in Kelt., and appear so in Ir. and W.; thus W. adanedd ' wings'
< ^/^mids ; 0. W. -ham, W.
-(V)af spv. suffix <*-is^wos. But when gW followed the accent it seems to
have become awn in Kelt. (through nn ?); thus Ir.
-^inmann ' names' < *dn.'m^na < ^anam^ng § 121 iv, § 63 v (a) ;— Ir.
Erenn ' of Ireland' < ^eriawn < *weri^n-os beside W. IwerSon
^' Ireland' < *we'ripn- ,—Brit. Britann- < ^c^Tit^n- § 3 iii; with the
same suffix W. pell-ewn-ig ' stranger';—W. griddfan, ' groan' pi. griddfannau
§ 203 ii (4);—W. Gofannon, Gaul.
Gobannicnos, Ir. goba ' smith', gen. gobann; etc.—Final -ann either remains
aa -an, or is reduced to -a § 110 v (a), or tended to^ become -ant (through
-awd?) § 121 iv, § 203 ii (4).
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78 PHONOLOGY §63
«
This development is precisely parallel to that of the R-grade of ei after the
accent in Brit., which gave an > W. -oe8, the second t becoming 8.
Similarly OM after the accent gives W. -eu,
prob. from '-ouu- §76 iii (2). v- "
- ii. Ar. m, n were doubtless ma, na in Pr. Kelt. Thus Ar. *sn- (R2of Vsene-,
see § 63 vii (2)),>Ir. snd-fhat, W. no-clwydd ' needle '.—Ir. gfiath, W.
ywawd ' known, accustomed ' might be from *gn- like Lat. gnd-rus, but is more
probably from *gno- like Lat. notus, Vgene-. The Gaul.
-gnatws ' born' is assumed to have a, in which case it may be from *gn- ; but
it may have a from 9, like W. ynad 'judge', Early Ml. W. pi. hygneui B.B. 10,
84 <*flyn-ylat<':'e•seno-g'nat- ' elder '< *gw-t-, V'gene- 'give
birth'.
ARYAN VOWEL GRADATION
§ 68. i. In Parent Aryan, while the consonants of any morphological .element
were comparatively stable, its vocalism varied according to circumstances;
thisvariation is called " vowel gradation " or " ablaut
". The system is similar to, but less highly developed than, that of the
Semitic languages, in which the only fixed elements of a word are its;
consonantal skeleton. In Aryan what may be regarded as the;
standard vowel was e; this is the full grade, and may be denoted by F. It
interchanged with o; this grade may be denoted by F°. In either case the
vowel might be lengthened, becoming e or 5; the lengthened grades may be
denoted by L and L°. The vowel might become more or less indistinct; in this
case we write it below the line thus ; this is the reduced grade, R. Lastly
it might vanish altogether, this is the vanishing grade, V. The same syllable
in different combinations may occur in any or all of these grades.
ii. Taking the root *sed- ' sit' as an example, the system is as ^follows
(for a in V-grade see § 97):
',,cn,w, v ttR F F° L. L°
W^:.-.^*" ^ ^^^8^... sd s.d. sed sod sed sod • . , " ' ' ? .y^*^ :
Examples: V *-%d-: W. nyfh, Lat. nidus, E. nest, etc. < Ar.
*ni-s:d-os § 97 ii, W. sy^h < *si-xd-, ibid.—R *sea'~ '• ^- ^a^ <
*s^d-lo- § 111 vii (i).—F *sed-: W. gmvedd 'high seat' < Keff
*uer-en-sed- ', eistedd ' to sit' met. for *eitsedd < *ati-en-sed- ; Gaul. esseda ' war-chariot' < *en-sed-; W. annedd '
dwelling' for ann-hedd < *ndo-sed-,cyntedd' porch' < *ki'fttv,-sed-;
heddwch 'peace' <.*sed-;
Lat. sedeo, etc.—F° *sod-: W. Jmdd-ygl, Ir. suide 'soot' § 100 v; 'W. aros
'to stay' < *p^ri-sod-t- § 187 iii.—L *sed-: Lat. sedes, whence "W.
swydd ' office '.—L° *s8d-: W. soddi ' to sink', sawdd' subsidence ' <
*sod-, O.E. set, IS. soot.
.•'JF'
"u ^ ^<A
•\M . i^- »•» .
.^-^
^
Lu.
P^L
/yLl.
\v-->«-<
^^
A
A»^
^\
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79
§ 63 VOWEL GRADATION . V
Ved- 'eat':—V *d-: W. dant, Lat. dent', etc. < *d-yt- (participial stem) '
*eater'.—F *ed-: W. ys ' eats' < *etst^ < *ed-ti, Lat. edo, est.—L
*ed-: Lat. in-edia, Skr. adydh 'eatable'.
Vret- ' run ':—F *rei-: W. rJiedaf ' I run ', gwa-redaf ' I succour', Gaul. Vo-reto-.—F° *rot-: Ir. roth, W. rhod ' wheel',
Lat. rota.—L°
*rot-: W. rhawd 'troop', Ml. W. gwarawt 'he succoured' < *uo-rat-<
*upo-(re)rote. .--«i——»
In Kelt. ^ becomes a before explosives, as well as before I, r, m, n, see ^111
beloW;—Thus""" W. 'ad'ar "^birds^^^o^ r-;
adan'ed(:rv'!vfSSgy < *p^mzas ; beside edn ' bird' < *petn-, Vpet- '
fly '. In Italic also_ we seem to have a for it, as in Lat. quattuor <
*qV/^tyores; in Gk. i in TTi'irupes; Hirt, Abl. 15, Meillet, Int^.273.
iii. When the vowel is followed by one of the sonants I, r, m, n, the scheme
is as follows, e'r being taken as the example;
V E F F° L L° • \\ ^ ^ OA. _ [).
r r .r er or er or .^r
0 ti ^r
Examples: suffix *-ter-:—V *-tr-: W. modryh 'aunt' < m&-tr-9q'll-^,
Lat. gen. ma-tr-is.—R *-tr-: Skr. ma-tr-ka 'grandmother'.—F *-ter-:
W. bro-der 'brothers', Gk. ace. Tra-rep-a.—F° *-tw-: W. bro-dw-ion 'brothers,
clansmen', Gk. ace. ^pa-rop-a.—L *-ter-': Gk. iron-ty.—L°
*tor-: Gk. ippa-Twp.
Vbher- ' bear':—R *bhr- : W. cymryd ' to take ' < *kom-bhr-t-
*F *Vhw-; W. cymeraf ' 1 take' < *kom-ther-; Lat. fero, Gk. (j>epm,
etc.
V^cel- ' hide':—R *U-: ~W. clyd ' sheltered' < *'kl-t-, Lat. occultus § 61
i (l).—F *^el-: W. wlaf'1 conceal'.—-L *Sxl-: Lat. cel-o.
Before these sonants g appears as a yi Kelt., giving al, ar, am, an.. In
other branches thus : Ar. J., y give Gk. a\, ap, Lat. al, ar, Germ. ul, ur, Skr. ir ur (for both), Lith. il
ul, ir w ; Ar. ^m, ^n give Gk. ap., av, Lat. am, an or em, en (yenio § 100 i
(4), tenuis below), Germ. i um, un, Skr. am, an, Lith. im urn, in un. J h.' *
The V-grade occurs only before vowels. ^"'The form r, in/, etc. of the R-grade
occuri^oSiyBeIore'^onBonantsJ the form' "y, yV^fZTTwfwG ,
v6Wels^andJbeSire~?'a3o[""M^WTiere
Tn the derived IBBguageS the
latter appeaTg'"b"e'fore other'consonants, a
voweTToIlowTng'irhasheen elided since the Ar. period. I use ' to mar^this
elision. '•
Examples : V-grade of el in ^V 'glas• '"green ' see vii (3) ; of er in
rhann vii (2) ; of en in glin vii (4).
R-grade before consonants, I, r, m, n, see examples in §§ 61, 62.
R-grade before vowels : W. malaf 'I grind' < *m'^-, Vmela"-' grind
';—araith ' speech', Ir. airecht < *yeq-t-, V ereq- ' speak':
0. Bulg. reka ' I speak' (with V-grade of ist syll.) •,—drchaf ' I ask ', Ir.
arco < Kelt. *ar'k - < *PerJC~> Vperek- : Lat. precor (with V-grade
of ist syll.);—carr 'car', Ir. carr, Gaul.
(-Lat.) carr{-us) < Pr. Kelt.
*kar'eos : Lat. cwfti'us < *qrs-os;—darn 'fragment' < *df'n- <'..
*d^rs-ii- : Skr. dwndh 'split, divided' < *drn- < *d/9-n-, V dwa-
ۥ
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PHONOLOGY
^ v^'
^ v ^-'
\ §63
' split';—so sarn ' causeway' : Skr. stzrndh ' strewn', Vstero-;— cam 'hoof,
Galat. Kapvov 'trumpet' : Vkera^u)-;—teneu 'thin',
/Corn. tanow, Ir. tana : Gk. raw-, Lat. tennis, Skr. tanu-h, all < Ar.
*t^nu-;—j^afdl 'like, equal', Ir. samail 'likeness' < *s^mj,- : Lat.
similis ;—ganed ' was born' < *g^n-, Vgene-.
R-grade before u : W. carw ' deer' < *k/~u-os : Lat. cervus < *fceru-os
',—marw ' dead ' : Lat. morfuus § 204 ii (5);—before i:
W. myned § 100 iv.
The forms I, r, m, n, are generally classed as V-grade; but the vowel of the
syllable cannot be said to have vanished w.hen it has converted the consonant
r into the vowel r. In fact r is the form that /• takes before a consonant,
and must therefore be the same grade.
iv. The treatment of the diphthongs ei, eu (properly CT, eu) is parallel, i
and u corresponding to I, r, m, n, and Thus:"
V R F
, and vocalic i, u to vocalic I, r, m, n.
0' 0 ' 0 ' 0
F° L L°
{' («»>) M
^{eV >) uu
et eu
W
1^-
ou
»/
t>
, J^
" s
^
VOWEL GRADATION
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81
*, The R-grade forms i, u occur before consonants only; the forms ,t, ^u,
which became ii, uu, occur before vowels.
Examples: V-grade : W. berwi ' to boil', Lat. ferveo < *bheru-, Vbhereu-
;—W. duw ' god ' < *dwyw, Lat. deus both < *deiv,-os, ' '' Vdeieu-, vii
(4). ^ •
n n ' \ ' I •
Vuejd,- 'see, know':—R: gwedd 'aspect' < *uid-a; g'vsys ' summons ', gwys
' it is known ', both < *uitst- < *yid-t- ; Lat. vid-eo',—F: gwydd
'presence' < *ueid-, ariSydd 'sign' < *pri-ueid-;
&k.£%o/xai;—F°: Gk.oTSa < *uoid-a. ^ ^ys>.
Vkleu- 'hear':—R: clod 'praise' < *'iclu-t6-m § 66 Y; Gk. Ke-K\v-Oi;—F:
dust 'ear' < *'kleu-t-st- § 96 ii (3).
V'deyk- 'lead':—R: dyg-af 'I bring', dwg 'brings' < *duk-;
dwyn ' to bring ' < *duk-n-;—F : Lat. duw, 0. Lat. douc-o, Goth. tiuh-an
< *deuk-;—L°: dug 'brought' < *(du)-dwk-, § 182 ii (2). • t -. The
V-grade disappears between consonants ; see Vqonnd- vii (4) ^y^^/geney- ib.;
see viii (2) and § 100 ii (2).
' v. (i) As seen above, Ar. had the vowel e interchanging with o|»1'-\ the
vowels i and u are secondary, being vocalized forms of i and u.
(2) a occurred in Ar. only in special cases, which Meillet, Intr.2 139 gives
thus : i. in child-language, as Skr. fata, Gk. rdro., Lat. tata, W.tada; 2.
in certain isolated words, possibly borrowed, as Lat. faba', 3. in a few
endings, as 3rd sg. mid. *-tai, Gk. -TOX, Skr. -te; and 4. initially,
interchanging with zero, as Gk. ao-rrip: Lat. Stella, W. seren, E. star.
As shown by Meillet (ib. 140) initial a- may coexist with the F- or L-grade
of the following syll., as in Gk. a(f)e^h) with F *wg- beside aSfw, Lat.
augeo with V *uy-; cf. acmy. This seems to imply that a- might be a movable
preformative, but it does not prove that it was
^ (lc^^^^^^^M^t8J ^<u
w u^^< ^' -^ \ ' - - ^
outside the ablaut system; in fact, the common gradation a : 9 necessarily
implies the ablaut of a, as e : 9 does that of e; see vi.
Many indications point to a being an Ar. survival of a pre-Aryan sole vowel
a, which ordinarily split up in Ar. into e and o. It is preserved in
child-language because this is conservattvffFthus while Ar.
*tata gives W. tad ' father '/m W. child-speech it remains as tdda. — In the
ordinary language a stands side by side with e/o, or occurs i where we should
expect e/o, in the following cases: i. initially;
/ 2. before *a or ^ ; 3. before gutturals. Thus i. at-, ati- : et-, eti-
pref. U^^f- and adv. 'beyond, and, but' § 222 i (3); 0. W. awu., Ir. ainm 'name'
< *dn(9)'mn, Armen. anun 'name' : Gk. wo^a. < *6mmn, Vono-/and-, A^X-
—2. The ending of the neut. pi. nom.-acc. is *-9; now tlie neut. pi. of
^-o/e-stems is -d from *-a9, where *-a- represents the stem vowel instead of
-o- (or -e-); similarly the,fern. of o/e-stems i's formed with
-a- for *-a9-; but w/ze-btems have beside -zd- < *-ia9- ^he fern. form
-w- < *-w9-. Cf. al&o a : o ix below. In the dat. sg. of cons. stems
both -ai and -ei occur, as Gk. infin. suff. -/xcrai : Osc. diuvei, paterez,
Sodmsen KZ. xliv 161 ff.
In the positions indicated, a has R- and L-grades. Thus, r. Initially:
F *am- in Gk. a^i, Lat. arnbi-: R *m- in Ir. imb, imm, W. am, ym-, Skr.
abhi-tah (a- < *m-) ' on both sides '; F *w- in W. arth, Gk. cEpKTos : R
*r- in Lat. ursus, Skr. rksa.h § 98 i (2); F *ag- in Lat. agv, Gk. a-yo : L
*dg- in Lat. arnb-dges.—2. Before g or i: F *d ( < *a9) : R *9, see vi; F
*ai- in Gk. ai6w, Ir. aed ' fire ', W. aelwyd : R *i- in Skr. idh-md-s
'firewood'. For the fern. of to/ie-stems there is beside -w- and -w- a form
-z-; this may be explained thus:
RF *iut9, *it69 give iw, ize '. RR *w>z, vii (2). Cf. vii (5).
3. Before gutturals: Vafc- : oq- ' sharp, rugged', as Gk. cwpis, o^vs, Lat.
ocris, W. ochr: Gk. S.Kpo's, Lat. aous, W. (K)agr ' ugly ';— Vdek/gh- ' to
seem good, acceptable; to apprehend, teach' ; e in Lat. decus, decet, Ir.
dech, deg, ' best' : o in Lat. doceo, Gk. SOKCU,
•^oy/Aa : a in Gk. SiSda-Kw (< *8i8aKo-i«i)), 8t8a^, "W. da 'good'
< *dag-, Gaul. Dago-, Ir. dag- ' good '.
vi. (i) The long vowels e, o, a had B- and V-grades ; e had also the F°-grade
o. The R-gra'de 6t eacn'Ts 9. Before a vowel 9 regularly disappears, giving
the V-grade, as in iSkr. dd-d-ati ' they give', where -d- is the V-grade of
Vdo-. It also occurs before consonants, as in Skr. dw-d-mdh ' we give '
beside Gk. Si-So-p.ev; but the disappearance of 9 between consonants is
believed to be due to analogy or elision after the Ar. period. It is however
lost in syllables not initial or final in Germ., Balt.-Slav., Armenian,
Iranian ; Meillet, Dial. 63.
9 appears to come from a guttural spirant resembling 5 (§ 110 ii (2) ), which
played the same part as the sonants, so that the ablaut series of e is
parallel to that of et or er, the F-grade e being for *ea; thus V (s
non-syllabic, lost); R 9 (syllabic); F e for *e»; F° d for *o»;
corresponding to V ^ (non-syllabic); B i (syllabic); F ez ', F° cw. This
explains why 9 is the R-grade of all the long vowels.
.»-.
I ^*d-^ •t fcSfc
^ ^
^ -Q •> A
to i? -? T"
• —
. &,. % ^ a-
"^ e*"—-^
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C*-t» > t. .
«
PHONOLOGY
^r
-. -x»—.
i
In cases where the F-grade has not survived, 01 has survived only in
Indo-Iranian, where a, S, B al1 appear as 5, so that the quality of the vowel
is unknown, it is usual to write it a^.
Examples: Vdd- 'give':—F: dawn "gift" < *do-n-; Lat. do-num;
Gk. Si'-ScD-^i.—V: r'ho-S-ant 'they give'1 < *pro-d-nti; Skr. dd-d-atz \!
< *de-d-nti.——Vdhe- 'put':—F: Gk. ri-GrJ-fu;—V: r'ho-S-ant *-
C i.1- -—— _--,i- 1 Cl-- (* -tW/-l •• , / .^ . l-L.^*.**^
te^i
' level <
^3-ObMC ?^y., *upo-sth»-t-; Lat.'^w^.
'-<-;
•F : saw-dl' heel'
^ i^ '
' r ^/--
t^. fc^c-
r. (^
'.R b^,.|
, A, ' ,
^•bU^ '" ( & ^
ye- ^
^P. ^.
db^
t/"^ "
A If '~ ,*•
^ ^^
t^'»'
At*
r.^
n AA. ^ •
they put'. See § 179 ii.
Vsthd- 'stand':—R: gwa-sta-d steirtus ; "W. sa-f ' stand '< *sth')-m-
§ 203 vii (5) ;
< *sthd-tl-. [// Vse- ' sow ':—R : had ' seed ' < Ar. *s»-t-; Lat.
sa-tus.—F:
'" ' progeny ', Ir. s'il < *se-l-; Lat. se-vi, se-men.
(2) 9 generally appears as a in the European languages, as in the above
examples. (Cf § 110 ii (2).) But in Gk. if the F-grade is e or o, the R-grade
often appears as e or o. Elsewhere e beside a is probably to be explained as
due to a variant of the root, with short vowel; thus W. tref, 0. W. treb '
homestead ' < *treb-; Lat. trabs < *trsb- ; Gk. repffwov, repafwov both
< *ter9b- ; \/terSb-. '
vii. (i) As a rule the same morphological element could not contain two
F-grade syllables, though, of course, a word, made up of more than one
element, might. The diversity in different languages of words of the same
origin is largely due to the preservation of various groupings of grades ;
see for example *q^etuer- in (4) below.
(2) A large number of roots were disyllabic. A_charactei istic form of Ar. rootJiadashortly
owel_m the first^svllab]teaS3~I~t55g' in the
second.Avery'conTmSrrTSrnrS^Te&lIfftionwas RR, i.e. R-grade cf botB
syllables. When the consonant between the vowels was one of the
sonantsJi^J^RR^sEgs ytf, ^w, which gave iw, uw; theee were J'"a
generally contracted" tot, u respectively; we may call this contraction
i ^ R2. On the analogy of these it is assumed that ER j,s, ^ra, ^m9, ^n9
b? gaYe resPectlvely E2 I' r; m, n, § 61 ii> § 62 ii. The uncontracted ^ Q
RR forms also survived, as in Gk. vaX.dfJiri < *pj.9-ma, Vpeld-, beside'
L^VV. llaw(f), Ir. lam < Kelt. *la-ma < *pl-md;—W. twoS? 'auger', Ir.
tarathar < RR *t/»-tr-, beside Gk. reperpov < FR *ferd-fr-,
Vtere-'bore';—W. rhaeadr ' cataract '< RR *m.?-<r-, beside Lat. rwus .,
<R2 *r1-, Vrew- 'flow'. In many cases the 9 dropped, see vi (i), ' as in
Lat. palma
< *pyl(9)-md; we may denote this by R(R). Beside these we also have VR
forms fo, i"), m.9, m; thus beside W. gwaladr ' ruler ' < RR
*uJ,9-tr-, we have W. gwlad ' country', Iv.jlaith ' lordship ' < VR
*ul9-t-, Vuele{i)- (: Lat. vdlwe, E. wield};—W. gwldn ^ 'wool' < VR
*ul9n-d, beside Lat. lana, Skr. wnd < R2 *uln-d;— W. rhann ' share', Ir.
rann id. < VR *fr)-t-sna, beside Lat. part-< R(R) *]pe'r(^)~t~' beside
8kr. pw-t-dm ' reward' < R2 *pr-t-, , Vpero-;—W. ystrad 'dale', Gk.
O-T/XITOS < VR *stra-t-, beside°W. sarn ' causeway' < R(R) *st/(9'}n-,
beside Skr. stw-nd-h ' strewn', Lat. stra-fus < R2 *sffi-, Vsiero- 'spread
out'.—When the long vowel after I, r, m, or n was a or o we cannot distinguish
in Kelt. between
WA ^ 1 aft ^ u A •'-»
•.rfa t/tt ft
^ P
-ta
* £Z
L-t
> ts
(. >
63
VOWEL GRADATION
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H2 and VF, since in Kelt. ;, Id, lo, all give la; we can only infer the
probable original from a comparison of cognates ; thus 0. E. flor ' floor'
< VF *pld-r- suggests that Ir. Idr, W. llawr ' floor' contain VF *pla-f-,
Vpeld-; and Gk. waXd/M; < RR as above suggests W. llaw < R2. But where
the vowel was e as in Vpele- '_fi\\', we know e. g. that W. llawn, Ir. Idn '
full' come from R3 *pl-n-, since VF
*ple-n- as in Lat. plenus would give W. *llm, which does not exist, and does
give Ir. lm-, which is seen in Iznaim, ' I fill'.
R(R) is postulated instead of RV because the loss of 9 is late; this agrees
with the fact that we have ar in W., implying *^r the form before a vowel,
the loss of which is therefore secondary, and not ry from *r the form before
a consonant. Similarly i may be taken as R(R) of eie; thus RR iv) > R(R)
»(») > i. Where ry occurs in "W. beside forms implying an original
long vowel we may assume that the former comes from a variant with short
vowel of the root; thus W. gwrysg ' boughs, twigs' < *wd-sq-, RV of
Vyerod-; Lat. radix < *urd; R2 of Vuerod-, 0. E. wrot < *urod-, VF of
Vwrod-.
(3) A few examples are appended :
Vghele- ' green, yellow': VR *ghb- > Kelt. *gla-st- > Brit.
*glasos ' tawny ' (Gildas), W. glas ' green'; FV *ghel- > Lat. hel-us.
Vgelak/g- ' milk ' : RR *g^9k- > Gk. ya\a, yaWi-os,—VR "gisk->
Lat. lact- (whence W. llaeth); *glskf-s > Ir. glass ' milk ', W. glas-dwr
' milk and water'.
Vqeuep- ' blow ' : VF *quep- > Lith. Icmpti ' blow ' ;—RR *Wp-^ > W.
cawad 'shower', Ir. cua, gen. cuad;—VR "qu^p- > Lat. vapor,
Gk. K.a.irvo's.
Vg^eie- ' live ': E2 *g^z- > Lat. m-vu-s, W. buan ' quick ' < Brit.
*bz-uo-no-s § 76 ix (2)—R(R) V't- > W. by-w 'live', by-d 'world',
Gk."^tos ;—VF *g«ie- > Gk. t^v.
Vbheud- 'be'. R(R) *hhu- > Lat. fu-turu., Gk. ^u-o-w, Kelt. *bu-td > W.
bod ' to be ',—L°V ^bhou- > W. bu § 189 iv (3) ;—VV *Vh(u}-^ .»• > /-
in Lat./w, b- in W. byS § 189 iv (i) T)^ '
(4) When the second syllable has a short vowel, the treatment 18 similar : BR
n, > R21, -etc . as before ; RV is i. Examples :
Vdeipu-'''~g6d, day ': V^ -^dem-os *> Lat. deus, W. *dwyw > duw
*< god ' •—^ *dw- > Lat. d~w-us';—KV "dm- > W. dyw ' day ' ;—
RL *dzieu- > Lat. dzes, W. dydd ' day'.
Vqoneid- ' nit': FR *qomd- > Gk. KOWS gen. Koi/i'8os ' nit'; VR
*qmd- >"O.E. hnitu, E. mt, O.H.G. hnis ' nit'; *s{q)nid-a > W.
nedd ' nits ', Ir. sned 'nit'; — FV *qond- > Lith. 1cand\s ' moth ';
*sqond- > W. chwaim-en ' flea '.
Vgeneu- 'knee': FR *genu > Lat. genu;—F°~R *gonu>Qk. yovv;
*with -en-, -er- forming names of parts of body: base *geneu-en-:
VR2 *gnun-, by dissim. > Kelt. •"glun- > Ir. gUn, W. glw ' knee'
;— base *geneu-er-: RVV " g^(u)r- > *ganr- > W. garr ' knee '
(afal
garr 'knee cap'). , Vqorou-: FR *qoru- > Gk. Kopv-<^rj ;—VF *qrou- >
W. crug ' heap,
^TA^.I^^^^ ^
ua ><$-a 1
^• ^-
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84PHONOLOGY
Vbherey ' boil': FV *bhery-, see iv above;—VE *bhru- > W. brwd 'hot,
fervent', Lat. de-fru-tum 'new wine boiled down'.
*q»etwr- ' four': EF° *qVijiuor- > Lat. quattuor ;—FE *q«etu^r->
W.^edwar,Ir. cethir, Gk.Terrapes;—EL° *q»^t'ucr- > Skr. catvarah,
Gcith.fidwor ; FR (before cons.) *q«etyr- > Gk. Terpa-, becoming by viii
(i) *q*etTu- it gives Gaul. Petru-, "W.
pedry- as in pedry-fan.
(5) Loag diphthongs must represent radical disyllables, and their reduced
grades can only he explained from the disyllabic forms. Thus ei must be FV of
*egez or "'eaaz (at'/ai v (2) ) ; the R of the first syll. is 9 which
vanishes before a vowel, leaving ei or ai (properly VF of
*e9ez or *e»az); if the second is reduced we get ii, before a cons. i
(properly VR of *eaez or *eaaz). We know that n interchanges in roots with
fze or eid; this implies a metathesis of the sonants, for the latter forms
represent *M'ea or *ew9: the RR of these is *ii9 which gives i, see vii (2).
Thus we have as reduced grades of e» the forms ei or ai, i{z), z; for
convenience these may be distinguished thus: E^ ei. By ai, Eg n, i, Eg z. The
same principle applies to the long y-diphthongs. [It has been assumed that ai
is n (with a as E of e), but Skr. has ay for it, whereas 9 is i in Skr.
Besides, we should expect OT like & to give *iz, as perhaps it does, for
ii may also be for *OT EV of *esez.\ Examples:
'/sez- 'late, long': F *sa- > Skr. say dm 'evening', before cons.
*se- > Lat. sirus, W. hw ' long', Ir. sw;—E,^ *sei- > W. Awyr ' late '
(< *sei-ros), hwy ' longer', Ir. sw (< *seison < *sei-ison);— ES,
*si- > W. hyd 'length' (< *sit-) ;—R^ *sai- > W. hoedl 'lifetime ',
Lat. saeculum ' age', both < *saz-tlo-m § 75 i.
Vyern- 'laugh (at), shame' : VEg *wri- > ^uri-xd- whence Lat. Video, Skr.
vrld-a ' shame ';—(VF *wre- or else) VEg "wl- > Kelt.
*w~i-t- > "W. gwrld 'blush';—EEg *uyi- > *yaritd in W. dan-wared '
to mimic ';—EEg *uyii- > W. gwarae ' play ' § 75 v (4).—From Vyere-
(without ») : EE *v^-9- > *uarat- >~W. gwarad-wyS 'shame' (by dissim.
for *gwarad-r'iSyS) ;—R(E) *uy'- > *wr-t- > W. gwwfh 1 shame ';
*s-uar-d- > "W. chwarS ' laughs '; *s-mr-tm-z > W. cTiwerthm '
laughter ' § 203 vii (3).
viii. (i) Certain combinations produced by the above laws are unstable ; thus
wr is liable to become IM, as in *qVetru- vii (4) ; and u r may become vr as
in *dhw- for *cVh,uy- : *dhyor-, § 91 i. While u., ly r^, etc., may remain
and give ya, la, ra, etc., in Kelt., they may be, and oftenest are, reduced
to u, I, r, etc. Hence we are not obliged to postulate eue, ele, ere, etc.,
where there is no evidence of the first e in surviving forms. Thus :
Vsuep- 'sleep'; F *swp-no- > Lat. somnus (< *syepnos), Skr. svdpnah '
sleep, dream ';—E *svp-no- > Gk. wrvoy, W. hun ' sleep', Ir. man.
Vplethe- : EE *plth9- > Gk. vXo.Ta.-voy, Gaul. -A.iTa-ro-?, 0. "W.
Uta-n, W. llyda-n ' broad'; FV *pleth- > Skr. prdth-ah ' breadth', W. lied
' breadth ' ;—EV *plth- > W. Tlys ' court' § 96 ii (5), Gk.
64, 65
VOWEL GEADATION
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85
irXaT-w;—EV *plgth- > Armen. layn 'broad';—(without I, § 101 ii (2)) EF
*p^the- > Lat. pate-re, etc.
(2) Other combinations are unpronounceable or difficult; thus m cannot be
sounded before ft cons.; in that case z drops. Generally t, u, drop between
consonants, see iv above.
ix. Some roots have more than one ungraded form ; thus radical a may stand
beside radical o, as in *ara- or *a^- ' scratch, bite ; plough, dig' : Lat.
ara-re has F ^ara- of the first, Gk. aporpov has R *arv- of the second. The P
of both, with -d- extension, occurs in Lat. rad-o, rdd-o. Beside a we have
sometimes to assume a, as in Skr. rddati ' scratches, digs ' (not 9 here,
which gives i in Skr.). In many cases all the forms cannot be explained
without assuming an alternation of long and short vowel in the root; this may
have come about by false analogy. Another common form of root alternation is
*teu- : *teud- or
*y7iCT- : *ghew- (Lat. hid-^e); see vii (5).
NOTE.—Ablaut is not to be confused with the changes due to accentuation or
other causes in the derived languages, such as the shortening of unacc. a in
Brit. § 74, or the loss of a vowel in such a word as cawr § 76 iii (4), which
would be *cur if the loss were primitive § 76 ii (i).
KELTIC VOWELS IN BRITISH AND WELSH
§ 64. From what has Leen aaid in §§ 57-62 we arrive at the following vowel
system for Pr. Kelt.:
Short vowels a e i o u
Long vowels a i u
Short diphthongs ai ei oi au. eu on
Long diphthongs ai iii au, iu ^l8'
Short vocalic 1 m n r
THE SHORT VOWELS.
§ 65. i. The short vowels a, e, o remain unchanged in W. ;
see examples in § 58; so Latin a, e, o ; unless affected by other vowels §§
67-70. The exceptions are the following:
ii. (i) Before a guttural o in many oases became a, apparently when
unaccented in Brit.; thus W. Oymro <
*kom,-br6gos, but Oymraes ' Welsh-woman' < *kom-brogissd : *brog-, W. bro
' border, region' < *mrog-, VF of Vmarog-, whose FV gave Lat. marg-o ;—W.
troed ' foot' < ace. *tr6get-m, pi. traed < ace. pi. "troget-dss
(< *-ns : Skr.
-ah), or from gen. pi. *troget-6n (< *-6m which was generally
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PHONOLOGY
§65
accented in Ar.) as in gwyr traed ' infantry'; Vt/dhregh- : Gk. Tpe^M,
Tpo^os; the V had also a by Ar. a/e/o altern. § 63 v (2), as in Ir. traig '
foot' < *tragets, but we can hardly suppose Ar. o/a in the same word in
Brit.—Similarly in Lat. loanwords, as W. achos ' cause' < occasio.—W.
achub < *occup- for Lat. occup- § 73 ii (4).
(2) On the other hand a > o in Pr. Kelt. before Ar. g^h in V. oen, Ir. uan
'lamb' < *ognos < *ag9!^nos : 0. E. eanian 'yean' § 101 iii (i).
(3) InBrit. e became i before g followed by avowel; so partly in Gaul;
as W. ty ' house' 0. W. tig < *tigos < *tegos, Brit. Cato-tigirni, also
spelt (in Cornwall)
Tegerno-mali beside Tigerinomalum Rhys LWPh.2 404, Gaul.
Tigernum, Jr. teg 'house', tigerne 'loid', V(«)theg- § 92 i.—W. 1iy ' bold'
< *segos : Gaul. Seyo-^apos, Vsegh-: Gk.
S\w < *seghd, Skr. sahah 'might'.—W. gwe-ly 'bed' < *uo-leg- : Ir. lige
< *legiw-Viegh-.—Where e appears it is due to a-affection; as in 6re
'hill' < *brigd § 103 ii (i) ; thus lie ' place' < ace. *ligan <
*leg-m,, 'V7egh- ;—gie 'herd' < *greg-m = Lat. gregfm ',—god/re 'bottom
(edge of garment), foot (of hill)' <*uo-treg-m, Viregh-, see (i), pi.
godryon, godreon, both in B.M. 151.
But beffrie a consonant eg remained : W. gwair m. ' hay' < *uegr- :
Ir. fir;— W. tail ' manure' < *tegl- §104ii(i) ;—W. arwain ' to lead' <
*arz-ueg-n- Vuegh-: Lat. veho; olrein, etc. § 203 iv (i);—W. tew '
thick'"§ 76 viii."
^ iii. (i) The mid vowels e and o were pronounced close in Blit. /S befoi e
nasal + explosive and became i and u respectively. Examples :
e before nas.+exp. >W. y ; thus W. hynt 'way ' Ir. set <.*sent-:
><-«-- 0. H. G. sind ' way' < *sent-.—0. ~Vf.pimp, Ml. W. pymp '
five ', Gaul. or Iw^xJI-ff^isf. Ti-e/ATre-
< Pr. Kelt. *q"ewqVe < Ar. *penq^e.—W. cy-clvwynnv, IL.A. ' 133 '
to- rise ', later ' to start', Ir. scendim < Ar. *sqend- § 96 iii (2).
—The y becomes e by a-affection, as Gwent < Venta; cf. E.
Winchester 'Venta Belgaium'. In Lat. loanwords we have y, as
tymp < tempus; tymor < tempera; cymynn(af) < commend-o;
esgynn(af) < ascend-o, etc.; but most nouns have -enn, Mn. W. -en, as el
fen < elementum', jfziifafen <firmame'ntum ; ysgnfen < scribenda,
all fern., having been treated like native nouns in -enn § 143 i ;
mynwent fern. ' graveyard' alone has -ent < pi. monumenfa. (Calan is fioin
Vulg. Lat. Kal<ynd-, which occurs.^
o before nas.+exp. > W. w; thus trwnc < *tronq- § 99 v (3);— tv^ng '
swears ': Ir. tongim ' I swear';—hunt ') onder ': Pret. hont § 220 ii
(5).—The change took place in Lat. loanwords, as pwnn 'buiden' < pondus;
ysbung < spongus; except in fern. forms, as llong 'ship' < longa
(ndms). W. pant 'blidge' < Blit. ace.
*ponfan (< -m) put for Lat. pontem, became fern. The 3rd pi. subjunct.
-ont instead of *-wnt is piob. due to the analogy of the other persons, which
have -o-. '
(2) The same change took place before a liquid and explosive, though here
with less regularity.
§ 65
KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH
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c + liq. + exp. > W. y ; thus Ml. W. Jsymyrth < *kombert-et, with
a-affection Jcymerth § 181 vii (i);—gwyllt 'wild' < Brit. *gwltis: Ir.
gezlt § 92 iv.—But usually it remains as e ; thus for nyrths.v. 68, the
ordinary form is nerth m. ' strength'; so perthyn < Lat. pertin- owing to
preference for the sequence e .. y.—merch ' maid', perth ' bush ' are fern.; and mellt pi.
'lightning', gwellt pi. ' grass' may be neut. pi. in
*-a or fern. pi. in *-ds.
o + liq. + exp. > W zv; thus W. zwrch ' roebuck ', Bret. iourc'h', 0.
Corn. yorch: Gk. t,op^;—W; twrch 'boar', Bret. tourc'h: 0. Corn. torch, Ir.
tore;—W. swilt ' money, shilling ' < Lat. soi'dus.—torch ' torque' is
fern.: Ir. tore. But other exceptions occur as corff ' body' < Lat.
corpus; porth m. 'gate' f. 'harbour' has exchanged genders and keeps o in
both. Foimationslike gor-jfen etc. are also exceptions.
(3) The same change took place before rn. Thus e: "W. chwym ' whirling'
<*spern-, § 96 iv(i);—W. Edyrn beside Edern < Eternus,
—W. gwern 'alder', and corn § 95 ii (3) are fern.; so ujfern 'hell' <Vulg.
Lat. zfema.—o: W. asgwrn ' bone ' < *ast-Jcorn- § 96 ii (4);
—W. dwrn 'fist' : Ir. dorn.—But W. corn 'horn' < Lat.
e before rr > W. y ; as byrr ' short': Ir. berr;—W. gyrr ' a drove'
<*gerJcs-^ 95 iv (2). But o remains, as in corr 'dwarf, torri 'to break'.
(4) In many Lat. loanwords e or o before r + cons. became a (on the analogy
of the R-grade in sarn etc. 'i); thus sarff' < serpens;
carrai 'lace' < corrigia; parchell B.B. gg beside porchell A.L. i 276 <
porcelJus; tafarn < taberna; Padcvrn < Paternus; Garmon < Ger-mdnus.
(5) e befcie ss > y ; as in ys (ys, i[s § 82 ii (i)) < *esti ' is';—ys
' eats.' < *essi < *ed-ti: Lat. est. Also before Lat. st as in tyst '
witness ' < testis. But either affection or the sequence e.. y (or e .. u)
causes it to be e, as vajfenestr ' window', iestun ' text' < testimonium.
iv. (i) In the present penult y appears for e and o before a nasal whether
followed by another consonant or not; as in cychwynmu, tymor iii (i);
jfynnhawn, now ffynnm < Lat. fontdna; tyner < Lat. tenerum; myftfr <
Lat. memoria; myned 'to go' : Bret. monet;
mynwent beside monioent < Lat. monvmenta. But many exceptions occur, as
cenedl ' nation', Conwy; and derivatives like gwenu ' to smile ' (: gwm '
smile '), tonnau ' waves' (: town ' wave ') do not show the change (exc.
hynaf ' oldest' assim. to the cpv. }iyn, § 148 i (i i)).
(2) o > y in the prefixes *ko-, *kom-, *kon-, *to-, *do-, *ro-; as W.
cywir ' correct' < Kelt. *ko-ywos; rhy-fawr ' very great' < ,
*{p)ro-maros; see § 16 iii; except when the vowel of the root is lost, as in
W. cosp 'punishment', Ir. cose < *Jcon-sq*- § 96 iii (5); W. rhodd 'gift'
< *(p)ro-a- § 63 vi (i).—When separately accented rhy has acquired a new
strong foirn rAy, as rAy dda 'too good';
similarly *dy, *Sy, written di in 0. W. ( < *do ' to'), as a preposition
became *8y > Ml. W. y > Mn. W. i 'to' § 16^ ii (3). So cyn before the
equative, now sounded cifn, and dialectally hn.
§ 69 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 91
beside kedeirn, do. 40, pi. of cadarit ' mighty';—so alarcJi pi. eleirc/i,
elyrch § 117' i;—tywarohen pi. fyweirch, tywyrcli § 126 i (a);—pahdr, pi.
peleulyr W.M. 179, Mn, W. pelyclr;—Mn. W. li'stych, menych, § 117 i. Al&o
in the proclitic geir>gyr ^near' § 214 ii.
The i{ is probably the result of thickening the i before r + cons. Aid before
y in an unaccented syllable. (In accented syllables as beirS, the i is still
pure, but it has become y before \ § 17 hi.) Thus ei > yi{ > if. From r
+ cons. it spread to cons. + r. Probably gwesgyr (single r) for gioasgar §
173 iv (i) is due to false analogy.
(4) In polysyllables before a labial also, a is affected to y; as in modryb
< *md•tr-aq":•~l $ 122 iv (2); cyffelyb, ethryb also from
*-aqw-<*-?g»- ^uqv- -face', 'cf. § 143 hi (8); Caer-dyf Cardiff":
Taf—
-am- becomes -eu or -yf, except in analogical formations ; see § 76 vii(i).
iii. (i) e becomes H: engyl 'angels' < Lat. cmgeh;—cyllyU 'knives' <
Lat. cultelll;—so, cestyll, gweyll § 117 i;—erbyn, ' against' < Kelt. *ari
qvennoz § 215 ii (4);—gwyl' sees' § 173 iv (i).
There appears to be no certain example of e becoming ei; dyweit 'says' may be
from *uat- § 194 i (i).
(2) ek or eg before a consonant when affected became ik or ig which gives (
regularly ; as nitfi ' niece' < *nekfi-s § 86 ii (i);— llith' lesson' <
Lat. lectio.
iv. (i) o becomes ei (Mn. ai) oni: yyei/, f/sliul '• spoil' < Lat.
Sjiolwm;—«eil, MI/ ' foundation < Vulg. Lat. solea for Lat. solwm, cf. E.
soil;—myfyr ' thought' < Lat. memoria;—ystyr ' meaning' < Lat. historia
;— dyn' man ' < *donws : Ir. dume;—myr ' seas' <'
*mm~i § 122 ii (4);—esgyb ' bishops'< Lat. episcopi;—Selyf< Salome
;—taw Ml. W. tew for *fi/-eir ' three ' fem.< *tisores § 75 vi (3);—pair,
Ml. pew 'caldion': Ir. coire § 89 iii. - (^ ...
It is seen that ei occurs before I and r ; but in disyllables we have y
before the latter.
(a) ok or og before a consonant, which gives oe in W., becomes
•wy when affected ; thus oen ' lamb' < *ognos, pi. wyn < *ogm;— wytJi '
eight' < *okto.
v. u becomes T.I : Merchyr § 16 iv (a) < Merwrins;—cyn, ' chisel' <
Lat. cuneus;—asgwrn ' bone ' pi, csgyrn;—ych ' ox' <
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88 • PHONOLOGY § 6.g
v. (i) o and a interchange after y § 34 iv. So we have ywa-beside go- for
gwo- < *MO-
: Gaul. vo- < Ar. *upo; thus gwa-red'wr '
saviour' < *yo-reto-yir- : Gaul.
Voyetovir-;—W. gwas ' servant':
Ir.foss < *upo-st- § 96 ii (2). The i5th cent. pedwor § 34 iv (so
Salesbury's Die. s. v.) has a new, perhaps local, o for o § 63 vii (4).
We also find the interchange after M (cons. or voc.), as breuan for *breuon §
76 iv (2); buan for *tuon § 76 ix (2); (Anglesey
dial. neuoS for neuaS).
(2) After m- there is an older change of a to o, as in W. ?»(5r ' sea ', Gaul. Aremorici, Ir. muir : Lat. wowe;—W.
myned<*monet-, Bret. monet < *mamwt- § 100 iv;—W. morwyn < *marein-
§ 125v(i).
(3) e after M becomes o/a in the following casea : Ar. *uper > Pr. Kelt.
*um > Gaul. ver-, Bret. war ' on ', W.
ar, gwar-, gwor-, gor-§ 36 iii;—W. Cadwallon < Brit. Catu-vellaunos;—W.
gosper < Lat. vesper-. Probably the above show the influence of Brit. uo-;
cf. Ir. for- < *yer- on the analogy offo- < *w-. Generally ue remains,
as in chwech ' six ' < *syeks.
vi. (i) After z post-tonic a became e; thus wyneb ' face' < *6m-eqf!-,
§100 v,< *Sm-aqw-< *Sm-9qV-, \/oqV= Skr. dmkam' face' < *eni-9qVom.
But when pre-tonic the a remained, as in wyndb-, in composition, from
*enwq»-; gwySzad < *yidwt6 § 180 iv (i). " • ,
(2) Pre-tonic w prob. became w; thus we have aea < *-iia-', but no *aeo
< *-iio-', so that the latter perhaps became *-iw-' § 75 vi (2). So the
rel. a < *za < Ar. ws, § 162 vi (i).
§ 66. i. Pr. Kelt. i and u remained in Brit. Brit. i was open, and is
transcribed e by the Greeks, as in Uper^avi.K^ (vfja-os) '• W. (ynys)
Prydain, but i by the Romans as in Britannia "f (Gk. i was close, Lat. i
open). Brit. i gave W. y, which is y in the ult. and accented monosyllables,
y in non-nltimate syllables and proclitics. Brit. u remains, now written w,
in the ultima and monosyllables, and becomes y ('= y} in all other syllables.
See § 40 iii. Examples: W. drych 'appearance', edrychaf 'I look'<Pr. Kelt.
*drk-, § 61 i ;—W. cwn 'dogs', cynos 'little dog's' < Py. Kelt.
*kun-;—"W. cyln[dfl ' miser' < Lat. cupidzis ;— W. te'rfy-' end '
< Lat. terminus.
s. y and y may interchange with e, and y with a, § 16 iv. u before a labial
may develop irregularly, § 73 ii.
ii. (i) y in the penult, whether from i or u becomes w in Mn. W. before w in
the ult., as in cwmwl 'cloud' for cymwl'< *eumbul-< Lat. cumulus',
swmbwl < *stimbul- < Lat. stimulus; cwmwd ' comot' < Ml. W. JSymwt;
dwthwn, < dythwn < dydd hwn § 164 iii. "When a syllable is added,
both w's become y, as cymylau ' clouds'.
KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH
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(2) After w the obscure y became w, as (g)zorthyeu IL.A. 83 ' miracles' for
gwyrtMeu. In the spoken lang. and frequently in MSS. we have gwnnach for
gwynnach' whiter', 'wlli[s for ewyllys ' will', etc. The y was artificially
restored in most of these forms in the lit. lang.
—G.E. 31 states that the rising diphthong always becomes w in the penult, the
falling diphthong never, citing as examples gwynn, gwnnach;
gioinwydd,gwinwdden; celwydd, celwddog, but cwyn,cwynaw;
gwydd, gwyddau, etc. J.D.B. writes wy in gwynnach, gwyrddach 63, but
{g^wrthieu [xvii].
iii. (i) Unaccented initial ui- before sonants became *uu->*gww-> *gw•l
§ 36 i. Thus gwr 'man' < *uur-os < *yir-6s;—gwrfh-' contra-', wrth
'against' < *uwt- < *yirt- < *yert6 : Ir. frith <
*yrt- § 211 iv (2);—gwnn 'I know' < *yind6, § 191 iii (i). The w thus
produced is not mutated to y in the penult, e. g. gwrol ' manly', gwraidd
id., ibrthyf' by me'; and gwnn seems to show that it was not liable to
affection; in that case gwyr ' men' is analogical.
(2) Before other consonants initial unaccented ui- or ye- became ^
*oi- giving W. ii-, as in Ml. W. ugeint ' twenty' < Kelt. *yiknti : Ir.
fiche;—W. ucher 'evening' < (*yisqer- <) *yesper- § 96 iv (2).
(3) Generally, however, initial ui- became gwy- regularly: as gwys
<^*yid-t- § 63 iv;—gwynt < *yint- < *yent- < *wnt- : Lat.
ventus;—gwyw 'withered', § 75 vii (3);—gwyrth 'miracle' < Lafc. virtus.
But gwy- later became gw-, ii (2) above.
iv. Ar. i in the ultima, or ending the first element of a compound gave Gaul. and Brit. e. Thus Gaul.
are-, W. ar- < *are- < *ari- < *p^ri ;
—W. am < *mbe < *mbhi : Lafc. ambi-, Ok. a/Ji^ii;—W. m6r < *mwe, Gaul. more < *mori: Lat. mare. The reason that final
unaccented short i does not affect a preceding vowel is probably that it had
become e.
v. Pretouic u became o, as in z6n 'lord' < *wd-n6-s, wr 'lord' <
*zud-r6-s: W. w8 § 100 i (i);"see § 104 iv "(3); b6n m. 'base,
stem' < *bud-n6- § 104 iv (i); clod 'praise, fame' < 'klutom, : Ir.
doth (gen. clwth) id. < klutom, Gk. K\VTW, Skr. srutdm' wfiat has been
heard, tradition', V kley- ' hear '.
AFFECTION OF SHORT VOWELS.
§ 67. Ashortvowel (but no long vowel) was liable to be affected by a sound in
a succeeding syllable. Affection is of two kinds in Welsh: i. ultimate, when
it takes place in the syllable which is now the last, having been brought
about by a sound in a lost termination: a. non-ultimate, when it takes place
in the present penult or antepenult, the affecting sound being generally
preserved in the ultima. Ultimate affection is caused by a or i sounds;
non-ultimate by the latter only.
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90
^ PHONOLOGY
§§ 68,69
§ 68. Ultimate a-affection.—i and u. became respectively e and o in the
ultima when the lost ending had a; thus gwedd 1 aspect '<*yid-d §63iv;—bod
'be '<Kelt. *6w-td § 189 iv (6);— ciwed 'rabble' < Lat.
cwifds;—gramadeg < Lat. grammatical colqfn < Lat. columna.
Hence adjectives having' •q. («') or w (<%) in the ultima change these to
e and o in the fern., the affection being due 'to the lost fern. ending -a;
thus Brit. *yindos, *uindd gave respectively gwynn, gwenn ' white'.
The adj. *briJctos had regularly fern. *brikta, wh-ich by the rule became
*bre7ctd; now *ikt > zth and *ekt > eith, later aith § 108 iv (i) ;
hence bnth ' speckled ', f. braith, which is thus seen to be quite regular.
The affection is original only in adjectives of the -os/'a declension ;
but after the loss of the inflexional endings, it spread by analogy to other
stems; e. g. crwnn ' round' < Brit. *Jcrundis (: Ir. cruind) has f. cronn
on the analogy of trwm < Brit. *trumbos(: Ir. fromm) {. from ;
and gwyrS < Lat. vir'dls has f. gwerS on the analogy of ffyrf, fferf <
Lat. firmu8,firma. Doubtless deilien wyrdd in M.IL. i. 155 represents a local
survival of the old fern., as in tonn wyrt {-t •E -S) w. 90 'green wave'.
§ 69. Ultimate i-affection. i. This was caused by i, i (from ?, e, o or u),
or by accented S or t. Kelt. post-tonic es before a vowel became i and caused
this affection § 75 vii (i), so e(p) see ib.; also Lat. 1, and sometimes e,
before a vowel.
ii. (i) a becomes Ml. W. ei, Mn. W. ai: eil, ail 'second' <'ie•aljps :
Lat. alius;—yspeit, ysbaid ' space'< Lat. spatmm;— rhaib ' spoil' <
Lat. rapio;—beirdd ' bards' < *'bardz;—-meib 'sons' < Brit. *majn
;—ageint, ugain 'twenty' < *yikant'(< Ar. wkmtz;— lleidr
'thief'<Lat. lafro;—deigr ' tear' < *-dakru § 120 iii (i).
(2) ak or ag before a consonant, which becomes ae in Ml. and Mn. W. § 104 ii
(i), iii (i), § 108 iv (i), is affected to ek or eg which gives Ml. W. ei,
Mn. W. ai, see ib. Thus Saxones > Saeson but Saxo > *Sex > Seis, Sais;—^kaktos ' serf'
(< *<j/apfos) > caeth, bi;t pi. ^kaktz > ceith, caith
'serfs';—^dragnos > draen 'thorn' § 104 ii (i), pi. *dragnesia >
*dragnia > drem, draw.
(3) In disyllables before consonant groups containing r, and before cfi, the
affection of a appears as ?/, which alternates with ei in Ml. and early Mn.
W. Thus heyrn B.T. 29, E.M. 121, E.P. 1362, B.B.B. 47, pi. of fiaearw '
iron';—reydy B.P. 1301 beside ryeidyr K.P. 1222, pi. of rhaeadr
'cataract';—kedyrn W.M. 51
§•69
KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH
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91
beside kedewn, do. 40, pi. of cadarii 'mighty';—so alarch pi. eleirch, elyrch
§ 117 i;—tywarchen pi. tyweirch, tywyrch § 126 i (a);—paladr, pi. peleidyr
W.M. 179, Mn. W. pelydr;—Mn. W. Lvstvcft, menych, § 117 i. Also in the
proclitic geir>gyr 'near' § 214 ii.
The i{ is probably the result of thickening the ^ before r + cons. and before
^ in an unaccented syllable. (In accented syllables as heirS, the i is still
pure, but it has become y before ^ § 17 iii.) Thus ei > yt{ > u. From r
+ cons. it spread to cons. + r. Probably gwesgyr (single r) for gwasgar
§173iv(i)is due to false analogy.
(4) In polysyllables before a labial also, a is affected to t{; as in modryb
< *matr-aqu-l § 122 iv (2); cyffelyb, ethryb also from *-aqV-<*-i,g»-
^/oq»- 'face', cf. § 143 iii (8); Caer-dyf Cardiff': Taf.—
-am- becomes -eu or -yf, except in analogical formations ; see § 76 vii (i).
iii. (i) e becomes u.: engyl 'angels' < Lat. wigelz;—cyllyll 'knives' <
Lat. cultelli;—so, cestyll, gweyU § 117 i;—erbyn ' against' < Kelt. *ari
guenwi § 215 ii (4);—gwyl' sees' § 173 iv(i).
There appears to be no certain example of e becoming ei; dyweit 1 says ' may
be from *uat- § 194 i (r). •
(2) ek or eg before a consonant when affected became ik or ig which gives t
regularly ; as nit!t' niece' < *nekti-s § 86 ii (i);— llitli ' lesson
'< Lat. lectio. . ••
iv. (i) o becomes ei (Mn. ai) or n: i/speil, ysbail' spoil' < Lat.
spolium;—seil, sail' foundation ' < Vulg. Lat. solea for Lat. solum, cf.
E. soil;—myfyr '. thought' < Lat. memoria;—ystyr ' meaning' .< Lat.
historia;—dyn' man' < *donws : Ir. duine;—myr ' seas;' <'
*-mon § 122 ii (4);—esgi/b ' bishops' < Lat. episcopi.;—Selyf<^ Salomo
;—fair Ml. W. teir for *ty-eir ' three' fern. < *tisores § 75 vi
(3);—pair. Ml. yeir ' caldron': Ir. coire §89 iii. ,'
It is seeii that ei occurs before I and r ; but in disyllables we have ,y
before the latter. :
(2) ok or og before a consonant, which gives oe in W., becomes wy when
affected ; thus oen ' lamb' < ^ognos, pi. wyn < ^ogm;— wytJi' eight'
< *o'kt6.
v. u becomes u: Merchyr § 16 iv (2) < Merwritis;—cyw, ' chisel' < Lat.
emeus;—asgwrn ' bone'. pi. csgyrn;—yeh ' ox' <
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PHONOLOGY
§70
Ar. *ngso, whence O.H.G. o/iso, Skr. uksa (Av. uisS- implies -^;
the pi. ychen, (< Ar. *uqsenes, whence Skr. uksdnah, E. oxen) has y from u
unaffected, § 66 i.
u does not become cz; deifr as pi. of dwfr is doubtful (M.A. i 556) except as
a late and artificial form; see Silvan Evans s. v.
vi. When any of the above changes takes place in the ultima, a in the penult
becomes e; see kedyrn, elyrch, pelydr, Selyf, esgyrn above, o also became e,
as gosod ' to set' gesyd ' sets', liable to become y before st, as Ml. W.
ebestyl, ebystyl < apostolz, sg. abostol < apostolus. In Ml. W. the
affection extended, as in the last example, to the ante-penult.
vii. The ei due to affection as above, also ei from ek or eg, had open e, and
was thus distinct from original ei which had close e. The former (ei) gives
ei, ai; the latter (ei) gives wy § 75 iii (i).
On later modifications of i/, ei, see §§ 77, 79.
§70. Non-ultimate affection. i. a and sometimes o in the syllable which is
now the penult became e when the following syllable had z or 1 (now i or y),
except where the ? was itself affected to e, § 68. Thus cerydd ' reprimand'
< *kari,w{s) beside caredd ' fault', Ir. caire, < *iamd;—Ml. W. gwedy '
after ', 0. W. guotig ;—Ml. W. pebyll ' tent' < ^papilio < Lat. papilio
;
—Ebrill < AprUis;—cegin, < coquma; melm < molma; etc. In Ml. W. the
affection extends over two syllables, as ederyn ' bird ', Mn. W. aderyn, pi.
adar.
o seemA to undergo the change chiefly after a labial or before a guttural,
where it might have become a if unaffected.
The restoration of a in the antepenult in Mn. W. is due to the vowel in that
syllable becoming obscure because unaccented, in which case it was natural to
re-form etymologically.
ii. (i) Before z the same change took place, and a and o appeared as e in 0.
W. ; but the e was further affected by the ^, and became ei in Ml. and Mn. W.
; thus Maridnus > 0. W. Meriaun GEN. iii. > Ml. W. Meiryaw/t B.B.B. 81,
Mn. W. Meirion;—so 0. W. Bricheniauc A.C. 895, Mn. "W. Brycheimog ;
—0. W. mepion GEN. xii, Mn, W. meibmi' sons'. See § 35 ii.
In the dialect of Powys ceilwg ' cock ', ceimog ' penny ' are pronounced
celwg, cemog. This is perhaps a simplification of ei, § 78 v, rather than old
e retained.
§71
KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH
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93
(a) Original e also became ei before i; thus Eternianus > Edeirnaim B.B.
74 Edeirnon W.M. 50, B.M. 35, Mn. W. Edeirmon. (now wrongly spelt Edeyrnion)
;—so pencerdd ' chief of song' Ml. pi. penkeir^iyeit B.P. 1230, Mn. W.
pencewddwid;—aw/teg ' gift' pi. an'reigyon B.P. 1231 (generally awegyon
B.B.B. 394, B. M. 257, now anrhegipii) ; urn-Sen ' mon-arch ', unheynyaetti,
A.L. i. 34, 383, 'sovereignty' (now iwbennaeth, new formation) ; gonvedd1 to
lie ', gorweiddwg ' bed-ridden'; gweimaif/t § 32 for gzvenwitJi' flattery '.
(3) In later formations z does not affect the vowel; forms like personnyeit,
Albanyeit etc. § 123 iv, and eariad, meddwnt, etc., are extremely common in
Ml. and Mn. W. Al&o forms like arian ' silver' in which z is not
original, but come& from g.
iii. The Ml. and Mn. diphthong ae, whether from ak- or fly-before a
consonant, or from a-e, becomes ei before i or z, as in Ml. W. keithiwet <
Brit.-Lat. * kakttuitds; saer 'craftsman' pi. sewi; gwaedd ' cry', gweiddi '
to cry '; draen. ' thorn', dreiniog 'thorny'. Similarly og..i or ug..i >
ei..i; as in gwemi 'to serve' < *no-gmm-; Jieini 'active' < *su-gmm-:
gwim-§ 203 vii (4). Before ?/ it becomes ei/, as in keyrydd pi. of kaer '
fort'. But, except in a few cases such as the above, this affection is
usually ignored in writing, especially in the Mn. period.
iv. The affecting sound has disappeared in cenwch ' ye sing' for an earlier
*cenywcA § 26 vi (5); in the Ml. forms Edeirnon etc. § 35 ii; and in such
forms as ceidwad for ceidwiad, § 36 v.
v. The affection of« and o by a lost stem-ending -»-, -w-, -ii-, of the first
element of a compound is similar to ultimate affection: a > ei in meitin
B.A. 18 'morning' (Mn. W. er's meitiii 'some hours ago') < *matu-tm-
(treated as a compound) < Lat. 'mal'&timm;—o > y in syl-faen :
sail, § 69 iv.
In Ml. "V^. memoeth B.T. 68, meinyoeth do. 45 ' midnight' < media node, we seem to have
early metathesis of», thus meinyoeth < *menyoeth < *meda-niokte. The
forms meinyS B.T. 31, meinSyS do. 55 'mid-day' are formed on its analogy.
THE LONG VOWELS.
§ 71. i. (i) Pr. Kelt. a (from Ar. a and o) remained in Brit. In Early W. it
became an open o like Eng, a in call, which we may write o; in 0.' W. this
became o in unaccented syllables, aw
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PHONOLOGY
§71
( = aw) in accented syllables. Latin a also shared this 'development.
The Early W. o is attested in Bede's Dinoot (=. Siinot), Ml. W. Swiawt <
Lat. Dondtus. In all syllables except the ultima it became o, as trader '
brothers' < Pr. Kelt. * brdteres ; in this position aw from a occurs only
in late formations like mawrion pi. of mawr ' great', and after w § 148 i
(6). But in the ultima and in monosyllables o > O.W. an = Ml. W. aw, as 0.
W. braut ox. 'judgement' < Pr. Kelt. *brdton, trintaut JCV. SK. < Lat.
timitd-te'w ; Ml. W. bi'awt, trindawt. In Mn. W. aw remains in monosyllables,
as trowel, but in the now unaccented ultima it has become o, as in trindod.
The following table summarizes the history of Brit. (and Lat.) a:
Brit (Lat.) Brit. Early W. O.W. Ml.W. Mn.W. Mn.W.
*bra,teres , ^°———o———o broder trmitatem I a————0" ^-o trindQd
*br&ton \ \^au———aw:
penult. ult.
^ aw brQiWd monosyll.
(2) d when unacc. was shortened and gives a § 74 i (i) ; this might happen in
monosyllables as a ' of § 209 vii (5), a 'whether' § 218iii. When ace. in
Brit. and unacc. later, it gives o, as in pdb § 168 i (3), mor § 151 i, o '
from, of' § 209 vii (5), o,'if'§ 222 v (i).
ii. (i) Ml. W. aw in the unaccented ultima (whether from a as above, or from
ou § 76 iii) survives in the spoken language in canllaw ' hand-rail', darUaw
' to brew', distaw ' silent', eirlaw ' sleet', ysgaw (also ysgo) ' elder-tree
', llysfrawd ' brother-in-law '; in compounds with numerals, as deunazu ' 18
', dwyawr ' 2 hourB ', teirawr ' 3 hours ', etc. (except dwylo for dwylaw
hands '); and in compounds of mawr, as dtrfawr ' very gieat', trystfawr '
noisy' (except in place-names, Trefor, Coetmor). In a few book-words which
have gained currency it is not a genuine survival: as traethawd ' treatise ',
catrawd ' regiment ', bydysawd ' universe', rhaglaw ' deputy'; and the forms
Uwrns ' multitude ', cyfiawn ' just', lonawr ' January ', ansawdd ' quality
', are influenced by the written language, which, however, had also llios,
cyfion, lonor, ansodd lo.G. 187, formerly; see examples below. Chwefror has o
always (generally sounded Chwefrol by dissimilation). The recent written
language has been influenced by mechanical ideas of etymology in the
substitution of aw for the regular o in jfyddlon ' faithful', dwylo ' hands
', union ' straight', cinio ' dinner', anodd 'difficult', cpv. anos (§ 48 iv,
§ 148 i (6)); all these appear with o in early Mn. poetry, and are pronounced
with o in the spoken language. On the misspelling athraw for atfiro see § 76
v (5).
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ESCANEJAT SENSE CORREGIR
RAW SCAN: TEXT NOT YET CORRECTED
95 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH
-Kt fyn fariad i wadu, Na'i ddangos i lios lu.—D.G. 69.
' Love will not be disavowed, or manifested to many a host.'
Gwahawdd Saeson bob lonor I'r Deau maent ar hyd m6r.—L.G.C. 155.
' They invite Saxons every January to the South across the sea.'
Anodd rhyngu bodd y byd.—T.A. A I4967/29. ' It is difficult to please the
world.'
(2) aw in the ultima began to be reduced to o in the Ml. period ;
thus we find Edeirnon W.M. 50, achos IL.A. 4, Meiryon B.B.B. rg. But the
bards even in the Mn. period continued to write the aw for the purposes of
rhyme. In recent times, owing to ignorance of the older language, they have
sometime^ written aw for original o, as " esgawb " for esgob '
bishop', " dyniawn " for dynion ' men'. This is not due to a
confusion of the sounds of o and aw (for the a in aw is a pure a, quite
distinct from o), but to the blundering notion that as some o's may be
written aw, any o may. The Early Mn. poets generally use aw correctly, guided
by a living literary tradition. The distinction is seen in Ml. W. yscol
'school', iscol B.B. 81 from Lat. so(h')6la and yscawl W.M. 189 'ladder' <
Lat. scwta, both ysgol in Mn. W.
(3) In a few cases aw comes from o: praw(f) beside prqfi < Lat. prob-;
mawl beside molaf'I praise', Ir. molim; tymawr E.P. 1244 for the usual tymor
< Lat. tempora. In each case the o comes before or after a labial. In
Vulg. Lat. there was a tendency to lower a vowel before a labial so that
prob- might become *prab- > praiof. But it is more likely that all these
are due to false analogy.
In awr ' hour', and nawn ' noon
' we have aw < Lat. o. These have been explained as late borrowings; but
historically this is improbable. Possibly the pronunciation of hora varied in
Lat., since Gk. Q) ( = o) was popularly sounded o (yXcuo-ora > Ital.
chiosd) ', 5 would give a > aw. For nawn see § 7'6 iii (4).
iii. ag > 0. W. ou. Ml. W. eu, Mn. W. eu, au; thus ireuanf 'wind-pipe ', 0.
W^. -Srouaanou < *lrdgnt- : Ir. 6rage g-1. cervix, 0. Bret. breJtant;—W.
pan ' country ', 0. Bret. pou, Corn. pow < Lat. pdg-us;—so ak or ag before
a consonant: W. gwaun, 0. W. guoun L.L. 156, 196 'lowland'', Ir. fan <
*ndbt- < *yo-ak-n-§ 104 iii (i) ;—W. ceulo '• to congeal' < *cdgl- <
Lat. co-dg'l-o. But before t the a is shortened § 74 iv.
iv. -an- often gives onn in the present penult: cronni : crawm §202 v
(a);—-ffynJionnau 'fountains' < font an-;—Meiryonny'b Q.C. ia'2, E.B.B.
363, beside Meiryonyb do. 303, 306, < Marian-.
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SGANIAD AMRWD: TESTUN HEB EI GYWIRO ETO
ESCANEJAT SENSE CORREGIR
RAW SCAN: TEXT NOT YET CORRECTED
96
PHONOLOGY
§§ 72, 73
§ 72. i. Pr. Kelt. i (<Ar. e, ez, ?) remained in Brit., and Brit. and Lat.
z remain in W., § 59 iii, iv. Further examples:
"W. 1w ' long', Ir. szr < Pr. Kelt. *szros < *se-ro-s: Lat.
series;
—W.^w?%<Lat. vmum. It is, of course, shortened in W. before two consonants
; as gwtn-llan ' vineyard'.
ii. Lat. z is treated as e or Kelt. ei in W. paradwys < paradlsus < Gk.
n-apaSeKTos; and synnwyr < sentzre. In rnBtic Lat. z was often sounded e,
but whether only in words with original ei is not clear, Lindsay, p. 29. In
Lat. zgn the i was often written long, or was written e; hence it probably
differed little from Lat. e, and so gives W. wy, as swyn ' charm ' <
signum.
§ 78. i. Pr. Kelt. u, which remains in Ir., and apparently remained in Gaul.,
as^shown by the spelling or in the second element of AVyovarTO-Sovvov,
advanced in Brit. towards u, for it appears as i in W., while Lat. •&
borrowed into Brit. gives u in W.; thus Pr. Kelt. *dwtom > Ir. dun, W. dm
' foit', dinas ' city' : 0. E. tun, E. town;—Pr. Kelt. * glun- > Ir. glun,
W. glw 'knee' § 63 vii (4) ;—Pr. Kelt. *ku > Ir. cu ' dog', W. cz, § 89
iii.— But Lat. purus gives pur, mutus gives mud, etc.
ii. Some irregularities occur in the development of Lat. u and Brit. and Lat.
u before a labial:
(1) Lat. u in cupa gives i in W. cib, Bret. kib. This seems to be the only
example in W., and may be due to fluctuation between u and i before a labial;
cf. conversely W. uffwn ' hell', Bret. ifern < Vulg. Lat. zfema, Lat.
inferno,.
(2) Brit. and Lat. u before b followed by a vowel gave W. u; as du ' black'
for *duv < *dub- : Ir. dub ' black'; 'W. cuSyal for *isu,fiia1, < Lat.
cubic'lum. But befole n, r, I, ub gives wf regularly, Els'in dwfn, dwfr, §
90.
(3) u before m is regular, as shown byW.^w/'giowth', tyfu, 'to grow ' <
*tum- § 201 i (8). But Lat. ii in nwmerus gives i in nifer. This may be due
to a dial. pronunciation of Lat. u as u; cf. Osc. Niumsiew 'Numerii',,and the
Oscanized Lat. Niumeriis 'Numerius'. Lat. itself had u before m in an unacc.
syll., as maxim/us, mawwm.us = mawumus. The sound u would be identified with
Brit. u, and prob. lengthened, giving the same result. W. ufyll' humble' <
Lat. humilis may perhaps be similarly explained, but with u for i as in
v,ffern.
(4) u before p is regular, as seen in eybyS ' miser' < Lat. oUpidus,
syberw ' proud ' < Lat. swpwbus. In W. achub < Lat. occupo the u may be
due to the lengthening of the w when it came to be accented, as it did in
Brit. § 65 ii (i).
For Lat. e &ee § 75 iii (i) ; for Lat. 6 see § 76 ii (i).
§§ 74, 75 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH
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97
§ 74. i. (i) In ^Brit. a was shortened when unaccented. Thus W. pecJiaclur '
sinner' < *peccatf)r- < Lat. ace. yeccdtor-em beside pecJiod ' sin'
<peccatum;—W. meittn 'morning' <*meid-din <*matw-tiu-<'La,t.
mdtwftnum ;—W. agwySawr for *a/gwy6awr < Lat. dhweSdTmm;—W. MadrnH <
Lat. malrma beside modryb ' aunt'< Kelt. *mdfraq"^;—W. ceiliagwydd
'gander', Ml. W. keylyacuyt\\.L. i 380 < *kahako-geidos beside ceiliog
'cock'<
*kalwkos;—W. paratoi 'to prepare', § 201 iii (5), beside parod ' ready' <
Lat. jparatus, etc., etc.
Naw mwy i frag no, cheiliagwydd, Naw gwell i synnwyr na gwydd.—S. T , 0
16/93.
' Nine times more boastful than a gander, nine times more sensible than a
goose.' (The recent spellings parotoi, ceiliogwydd are false;
the words are pronounced as spelt above.)
For the apparent exception in lonawr a sufficient explanation is ithe
secondary accent which was reqniied to distinguish Januwrius from Febrvarius,
and which for emphasis might even become primary.
(2) Words like swyddogol ' official' are formed in W., and mostly late, by
adding -ol to -og, and are not derived in full from Brit., for Brit. -dk-al-
would give -ag-ol. The word Iluosog is an old formation, but it is not formed
irom the original of lhaws; the latter has a from 5, the formation being
*-os-tdts, while the former has 6, the formation being *-os-tos, extended to
*-os-takos. § 75 iii (3).
ii. It is seen in the aho\ e examples that other long vowels remained long
when unaccented ; and that ? and u need not have been accented to cause
affection of a preceding vowel.
iii. In Ir. the shortening of long vowels is carried further and is
independent of the Brit. shortening of d. The latter had not set in in Pr.
Kelt. as is shown by the development of du, which when unaccented in But.
gave au, while Kelt. au gave ou § 76 v (5).
iv. All long vowels were shortened before groups of sonant + explosive, as in
gwynt 'wind' < *wntos < *uentos; so Lat. ventus. W. dyafl < *diwlt-
< *diwlt- § 75 vi (4) Also before two explosives;
*-o-akt- *-dkt- > *'akt- > -aefh § 203 i (4).
iV THE DIPHTHONGS.
f> . . _ _ Y § 75. i. (i) Ar. ai remained in Kelt. It appears in Ir. as
at, \y.
He, in Gaul. as ai or e. Before a consonant
it appears in 0. W. ^ as oi, and in Ml. and Mn. W. as oe (oq) § 29. Thus W.
coeg ^ ^
U02
H
'empty' (as a nut without a kernel), coeg-ddall' purblind', Ir. \y
1J.nr TT
i CK . ^ 4.:
& s "*
C_(\'v» Vv-< U^ ^'
"> AA
•A 1.
,•-, tal-t-i
e-<"
^-v^J ^ • , <"--*
OSA^»S\»I
-V
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98
PHONOLOGY
§ 75
caeck ' one-eyed' : Lat. caecus ' blind', Goth. Jiazhs ' one-eyed', Skr.
kekara-h ' squinting' < Ar. *qaiq-;—W. hoedl ' lifetime, life', Gaul.
Setlo-ceni-(ae Deae) : Lat. saeculum < *sai-tlo-m § 111 vii (i);—W. coed
'wood, forest', Gaul. Ceto-briga <
*kaito- : Goth. Jiwpi, 0. H, G. Jieida, E. heath, Lat. bw-cetwm, (e for ae
owing to confusion with the suffix -etum).
(a) Before a vowel ai fell together with ii, see iv below. But as in the
penult, followed by e (or i), gave a'new ai which gives W. oe>o § 78 i
(i); thus Brit. *karaset\>*karoe, caro 'may love'. Followed by i it falls
together with ii and gives -ei, as *yornastm > arnei; when the z was
unacc. it gives -i as
*y<5riia8im > erni & 309 vii (i).
Bat in the ante-penult a vowel before s drops § 113 i (2); hence
*kara-se-re > kar-her ' may be loved '.
(3) Kelt. ai > W. wy, as in mwy ' greater' < *ma -ios or *mdison:
IT. mao for *mau< *M.aws. When unaccented it was shortened and so gives
oe, as prob. in Ml. W. moe IL.A. 14% ' more'.
A new ai was produced before a vowel in Brit. when as was followed by ? or e;
thus ^/cams-it > ^karaiU > karwy § 183
ii(i).
A new ai might be produced before a cons. by metath. of z § 100 v; thus Lat.
occdsio>~W. achos, but Brit. pi. *accaswnes> ^accaisbnes > Ml. W.
achwysson. -
(4) W. oe > ae after w or m, etc.; oe >wae after g § 78 ii (a). ii. (i)
Ar. oi remained in Pr. Kelt., and appears in Ir. as oi, oe. In W. TC became u
before a consonant. Thus Ar. *omos
* one ' > Gk. oivos, olvrj ' ace', 0. Lat. oinos, Lat. unus ; Ir. wit,
"W. wa 'one'.—W. ud in aiiudon
'perjury', Ir. 7>efh 'oath':
Goth. aif-s ' oath'.—W. gruff ' heather' for *gwrug (Pemb. dial. gwrig),
l.f:fro6ch<*yroiko-s : Gk. ep^Ki] < *'uereika.
Before or after u in Brit., oi became ai which gives W. oe (oy), as in gloyw
' shiny, glossy' < *gloi-yo-s : Gk. •y\o(.os< '"yA.oi.fos, § 92 i
;— Ay(A)o<8'public'' <*ky-woeS<*ko-yoid-: W. gwyS 'presence'
<*yeid-, Vueid- 'see'; here -w- dropped; where it remained, woe again gave
woe § 78 ii(2); thus gwaethaf for *gwoethaf< *yaidisamos <
*uoidi-samos<. *yo-ed-isamos < "upo'-ped-iss'fno-s § 148 i (5).
(a) Before a back vowel oi gave W. wy; as *-omn > *-wy-n >-wn § 180 iii
(i); cf. § 76 v (4). Bat before i we the i
i&<*.. i
§ 75 ' KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH
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ESCANEJAT SENSE CORREGIR
RAW SCAN: TEXT NOT YET CORRECTED
99
dropped § 100 vi, and o before the vowel developed like u before a vowel,
that is, as oy; thus *dff eso > ^dozii > ^doz > *ddm > *dew § 76
v (i), whence deuqf § 193 x (5) ; and *do eset > *doiet > ^doet >
*douef > daw, or without diphthongization *do-ef > do, see ib.; so *moi
esta > *mo estz > *mo ys > moes § 200 ii. Followed by z after the
accent it gives -i, as in -o» f. sing, 'to her'<
*'-dGU<*'-do-sz § 210 x (i).
(3) Ar. oi gave Kelt. ai and developed accordingly. ^ iii. (i) Ar. ei
remained in Pr. Kelt. In Gaul. it is written
"*e or ei, aa-Uew^gnata, Aeiovova. In Ir. it appears as e or ia.
In W. before a consonant it became wy. Thus W. gwyb
'• presence ' for *gwipyb < Ar. *ueid- § 63 iv •,—mor-dwy ' sea
voyage '< ^mori-teig- § 103 ii (i), etc.
In Brit. and Gaul. it was probably sounded
as ei, Latin e which
*was sounded e, was identified with this sound in Brit., and shared its
development in W., thus rete > rhwyd, remus > rhwyf, plebem > ylwyf,
cera > cwyr, etc. I-iat. oe which seems to have varied from. o to e
appears in W. as i, oe or wy, as dw.iazp ' dinner', poen ' pain', cwyn '
supper'.
(a) Before a vowel ei fell together with ii, see below. (3) Ar. e.i before a
vowel > Kelt. 1 > W. i. Thus W. diod, Ml. diawt' drink' <
^d/iei-ati-s, VdJiei- 'suck'.—W. lliaws' multitude', Bret. Hess < Hut.
*l^assa8<':f:l^dstats<*(jp)l^os-tdts, a noun in *-taf- from the cpv.
*j)le-ws : Lat. insc. pleores, Gk. TtXeiwy. Before Kelt. o it becomes u, as
in Iluosog, Ml. llwossauc < Brit.
*lwossd&o-s an extension o{*l^osso-s<*(Jo)lMS-to-sav.aS.j. formed^
from *ple-ws like Lat. honestus from Jionos; see § 76 ix (a), § 74 i (a), §
169 iii (3). Before a consonant ei>e giving Kelt.
?, W. i.
iv. ai and ei fel?. together with ii before vowels. After the accent the i
became 8, in other positions it remained as i. Thus,:,
(1) Accented ii (or ai or ^i), which is generally in the penult, but may be
ante-penultimate, gives W. -y8; thus W. rhy^ ' free' < *pr{ws : Goth.
freis, Eng.
free;—trefyo ' towns' <
*trebues ;—trydyo ' third' m. < ^trUuos; with -a in the ult. it gives -e8,
as trydeb ' third' f. < ^tritivi. In the ante-penult -y8-, as W. yst/yoad
' thorn': Ir. see, gen. pi. sclad. •'•
(2) Post-tonic '-ij; gave *an, which became oe8, § 62 i (a);
H 8
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