A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative. 1913. John Morris-Jones (1864-1929). 2648k Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia.



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A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative
John Morris-Jones (1864-1929)


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elwedd 1680)  (tudalen 150)


< § 99
*fronq-, see vi (3)) : Lat. stercus, Bret. stronk 'excrement'. It is seen that the loss is later than the change onk > unk § 65 iii (i) ; it also takes place in Lat. loanwords, asW. pwyth' stitch' <piinctuin ';
but in the later of these the first explosive drops, as in sant < sanctus.
(4) "When two explosives came before a liquid or nasal, the group remained in Pr. Kelt. ; thus W. eithr ' except', Ir. echtar < *ektro-s : Lat. ex/eras, extra, Osc. eMmd (-is- for *-c- is a Lat. innovation, Walde2 263);—W. aet/in-en ' aspen '< *aktn- < ^aptn-: Lith. apusze ' aspen', 0. H. G. apsa, 0. E.; (Eps, E. asp : Lat. jpopuhts < *pii5ptol-, Gk. n-reXea ' elm'.
But a double explosive before a sonant was not distinguished in Ar. from a single ; thus ettre was not distinct from etre, Meillet, "Intr.2 103. In Homer and the Veda the first syllable is metrically long ; in Plautus and Aristophanes, short; ordinarily in Gk. and Lat., doubtful. In old Kelt. formations we have one ;' for two, as in Gaul. Atrebafes, W. adref ' homewards' < *atreb- <
*attr- < *ad-tr-. In later formations the double consonant remained, as in W. atJirist' sad' < *attnstis < *ad- + Lat. trzstis. kr, tr may develop as kkr, ttr in W. as in ocJtr, rfwthr § 104 iii (2). A double media in'Brit. is treated regularly as a single tenuis in W., as in edrych ' to look ' <*efr-< ^ed-dr- < *ad-dr- or
*eg-dr-; once as a double tenuis ; see 1. c.
vi. (i) A group of the form nt or nd, followed immediately or mediately by a liquid or nasal, has tended from an early period in Kelt. to become a double explosive tt or dd with nasalization of the preceding vowel. In Ir. the double consonant was simplified before the sonant; see ceol, aim, cobrvth (6 = 5) below. The change, being a case of dissimilation of the continuants, does not take place regularly, § 103 i ; it often exists side by side with the regular development of the group. Thus O.W. if/ir ' between', Bret. etre, Van. itre, Ir. eter (not *et- the regular Ir. for *enf-) beside Bret. entre, Corn. yntre : Lat. inter, Skr. antdr;—W, afhrngar ' pitiless' < *^ttr- beside Ir. etrocar < *entr-, both <
*n-troitgakaros;—W. cathi 'song' < *kyttlo-, Ir. ceol id.
< *Jc^t(t)lo-, 0. W. centhliat, centfiilwt (ense) gl. canorum, beside Ir. cetal<
*kenilo-, Bret. kentel' lesson';—W, allwedd f.' key' for *-alcJiwedd, Bret. alc'houez metath. for *acAlweo < *n-(jl(9)y-na ('unlocker',





1 : 1681
elwedd 1681)  (tudalen 151)


cf. agoriad ' opener' used instead in N. W.), also allwydd m. <
-iws : Lat. claudo, clavis, Gk. K\rj(s, etc. ;—W. acMes 'shelter' < *n-kl-std (»- ' in '), V hi- ' hide ' : 0. H. G. hulst' cover', W. clyd § 63 iii;—W. acJienog ' needy ', acJien ' need ', beside W. angfienog, angen, Ir. Been ' need ' < *-nk-en.- : Gk. a.va.yK.i}.
Mediae : W. adyn ' wretch' < *(iddonws< *n-domos ' not-man ', beside the later annyn 'wretch', annynol 'inhuman', Mn. Ir. anduine;—W. agor ' to open ' <*g%w- < ^n-ghor- (g- negative), beside egor id. < *eggor- (pref. *<%-), '/gher- ' enclose ' : li&t./tortus, Gk.)(6proy,W.garth;—W. m/bren, ' cloud, sky ', 0. Corn. Jwibren, Ml. Corn. ebron, Bret. Van. ebr, beside Ir. inrim 'storm': Lafc. iinber, §100 v;—^.hebrwng''\i0 accompany, convey ',0. Corn. hebrenchiat,
Mn. Corn. Jiembronk, Ml. Bret. hambrouk < ^sem-broiak- : Skr. sam-\ ' \ ' with ', Goth. briggan, E. bring ;—Bret. abrant ' eyebrow ', Corn.
abrans < ^abbr-, Ir. abra < *a6r-, beside W. amrant < *am-brant-(n- ' in') : Lat. gen.front-is ;—Ir. cobrith' help', beside W. cymryd 'to take'< *'ko'm-bhr-t-.—The nasalized vowel sometimes develops a new nasal, resulting in a new nd, etc., which does not become nn ; thus W. enderig ' steer ', 0. W. enderic gl. vitulus, beside W. anner ' heifer'' which contains old nd ;—Gwyn. dial. aw-gar 'hot breath, steam' for lit. W. ager ' steam' < *''logger-,, beside anger dd (fig •= WK>) <*awger-, all<*w-^CT- § 92 v.
Similarly Itr > *ttr > tar in athro § 76 v (5).
(z) It has been conjectured that an explosive + n sometimes became a double explosive in Kelt.; Pedersen, Gr. i 158, suggests that this took place immediately before the accent. Thus Ir. brecc, W. brych ' speckled ' < *brikkos < *bhrkn6s: Gk. •n-epicros § 101 iii (2) ;
as -cc occurs in Ir., the doubling here is not Brit. rkk < rk § 61 i (i);
—W. crwth a kind of fiddle, moth ' womb', Ir. cruit' harp, hump' < *qrutn-: Lith. krutzs ' woman's breast', krutme ' breast'.—But many doublings attributed to this cause are due to other causes; see Thurneysen Gr. 88.
(3) It seems as if n + explosive coming after a sonant might become a double explosive, as in W. rhoch ' snore ' : Gk. po-yxos, peyKm § 97 v (s). We-have nk > 1ck > c'h after a nasal in the Bret. mutation after ma ' my', nao ' nine ', as va c'haloun ' my heart', nao c'hant ' 900 '; but the development is regular in W.
§ 100. i. (i) Ar. i- (Lat. j-, Gk.', Germ. j, Lith. j, Skr. y-) remained in Pr. Kelt. ; it disappears in Ir., but remains in W. Thus W. wuanc, Bret. idovank, Corn. iouenc, Ir. Sac, 6c : Lat.






elwedd 1682)  (tudalen 152)


we have diawl monosyll. § 34 ii < diab{o)lus, but pi. di \ ef\yl 3 syll. M.A. i 1920 for 'se•d^efyl<(llabol^.
After medial consonants u and i remained, as in W. pedwar ' four' § 63 vii (4);—W. celmydd' lie' < *kalmw-: Lat. calumnies, <
*aalyomnia ',—W. dedwydd ' happy' < *do-tuiios : Lat. tuerz, fwfus, 0. Icel. pySa ' friendship ', Goth. pivp ' good ' noun, Vfeye(i)-(not '/teud- ' swell, increase' accoiding" to Walde s. v. fueor) ;— W. pi. ending -20% § 121 i; verbal sums -i- § 301 iii (6); see also iii (a) below.
(a) Between two consonants u and i had dropped in Brit.;
thusW.^a;»y'knee'<*y«%r-<*^g%(M)r- §63 vii (4);—cAwann-en<
*sqond-<*s-qoa(i)d- ib. ;—golchz < *yolk- < *yol(i)q»- § 89 ii (a).
—On -w- which came later between consonants in W., see § 43. / (3) Between i or i and a consonant, u dropped ; as in chwyd f vomit' <*spi(u)t-, Vspewy- § 96 iv (i) ;—W. hoed ' grief, Ir< isaet/i < *Mi(u)f- : Lat. haevus (orig. 'sore, sad', see Walde s.v.) ;
—W. oed ' age' < *az(u)t- : Lat. aetas, older aevltas. Hence while W. has final -yw, -oyw it has no -ywd, -oywd, -ywg, etc.
iii., (i) In Brit., in the diphthong ii (ei, ai), when accented or following the accent, i became a spirant probably like French j, which became 8, and appears so in W. Thus -iws > -y?>, -iia > -eS ;
'-zz- > -aeS § 75 iv. But the change did not take place in 01 or w.
(a) The same change took place after 1 or r following the accent; thus 'li > *lb > W. 11; and 'ri > *y8 = W. r8. Examples :
Ii : W. gallaf ' I can' : Lith. gahu ' I can ';—W. all- in ail-fro. '' foreigner', Gaul. Allo-broges < *alw- : Lat. ahus, Gk. SXXos <
*dlws;—W. gwell ' better' : Skr. vdn/a-h ' eligible', vdnydn ' better' : 0. E. wel, E. well, orig. ' choice ', */yel- ' wish '.—ri:
W. arddaf ' I plough' ; Lith. anw ' I plough', Goth. arjan ' to plough';—Pr. Kelt. lyer-ww-, -zann- > W. Iwerddon, 'Ireland', Ir. gen. Erenn;—W. morddwyd' thigh ' : 0. H. G. muriot' thigh';
—W. hzordd ' a violent push' < *spurt- (ur<w^r^63 viii (i)) V sphyere- ' hurl, smite ' § 96 iv (i) : Lith. sptrzu ' I kick ' (w fc < e1' § ^3 iii) ; also possibly W. g-ordd fern.' mallet' [g- excrescent § 112 ii (a)), 0. W. ord ox. a, Bret. orz < *pwrt-a ' smiter' : Gk. (r(f>vpa l mallet' < *cr<j)vpia ', in that case Ir. ordd is from British (a not improbable borrowing, cf. Pedersen Gr. i aa-4).






elwedd 1683)  (tudalen 153)


153 PHONOLOGY , §100
juvencus, 0. H. G. jwig, E. young, Skr. yuvasd'h. 'youthful' < Ar. wunkos ;—W. laitJi' language ', Bret. iez< ^ick-t- : 0. H. Q.jeJiau ' to say' ;—0. W. lud- ' *warrior', W. udd' lord' < *ieudh-; ton, i/Sr ' lord ' < Kelt. *zud-n6s, wd-ros § 66 v : Gk. va-fuvr] ' battle', Skr. yodJidh ' warrior', yudJi, id., yudhyatz ' fights'; V'teudh-.
(a) Ar. u- (Lat. v-, Gk. F- (lost), Germ. w-, Lith. »-, Skr. v-) remained in Pr. Kelt.; it appears in Ir. as f-, in W. as gw-. Thus W. gwaith f. ' fois' (taw gwaith ' 3 times'), Ir. fecht id. < *ue1ct-^ W. ar-waiw ' to lead ' < *ari-ueg-n- § 203 iv : Lat. veho, Gk. e^(oy Pies., S\of, Skr. vdhati ' conveys, draws, leads ', 0. H. G. wagan, E. wain, way; Vyegh-;—W. gwzr 'true', Ir. fir : Lat. verus, 0. H. G. war; Ar. *yeros ;—W. gwedd, gwys § 63 iv ; gwall § 99 iii (i).—So before 1 or r : W. gw?yb § 58 iv, gwlad § 63 vii (a), gwraidd § 91.
"'/ . . . -t
Though $'w- generally remains, it became gwn- in gwna ' make, do ':
Bret. gra, Corn. gwra < *wag-: cf. Corn. gwreans 'work', gwrear ' worker' < *ureg-. In the Oldest W. r remains : guragun tage ( = gwrayon tanc) B.S.CH. 2 'let us make peace ', wrath B.A. 22 ' was made' < *yrekt-; later gwnech L.L. 120, B T. 64 ' may do ' < *ureJc-s-;
Ml. W. goreu ' did ' < *uerag- < perf. *w-urog-e; Vuereg-: E. work, Gk. Ipyov (Fepyov). Also in gwmo ' to sew': Bret. grid id., Corn. gwry ' seam ' < *ureg-, same loot; cf. Ir. fraco' needle ', fraig ' osier ':
Gk. pvjyw, etc. (orig. meaning ' bend ', hence ' weave ', hence ' work';
see Walde s. v. vergo).
When gwr- or gwl- is followed by a rounded vowel or w-diphthong, it may become gr- or gl- by dissimilation: W. grug for gwrug § 75 ii;
glyw for gwlyw § 102 iii (2).
(3) Ar. -i- and -u- between vowels remained in Pr. Kelt.; they disappear in Ir., but generally remain in W., though sometimes altefcd ; see §§ 75, 76, and iii (i) below.
ii. (i) After an initial consonant n or y was liable to drop from the earliest period § 101 ii (a); thus W. doe, Lat. heri, Gk. ^0es : Skr. hydh § 9g i (3) ;—W. dall: Goth. dwafs § 99 iii (s).— But u remained in Brit. after guttural mediae, § 92 iv, and after s- § 94 iv ; and i remained in some forms. In W. in this position i generally became i ; thus W. diew ' days' for diew as in Mn. W. trtdwit ' 5 days' (the accentuation implies 0. W. dz-) < Brit-. / *dtoyes, < ^dieves (wu > W. wu § 76 iii (3)). The hesitation. between z and i must go back to 0. W. when the accent was on the ult. and the i would be unaccented. Lat. i became ^ early, and






elwedd 1684)  (tudalen 154)


154 PHONOLOGY § 100
- (3) The change of j; to *8 in the above cases took place before the Koman period, for there is no example of it in any word borrowed from Lat. The alteration was therefore earlier than the period of vowel affection, and the *8 could not affect; hence arSaf, not *eirSaf, etc.
The fact that the change does not take place initially corroborates the view that it did not happen before an accented vowel. All forms that occur can be explained under this supposition ; thus all- < *dlw-, but ail ' second' < *aU6s, etc. ; see § 165 vi.
iv. Ar. -mi- became -ni- in Pr. Kelt. ; as W. dyn ' man ', Ir.
duine < *gh9omw-, § 98 i (3), § 131 i ;—W. myned, 'to go', Ml. Bret. monet. Corn. mones < *momi- for *mamt- § 65 v (a), by a'ssim. for *bam-i- < ^g^/n-i-, V g'^em- : Lat. venio, Gk. f^awa both < ^-gVi^nno, Goth. qiman, E. come. The -,<- disappeared before the -e- of the suffix; the suffix may have been -at-, § 203 ii, which following the accent would become -et- after i, see § 65 vi (i). The i was lost in the compounds an-fon, dan-fan ' to accompany, send ', prefix § 156 ii (i).
v. In some cases metathesis of i took place in Brit. Thus Ir. suide c soot' comes from *sodw-, but W. fmdd- in Jiuddygl' soot' implies *soid-; 0. E. sot, Lith. sudziai 'soot' have L "-grade ; so W. suddaf ' I sink ' < *sozd- < *sodz- beside W. soddaf ' I sink ', sawdd ' subsidence ' < *sod-, V' sed- § 63 ii.—W. drum ' ridge' < *-droimm-< *drommi- < *dros-mi- : Ir. druimrn < *drommi- ((-stem) : Lat. dorsum < *d^s-so-m, Gk. Seipds < *ders-ad-, Skr. dys-dd ' rock, millstone ', Vderes-;—W. turw ' to delve' < *toirg- < ^torgi- : Lat. porca § 101 iii (i) ;—W. ar-o-fun 'intend', dam- (_/)uti~aw, dym-MI-O ' desire', with -fun- < *moin,- < *moni- : Lat. moneo, '/menei-, extension of Vmeti- ' mind' ;—W. ulw ' ashes, powder' < *oilw-<*j3olu^~ : Lat. pulvis < *poluis;—W. Urien, 0. W. Urb-gen § 25 i < *-oirto-gen- < ^orUo- : Gaul. Orbius ' heir •', Lat. orbus, Gk. 6p<f)av6s;—W. wyneb ' face ', in comp. wynab- B.M. 30 <
*einep-, *einap- < ^em-sq^- (§ 65 vi (i)) : Skr. dmkam 'face'< ^eni-sq^-, V off'-; the un-metathesized form is seen in 0. W. einepp, where ein- is from *en(z)- § 70 v, since old ei had then become ui s Mn. wy ; 0. W. enep. Corn. eneb Bret. enep, Ir. enech show i lost, which occurs before e in Brit., see vi below, and cf. § 35 ii (a), and is usual in Ir., cf. i above;—W. wy&r, wybren ' cloud ' IL.A. 104, 91, 'sky', 0. Corn. hziibreii g-1. •s^'a\oea<*eibbr-< *embfirj- § 99 vi (i) : Lat. imber gen. imbris (t'-stem) < ^embJiri-






elwedd 1685)  (tudalen 155)


* (3) The change of z to *8 in the above cases took place before the Boman period, for there is no example of it in any word borrowed from Lat. The alteration was therefore earlier than the period of vowel affection, and the *8 could not affect; hence arSaf, not *eirSaf, etc.
The fact that the change does not take place initially corroborates the view that it did not happen before an accented vowel. All forms that occur can be explained under this supposition ; thus all- < *dlv)-, but ail ' second' < *aU6s, etc. ; see § 165 vi.
iv. Ar. -mi- became -ni- in Pr. Kelt. ; as W. dyn, ' man ', Ir. duine < *ghyomw-, § 98 i (3), § 121 i ;—'W.,myned, 'to go', Ml. Bret. monet, Corn. mones< *momz- for ^mamz- § 65 v (a), by atssim. for *bam-i- < ^g^eWi-i-, V g^em- : Lat. venio, Gk. ISaivw both <
*-g*^mw, Goth. qiman, E. come. The -2- disappeared before the -e- of the suffix; the suffix may have been -at-, § 203 ii, which following the accent would become -et- after t, see § 65 vi (i). The z was lost in the compounds an-fon, dan-fan ' to accompany, send ', prefix § 156 ii (i).
v. In some cases metathesis of z took place in Brit. Thus Ir. suide c soot' comes from *sodw~, but W. hvdcl- in Jmddygl' soot' implies *-soid-; 0. E. sot, Lith. sudziai 'soot' have L°-grade ; so W. suddaf ' I sink' < *soid- < *sodi- beside "W. soddaf ' 1 sink ', sawdd ' subsidence ' < *sod-, '/ sed- § 63 ii.—W. drum' ridge' < *droimm-< ^drommi- < *dros-mi- : Ir. druimm < *drommi- ((-stem) : Lat. dorsum < *drs-so-m, Gk. Seipdf < *ders-ad-, Skr. dr^s-dd ' rock, millstone ', V deres-;—W. turw ' to delve' < *toirg- < *fmyj- : Lat.. porca § 101 iii (i) ;—"W. ar-o-fun 'intend ', dam-(f)un-aw, dym-un-o ' desire', with -fun- < *moin- < *"m.oiii- : Lat. moneo, •/menei-, extension of V'men- ' mind' ;—W. ulw ' ashes, powder' < *oily-< *polu^- : Lat. pulvis < *poluis ;—W. Urien, 0. W. Urb-gen, § 25 i < ^oirbo-gem- < ^orbw- : Gaul. Orbius ' heir), Lat. orbus, Gk. 6p(f>av6s;—W. wyneb ' face ', in comp. wynab- E.M. 30 <
*einep-, *einap-<*e'n^-9gft- (§ 65 vi (i)) : Skr. dmkam 'face'< ^eni-aq*-, */ oq*- ; the un-metathesized form is seen in 0. W. einepp, where em- is from *en(f)- § 70 v, since old ei had then become w '= Mn. wy ; 0. W. enep, Corn. eneb Bret. enep, Ir. enech show i lost, which occurs before e in Brit., see vi below, and cf. § 35 ii (a), and is usual in Ir., cf. i above;—W. wy&r, wybren 'cloud' IL.A. 104, 91, 'sky', 0. Corn. huibren g\. nubes<*e^&r-< *embhri- § 99 vi (i) : Lat. imber gen. imbris (»'-stem) < ^embhri-
(: Gk. a^po? 'foam', Ir. imrim, 'storm'); without metathesis and with i lost, Bret. Van. ebr, Corn. ebron,, ebbarn.; again, with metath., W. nwyf-re ' sky' < *neib- < *nebMo-; the root is ^enebh-,. of which ^embh- is PV, and *nebh- is VF ; with -I- suffix, § 90. (W. nef1 heaven' is however from ^/nem- ' curve' hence ' vault', as shown by Bret. nenv, Ir. nem; also seen in W. want' vale' < *nm-t-.}
vi. z, drops before i or e, see iv, v, above ; cf. § 75 ii (a).
§ 101. i. Comparison of the derived languages points to certain alternations of consonants in Pr. Aryan; they are mostly the result of dialectal variation, and of the accidents of consonant combination. The same causes produced the same results after the dispersion; and while some of the alternations mentioned below may be primitive, others are certainly later, and some comparatively recent. Three kinds of alternations may be distinguished : (i) the consonant alternates with zero; (2) the manner of articulation varies; (3) the place of articulation varies.
ii. The cases where the consonant alternates with zero are the following:
(1) Initial s- before a consonant is variable ; thus Gk. o-reyos, Lith. st6gas 'roof, Skr. sthdgati 'conceals': Gk. i-e-yos, Lat. tego, W. to 'roof; •</{s)theg-;—Ir. scaraim, W. ysgaraf 'I separate' Lith. sJciritt id. : Lat. caro ' flesh', orig. ' piece (of flesh)', Gk. Ktipw, Skr. krntdti 'cuts': •</(s)qer-,—W. chwech 'aix' < *syeks : Armen. vec < *yeks;—Lat. spargo, E. sprinkle : Gk. -n-epKvw, W. erch 'speckled, grey' < *perq-, § 97 v (3).—This treatment of s- persisted long after the dispersion; and many of the examples found are undoubtedly cases of the dropping or the adding of s- in the ' derived languages. In Kelt. s- seems to have been added and
dropped with a freedom hardly equalled elsewhere.—As -s was an ^extremely common ending in Ar., it is natural to suppose that -s st-,'' would be confused with -s t-, so that it would not always be easy to • decide whether the initial had s- or not. But some scholars regard the s- as a " preformative" or more or less meaningless prefix;
see Schrijnen KZ. xlii 97 ff.
(2) A consonantal sonant after an initial consonant was sometimes dropped. Thus W. chwech, Gk. 'fe^ < *syeks: Lat. sex, Goth. saihs<
*se1cs ;—Gk. irXaTvs, W. llydan, i/plethe- 'spread out, stretch': without
-;-, Lat. patere, Gk. vtra.vvvfi.i, W. edau 'thread';—W. brau 'brittle'






elwedd 1686)  (tudalen 156)


§ 101
< *bhrag-, Lat. frango, E. break : Skr. bhandkti ' breaks ', Ir. cowi1 boing ' coiifringit', Armen. bek ' broken ';—W. cryg ' hoarse' < *qri-q-, ysgrech ' scream' < *s-qriq-nd, Gk. Kpii,w, Kpi,yri, E. shriek, Lat. crzmen, Vqrei- : -without -r-, 'W. cwyn ' complaint' < *qei-vw-, Ir. coinim ' I mourn', Germ. heiser 'hoarse', O.E. has > E. hoarse (intrusive r);—W. craff' 'sharp', crafu 'to scratch', crach 'scabs', E. scrape : without -r-, ~W. cafn 'trough' (scooped out), E. scab, shave, shape, Gk. O-OTMTTO), O-KCM^OS, Lat. scabo, Lith. sfcabus 'sharp':
*sqra-b-/-bh-/-p-;—Lat. brevis < *breghuis, Gk. fSpayvs <*b'rghus:
without -r-, Ir. berr, W. byrr, Corn. her, Bret. berr ' short' < *bek'-s-ro-s (witli -ro- suff. like W. hzr ' long' < *se-ro-s\; Ir. becfc) ' small' <*beggos with dimin. gemination; "W. bach ' small' < *b^gh(u)so-; „ bychan ' small', 0. W. bichan, Bret., Corn., bichan < *biksogno-< *briks- < *brgh(u)so-; bechan < *begh(u)so-, assumed to be £ in "W.
*Later examples of lost -r- are E. speak : 0. E. sprecan, Germ. sprechen;—W. gwalth 'work': (gjwreith §100 i (2);—Guto(t=tt) hypocoristic form of Gruffudd.
(3) Between initial s- and a sonant, a labial or guttural was liable to diop ; thus spr : sr, and eql'.sl, etc., Siebs, KZ. xxxvii 285 ff.— W. cleddyf 'sword', ar-choll 'wound' §156 i (6), dais 'bruise' < *qlsd-ti-, claddu ' to bury', •/qolad- ' strike, cut, dig': W. lladd ' kill, cut off, mow ', Ir. slaidim ' I strike, cut' < *slad- < *sqlsd- ;— W.jfrwd ' stream' ,ffrydw ' to gush' < *spru-t-, Germ. Sprudel' fount, gush, flow of water' : W. rhwd, rhewyn, etc., § 95 i, < *sru-;— \f.jfroen, f. ' nostril', Ir. sron f. ' nose ' < *sprvgnd; without s- (p... g >t...g § 86 ii (3)), W. trwyn m. ' nose' < *prugno-s, trywyS ' scent' < *przigiw- : Gk. pv-y^o?' pig's snout '< *srunghos § 97 v (3).— So prob. Lat. seaemis, W. chwith § 96 iii (2) < *sq-, by (2) above for
*sql-: Lat. laevus, Gk. \ai6f < *sl-; by (2) *sl- > *s-, whence W. asswy < *ad-sow-, Skr. savydh; as sk- alternates with sq; see iv (i), the simple root is perhaps *klei- : Lat. clino, clwus, W. cledd ' left (hand)', go-gledd 'north'. So perhaps Lat. lact- for *slact- for
*sqlact- : Gk. •yoA.a, W. glas-dwr § 63 vii (3);—W. ffreu B.B. 37 ' fruit' < *sprdg-: Lat. fragum < *srdg-.
(4) A semivowel after a long vowel -was often dropped : Skr» astwu ' eight', Goth. ahtau : Skr. asta, Gk. OKTW, Lat. octo. The reduced grade may come from either form; see Vuere(^)- § 63
v" (5)-






elwedd 1687)  (tudalen 157)


157 Other sonants might disappear finally after long vowels, as Gk.
KVWV : Skr. Sva ' dog', Lith. sssw, Ir. CM, W. ci',—Gk. /tynyp : Skr. mdta. »
iii. While the place of articulation remained the same, the mode of articulation might vary.
(i) At the end of a root a tenuis frequently alternated with a media. Thus 0. E. dyfan, E. dive < *dheup-: W. dwfn ' deep *, Gaul. dubno-, Lith. dubits 'deep' < *dhub-, V dheup/b-;—Lat. gen. pdcis '. Lat-pango VpSk/g- ;—Lat. sparg-o : Gk. vepK-vw, W. erch, ii (i) above;
*Lat. planeus, W. talch : E. flake, Vpelaq/g- § 86 ii (3);—Lat;
luceo, Gk. Xevws, W. Hug ' light': W. go-lew ' light', Gaul. Lugu-, Vieuq/g-.—So Lat. porca, W. rhych ' farrow' < *prk : W. turio ' to delve' < *'torgz- (t- forp- § 86 ii (3)); W. tyrchio ' to delve' is a late form from twrch = Lat. porous, prob. allied to the above words despite Armen. herk 'newly ploughed land' which implies -q-', (Lith. parszas 'pig' implies -%-); see iv (i).
In the same position an aspirated media alternated with a media :
*W. oen ' lamb', 0. E. eanian ' yean' < *agf/in- : Gk. d/wog < *ag'K^^- : Lat. agnus ambiguous ;—Skr. budhnd-h ' bottom', Gk. iruGfirjv < *bhudh- : 0. E. botm < *bhud- : W. b3n ' bottom' < Kelt.
*budn-o- ambiguous.
An aspirated tenuis alternated with an aspirated media:—Skr. nakhd-h ' nail': Ir. ingen, W. ewin, Lat. unguis, Lith. nagas ' nail'.
(2) Initially a tenuis alternated with an aspirated media, more rarely with a media. Thus W. craidd, Lat. cord-, Gk. xap8«x, Lith. swrd'is, E. heart, Sk. srad-, all from &- : Skr. hrd-, Av. ssarada, from
*gh- ;—Ir. cingim ' I go, stride ', W. rhy-gyngu ' to amble ', Ir. ceimm ' stride', W. cam id. < *kngh-smen-: Germ. Gang, E. gang-way, Gk. Koywvi] for *Kay(wvrj < *ghngh-, Lith. zengiii' I step, stride '< *ghengh';
of. Vskkg- § 96 iii (i);—Lat. porcus, Ir. ore, tore, W. twrch, 0. H.G. far[a)h < *p- : 0.
H. G. barah, 0. E. bearh < *bh-;—O.Lat. dingua, 0. H. G. sunga, E. tongue < *d- : Ir. tenge, W. tafod, Corn. tavot, Biet. teod,< *t-, see § 92 v, § 97 v (2);—W. erch 'grey, speckled', Gk. TrepKvw : W. brych, brith ' speckled', bwrw ' cast, sprinkle', see § 97 v (3). As in the last equation, several examples occur in W. and Ir. of b- for p- pointing to the alternation of p- : b(h)- before the disappearance ofp- in Kelt. Thus Lat. pus, puter, Gk. irvov, TrvOof.Lo.i, Goth. fills, E. foul, Skr. puyati' putrefies, stinks', Vpeu^a")-, peu- : W. baw ' dirt' < *b[h)eu-, budr ' dirty ' < *b[h)eu-tr-; also with ^ for u, iv (i), Lat. paedor < *paz-d-, Vpei- : W. baeddu 'to dirty' < *b(h')ai-d- (-d- present);—Lith. pluskos ' hair', 0. E. fleas, E. fleece, Ger. Fliess, Vpleus- ; W. blew ' hair' (mostly of animals, not of man's head in W., as in Corn. and Bret.) < *b(h)leus-;—Lat. pasco, Gk. •n-a.reoiJLai, Goth. fodjan, E. food, W. yd 'corn', Ir. ith id., Skr. pitu-h ' food', Vpd<^)- : 0. W. bit ' food' < *b(K)it; Ir. biad id. < "^(A)?^-, W. bwyd do. < *b{Ji)ei-t-;—Lat. piget, Lith. peikti ' to blame', 0. 'E.ficol, E. fickle, Vpeiq/g- : W. bai ' blame, fault' < ace.
*b(h)vgu>l;—Gk. •a-e'n'pWTa.i, STropov, Lat. pars, W. Than, Vpero- § 63 vii (2) : W. barn ' judgement '< *b(h)r'n-, brawd id., Ir. brdth id. < *b(h)rt- (for meaning cf. Germ. Toil' part' : Urteil' judgement').— The above alternation may be accompanied by a similar alternation medially; thus Lat. caper, Gk. xairpoy, W. caer-MTch ' roebuck ', all < *qap(e)r- : W. gafr ' goat', Ir. gabor, gabur, Gaul. Gabro- <
*g(h)ab(h)r-;—Lat. capio, Goth. haf/an, W. oaffel 'to get' < *qap-:
Lat. habeo, W. gaf-el' to take hold (of)' < *ghabh-.
There seems to have been a later tendency to substitute a media for a tenuis initially before a sonant in Brit. and Goidelic; as in Brit. Britan- for *Fritan- § 3 iii;—so W. brig ' top (of a tree), crest






elwedd 1688)  (tudalen 158)


(of a wave), hair of the head, border (of a country) ', bra/er ' hair of the head'<*6n&- for *pr1k-, metath. for *krzp- > W. crib 'comb, crest, ridge (of a roof)': Ir. crwh ' boundary of a country' < *qr1,-q-uo-broken redupl., Vqerei- 'separate, divide, cut off' : Lat. crena ' notch ', crista ' crest', crmis ' hair of the head ';—Ir. droeh ' wheel':
'W. fro ' turn';—Ir. gee : W. cainc ' branch' < *knq- : Skr. Sakhd
•branch';—W. gast 'bitch' : ci 'dog' § 96 ii (3).—Of. W. ffrawys, . Cfarawys 'Lent' § 138; < Lat. quadragesima.—Still later is the softening of the initial of an adverb, and of a proclitic, as dy ' thy';
these are regarded as mutated forms, and are not mutated further (except occasionally by false analogy).
(3) Alternations like tlie above occur also in ^affixes; as *-tro- : p-
*-dhro- and *-flo- : *-dhlo-.
(4) Though I and r are not mixed indiscriminately, several doublets occur in which they alternate, as Vghuer- / ghuel- § 92 iv. These alternations may have originated, as suggested by Meillet, Intr.2 143, in reduplicated forms in which, by dissimilation, r may become ?, or even n Thus Vg^ere- ' devour' gives *g*er-g*d-, *gu/l-g'^1'-, etc.,, also with g for g* by dissim.; thus Gk. /Si/SpwcrKw, Lat. vorare, W. barus ' gretdy' < *S^we'l'~ '• (broken redupl.) Gk. e'/3po^e, Ml. H. G. -krage, Ir. brage, W. breuant ' windpipe' < *gvfg-y't- : (full rednpl.)
.Lat. gwgulio, 0. H. G. querechela, Gk. •vayypa.i.va : Lat. gula.
iv. The place of articulation might vary.
(1) The different gutturals sometimes alternate. Thus, q/fc:—
Vieuq/tc- : Skr. rocate ' lights, shines', rokd-h ' bright', Lith. Idukti / to expect', with *-q- : Skr. ruSant- ' bright, white', Lith. Idszis ' lynx ' with *-%-;—the suffix *-qo- : *-%o-, as Skr. maryakd-h (mdrya-h ' young man') with "-q- : Skr. yuvasd-h (yuvan- ' young ') with *-%-:
Lat. juvencus, W. ieuano ambiguous ;—V'afc-foq- § 63 v (2);—
^Jcei- '• Vqoi- : Vq^ew-, see Walde s.v. civis. For a Icirge number of examples see Bmgmann2 I 545 ff. After s-, -q- predominates, § 84 Note 2 ; and &/q alternate, as Skr. chindtti ' cuts, severs '< *sk-Lith. sk'edziu 'I separate '<*sq-, V s'k{h)eid-/sq(K)eid-.
gWh/gh'.—Lat. fz-lum ' thread '< *gVhz- : W. gz-au ' nerves, sinews'
<.*gJvi-',—W. gwres, Gk.
Oepp.o's, etc. < *g^h-, § 92 iii : Lith. Saryjos ' glowing coals', Alb. sjar ' fire ' < *gh-;—W. gwelw ' pale ', Lith. geltas 'tawny' < *g*h- : Lith. Seli-it green, W. glas 'green' < *gh, § 92 iii.
Exactly the same change of position as the last is involved in the alternation of u and ^', which occurs in some roots, as Vgheu- :
Vghei- 'yawn'.
(2) The Ar. consonant series p, t, k, q, qf is not a line with p and <ft as loose ends, but as it were a circle, in which p and q^ approach one another, q* combines the back with the lip position, and the shifting of the stop to the latter position makes it p. It is not surprising therefore that q^ became .p in some languages as W., Osc.-TJmb., Gk., or that under certain conditions p > q^, § 96 iv. Already in Ar. there seem to be some cases o! p alternating with q*, and even






elwedd 1689)  (tudalen 159)


with 3';'this takes place before I, and before r when it is a variant of I. Thus we have the parallel roots *pel-, *qV-el-, *qel- ' to turn', also with r, *q«er. Examples :—*pel- : Lat. poples ' bend of knee', Ir. imb-el, W. ym-yl 'rim, edge'< *mbi-pel-, "W". cyf-yl 'bolder, vicinity' < *kom-pel-, ol-wyn ' wheel'", Gk. ire.Xop.ai. < *pel- (since g»e > re § 89 i);—*q°el- : Lat. colo, incola, Gk. reXeOw, vo\ev<o, W. dy-chwel-af ' I return' < *do-sq«el-; redupl.
Gk. KVK\O<;, 0. E. hweohl, E. wheel;—*qel-: Gk. KC.\\W- a-Tpe/3\w Hes., Lat. coluber;— qer- : Lat. curvus, Gk. Kopwvrj, Ir. cor ' circle', W. cor ' circle, close', cored ' round weir', Ml. ~W. at-coraf ' I return ', Ir. cruind, W. crwn.n ' round'. — — So the roots *spe^-*squel-, *sqel-, *sqer- ' to split, separate, scatter'; thus *spel- : 0. H. G. spalfan, E. split, Skr. sphdtdyati ' splits ', Bret. faoufa ' to split', W. fflochen ' splinter', holltz ' to split' § 96 iv (i);—^"^-, *sqel- : Lith. skelm 'I split', Bret. skula, W. chwalu ' to scatter ', Ir. scdilim ' I scatter'; — *sqer- :
Lith. skiritt, W. ysgar, etc. ii. (i);—also in the sense of 'snatching '; with p, Lat. spolium : with q, W. ysglyfio ' to snatch ', ysgly-faeth 'prey' < *sq^-m-.——So Gk. -irXev/Jwv, wf.vji.wv 'lung', Lat. pulrno (for *plumo), 0. Bnlg. plusta, 0. Pruss. plauti ' lung', the ' light' member (cf. E. lights ' lungs '), W. Human ' banner' < *p1eus-m^n- : Skr. kloman- ' right lung' < *qleumon-, W. ysgy faint dual 'lungs' < *s-qum^i- (I lost ii (2), see also § 121 iv), Bret. skevent, Ml. Ir. seaman (1 < Brit.), Ml. "W. yscun B. B. 4 = ysgwn ' light, soaring', 0. 'W. scamn-, ~W. ysgawn, ysgafn, Bret. skcww ' light' <
*s-qumn- § 76 vii (4); W. cwhwfan for *cy-chwyfan ' to wave in the
breeze, flutter ' < *ko-squnwn-, chwyf ' waving' < *squnw : Vpleu-/
(pneu-) ' float, waft'.
(3) The change of p to t, which sometimes occurs is doubtless
nlways secondary, as in Skr. sthtvati ' spews' (; Lat. spuo, E. spew} f where the t is due to the^bllowing palatal, cf. Gk. •n-nxi) < *pmw. In JJ Kelt. p became q" before q", but sometimes ( before a palatal or velar
§ 86 ii (3), perhaps a compromise between the labial and guttural
§ 102. i. Assimilation, dissimilation and metathesis of consonants have taken place at all pariods ; most of the examples occurring have arisen since the Ar. dispersion. In many cases the change has become a phonetic law; but most of the changes, especially of dissimilation and metathesis, occur only accidentally.
ii. (i) Assimilation of joined consonants: (a) Ar. pd > bd etc. § 93 i; sd > zd § 97; ghb >gh3 § 98.—(6) In most of the derived languages mt > nt, etc. § 84, Note 3.—(c) In Kelt. tk > kk, etc. § 93, " (2). (3); n1 > V-, mr > rr, In, > U § 99 iii; IS > U § 100 iii (2).*
—(d) In W. nt > nnh etc. § 106, lit > II § 105 ; do > d-d > t § 111 vii (2); If, > II § 110 ii (2). In Late Mn. W. nff > nth in benthyg < Ml. W. benffic < Lat. benefioium.






elwedd 1690)  (tudalen 160)


| 102
(2) Assimilation of separated consonants: Italo-Kelt. p ... iff' > qv . . . q9 § 86 ii (2).—Kelt. b. .. m > m . . .m in *momiat- > ~W. vnynedj 100 iv.
iii. (i) Dissimilation of joined, consonants: (a) Ar. tt > tH § 87 ii. • —(b) When two continuants come together there is often a tendency to alter one of them either to an explosive or to a semivowel : thus in Brit. ml- > bl-, mr- > 6r- § 99 ii (i); in W. nS > • nd as in bendith ' blessing', s8 > sd, IS > Id > lid, US > lid § 111 vii(z); Sl > dl as in bodlon, Sr > dr as in cadr § 111 vii (i);wi^ > me as in amcan § 156 i (4); we > nw as in 0. W, anu § 99 iv (i), rv > no as in syberw § 105 ii, fl > wl §104 v. , In many cases the Spirant disappeared: fn > n § 110 iii (4), Sn, > •fi § 104 iv (i).— ^" (c) In W. mm > ml in teimlo ' to feel' < *teimmo < *tamn- <
*tang-smen.- : Lat. tango.
(2) Dissimilation of separated consonants: (a) Already in Ar. r.. . r > r ...I etc. § 101 iii (4); and tr... r >t...r in *tiswes ' three' fern. > 'W. taw, Skr. tisrdh § 69 iv.—(6) In Kelt. gn... n > gl... n in *glu'nr > ~W. glin ' knee' § 63 vii (4); 1.. .1 > r.. .1 in *aralws. . > ~W. arall' other ', Ir. araile.—(c) In W.' gw .. .w > g ... w in glyw ' lord' < *gwlyw < *yli-yo-s, VE of Vyele^)- § 63 vii (2); gw ... v > ' g .. . w in greSf 'instinct' (greSfu 'to be inbred') < *yrd-ma : Iy. frem §91; r ... r > r, ..I in Chwefrol § 138 i (2) ; ;. ?°. I > ;... r in llefrith ' new milk"' for *lle-flith < *lo-vlith ' "'calf-milk '; th.. . th > t... th in gwriaith ' manure' < *yer-tek-t, Vtheg- § 92 i ; I. . . 8 >. I. ,. d in late Mn W. machlud for Ml. W. ymachluS etc. § 111 vii (3);
'8 ... I > d . . . I in pedol ' horseshoe' for *pe8awl < Lat. pedalis. •
iv. (i) Metathesis of joined consonants : (a) Nasalized stems may be the result of the metathesis in Ar. of the suffix -n- with the last consonant of the root ; thus *jug-n- > *jvmg- > Lat. jungo, Vjeug- ;






elwedd 1691)  (tudalen 161)


if so, forms like Skr. yundJcti ' joins ' are analogical formations whicK arose in imitation of forms with n as part of the root; but the effect . . is the same as that which would be produced by an Ar. infix -ne-.— (b) In Brit. cK > vl, etc. § 100 v.—(c) In W. Ig > gl in annwyl .' ' dear' < *induglens < Lat. indulgens; chl > loh in allweS ' key' for *alchweS, Bret. alchouez, for *achl- § 99 vi(i); nm > mn in amnaid ' nod ' < 0. W. enmeit § 95 ii (3) ; dn > nd in andaw ' listen' for *adnaw § 76 iii (i), andwyo § 76 iv (4).
(2) Metathesis of separated consonants : (a) Ar. *bhudh/d- 'bottom' and *dhub- ' deep', if not originally the same, are confused in the / derived languages : W. annwfn, ' hell' < *n-dub-n- for *n-bud-n-i/ ' bottomless ' : Gk. a-pvo-a-o's; cf. 0. Bulg. duno ' bottom ' andArmen.'^/ andundk' " a/Sno-o-os " with d. .. d for b... d by assimil.—(6) In Kelt. w...r>r...roin Gaul. Taranis ' Juppiter tonans ', Taranu-, W. y taran ' thunder', Ir. toran ' din', < *taran-, *twan- for *t^n9r-
*tonw- : Brit. (-Lat.) Tanar-o Chester insc. (re-metath. 1), 0. E. bunw, E. thunder, Lat. tono, Gk. 'a-revm V(s)tena-; b . .. g > g .. . 6 in Ir. goba, W. gof ' smith ' < Kelt. *g6bann- for *bog- < *bhog-i '-• Gk, (f>wyw, E., bake < *bhog; Germ. backen < *bhog-'n-, Lat. focus
^/hfwk/g-', in early Kelt. before the IOE-S of p, k...p>'p.,.k in W. archen ' shoe', Bret. archen < *park- for *karp- < *q^r' p-Vqera"?- ' shoe' § 86 i (5).—(c) In Brit. n ...I > I... n in W. ttlyn f. ' harp', Bret. telen,, Corn. telein < *felem for *fen-el-'t, Vten-
* stretch' : W. tant ' harpstring', Lat. tendo, Gk. reivui, etc.—'[d) In W. I...S > 8...1 in meSal 'soft' for *melaS < '"melad- : Lat. mollis < *moldyifi, Skr. mrdu-h ' soft', etc. Vmela"-; and in eiSil
•feeble' for *eiliS, § 156 i (2) : ymlaS § 204 i, Vied- 'weary, weak'.





elwedd 1692)  (tudalen 162)


§ 103. i. (i) Brit. and Lat. p, t, k, b, d, g, m between vowels became b, d, g, f, 8, 3, f respectively in W. Thus W. Cyndaf < Brit.. Cunotam(os) ;—W. saeth ' arrow ' < *saf,e//t < Lat. sagitta ;
—W. cleg ' ten' < Brit. *flekan < Ar. *dekm ;—W. cyhydd 'miser' < Lat. cwpifltis;—W. llafm ' labour ' < Lat. laborem. Numerous examples occur in the above sections. The change is called the " soft muuation ".
(a) As the same'changes took place generally between a vowel and a sonant (see the details § 104), and as every initial consonant must be followed by a vowel or. a sonant, it follows that wliere the preceding word ended in a vowel the initial is changed as above;
thus while Brit. *oinos markos gave un march ' one horse', Brit.
*oind mamma ga,ve,wnfam ' one mother', not *M% fitam.
(3) The conditions are, however, not quite the same initially as medially. Medially -,»^- became -\\- by the reaction of the two sounds on one another before the period of the present changes. But in the case of final -s and initial /c- no reaction took place in the earlier period, and the sounds came down to later Brit. un-chang'ed. It was then too late for sk to give \\, as shown by the retention of Lat. sc, see (5), and of Brit. medial sJc from ksk etc. § 96 iii (5) ; thus the k- remained, and the final syllable with its -s ultimately disappeared. For similar reasons final -s preserved an initial media or 'm- intact. Hence we have the radical consonant after words or classes of words which ended originally in ^s, such as rnas. sg. nouns or adjectives; thus ^diievs dagos'::" dydd da' good day'. ; ^ , .' :
uoa M






elwedd 1693)  (tudalen 163)


But when the final syllable of the first word was accented, its'
-s combined with an initial tenuis, which thus became a spirant. For this reason we have the spirant mutation of a tenuis after Ml. W. »/ 'her' (now written ei)<*esms=Skr. asydh ' her' ; tri ' three' < Brit. *treiSs (for *treies would have given ^trydd} ;
a ' with' and a ' and' < Brit. *agg6s § 213 iii (i), § 222 i (3). On ' ,-the mutation after ni, see § 217 iv (i) ; after cfiwe § 108 iii.
tair and pedair had the same accentuation, and in Bret. ter, peder, and also pevar (=pedwar\|, cause the spirant mutation. The radical has been substituted in W, as in the majority of cases where the^ spirant occurred from tlie above cause.
(4) After final -s initial 1 and r were unvoiced ; cf. sl- > II-;
^ST- > i-li-, § 95 i ; but between vowels I and r underwent no change. Thus we have 11 and rh now in those positions where the radical occurs of the consonants mentioned in (i) above, and 1 and r in those positions where the said consonants are softened. Welsh ' grammarians therefore speak of 11, rh as " radical", and 1, r as " mutated " consonants. Though the reverse is historically the ' case, it is convenient to retain the old terminology in dealing with the interchange of the sounds in the present language.
NOTE. Tlie term " soft mutation", first applied to the change
•where it occurred initially, is due to Dr. Davies, who called it "forma mollis" D. 26. It lias also been called "vocal" and ''middle". The latter name, used by Rowland, owes its origin to the term " forma media " used by Davies as a name for the change of the tenues to the mediae; as applied to the siK otheis it is meaningless. Continental scholars use " Lenition " a-i a term embracing the Welsh " soft mutation" and the corresponding Irish " aspira* tion". *
(5) Lat. sp, st, so remained, aa Ml. W. y spell < spolium § 69 iv (i), ystyr < Aisttoria ib., escyn < ascend-. An explosive before the group dropped in W., as in estron < extrdneus ; so after the losa of an intervening vowel, aa W. esgob < episcopus, W. esgud " active '< exsecutus. See further § 111 vi (3). Except where ? dropped as above Lat. x > zs, § 108 v.
ii. (i) Medially between vowels x, the soft mutation ofg, disappeared completely after the 0. W. period ; as in saeth \ (i) ;— maes<.*mays § 29 ii (a) : Gaul, -magus;—teyrn ' ruler '< *tyyi-^

< tigirn-;—also finally, as da f good' < *dag- § 63 v (2) ;—f// ' house' < tigos § 65 ii (3);—6w < *mrog- § 99 ii (i);—bre (prob. f.) - ' hill \ Corn. bre f. < *brigd, Gaul. -briga < *b!iryh-: Germ. Berg ; — tore 'morning', 0. W. more in B.A. 17 1. 20, Bret. bewe < ace,
*marig-an (<*-m) : Ir. imtarach, Mn.
Ir. mdracJi < *mdrig- : Kelt.
*mdrig- < *m6ngh- L°Rg of V mere{i)q/g!t- : Skr. mdrlcih ' ray of light', Goth. maurgms, E. morn.—Already in 0. W. we find nerfJie'mt (<-eywf), beside scamwftegint (^ss).
ig gives y, affected to e, as above; it is often assimilated to the following vowel, as in dylw/<M\. W. (1ylyet<*dl'iget- §83 ii (3) ; Ml. W. breenhin ' king' < *brigant-ln- : Skr. ace. Irhdnf-am, gen. br/iat-d/t ' high, great' < ^bh^gh-ent-, -nt-. Before ei it was lost, as in braint' privilege', Ml. W. breini< 0. W. bryeint L.L. 130 < *briganti-; Ml.W. Semt< *Sigonfwn ' Segontium'.—wy come* not from ig, but from eig, as in mod-rwy ' ring' < F-grade *reig-, as in rhoym § 95 ii (2) ; mor-dwy ' sea-voyage' < *teig-, Ir. fiaya 'I go' : Gk. o-Tet^co ; so canJiorfhwy ' assistance ' < *fcanta-yer-teig-, lit. ' *go over with '.—ag gave eu, au, § 71 iii.
Initially 3 disappeared completely ; but as the initial of the second element of a compound it often became ^ > i after a dental {d, 8, n, I, r), as Llwyd-wrth < *leito-garto- § 95 iv (3) ; Pen-wrtk < *penno-garfo-; mil-mst D.G. 378 beside mii-ast 'greyhound bitch'; arw-floerld-iast § 157 ii (i) ; Mor-ieii, O.W. Mor-gen ' *sea-born '; Ur-ten, 0<. W. Urb-gen § 100 v.
For ? before and after sonants see § 104 ii, § 105 ii, § 110 ii.
(2,) The soft mutation of m was originally the nasalized spirant v. The nasalization generally remains medially in Bret., but disappeared in W. towards the end of the 0. W. period. As f wag thereafter the soft mutation of both b and m, there has alwaya been the possibility of its being referred to the wrong radical. This probably accounts for the substitution in some cases of one for the other, as in baicd ' thumb ', 0. W. mawt f. (y fawd ' the thumb'), still with m- in mod-rwy orig. ' thumb-ring'. In a few cases m- and b- interchange, as bafk and math (y fath 'the kind of'), baeddv, and maeddn ' to dirty '.
Nid adwaen, iawn yw dwedyd, Weithian i bath yn y byd.—G.I.H.
^1 know not, it is right to say it, her like now in the woild»* M2






elwedd 1694)  (tudalen 164)


§ 104
Och imi/ pe marw chwemwy, 0 bydd i math mown bedd mwy.—D. N., v.is. 90, c.c. 267.
< Woe is me ! tliough six times more died, [I doubt] if her like will ever more be in a grave.'
In bore for more we may have dissim., as in mr- > br-.
iii. In 0, W. softened consonants were represented by the corresponding' radicals ; see § 18 i, § 19 i. It would be wrong- to conclude from this that the softening' had not then taken place, for its occurrence initially is due in almost every case to a vocalic ending- which was then already lost. The difference between the radical m in un march and the softy in mi fam cannot be accounted for if assumed to have taken place since the 0. W. period when 'one' was zm; it must be referred to the Brit. m.
*oinos, f. *omd. The 0. W. spelling' was doubtless a survival from the time when the mutated consonant could still be regarded as a debased pronunciation of the radical. On the Ml. final tenues see § 111 v.
§ 104. i. The mutable consonants, p, t, k, b, d, g, m normally 'underwent the soft mutation between a vowel and a sonant ;
thus pr > br in W. F.brill< Lat. Aprz/is ; W. go-bryn-af ' I merit'
< -Brit. *yo-prinami, V' q^md- § 201 i (4) ;—pl>bl in W. pobl< Lat. fop'lus ;—tn > dn in W. ecln ' bird ' < *pet-no- § 86 i ;—tu
>dw in W. pedwar< Brit. *Jpefwares § 63 vii (4);—kr >gr in W. ffogr, gwagr ' sieve ' < *yo-kr-, -/ qerel- : Lat. cnhrum;—br > fr in "W. dwfr ' water' § 90 ;—bn > fn in W. dwfn ' deep' ib.; W. eefti ' back' < *kebn- : Gaul. Gehenna ' les Cevennes' {^aeb- allied to *qamb/p- § 106 ii (i)) ;—dm>8f, see iv (a).
ii. (i) g before I, r, n gave 3, which became i forming' a diphthong' with the preceding' vowel. The Mn. developments are as follows: ag>ae; eg>ei or ai ; ig>i ; og>oe; ug>wy ; ag
> eu or au ; ig > i. Thus W. aer ' battle', Ir. ar ' slaughter '<
*agr- : Gk. <?ypa ;—W. drmen ' thorn ' < *dragn-< *dhr^gftn- : Gk. Tpe-^vos ;—W. tail' manure ' < *fegl- § 35 ii (3), -s/' {is)theg- ' cover ' § 93 i, cf. gwrtaith ' manure' < ^uer-tekf-;—W. oen ' lamb ', Ir. wan < *ognos § 65 ii (a) ;—W. oer ' cold ', Ir. war < *ogr- : Ganl. (Seq.) Ogron... name of a month;—W. annwyl § 102 iv (i) ;—-
§ 104






elwedd 1695)  (tudalen 165)


W. ceulo < *cdgl- § 71 iii. Examples of gm are uncertain. On w^w<Lat. signum see § 72 ii.
Following- the accent, g after a became ^ and disappeared ; as in the suffix -agno-, < *'-o-gtio- (*-o- is the stem vowel, which becomes a in Ir., and when unacc. before g in Brit.), as seen in Brit.-Lat. Maglagni, Corbagni, £roccagwi giving-W. Maelaii, Car/an, Brychan; Ir. -an as Broccdn,; so O.W. bicJian, W. bychan, Ir. becan.
* For the affected forms of the above groups see §§ 69, 70.
(a) gi>s>i; thus W. cae ' enclosure, field '< ^-kagw-, Gaul. 5th cent. caiuw, whence Fr. qv.ai, •/ kagh-/kog?i- ; Lat. co/tus, E. hedge, Germ. Hecke ;—Ml. W. daeoni ' goodness ' < *dag-iono-gnlw- (re-formed as da-ioni in Mn. W.). It is seen that the vowel is not affected by the »', but it may be by a following- ?< 5;
thus W. Uai, Ml. W. Ilei ' less', Ir. laigiii, both < ^-lagios <
*l^g/i(u)jos : Lat. levis, Gk. e\a\vs ;—W. -(/t)at, Ml. -[h)ei <
*-sagio § 121*1, § 201 iii (4).—So igi affected by a gave egj; becoming- -ei, -ai, as W. tai. Ml. tei ' houses ' < ^tigio. < *tigesa, pi. of *tigos >' house';—W. carrai 'lace'1 < Lat. corrigia. When unaffected, igi gave ii > i; as in brt ' honour' < *brigw- : brenin, braini § 103 ii (i) ; and llion in Ml. W. Kaer-lllon, < *ligwnos, Brit. gen. for Lat. legion is.
Similarly ogi>oe>-o, § 78 i (i), in /o 'roof'<*f'o$TO- : Ir. tuige gl. stramen, and amdo ' shroud ' < *mbi-togio- : Ir. im-tftiiige 'clothing-' : Lat. toga, ^\K)theg-.—ugi > icy > -w, § 78 i (2), ill llw 'oath' < *litgw«, : Ir. luige, lugae< *liigiwH. (Ml. W. pi. I/yen, l/yew, Mn. llwon, dial. Hyfow are all analogical formations.)
(3) gu>s'«>w : W, tew ' thick •'<*tegu- § 76 viii (2).—og"i, > ouz > eu in euod ' worms in sheep' < *offv!i- < Ar. *og'*h^- : Gk. 8<{)is, Skr. &hih 'snake'.
iii. (i) Before n Brit. Is. > \ > i, so that kn gives the same result as gn ; thus W. dwyn ' to bring' < *ditk-n- § 203 iv (3);— braenu 'to rot' < *braka- < *nnvq-n- § 99 ii (i) ;—croen 'hide, rind '<*krokn-, Bret. crochen,, Ir. crocenn < ^krokti- (kn > kk) < s! qroq-, VF° of *qereq- broken redupl. of V qer- ' divide, rip' : Lat. corium, cortex, 0. Bulg. (s)kora ' rind ', konct a kind of vessel, W. mrwgl' coracle' ;—W. gwawi < *udkn- < *uo-akn- : W. ochr see below ;—W. twi' buttock' < *l/lknd < *tuqnd, Ir. ton < *tukna :
E. ffiigh 0. H. G. dio/t. This may be due to gemination of k>





elwedd 1696)  (tudalen 166)


§ 104
§§ 105,106
see (a) below ; in many cases kn > gn regularly ; thus W. svgno 'to suck ' <*sev,k-ii-,V sewq/g- : Lat. sucus, sugo, E. suck, etc.;—• W. dygn ' grievous' < *dikn- < ^-dewgn-.: Ir. dmgim ' I press down ', 0. ~E. tengan ' to press';—W. rliygnu ' to rub ' < ^ruku- : Gk. pvKdvJJ;—"W. dogii' portion, dose' < *dok-n-, -^ dele- : Gk. SeKOf-iai, SoKavr) • OIJKTJ.
. - (a) Before r, k, t give g, d regularly, as in gogr i above;— cJiwegr< *suekr- § 94 iv;—W. deigr ' tear ' < *dakru § 120 iii (i) ;
—W. amdr<Ar. *ar9trom § 87 i ;—W. modryb § 69 ii (4); etc.
But W. ocfir ' edge, side ' beside Ir. ocJiar < *okr-, Vak-foq-, W. rJi,uthr 'rush* beside Ir. iwa//iar< *-reu-tro-, Vreu- : Lat. ruo, imply kkr, ttr for kr, fr § 99 v (4). Compounds like go-chrwm :
ywm ' bent' may owe their ck to this, or to s before k.
An example of k < gg giving the same result is Ml. W. achreawdyr , B.T. 9 'gathering' < Lat. aggregatio, with excrescent -r; cf. cyng-reawdr < congregdfio in Cyngreawdyr Fynydd (' Mount of Assem- , Lly') ' The Great Oime'."' Similarly g before r may he treated as gg and give g, as in llygru ' to injure, violate, corrupt' : Gk. Xuypo's, Lat. lugeo, 8kr. rujdti ' breaks ', Lith. luzti ' to break ', Vieug/g-.
iv. (i) Brit. dn > W. n (not *»»); as in W. Mn ' stem' < ^-bud-no-, tonedd ' nobility' < ^budniw : Ar. *bhudh- ' bottom ' § 102 iv (2) ;—W. Uynedd < ^blidmias § 125 v (i).
(a) Brit. dm>W. 8f; as W. greddf ' instinct' § 102 iii (2) ;— W. cledctf 'law' < *dedwa < *dhedh-md, V d/ie- : Gk.
T€^O?, 6e.6p.6v <*dJiedh-mos;—W. add-fwyn etc. § 93 ii (3), q.v.
(3) Brit. dl, dr after a back vowel became 8/, fir; the 8 remained after the accent, and was provected to d, as hadi, cadr § 111 vii (i), and disappeared before the accent, as in idr< *md-r6s § 66 v. After a front vowel dl, dr > gl, gr, and developed accordingly, ii (i) ;^thus W. cada'ir. Ml. kadeir <Lat. cat{K)edra;





7 : 1697
elwedd 1697)  (tudalen 167)


—W. eirif 'number' < *ed-rm- < *ad-rim- : Ir. aram';—W. i waered 'downwards' < *</*' woiret < *i7o iipo-ped-ret-; gwael 'base' < *-upo-ped-lo.f, Vped- ' foot'; —W. aelwyd ' hearth ', Bret. oaled, 0. Corn. oilet < *aidh-l-eH- : Gk. a.i'0a\os ' soot', Lat. aeiles, Vaidh- ' burn ', cf. § 78 ii (3).
v. bl > fl or wl, as in gafl ' fork' : Ir. gabul, Lafc. gatalus
* The identification of the name (treated as two common nouns by Silvan Evana) is the discovery of Professor J. E. Lloyd, Tr. Cym. 1899-1900, p. 158.
< Keif.; Ml. W. nywl § 90, diawl § 100 ii (i).—ml, mr § 99 ii.
—mn § 76 vii, § 99 iv.
Other groups of explosive + sonant are regular.
§ 105. i. After r Brit. and Lat. p, t, k become respectively &, th, en ; thus W. corff< Lat. corpus ;—W. gorffwys § 89 ii (2);
—W. porth < Lat. portus ;—W. archaf § 63 iii, etc.
1k >lch, as W. golcfii § 89 ii (2) ;—W. cakh <Lat. calc-em..—* Ip > Iff; as W. Elffin < Gallo-Lat. Alpmus.—It > lit, as in Ml.W. kyfeillt 'friend' = Ir. comalte 'foster-brother' < *kom-all{i)ios;
W. allt 'declivity; grove' <*alf-, V al- 'grow, nourish' : Lat. a!o, altus;—medially it becomes 11 as in W. cyllell ' knife ' < Lat. cultellus; W. di-wyllw ' to cultivate' : gwyllt ' wild' § 92 iv ;
except in re-formations, as in holiti ' to split' from Jiollt § 96 iv (i); the ;' is sometimes lost finally in an unstressed syllable, as in Mn.W. cyfaill. Ml. and Mn. deall § 75 vi (4).
ii. rb >'rf, as in W. laif ' beard ' < Lat. larba; also rw, as in syleTW ' proud' < Lat. sziperhus.—rd > r8, as in lardd < Brit.
*hardos (ftapSof • doiSol wapa TaXdrai^, Hesych,).—Medially rg > ri as in arum ' silver' = Ir. airgef<Ke[t. *argnt-om: Lat. argentum, Skr. rajafd-m : Gk. apyrpoy, V areg-. Finally rg >-r,
-ry, -ra, -rw § 110 ii.
Ib > If, as in gy/fin ' beak', 0.
W. gilbin : Ir. gwlhan id. < Kelt.
*gulb-.— Medially Ig > Ii, as in dalwf § 110 ii (2); for final Ig gee ib.—Medially Id >11 as in callawr 'caldron' < Lat. calddrium;
—finally lit as in swilt 'money, shilling '<Lat. so/'dus.
iii. rm >rf or rw § 99 ii (2) ;—lm>lf, ib. ;—mn>nf or nw
§ 99 iv (l)-
§ 106. i. (i) A nasal before an explosive was assimilated to it in position where it differed; thus Ar. 'knt6m 'ioo'>Brit.
*kanton; Ar. *penq^e ' 5 ' > Kelt. *q'lwqve > Brit. *pempe. This may be assumed to have taken place in Late Brit. when the nasal ended one word and the explosive began the next if the syntactical connexion was a close one. Subsequently a media, or (later) a tennis, was assimilated to the nasal, becoming itself a'nasal. This is called the " nasal mutation " of the explosive.





: 1698

elwedd 1698)  (tudalen 168)


. The order of the changes was the following-: ym ' in ' + 'Sangw first became yea. Banyor, and then yea. 'SHangor. The recent spelling y-a. 'SS.angor is therefore not only a misrepresentation of the present sound, but a falsification of its history.
. (2) There is a sporadic assimilation of n to i in the groups m or cm,.the n becoming K> ; thus pringhaf K.P. 1278, spv. of p'rzn ' scarce' ib. 1280 (< *q*rzt-siw-s : prid 'precious', Vq^i'eid- 'buy'); meith-'.. ring (-w) D.Q. 69 for meithrin, ' to nourish '; Eiizion is often written JSingion or Eingnion s emon, which has become waan in Gwynedd, e. g. Llan-engan near Pwllheli.
ii. (i) Brit. mb, nd, Bg became respectively mm, nn, rm ;
they remain so in W., mm being- generally written m; nn finally written -ft (but -nn in monosyllables in Ml. W.); ww written ng ~'-f (and Ml. W. gg or g); see § 51 iv, § 54 i (a). Thus W. cwm 'valley' < Brit. *ku»iio-, i/qeub/p- 'curve' : Lat. cupa, -cum6o, Gk. Kvp,f3oy, etc.;—W. cam ' bent, crooked ' < Brit. ^kamho-: Gaul. Ca'm.bo-dunum, Gallo-Lat. camtiare : Lat. campus (orig. 'vale'), Gk. Ka/Mrrrj, KOL^VTW, V' qamb/p- 'curve';—W. twwn, ' bruised, broken' f. tonn < Brit. *twnd-os, -a : Lat. twndo, Skr. twidaie 'strikes', ^/(s)teu-d-;—W. tonii 'wave' < Brit. *tundd <.*tum-da : Lat. tumeo, W. tyfu, '/teyd'1- 'swell';—W. cann ' white ', cannu ' to whiten ', ll6er-gan ' moon-lit' < *qaud- : Lat. candeo, Gk. KdvSapos < *qand-, beside W. cywieu ' to kindle', cynne 'a burning', cynnud 'firewood', Ir. condud < *qond- : Skr. cand-, scand- ' shine'< *(s)^end- : </sqand-/sqend-;—W. llong ' ship'< Lat. longa;—W. angel < Lat. angelus.—So before a Sonant, as Cymro pi. Cymry < Brit. *kom-brog-os, -i ;—W. amrwd t raw ' : brwd § 63 vii (4),—Cyngreawdr § 104 iii (a);—except where the' nasal has become a media § 99 vi (i).—The double
nasal was simplified after an unaccented syllable § 27 ii, and before a sonant § 5,4 i (3).
Kelt. ng* ( < Ar. ng*h) was unrounded and gave »»•>, as in llyngyr, dngerdd § 92 v. When wo came before a sonant, including u, it was first simplified to » and then lost, as in win, tafod, see ib. So we have nawraS E.P. 1331, G.E. [372] 'nine degrees'<, Brit, *noyaw-grad- (navgra.8 B.B. 42 may have old », but is prob. analogical);— ~W. c,yni (one n) 'trouble' < *ko'K>mm- < *kon-gm-mu- § 203 vii (4);
—W. wen ' kidney', Ir. aru < *awr- < Kelt. ^awg^r- < *anguflr-, V'aneg^h- '. Gk. veffipw, Lat. Praenest. nejrdnes, Lauuv. nebrundines






elwedd 1699)  (tudalen 169)


(: Lat. ingmn with g^, Walde a.v.). But after e or i and before r or I, the w became w and gave ^, as in eirin Deut. xxiil i for *eiryn, § 77 iii, < *eioryn pi. of aren above;—W. cilydd 'mate' < *cwly8 {n > W. i not y, cf. § 104 ii (2)) < *kewglnos (§ 65 iii (i)) = Ir. cele < *1cef3(fliios : Ir. cingiwi 'I go', W. cam ' stride', see § 101 iii (2); for meaning, cf. Ml. W. keimat 'mate' < cam. The rule only applies to old formations where tlie ww already existed in Brit. ; in newer formations, and Lat. derivatives » remains, as Oyngreawdv above. ;,
(2) The above changes took place before the loss of Brit. syllables, for nd coming together after the loss of a syllable remains, as in trindod < Lat. tnnitdt-em. Initial mediae were assimilated to final nasals before the latter were lost; e. g. now mlynedd 'nine years '<*ao(«i!w mlidmias <'^neun U-. . ,
Every Brit. nd became fin, eo we have no words ending in nd except where a vowel has been lost in the Mn. period between th6 sounds, as in and etc. § 44 vi; see iii (4).
iii. (i) Brit. mp, nt, r»k remained finally as in W. pump^ Jpymp<'&nt. '^pempe; W. ca»<<Brit. ^kanton; "W. ieuanc<Snt, *wuawf;os § 100 i ()). For exceptions see ('2). Medially they became mmh, nnh, reBh respectively, as in Ml. W. ymJierawdy-r < Lat. ifffperdtor ; "W. cynfiesu ' to warm' < Brit. * /con-teas-, V tep-, § 96 ii (5); W. angheuol ' deadly' < Brit. ^awkoy-, V anek- : Lat. neco, Gk.
V€KVS, veKpos, etc. After an unaccented vowel the nasal is simplified as in the above examples, § 37 ii; after an accented vowel the aspiration was lost, as in cynnes ' warm', angeu (s awweu) ' death' § 48 ii, iv.
(2) Final nt, mp are mutated in gan 'with' s gann §211 iv (i);
in cant ' i oo ', pump ' 5 ' which appear as cann, pum before nouns; in ugeint '20' which appears as ugeyn as early as A.L. MS. A. see i 4, 8, 12, etc., and is ugain in Mn. W.; in aryant A.L. i 6, now armn ' suver'; in dijfrint (i s y) li.B. 91 ' vale' (< *dyfr-hynt • water-way'), already dijfrin in B.B. 74, Mn. W. dyffr^n; in cymaint sometimes, especially in the phrase cymain wn Eph. v 33 ; and often in poetry, as always in the spoken language, in the 3rd pi. of verbs and prepositions § 173 x, § 208 iii (2). It is seen in these examples that the h of the nasal mutations oft and p is lost finally ; this is because it follows the accent of the word, see (i) above. But the aspirate was often retained before a word beginning with an accented vowel, as kymein hun IL.A. 116 'every one'; can hwr W.M. 136 ' ioo men'; Pum heryr ' 5 eagles' G.G1. M 1/606. -- ,






elwedd 1700)  (tudalen 170)


§ 106
Gwledd echdoe a doe 'n i dy, Gwledd cann hannedd cyn Uynwy.—G.G1. M 146/278.
'A feast yesterday and the day before in liis house, the feast of » hundred dwellings before that.'
Llyfr Ofydd a fydd i f,;rch, Ag yn hwn •again hannerch.—B.Br., IL.H. ii 99.
' The maid shall have a book of Ovid, and in it a hundred ..;.' greetings.'
Final -BC was often mutated ia Ml. W. where the tennis was generally retained, and survives in Mn.W.; e.g. ceing ~w.w. 108, Mn. W. came ' branch '. we is often written ngc (of. § 18 iii), but nc is adequate and unambiguous, as nk in Eng. hank.
(3) Medial nt, etc. remain when originally followed by h as in cyntedd 'porch' for *cyn,t-heS < *kintu-sed- §63 ii; cyntaf ' first' '•**< *cynt-haf< *kint-isamds', and in newer formntions, as plentyn < child ' from plant, llanciau ' lads ', sg. Hanc. Some vocables, with mutation in Ml. W., are re-formed without mutation in Mn. W., as amranneu w.M. 41, amrantaw Job xvi 16; seinnyeu § 128 ii, Mn. W. seintiau 'saints'; gwynnoeS Hi.A. 5, gwyntoedd Matt. vii 25; hein-
yeu IL.A. 123, hefntiau Luc xxi ii; ceigheu, ceingeu m.A. 144, ceingciau Can. vii 8.
(4) The nasal mutation of the tenues does not date from the Brit. period, for the nasal ending's of *noudn ' nine', ^dekan ' ten', etc., while they mutated initial mediae, did not mutate initial p, t, k; thus naw cant ' 900', deg pwys ' 10 lb?.' The mutation of the tenues was caused by nasals which survived the loss of the Brit. ending's; it takes place after the prefixes an-, cyn-, and in other cases where mp, nt, »k occurred medially.
There is no trace in 0. W. of an unmutated media; we find e. g. am- for Mn. W. am- < *mbi-, scriberm. M.C. < Lat. scribend-, crumi- M.O. 'round' (: Ir. cruind), etc., but no mb, nd. But the tenues are found unmntated, as in tantou, Mn. 'W. tannav,, sometimes mutated as in brouan.now M.C., p]. of breuant 1 windpipe '. In pimphet ox. ' fifth ', Jiantlier ox.' half is perhaps reflected the transition stage in which, as the p and t were disappearing, the h was becoming' more noticeable; see § 107 v (i). In any case it is safe to conclude that this mutation came about in the 0. W. period.
In Ml. W. the tennis is mutated, as in breenhiii B.B. 75, § 103 ii (i), agheu, aghen B.B. 33, emen etc. § 24 i. Though .
§ 107






elwedd 1701)  (tudalen 171)


often written unmutated after a prefix and after yn,, there is evidence that it was in fact mutated, § 107 iii, v.
iv. The nasal mutation of an explosive does not mean its disappearance, but its conversion into a nasal by the loosening of its stop. In annoeth ' unwise' < Brit.-Lat. *an-doct- the d became a continuation of the n, so that nn represents an n which is continued during the time it took to pronounce the original nd. As the W. tenues are really aspirated, that is t s t-h, see § 84 Note i, when the stop was loosened the aspirate remained; thus nt, properly nt-h, became nnh. That Early Ml. W. nJt as in synhuir § 48 iv is short for nnh is proved, (i) by such spellings as morcannhuc, brennhin L.L. 130, and (2) by the fact that when it lost its aspirate after the accent it appeared as nn, as synnwyr IS.M. 13, W.M. 20, while Ireenhin in which iin had become n after the long vowel, is brenin (not *6renniti), and an original single n + /t always gives n, as in glanaf for glanhaf, superlative of glan ' clean'. It is clear therefore that the mutation of nt is strictly n-nh, not n-h.
§ 107. i. While initial mediae are nasalized after several numerals, initial, tenues are nasalized only after yn 'in' and fy ' my', and this mutation is not original after./y.
ii. Taken in conjunction with the following noun, yn ' in' (< Brit. *e») has a secondary accent, but •fy 'my' (< Brit. ^men < AT. ^mene gen. sg. of the 1st pers. pron.) is wholly unaccented—the emphasis when required is thrown on an auxiliary pronoun : ' my head' is not *fy when, bat fy mhen i. This difference between yn and fy is old, for Brit. *ew has kept its -n, but *mew (already a proclitic in Brit. § 113 ii) had lost its -n. before the O.W. period. This is clearly seen is phrases where the following word began with a vowel or an immutable initial;
thus yn : ynn lawn I.L. 120, in alld B.B. 64, in llan do. 63, 64, yn amgant do. 66, in, llurv do. 65, etc.; but fy: mi-Juin M.C., vy argluit B.B. 51, wi-llav-e (s/y llaw i} do. 50, vy lien uo. 59, 62, etc. Thus yn before a consonant is necessarily a closed syllable, closed by its -n, while fy is an open syllable, ending with its vowel. The O.W. ny L.L. 130 'in its' is probably n y, with syllabic n or nn, a pronunciation still often heard.
iii. After yn in Early Ml. MSS., b and dare generally mutated,






elwedd 1702)  (tudalen 172)


§ 1"0?
61, im minit
and probably g is to be read w. Thus in B.B. we find innechreu 39, innvfin (= ^w mpfu) 87, myffrm 65, iiiyganhvy 47, ^7 ffodir, ygodir 63 ; in A.L. MS. A. eniokel ('= yn niogel} i 46, 50, e^ow e kolouen (H ^w »zo/z y golofii\ i 10. Non-mutation is rarer ! ^M &/•?'» B.B. 33, za diffrm 47, 48. On the other hand p, t, c are rarely mutated, the usual forms being in tyuo, impop B.B. ^,ympoh 87, im pen 43, 57, impell 82, ^y c(W/ 49 ; tf» ^ '•e-clochyd A.L. i 52, en-tal e-ueig 72. But examples of mutation also occur, m/i., nh, ngh appearing- at first as w, n, g § 24 i, as ymlith B. B, 30, »w hal art do. 49, c^^ ( s ywg7iyd) A. L. i 40, e»«^ % do. 60. These examples show that the mutation had already taken place, and that the written radical was a survival of O.W. spelling. It is to be noted that the n of yn is in every fase assimilated in position to the explosive, even where that is unmutated. So before m, as im mon B.B. 61, im minit vidm do. 95.
' iv. Since yn kept its nasal, it is natural that it should mutate tenues as well as mediae ; bat Visfy lost its nasal ending' early, we should expect it to mutate the mediae but not the tenues, like maw, which gives now •m.Hynedd ' 9 years', but naw ycy« t 9 Ibs.' In O.W. and Early Ml. W. this is, in fact, the case. Thus in 0. W. we have mi-tein ' my household', mi coueidid ' my company ', Juv. SK. (9th cent.); and in B.B. we find vy twi 13, vy perchen, vy parch 42, wy dun 49, vy pen, vy crawa 62, vy penhid 81, vy ki 99 ; the form wympechaud 83 is a rare exception, and in no case is the tenuis nasalized. But b and d are generally nasalized in B.B., g being also probably for w ; thus vy wuc 34, wy-mragon 51, vi-mrid {'=fy mryd) 82, wi-nvywron (s fy nwyf'ron) loo, wy-nihenit 50, vy martrin 67. The occurrence of a number of examples like vy hartrin 67, wy duu 83, vy (lewis, vy Devs 42, is probably due to the influence of the regular non-mutation of p, t. We do not seem to meet with such forms as vyn drwc, vym bryd which appear in later MSB. ; vy is written as an open syllable, and p, t, k are not mutated after it. The later mutation of these is analogical; the mutation caused by./y in the mediae was extended to the tenues in imitation of the complete and consistent system of mutation after ya.
, '• But in spite of the levelling of the mutation after the two
§ 107






elwedd 1703)  (tudalen 173)


words, the difference between the words themselves—the closed yn and the open fy—remained, and persists in the ordina»y spelling of to-day, as in yn nJiy fy nhad ' in my father's house'.
v. (r) The representation of tlie nasal initial mutation after ynmd fy has presented considerable difficulty to writers of the language. la Late Ml. W. MSS. p, t, k appear umnutated, and/y is treated as fyn", thus yn ty vynntat i tti.A. 35. That this is a conventional spelling is shown by the fact that scribes so rendered forms already mutated in their copies. Thus where A.L. MS. A. has emen i 84, the later MS. B. has em pen. Similarly the B.B. scribe writes down the radical of a coiiEonant mutated in the same passage in the w.B., as vyghof w.M, i04=vyg CO/E.M. 76, wymhechawt w.M. ^t)g==vym pechawt S.M. 255, etc. Further, the cynghanedd always implies tlie mutated form ; as
yn-trugareS yn vi'• gvsirion,—B.P. 1216;
o syrth ym.-perigyl swrth amharawt,—do. 1250 ;
where ntr is to be read nhr to correspond to fif, and mp must be mh to answer mh. In W.M. and W. we sometimes find a survival of the curious transitional form met with in O.W. § 106 iii (4); thus ymplien w.M. 256, 'vygchret do. 390; vyg 1chnf w. ^h. The last example sliows that what is meant is not the voiceless spirant, for y is never written kh.
(2) The mediae b, d also are frequently written unmutated, especially after yn; thus yn diben W.M. 129 made yn niben in E.M. 202 ; conversely ymlaen W.M. 54 made ym Uaen inB.M. 38 ; both have ymon colofy-n W.M. 181, B.M. 84. Here again the cynghanedd belies the non-mutation, as in
yg-karchar yn-dffear yn yt,—E.P. 1168, ^
where we must read yn naear (to give ndfny as required by the cynghanedd sain). With yn, g is generally doubled, as in yggovot, yggwyS W.M. 123, but is sometimes single, esp. before w, as in yguales W.M. 57 ; in all cases it is doubtless to be read 'o. After fy the single nasal is used; thus in W.M. we have vy mot 32, wy mwy-f 59, vy .mrawt 62, vy-gwreic 62, vy ni waradwySaw 43 ; more rarely the nasal and mute, as vym-brawt 51, vyn da 459. It is seen tliat in spite of inconsistencies, the difference between closed yn and opeu fy w unconsciously reflected in these spellings.
(3) In MBS. of the i5th and i6th cent. the consonant is regularly mutated, and the two words are generally joined; thus in the Report on the Peniarth MSS., we find ynghaer llion 50/90, ymyellt, ynghaer 53/126, ymorgannwg 54/37, vymod 54/21, vyngwallt 54/280, ymhot> 54/209, vymhennadur 57/27. Sometimes tlie words are separated;
thus yn nef 75/172; ym hob 54/250, 6i/i8, 67/330; y mendith ('y for fy') 54/78; vy nolur 56/72.
(4) Salesbury wrote vi-dew, vi-popul for fy Nuw, fy mhobi, " to saue the word the lea maimed," as he explains (1586 Pb. Preface). G,R.






elwedd 1704)  (tudalen 174)


mutated the consonants and joined the words, fynhy 41, ynnhy 79;
he states that m is double—" ymhob a leissiir ymmhob " 80 (aee § 54 i (2)). His reason for joining fy appears to be that ng cannot be initial, " canys rhy anoS yw sillafu fy ngwaith, fy nghaws" 42. Dr. Morgan separated the words in the case of n and m; as fy nhy Job six 15, yn nhy do. i 13, fy when xxix 3, ym mha beth vi 24 ; but he appears to think like G.H. that ng cannot be initial, and writes fyng-halon xxxvii i, yny-lwlfaoh xxxviii 16, thus missing the distinction which he elsewhere observes between yn and fy, and wrongly representing^/ as a closed syllable. The prejudice against initial ng was overcome in the 1620 Bible, wdfy nghalon was written as freely ssfy nhy. That settled the matter as far as fg was concerned.
But the representation of yn in the same combination still presented a difficulty. The ng ( s 10) was part of the preposition yw; at the same time ngh or ng was the initial of the noun, and Dr. M.'s hyphen in the middle of the trigraph ngh was absurd; the 1620 Bible therefore used ynghilfachau, returning to the MS. forms. Here ng does double duty, tlie inconvenience of wliich appears when the noun requires a capital initial. Dr. M. wrote yng-Hrist; M.K. haa yngHymry p. [iv]; the 1620 Bible ynGhrist, i Gor. xv 18, 19, 22 ; so in the Biblea of 1677 and 1690. Later, we find yng Haerlydd T.J. title (1688); yii ffhymru EH.B.S. dedic. (1701); Yngroeg S.B.. 16 (1728). In all these the capital is misplaced by being either put in the middle of the trigraph or transferred to the preposition. The form yn Ngh- which appears about this time, see B.OW. Ixxv, grew out of yn Gh- because it was felt that the initial was Ngh-', it is objectionable because n is not accepted as a symbol for 10 except before k or g. The later form y' Ngwynedd B.G. 41 (1789) misrepresents th^ preposition as an open syllable. Pughe adopted yn Ng-, yn M-, because, in the teeth of all the facts, he denied that the n of yn wa» mutable. This unphonetic spelling, which stultifies the history of the nasal mutation, § 106 i, has predominated since his day.
J.J. wrote yng wolau p 3iz/iv/i E., and Dr. Davies pointed out in 1621 that ynghanol was short for yng-nghanol D. 202; but it was not until about a hundred years later that the form yng Ng(K\- came into regular use. We find yng Nghrist in the 1717 Bible, and subsequently in those of 1727, 1746, 1752, and nearly all later editions. This form has been us?ed and advocated by most of the Welsh scholars of the 19th cent., including lolo Morgannwg (who denounces "dull ffiaidd Mr Owen Pughe" C.B.Y.P. 237), R. I. Prys, T. Stephens, T. Rowland, and Silvan Evans.
(5) fy being unaccented, the following nasal, though of double origin, is simplified, and belongs to the second syllable § 27 ii, i; thus the syllabic division is fy\nuw. As words are separated in modern orthography, the usual spelling fy Nuw is in every way correct. Similarly fy mercfi, fy ngardd. ' Bat yn is accented, and the double consonant lemains, extending to both syllables § 27 i; hence yn\nww, ordinarily and correctly written yn Nuw. In the same way we have
§ 108






elwedd 1705)  (tudalen 175)


ym Mangor, yn Dwynedd. With our present alphabet we have to write the last yng Ngwynedd; so yng Nghadelling. It is objected to this that it is clumsy ; but that is the fault of the alphabet. It is the only way of expressing the sound fully and correctly, and is the exact equivalent in modern characters of the Ml. W. yggwyned w.M. 108, yg gadellig w. ga, § 24 i.
(6) Theie aie, however, a number of adverbial and prepositional expressioni, in which yn, followed by the nasal mutation, is wholly unaccented. In this case the nasal is single, as after fy; and the preposition is naturally joined to its noun, exactly like the in in the Eng. indeed. These expressions are ynghyd, ynghylch, ynglyn, yngholl, yr^ghudd, ymhell, ymhiith, ymysg, ymron, ymlaen, ymhen, yngham, ymhellach, ynghynt, etc. No principle of accentuation is violated in this-spelling, as asserted by Silvan Evans, Llythyraeth 50, who recommends yng n'jhyd etc. See above § 47 ii.
§ 108. i. Brit. or Lat. pp, tt, kk gave W. ff, th, ch respectively. Thus W. cyff1 stem '< Lat. cippus ; Srython < Brit. Brittones ; pec/tod < Lat. peccdtum; fiwch : Ir. sow, etc., § 93 iii (a). It occurs when an initial tenuis follows an explosive in word-composition, as in achas § 93 ii (a), athech § 93 iii (i), athrist § 99 v (4). This is called the " spirant mutation " of the tenuis.
ii. In Brit. s + tennis had already become a double spirant § 96 i; and original oxytones ending in -s caused the spirant mutation of a following initial tenuis § 103 i (3), as tri chant ' 300'. In this case th- and ph- were chosen as the mutations of t- and p-, as their relation to the radicals is clearer than that of the alternative forms s, •^v.
iii. The spirant mutation after chive ' six' is irregular. From Kelt.
* sucks Jcantom we should expect *chwe cant, since ks k gives sk, and final -s would drop. But the independent form of *syeks was already
*Y"eY in Brit.; and we may assume that this was generalized, so that the ch- in chwe chant comes from -^ k-.
iv. (i) Brit. or Lat. kt > *Y< > *\/> > if ; the z forms i-diph-thongs § 29 i, cf. § 104 ii (i) ; thus akt > aeth ; okt > oeth;
*ukt > wyth; ekt > eith, Mn. aith; ikt > ith. Thus W. caeth < Brit. */caktos § 86 ii (i) ; doeth < Lafc. doctus; ffrwj/tfi < Lat. fructus; sait/K Brit. ^sektatK Ar. ^septm', perffatt/K, Lat. Jierfectus ; brith < Brit. *liriktos < *b!r^kios § 101 iii (2) ; eit/iin






elwedd 1706)  (tudalen 176)


§ 10^
'furze ' < *ektm- < *ak-tzn-, V' ak-foq-; selthug 'fruitless; < *-sek-tozik-< *seq*-' without' +*-fezi-q-,'/fend"- ' increase '; eitfiaf 1 extreme ' < ^ek-t^m-os : Lat. extimus.
(2) In Ml. W. there was a tendency to voice this fh to 8, as id perjfeiSyaw IL.A. 19 from perffeith, now re-formed as perffeiiMo 'to perfect'; arhwaeddont do. 3 2 ' they may taste' (: chweith ' taste '). ,-The S survives in cynysgaeSu from cynysgaeth ' endowment'. In aeth + vb. ' to be ' forming old perfects and pluperfects, the diplithong was simplified, giving ath-, affected to eth-, as ethyw .IL.A. 82, more commonly eSyw 'went'; so aSoeS 'had gone', etc., § 193 vi (3), (5).— Final S so produced disappeared in heno, yna, ttc. § 78 i (i).
v. Lat. x >*^.t > is ; thus ax >aes, etc.; as W. llaes 'trailing'' < laasus; pals, Ml. W. pels < pesea
(tunica); coes ' leg-' < cossa. So Saeson. < Saxones, Sais < Saoco § 69 ii (2). Similarly Brit. -hs" from -nks- etc., § 96 iii (6).
§ 109. We have seen that Welsh has nine mutable consonants. Initially the radical and mutated forms exist side by side in the living language. The use of the various mutations is determined. bv syntactical rules which have sprung from generalizations of prevalent forms. Thus an adjective after a fern. sg. noun has its soft initial because most fern. sg. nouns ended in a vowel;.
The following table shows all the mutations of the nine mutable consonants; : .

The words "No change" in the table mean that the consonants under which they are placed retain their radical forms in those positions where the others undergo the respective mutations. Thus after yn, which nasalizes the explosives, m, 11, and
§ 110






elwedd 1707)  (tudalen 177)


rh remain unchanged ; and words which cause the tenues to become spirants do not alter the other six. This is always understood when the nasal or spirant mutation is named, and there is no need to particularize except in case of irregularity.
Strictly speaking, of course, words which caused the nasal and spirant mutations changed I, r to II and rh. But for practical purposes it is simpler to treat the changes as above; see § 103 i (4).
LATER CONSONANT CHANGES. . .Loss of Voiced Spirants and Sonants.
§ 110. i. The soft mutations of b, d, g, m have all tended to he softened to the vanishing point. Being very soft " buzzes " 8 and / were liable to be confused ; and so we find one substituted for another ' as in cuddygl (kuSygy-l W.M. 140, B.M. 211) 'cell' for *cv.fygl < Lat. cubic'lum (proh. influenced by cudd 'hidden'); KiSyonyS B.P. 12 8 7 for Eifionydd {eiwonit B.B. 69); Late Mn. W. Caer Dydd for Caer Dyf 'Cardiff'; or two rnetathesized, as in clefySeu B.M. 182 for cleSyvew do. 126, and in defytaud (t =. S) B.B. 48 for cleSyfuwd: W. cleddyf, § 76 viii (2) (Ir. claideb ' sword'< W.).—S.V. (P.m.. xci) says of the line Kawn vedd rhad kyneddvau lihys (by H.K., see c.o. 344) that it pleases the ear though it violates tlie rule. The ear does not notice
the inversion v 8 / 8 •».
ii. (i) The soft mutation of g has uniformly disappeared as an initial sound. Thus *dy •yirdd has become dy wrdd 'thy garden'. Medially it disappears or becomes ^ befQ^e^^yoweL^or^^foreZ^r or n § iffSu^i'J, § 104 if. Medial TVyi>n, as in ynad § 62 TTT'ctfTCT'
(2) Medially after I or r it appears as i, § 105 ii, which is lost
before y, as in cSlyn < 0. W. colginn § 54 ii. This palatalization of g to S>^' after a liquid is comparatively late, for it does not«take place finally; in that position g remained dark, and became non-syllabic y, as in Ml. W. ddly (i syll.) ' to hold'; this was either assimilated to the ? as in N. W. dal (< *dal-l, double I, not ft), or was lowered to a and became syllabic, as in S. W. daJa; from Brit. *da!g- < *dfgh-, Vdeliygh-: Skr. dwgMh 'long', Lat. indulged, longus. Medially it is t from the same stem, as in daUaf 'I hold, maintain, continue'. So "we have Ml. W. My 'to huiit',"N. W. 1iel 'collect', S. W. Jiela;
Ml. W. boly ' bag, belly', N. W. hoi, S. W. bola ; Ml. W. gwaly, Mn. W. gwala 'sufficiency'; Ml. W. eiry 'snow', Mn. W. (N. and S.) eira, and eir in eir-law ' sleet', ces-air ' hail'; Ml. W. Jlary ' generous' < Lat. largus, Mn. W. llarwidd. The form -a appears in writing as early as the B.B., e. g. Tiara 7, wliere, however, "the word counts as only one syllable in the metre.






elwedd 1708)  (tudalen 178)


§ 110
In the 16th cent. the sound of -y in the above Ml. W. forma was not known. J.D.R. writes it y ( =. y), p. 136 ; but Dr. Davies compares it with Eng. final mute -e, as in take, and writes it y, as baly, hely D. 19. The correctness of this transcription is confirmed by the B.CH., where it appears as e (s y, § 16 iii), as dale A.L. i 20 = daly. [g >y >a forms an interesting parallel to the supposed Pre-Ar. g giving » and
then mostly a.]
(3) Lat. virgo>W. gwyry (i syll.) D.G. 156, IL.A. 84, 87, 90, etc., '
'•whence gwyrdawt B.B.B. 119, though we have also gweryndawt IL.A. 17, go, 84, B.B. 40, direct from virginitatem. In B.B. 70 occurs the pi. gwiricm < Brit. *uirgones. Later we find morwy.n wyra A.L. i 518;
Gwynedd dial. mew^n gwyrS (lor *gwi[r-r cf. dal-l) •' unealted butter', Dyfed menyn gwifra, Bhys GO. 46. We also have gwyrf (i syll.) D.G. 118, gwyryf vireindawl (4 syll.) E.P. 1199, and gweryS (2 syll.) E.P. 1200, D.G. 137, pi. gwerySon (3 syll.) B.P. 1199, B.B. 71. The latter cannot be derived from virgo; no medial syllabic irrational y is known
' "in Early Ml. W.; gweryS must be Kelt. and may represent *gV<hwno, pi. *guheri^ones : Ir. gerait 'virgin', gerait (i. mac bee) ' little boy' O'Dav. : redupl., Gk. irapOevo's < * g^hr-g^hen- (not : Skr. prthukafy 'boy, calf, since *fh> Gk. r), Lat. virgin- < *g''':er-ghen-, dissim. for • 'llguher-gvhen-, and perliaps W. gwyrf < *gw!lerguho, which fits exactly, § 92 iii.—Dr. Davies wrongly takes Ml. W. gwyryf as a disyllable gwy\ryf, which it may have become dialectally, § 16 v (3). The biblical pi. gwyryfon is formed from the new disyllable.
(4) In bwrw < *burg- § 97 v (3), llwrw < *lurg- < *lorg- § 215 li (7), the -^ was rounded lay the preceding w, and became -w. In derived forms, however, it became ^ regularly ; as Ml. W. byryaf ' I
cast down', now bwrwf.
• (5) In hy 'bold' (<*Ayg < *sig- < *sego- : § 92 i) a final/is now 'wrongly written. The / is not pronounced, and there is no evidence of it in Ml.W. or the poets ; see hy B.B.B. 365, D.G. 42, 269, 313, etc. It does not occur in old derivatives : kyn-hyet s.G. 277, liy-der^ hy-dab. In the dialects, however, f is inserted in new derivatives, as Jiyf-dra, hyfach, which, like llefydd, brofydd, dial. pi. of lie, bro, are due to false analogy. Other spurious forms like hyf occur in late MSB., such as daf, llef, brof for da, lie, bro. In none of these is the / an old substitution for g ; they are sham-literary forms mad.e on the analogy of treffor frhe spoken tre'.
iii. (i) Final f was lost before the Ml. period after aw, as^in Haw
•hand' < *llawf < Kelt. *lama < Ar. *pZm.a § 63 vii (2);—rhaw {spade' < *rhnwf < *rd-ma, Vara- § 63 ix, When a syllable is added and aw is replaced by o § 81 i, the / reappears, as in llof-rudd ' murderer', lit. ' red-handed', llof-yn D.G. 107 'wisp', lloffa' to glean ' < *llof-ha, rhqfiau 'spades'. So praw IL.A. 24, B.P. 1215 ' proof for ' frawf a back-formation from provi IL.A. 38, 72 < Lat. probo. The re-introduction of / in praw is artificial, and inconsistent with the N.W. pron.praw, § 52 iii, Exc. (i).
§ 110






elwedd 1709)  (tudalen 179)


.Na wrthod, ferch, dy hercM;
Na phraw ymadaw d mi.—D.G. 108; see 238, 240.
' Refuse not, lady, to be honoured ; do not try to leave me.'
It was lost after iw in Rhiwdbon 'Euabon' for riw vabon B.B. 1066, and after w in tw 'growth', dwr 'water', reappearing in tyfu, 'to grow', dyfroedd 'waters ', in which w is mutated to y. It disappeared regularly after u, as in flu ' feathers ' sg. pluen < Lat. pluma ',—cu ' dear', O.W. cum (m 5 v). Corn. cuf, Bret. kwi,kww, Ir. coim < *koi-m,, Vkei- : Skr. seva-1), ' dear' < *fcei-u-os, Lat. cwis;—du ' black', Corn. duw, Ir. dub < *dhubh-, Vdheubh- : Gk. rv^Xo's;—so in derivatives <fu-dab, cu-ed, dii-ach, etc.
f being originally bilabial, § 19 ii (4), when it followed w, w or v, (=. ii\ it was in effect little more than tlie narrowing of the lip-rouuding at the end of the syllable, and so came to be disregarded. For a similar reason, when f followed m, it was also lost or assimilated, as in mdmaeth {or*'indm-fuetft' foster-mother'; im 'y hun for imfy hun, ' for myself.
Ni byddai bwn, heb ddau bdr,
'y hunan o'm /temiar.--r.LD.TB,. 138 ; cf. E.P. 277. ( Without two pairs [of oxen] there would not be [even] a burden for myself of my crop.' It remained in cam-fa ' stile (Gwyn. dial. cam-So, Dyfed canfa by dissim.).
(2) Initial f often disappears iafy 'my', especially in poetry, the following nasal mutation showing tliat 'y means ' my ' not '•' the '; as yykarn ( = 'y nghorn) ym neSeir B.T. 35 ' my horn in my hand'; 'Y mam B.M. 194, 1. 5 'my mother' ('the mother' is y fam); so 'T myd wen § 136 iii, 'y mun D.G. 17 ' my girl', 'y nghefn, 'y mraint, do. 274, etc.—It is lost in vab ' son' in patronymics, as Hywd ab Einiyn;— in ychydig for fychydig, rad. bychydig.
Deuaf-—myfi yw d' eos— D'iazt, 'y nyn, o daw nos.—D.Q. 114.
' I will come—[for] I am thy nightingale—assuredly, my lady, if night comes.'
(3) Medial f drops after an explosive, when followed by a rounded Vowel or a liquid, as in testun ' text' for *testfim < Lat. testimonium. Hence in compounds, where it is the initial of the second element, it is often lost, as in Bod-organ for *Bod F organ (' Morgan's dwelling'), JSod-wrog for *Bod Fwrog, etc.; Bendigeidran § 45 i (2) for Bendigeid-Vran {Bendigeitwan, first written without the v in B.M. 26, and w inserted above the line). Between a consonant and liquid it dropped .early in some cases as in yr llynedd, Gwenltiant § 111 i (i) and Hydref do. vii (i). Barely before an explosive, as in agwySawr for *afgwySawr § 74 i (i).
(4) Final fn in unaccented syllables is generally reduced to n, especially after rounded vowels, as in eon for eofn ' fearless' § 156 i






elwedd 1710)  (tudalen 180)


§ 110
(15); wwn Or. 0. 118 for un-ofn 'one fear'; annwn for annwfn ' hell'; dodren in the dialects, and sometimes in the bards, for dodrefn, § 82 ii (3); colon for colofn,, gee example; ysgnfa 'light* retains its/in N.W. dial.; in S.W. ysgawn or ysgon is used.
Val Samson wrth golon gynt A fu'n rhwym yw fy nhremynt.—G.G1. p 83/59.
' Like Samson, who was bound to a column of old, is my condition.'
Final fl gave / in S.W. c6l L.G.O. 280, for cqfl ' bosom, embrace.' (5) Final f began to disappear very early in the spoken language ;
we already find gwartha for gwarthaf'va. L.I. 196. Its earliest regular loss (apart from the cases cited in (i) above) occurred after i, as in the v. n. termination -i, e.g. moU ' to praise ' for *molif, O.W. molim JUV. SK. ; Hi for Ilif 'flood'; divri E.P. 1149 for difrif 'serious'; cyfri D.G. 4 for cyf-rif ' to count'. But in the 14th cent. it had come to be freely dropped after any vowel, sSs the following rhymes show :
ne'/bore G.Gr. D.G. 238, ydwy'/mwy D.G. 72, cry'/Iesu do. 474, ha'/Efa do. 157; so wna' D.G. 72, kynta E.P. 1277. The word is treated in every way as a word ending in a vowel; thus it is followed by 'n for yn, 'r for y or yr, etc., as ofnwy 'r D.G. 321 for ofnwyf y ;
ydwy'n for ydwyfyn § 125 iii ex. i ; Tre'rkastell E.P. 1210 fur Trvf y Castell.
Final f is not known to drop in tlie old words glaif ' sword', of ' raw ', Uif ' catapult' or in lit. W. llef ' cry ', sef ' that is '. It is still retained in the spoken language in dof ' tame', rhwyf ' oar', br<f 'bleat', prff 'chief, Taf'TaS', and in borrowed worils, as braf ' fine' : Fr. brave, E. brave.
iv. (i) Initial 8 in 0. 'W. di ' to ' disappeared, giving Ml. W. y Mn. W. i, ' to' § 65 iv (2).
(2) Medial 8 disappears in mewn: Ir, medon § 215 iii (i); in the verb rhoddaf, v.n. rhoddi ' to give ', which became rho-af > rMf, v.n. rhoi; see rJioist, etc. § 33 iii (i) ; but the 8 also persisted in the written language; see § 186. Similarly arfioaf for *arhoddaf§ 187 iii. Medial 8 also disappears in tyddi/n > tyn in place-names of the form Tifn-y-maes (*tyi[n > *tyi{n, W{n, ti{n}.
Medial 8 is sometimes lost as the initial of the second element of a compound; thus rheg-ofydd (rec ouyt M.A. i 324, 344) 'lord of gifts' for rheg-Sofydd (recSovyS W.M. 452, E.M. ibo) ; Duw Ofydd for Duw JDdofydd, Cred-ofydd for Cred-Sofydd, etc. It was also lost before an explosive, as in Blegywryt A.L. i 338 (MS. L.) for BleS-gywryd (Bledcuurit L.L. 222); diwedydd {diwedit B.E. 90) 'evening' for *diwe8-dyS ; gwybed ' flies ' for gwySbed (gwySbet E.M. 54).
' (3) Final 8 was lost in the relative ydd before a consonant, § 162 i. It disappeared early in the and sg. pres. ind. of verbs, § 173 iii (2). It dropped in yseyS ' who is' (often issi s yssy in B.B.), though sydd may still be heard as well as sy. Sometimes in naw Duw/ F.N. 63 for nawS Duw/- ' God's protection !' (i.e. God help us !). In i fynydd
§ 111






elwedd 1711)  (tudalen 181)


' up' the final -8 was lost early, though it is sometimes found written in Ml. W., as kyvcdi y vynyS IL A. in, and suivives to this day in parts of Dyfed. With its 8, ifyity lost all trace of its original signification, as seen in tlie unconscious lepetition in y vyny y vynyS Oliver B.P. 1280 ' up to Mount Olivet'. The final -8 of eisfeS also disappeared very early ; it is eiste in the B.B. and B.CH. So in W.M., e.g. 4 times in col. 449, in each case changed to eisteS in E.M. 2934. The -S is' deduced from eisteSaf, etc., and its le-insertion finally is artificial; it is not sounded in eiste in the spoken language. Final -8 also disappeared in hwnnw etc. § 78 i (i).
v. (i) The final -r of the article yr was lost before a consonant after the 0. W. period ; see § 114 iii. So -r after a consonant in lrawd§ 113 i (i).
(2) Final -nn. was sometimes lost in unaccented syllables ; as cyfa 'whole', Ml. W. kyfa E.P. 1285 for cyfan(n), cf. kyfunnu W.M. 129;
yma 'here' for yman{n) § 220 ii (n); (e)f<'lly ' so ' < *1iefel hynn 'like this', of. fell hynn § 215 iv (2); Ml. W. ky- for kynn ' as ' before the eqtv. § 147 iv (4) ; -fa for -faniz § 143 iii (16). The tendency wag arrested, and -nn generally remains; it had not gone far in kynn before it was checked, and -ra(re) was restored. Tlie loss also occurs in Corn. and Biet., so that it must be referred to an early peculiarity in the pronunciation of -nn.
 § 111. i. (i) When n or r came before a liquid after tlie loss of an intervening vowel, the liquid became voiceless ; thus nl > nil; rl > rll; nr>nrh; rr>rrh. Examples: gwinllan ' vineyard '<*gwin-lann < *mno-landd; hirllaes 'long trailing' for *hir-laes ; penrhyn ' promontory ' for *penn-ryn; an-rheg §156ii(i); Henllan, Benllys, etc. Also in combinations in which no vowel had intervened, as gor-llanw ' high tide ', an-llygredig ' incorruptible '. So initially : yn llawn for yn lawn ' full'; yn rhad, mor llawn, mor rhad (yn and mor generally cause lenition of adjectives); so pur llawn ' very full'; htn Hew Job iv ii (1620), hen Ilys P 121/35 E.
This change had taken place befcie the loss of g and 8 as described in § 110, and did not take place later. So where 3 or 8 originally stood between the sounds it did not occur. Thus we have Cyn-las <
*Cyn-rlas < Ouno-glasos; tor-lan ' brink' < *torr-^lann ' broken bank '; Hdr-lech < HarS-lech W.M. 38 ; cor-lan ' fold ' < *corS-lann. Thus yn Idn, mor Idn from gl&n 'clean, fair' ; and while we have y llan 'the hamlet' from *yr lann from llann 'enclosuie', we have y l&n ' the bank' from *yr ^lann from glann ' bank ', both nouns being fern. But / appears in some cases to have dropped out eaily enough to allow of the change ; as in y llynedd moie fully yr llynedd for
*{/r_flyneS ; Gwenlhan < *gwenn-flzant.
(2) 1 was palatalized and became 11 in two positions : (a) after Brit.






elwedd 1712)  (tudalen 182)


§ 111
ei, Lat. e ; thus cannwyll < Lat. candela ; twyll ' deceit' < Lat. tela ;
tywyll' dark ' § 38 x for *tyw-wyll § 76 vii (2) < *femeil- < *temes-elo s :
Bret. teval, tmval for *tenvol, Corn. tiwul, Ir. (rTOe? : Lat. tenebrae <
*femesrai, Skr. tamasdh dark-coloured ' ; but not after Brit. ai, e. g. cod 'omen' < *kail- < *qa}(u\,l- : 0. H. G. hedlsw 'auguiari' : Ir. eel < *keil-.—(/3) Between two i's, as in ^'6r»'% < Lat. Apiilis; pebyll ' tent' < Lat. pajsilio.
, ii. (i) When b-b, d-d, g-g came together after the loss of a vowel they became double p, t, c respectively, simplified befoie the accent, and before a sonant; as in Cateyrn for Catte^rn < *Cad-diyrn- < But. Catotigirn- (Ehys no. 47); meitin < *meid-din < Lat. mdtuVi-num, § 70 v ; wynepryd 'countenance' < *wyneb-bryd; and in the example bywiocledd < bywiog gledd:
A'm bwcled a'm bywiocledd Yn arfau maen ar fy medd.—G.GL, M 146/198.
'-And my buckler and live sword as weapons of stone [carvedJ on my . giave.'
When the explosives came together in different words they resulted in a double consonant, voiced at the implosion, but voiceless with the new impulse at the explosion. This change is not now represented in writing ; but in MSS. and early printed books -d d- etc. frequently appear as -d t- etc.; thus Nid Toethineb heb len P 54/356 E. 'Tl eie is no wisdom without learning'; Gwnaed tuw ag enazd howel v 63/7 K ' Let God do witli the Eoul of Howel'; Ygwaed to a vac feyrn p 52/22 ' Good blood begets a king '; Glowed tim ond y glod tau c.c. 342 ' To hear anything but thy piaise' ; i'r wlad tragwyddol B.cw. 86 ' to the eternal land'; Y Ddraig cock ddyry cyohwyn a. 177 'The Eed Dragon gives a leap '. "Two /&/standeth in toiceof /p/....inabby^an most be pronounced as if ytt were wrytten mab vyyan " J.J. TL 144/51. In all cynghanedd pliorto the 19th cent. such a combination corresponds to a tenuis. The wiiters of the recent period sometimes treat it as a media.
(2) 88 became th in nyth, syth, etc. § 97 ii; cf. dial. rhoth for
*rho8S < rhoSoS 'gave '. Similaily 33 became ch in dichon § 196 ii (2). But generally two voiced spirants lemained, written single, as in ^rifarS for prif-farS ' chief bard '. <
iii. (i) When a media was followed by h the two became a double teuuis ; thus ateb (t^tt) 'reply ' < *ad-heb < *ati-seqw-, VseqVi- 'say' ;
drydn ' storm ' § 27 i < *dr^g-hin ; gwlypaf ' wettest' for *gwlyb-/(»/§ 147 ii.
When the sounds came together in different words they gave the double sound dt etc., see ii (i) above ; and in all standard cynghanedd
*d h- coi responds to t, -b h- to p, -g h- to c ; as Oer yw heb hum, w hy pert Gr.H. &. 99.
(2) Similarly in some cases fh > £F; 8h > th ; as in lloffa 'to glean' § 110 iii (i), § 201 iii (4) ; diwethaf'last' § 149 i ; rhotho § 186 ii ;






elwedd 1713)  (tudalen 183)


byfho § 189 ii (4). So fr-h>ffr in dyffryn § 106 iii (2); f-rr>f-rh >ffr in cyffredin §156 i (9). But as a rule the groups remain, as dyddhdu, dyfrhdu ; and -/ h; -S h- do not correspond to ff, th in cynghanedd.
iv. When two similar consonants, whether explosives or spirants, one voiced and the other voiceless, came together, they became a double voiceless sound medially, simplified where double consonants are usually simplified, as befoie a consonant; thus popeth (p=pp) < *p6b-peth ' everything '; gwrtJirych ' object' < *gv~rth-?.rifch. In ordinary pronunciation the result is the same when the sounds occur in different words ; and in Ml. W. M&S. -th S- fiequently appear as fh only ; thus athiweS TL.A.. 157 for a'th SiweS 'and thy end' ; Atta.'lw afhwylaw ar llet B.P. 1220 'And Thy image with Tliy hands extended'; cf. 1205 1. 34, i3?l 1.32; similarly weinllian tec 1424 for (G)wenlhant deg ; cereint tduw 1220 (d deleted by dot, t substituted).
v. (i) When two unlike mediae came together, the group wag unvoiced at the implosion, but not necessaiily at the explosion. InMI.W. both are usually wiitten as tenues; thus dieter E.P. 1209, aHessynt i^og,hepcor 1230, dywetpwytw.M. 96, ducpwytdo. i83,attpawr B.B. 35. The second is, however, often wiitten as a media, as o wacder E.P. 1280, afboryon do. 1208, tyVoar do. 1300, llygatsall do. 1308. In the 1620 Bible we have atcas, datcuddiad, etc. ; but the more usual spelling later was atgas, datguddiad, etc., which perhaps represents the sound more accurately. When however the second censor ant was a dental it tends more to be voiceless. In the Bible we find such foims as digter for dieter, the g being due to dig. In cynghanedd either consonant may correspond to a tenuis or a media. Pughe's etymological spellings adgas, iidgorn, hehgor, etc., misrepresent the sound, which is as nearly as possible afgas, utyorn, hepgor.
(2) A media was frequently, though not i.ecessaiily, unvoiced before 1, r, m, n, 8, f and even w, i. Thus in Ml. W. we find llwtlaw E.P. 1222 ' Ludlow', atrawS 1251, tatmaetheu E.M. 24, (ttnewySwys 93, 'wreicSa 23, dynghetven 73, atwen 245, lletyeith E.P. 1222. But while E.M. has grwytraw 86, the older w.M. has in the same passage grwydlaw 183. In E P. 1269, 1303 we have sygneu 'signs' but in 1214, 1215 it is written sycneu. Indeed the E.B. ecribe, who had no ear for cynghanedd, v.-iites tenuis and media wheie they should correspond ; as heidyaw/ehetyat B.P. 1283, chenedloeS/chynatleu 1204, dilitya/dy aelodeu 1216, In the last example the sound is certainly d, as aelodeu cannot have t. It might tlierefoi e be supposed that the sound was always a media, and that to write it a tenuis was a mere ortho-graphical convention. But though the sound is now generally a media, there is evidence that it might be, and often was, a tenuis: (a) D.G. has such coirespondences as Dadlitw 'r/diwyd latai p. 19, neztwr/ natur 133 ; and (/:?) the tenuis has survived in a number of examples, as Coetmor (for coed-mor < coed mawr); tycip ' to prevail' < twg 'prosperity' < *tuq-, Viey^-, cf. § 108 iv; etc for etwo < eduwth





elwedd 1714)  (tudalen 184)


§ I'll
§ 220 ii (7); ysgatfydd 'perhaps'; Llan Decwyn; 'caneitw 'to brighten' (of the moon) < cannaid ; carbref, pentref.
(3) The mediae were unvoiced before voiceless consonants; thus atsein B.T. 20, datsein E.M. 289, Hotfordd a. 102. In Late Mn. orthography etymological spellings prevail, as adsain Ezec. vii 7, Bodjfordd. The latter, the name of a place in Anglesey, is always sounded Botffmdd, in spite of the spelling with d.
(4) It is seen from (i), (2) and (3) above that a media is liable to .^ be unvoiced before any consonant in the middle of a word. But we have seen in the preceding subsections that a change which took place medially also occurred when the group, belonged to different words. Hence final mediae must frequently: have been sounded as tenues before an initial consonant; and this is very probably the reason why they were so commonly written as tenues, the pre-conso' nantal form being generalized in writing. The facts are briefly summarized in § 18 ii.
*• But before an initial vowel it is certain that a final explosive, though written as a tennis, was in fact a media in the i4th cent. In the following examples from B.r. (which might easily be multiplied) it is seen that die final t or c in heavy type must be pronounced d or, g to correspond to a media in the other part of the line:
JDigystuS anreo am (dec ystwyll 1202,
Glot oleu yn (glew dalu 1203,
Gwledio eurswilt \ vu (gwlat a gorseS 1208 ;
go before a liquid:
Temyi y grist \ teu amiwo rat 1200.
Such a slip as Set libera nos a malo IL.A. 150 shows that the scribe was in the habit of writing final t where the sound was d. Cf. also § 18 iii. That the written tenuis does not mean that the vowel was short in a monosyllable like gwac now gwdg is proved by such a spelling as yn. waac...y gadeir waac W.M. 449, E.M. 293. Of. § 55 i.
The final media before an initial consonant, however, corresponds to a tenuis in much later cynghanedd, especially when the initial is voiceless:
Heh swydd \ mor (hapus a hwn o. 239 Bri^ffydd \ a hair Ts.off'a hwn, etc., s.Si. Ixxix.
Though the explosive is now a media before an initial consonant as well, we have a trace of the tenuis in ap fwab (tor fub § 110 iii (2)), as in ap Gwilym beside ab Edmwnd.
(5) Since the explosive was a tenuis before a consonant we have -p m- and -( n- ; these combinations were mutated to mh and nh in the following examples, the voicelessness of the tenuis being retained after its assimilation: Amfiadawc P 61/18 E. for Ap Madawc, Amhredydd c.c. 334 for Ap MaredtiS, am mydron B.B. 94 (m =. mh § 24 i), etc. ;
prynhawn W.M. 70, B.M. 50, IL.A. 121 for pryt nawn W.M. 162, E.M.





elwedd 1715)  (tudalen 185)


185 The late spelling prydnawn is an artificial reconstruction ; the spoken language preserves the traditional pronunciation prynhdvm.
Ag un lliw, gannwyll awyr, Y barnwn haul brynhawn hwyr.—I.D. 7.
'And of the same colour I judged the late evening sun,—the candle of the sky.' Cf. bryv.Ta.awn/bery'n hw D.G. 73, Sara. 'b.en/bryuhawn do. 428.
vi. (i) A media, was unvoiced after nasal + tenuis. The following cases occur : rak-d > Bkt or Bt, as in ieuenctid ' youth ' also written ieuengtid ;—nt-g > nk, as in difancoll D.G. 387' perdition' < *difant-gull; deinoryd D.G. 385, E.P. 1157 'gnashing of teeth' < *deint-gryd.
(2) A media was generally unvoiced after a voiceless spirant; as glastwfy-r E.M. 146 for glasdwfr § 96 ii (5) ; neillparth do. 148 for neillbarth; dywespwyt do. 90 ; gwnaethpwyt do. 89 ; gwalico B.CW. 37 for gwallgof; alltud for all-dud. On the other hand p and c are voiced, sometimes even in Ml. W., after s ; thus while we have ysk.yn E.M. n, kyscu do. 21, yspryt IL.A. 99, we also find disgynnent E.M. 14, goresgyn do. 91, ysbryt IL.A. 3, esgussawd W. la, pasgadur ib. Though the tenuis was commonly written up to the i8th cent., Dr. Davies's orthography has generally prevailed since the appearance of his dictionary ; in this the media is written except in the groups at, lit, cht, fit, thp.
(3) An initial media is sometimes found written as a tenuis after a voiceless spirant: Canys oollyghy w.M. 78 changed to Kan nys gollyngfiy in K.M. 56 ; Bei ys cuypun B.B. 81 'If I knew '; os kcwyw A.L. ii 18 ' if he asks it'; seith yechawt Hi.A. 143 for eeith hechawt S.o. 36 ' seven sins '; a'th caledrwydd EH.B.S. 74 ' and thy hardness.'
vii. (i) 81 > dl, as in bodlon ' satisfied ' < *boS-lavm. The recent spelling boddlon is a reconstruction due to Pughe; the natural pronunciation is bodlon (S. W. bolon); cf. Fodlon im dan fedwiwyn ir D.G. 172' contented with me under fresh birch-trees ' ; Bodloni bydol annyn Gr.O. 34 ' to satisfy a worldly wretch '; hadi ' lying in ruins ' for "haSI < *s^d-lo-, Vsed- ' settle' § 63 ii. Similaily 8r > dr, as in cadr ' puissant' for *ca8r: Gaul. Belatu-cadrus ep. of Mars, 0. Bret. oadr gl. decoreo, Bret. caasr, kaer ' handsome': Gk. ntK.a&p.wo's, Skr. SdSad- 'distinguish oneself. It took place after the loss of /; thus Uydref ' October' < hySfref (heSvref A.L. 124, calan hyddfref M.A. i 3466 'Oct. ist'), dedryd ' verdict' < *de8f-fryd.
On the other hand d (< orig. t) is sometimes treated as 8 before a sonant, and in S. W. dial. has remained 8 or disappeared. Thus cenedl is kenety-l in B.B. 10, 16, where ( = 8, but in 0. W. is cenetl B.S.CH. 2, where t =. d (S.W. dial. cenel); hoedl (with d < t, cf. Late Brit. Vennisetii, and see § 63 vii (5)) is treated as hoeSI by Casnodyn, hoe^yl I hetiwch E.P. 1248, cf. 1234, 1241, but G.M.D. has hyder / hoedyl do. 1320, cf. 1212 ; so I.G., Hudol / hoedl 310. S. W. hweSel for chwedl cannot mean that the suff. was *-dhlo-, for -edi- would give





elwedd 1716)  (tudalen 186)


§ 112
•eil § 104 iv (3). So S. "W. gwaSan for gwadn ' sole ' has orig. t, since dn gives n; gwadn < *w-t-n- < *uo-dd-no- < *upo-bd-no- ' *under foot', Vped-.
The late change of drum, drem to trum, frem is probably due to the soft mutation 8r- becoming dr-, and the d- being then mistaken for the soft mutation of (-. It certainly is not a phonetic law that dr-should become tr-, for drwg, dryoh, drain, drud, etc., all retain dr-.
(2) 8 > d after s, t, d, and in old formations after ; II, n; thus ^•treisdwyn for *treis-Sw^n ' a taking by force', dreis-dwyn/drihtyt '•K..P. 1288; atal ' to withhold' < *ad-dal-^ < *ad-Sal^ < *ati-da1g-;
llygeitw for llygeid-Sv,, etc. ; bendith for *ben-8ith < Lat. benedictio ;
meUtith or melldith for *meloith < Lat. malediotw.
This change also takes place initially; thus nos da ' good night' § 146 iii (2), nos dy Diar. vii 9 'black night', for *nos 8- {nos being f.—the orig. mutation was rad. after *no(k)ts, but this cannot be assumed to have survived) ; so yr wythnos diwetfiaf ' last week'; tros Dafydd Q. 237, tros daear E. xiv for tros 8-; SleSyn tu R.P. 1284 for Ble&ynt du for BleSynt Su; lleian du D.G. 20 'black nun'; Silvan du L.G.C. 319, 321 ' black Joan '; holl daear do. 446.
Pan aeth Tamos ap Rhoser At Suw a'r saint trwy y sSr.—L.G.O. 38.
' When Thomas ap Rhosser went up to God and the saints through the stars.'
Llyma 'r blaid lie mae'r blodau
A 'r holl dawn o'u rliyw ill dau.—T.A., o. ii 83.
* This is the band [of children] in whom are the flowers and all the gift of their [the parents'] two natures.'
Yna nosa, myn lesu, Einioes dyn megis nos du.—G.G1., c 7/44.
'Then, by Jesus, man's life darkens like black night.'
(3) 8 > d before or after the above sounds, and continuants such as m, f, even when separated from them, see § 102 iii (2); as Late Mn. W. machlud < ym-aohludd § 44 v < Lat. occlude; Late Mn. W. gormod for gormoS the usual foiiu in the bards; Maesyftd 'Radnor' for Maes UyfeiS; didol < *di-Sawl § 156 i (n), pedol § 102 iii (2). The change, being a fprm of dissimilation, is only accidental.
(4) The change of ^ to y and of / to 6 under similar conditions is lare: arglwyS 'lord' beside arlwyS (both in W.M. 160) < *ar-^wlwyS < "p^ri-ylei- V-K^ of Vuelei-; cf. glyw § 102 iii (2) ; cwhl for "•cwfl § 168 iii (3); parabi 'saying' for *para/l < Lat. parabola; cabi 'calumny ' for *ca/l < *kaml- met. for *kal'men : Lat. calumnia § 100 ii (i); so Bret. cablus, Corn. oabail.
§112. i. (i) In 0. W. and .Early Ml. W. an initial vowel or a medial vowel in hiatus seems to have been pronounced with a distinct breathing which is often represented by h. This breathing was voiced,
§ 112





elwedd 1717)  (tudalen 187)


and so differed from h < s, which was voiceless. Examples are, initial: 0. W. ha, hac ox.' and '; heitham do., Ml. and Mn. W. eithaf § 108 iv (i);—Ml. W., from A.L. i, huydvet (wythfed) 58 ; hwhof ib. ' above me '; hun din (un dyn) 124 ' one man '; yr hun (yr un) 256 ;
huiui (wyf i) 114; er ~hyd (yr yd) 326 'the corn'; oJiyd (o i/d) 82 'of corn' ; hercki (erchi) 152 ; hodyn (odyn) 78, etc. Medially it occurs not only where a soft spirant liad disappeaied, as in diheufi.M. 181 <
*di-yu, Mn. W. diau ' truly'; rohi A.I. i 118 < ro&i; but also where no consonant ever existed, as in diheu IL.A. 21 'da^s'; dihagei K.B.B. 48 ' escaped '.
(2) Although this breathing has generally been smoothed away, it was liable to become voiceless before an accented vowel, and in that case it survived as A; thus medially in dihangol 'escaped, safe';
initially, after a vowel in pa ham for *pa am ' what for', pa hachos IL.A. 123, pa hawr do. 13 ; after r in un ar hugain ' 21 ', yr 'holl § 168 ii (3); in all positions in hogi 'to whet' for *ogi < *ak-, Va^'/oq- : W. agalen ' whetstone'. This occurs in several cases in which an initial accented vowel was followed by two consonants, so that it was pronounced rather forcibly ; thus W. hagr ' ugly' for *agr, Bret. akr, Jiakr, Vaic-/oq- ;—W. hardd ' handsome ' for *ar8 ' high' :
Ir. ard, Lat. wduus, cf. Uaro-leoh orig. quite evidently ' high rock';
*so sometimes henvi ' name ' (henw ' noun' E.G. 1121), generally with h- in Gwyn. dial, but anwedig without it: Bret. hanv, hanu, hano, Corn. hanow ; 0. W. anu, Ir. ainm, see p. 81.
(3) On the other hand initial h (<s) might come to be confused with the soft breathing, and so disappear before an unacc. vowel, as in eleni 'this year'< *}ie-fleni: Bret. hevlene, with the same prefix as JieSiw 'to-day'; yvelly •W.M. 41 for *hefelly, gee § 110 v (2); 0.
W. anfer-metefio gl. semiputata (banner mededig).
(4) In 0. W. the breathing is found (rarely) before a suffix where it was clearly marked off fi om the stem, as in casulheticc (casul-edig) fS.C., but no trace of a breathing in such a position remains. We have, however, a medial h before an accented vowel under the following conditions :—(a) Where the vowel is followed by two consonants, as cenhedloedd Ps. ii i; Jcynhel-lis B.B.B. 234, cynhalweth (l-l and fa'<1'^); cymhedrawl M.A. ii 343 (cymedrawl ib. 355); cyn-hyrchol Maic iv 8 ; but this never became a strict rule ; it is can led somewhat further in the recent than in earlier periods: cynneddfau Dial. xxxicyn.( 162 o),cynheddfJU in late edns.—(/S) Where n stands fur 8», as in bonheddig from bonedd < *bvdmw, as if the 8 had lelt a soft breathing ; biynyddoedd is a late formation § 122 iv (2) nnd has no h.— (•y) Where r comes after n, as in anrheithi; this occuis even after the accent, as anrhaith § 111 i (i).
An h which has always been voiceless occurs before the accent (a) in the nasal mutation of p, t, c § 106 iii (i), as danheddog for *dant-eSawc;
kymhellawS K.B.B. 327<Lat. compell-; anghenus<*awk-', angheuol<
*iinJc-, etc.; piobably plannfiedeu § 48 i followed the analogy of plan-higwn < * plant-; canhwylleu B.B.B. 380 seems to be due to the treat-






elwedd 1718)  (tudalen 188)


§ 113
ment of Lat. nd as nt, cf. Corn. cantull, Bret. cantol.—(b) For original s, as in anheSeu w.M. 81, cyfcinheddu do. 73, ^whe8n mewn crwyn hySod JLi., {tomann(h)eS<*ndo-sed-^63ii; glanhdu, parhdu etc. §201 in (4);
probably -he- in iscoJheic B.B. 91, pi. yscolheigon E.B.B. 235, Mn. W. sg. ysgolhdig is the suffix -ha- < *sag- see ib. -s- between sonants dis-appeaied, e. g. amynedd § 95 ii (3); but kenhadeu § 48 i may contain a reflection of it: kewiwd 'message, messenger '< *k..ns-n-9ta, Vkens-' speak with authority, etc.' see Walde2 151 : Lat. censeo, W. dangos § 156 ii(i).—The h which provects mediae always comes from 8;
in no case is provection caused by an " accentual A ", or h developed from a soft breathing.
ii. (i) The semivowels i, w, u seem to have been pronounced in Parly Ml. W. with friction of the breath, which is often iepre&ented by h before i or u, especially in the B.CH. Thus yhu (yw} A.L. i 6;
Mahurth {Mawrth) 64; entehu (ynteu) 130 ; nehuat (neuaS} 78 ; arnehy (arnei) 100. More rarely it occurs between two u'h (yw, = w), or two t's, as in arnauhv, (arnaw) 132 ; doissihion (doythwn) 124. With w such a breathing would be equivalent to back ^, and at an earlier period it was represented by g, which survives in enguy A.L. i 100 for envii ' to name' (which never had the media g, as the w is from m) ; this also may stand between two u's in this MS., as dim or auguenel (a wnel) dyn medii B.CH. 120 'anything that a drunken man does';
auguenelhont (a wnelhont) do. n8. In 0. W. w is written gu as in petguar ox. for pedwar ' 4 '. The sound of w, then, was virtually $»;
this after h<s became ^, written chw- § 26" vi, § 94 iv. Initially on the analogy of g : ^ it became g* in the position of a radical consonant, remaining -^s as a soft mutation; later gw-: w-. This had taken place before the separation of Bret. and Corn.
(2) The bieathing before a vowel might also take the form f,, so as to give a new initial g-; thus *or§ § 100 iii (2)>gorS f. B.T. 7 through *yr8, this being taken for the soft mutation after the art., as in w guit ( s yr ^wyS) f. B.B. 97 ' the goose'. Later gallt for dllt f. ' slope ' ;
gerfydd beside herwydd for erwyS § 215 ii (5). The Mn. godidog a. 252 for odidog 'rare', and N.W. dial. gonest for onesf probably involve a confusion of initial o- with the prefix go- § 156 i (16).
(3) Conversely initial g is sometimes lost, as in euog 'guilty' for geuog (geuawc IL.A. 155 "mendaces", gau 'false'); elor f.' bier 'for gelw M.A. i 205(1, met. for *y«roZ<Lat. gerula {elawr G. 234 is factitious).
§ 113. i. (i) The last syllable of every Brit. word, or Lat. word borrowed in the Brit. period, which contained more than one syllable, is lost in W. Thus W. gwynn, f. gwenn ' white' < Brit. *ulndos f. *uinc1d, W. ciwed < Lat. czvitas, 'W. ciwdod < Lat. cwitdtem, § 115 i. The syllable doubtless became unaccented
§ 113





elwedd 1719)  (tudalen 189)


in all cases ; its vowel then became indistinct, and was ultimately lost, with the final consonant, except when the latter was a sonant. Brit. final -I is unknown, and -m had become -n;
the only final sonants therefore were -r and -m. "When the syllable ended in one of these it seems to have become *-^- or *-», which became non-syllabic. Final -r remained, as in W. c/maer < Brit. *,<M<mr < *suesi)r, § 75 vii (a); W. ymfierawdr < Lat. imperdfor ; but in common words it disappeared after a consonant in W., as in travel 'brother' for *brawdr (= Bret. brew) < Brit. ^brater. Final -w nasalized a following- initial media § 106 ii (2), and was lost before other initial consonants. In the comparative it attached itself to the following o, as in glanach no 'cleaner than' for *glanachn o § 147 iv (3). It survived after a vowel in namen § 78 ii (i), cymerwn § 180 iii (i).
A sonant coming before the final vowel also remained, as wjfenestr <Ita,t. fenestra, perigl<~LsA. perzc'lum; later this was liable to drop where the new ultima was unaccented § 16 v (3), and probably the vacillation between liquid and zero accounts for the development of excrescent liquids in some words : tymesti < Lat. tempestas, achreawdyr § 104 iii (2).
(a) The vocalic ending of the first element of a compound, § 155 ii (i), became an obscure vowel, and disappeared; thus Brit.
Maglo-cunos>'W. MaeJgwn ; Brit. *Katit-mannos >W. Cad-fan ; Brit. Mon-duiwn > W. Myrddin ; Lat. bene-dictio > W. bendith. Similarly the vowel before the suffixes -tat-, -twf-, -tero;
etc., as ciwdod < Lat. ace. cwitatem, gwendid' weakness' < Brit. aec. ^-wnno-twtcni; and the -i- in the spv. suffix ^-isamos, as teoaf ' fairest' for *tegkaf < *tek-isamos. In many words of four or more syllables the vowel of the second syllable was elided, as Ml. W. agwybawr < Lat. dbeoeddrium, meitin < matufwum, Saesneg < *Saxonikd, etc. Stems in -a- had -o- in composition;
thus Kelt. *teu/a ' people ' was Teuto- in compounds; and a in the second syllable generally remains in nouns, as in Caradog < Brit. Caratacos, fftirfafen < Lat. firm amentum. But in many formations -a- in the ante-penult was lost, as in Ml. W. karhont <*karasonti § 183 ii (i), and the suff. -gar < *-dkaros § 153 (8).
The loss of the root vowel in such forms as allweS< *n ql'u-iw § 99 vi (i), dedwyo<*do-t'y-wos § 100 ii (i) had probably aheady taken






elwedd 1720)  (tudalen 190)


place in Brit. So in some cases the -i- of the spv., as iu Ml. W. nessaf <*ned'samos § 148 i (i).
Disyllabic and compound prefixes are treated like the first element of a compound ; thus Kelt. *ari^ > Brit. *are- >W. ar- ;' Brit. ^Jcanta- > W. cannh- § 156 i (6), (7); *kom-(p)ro- loses its . -o- and gives cyf'r- as in eyfr-goll; so *uor-en-sed- loses its -e- and gives gorsecU ' high sea't', as if from *wore-ssed-.
(3) The inscribed stones (gth to 7th cent.) do not throw much light on the above changes. The ogam inscriptions are Goidelic, and those written in Eoman letters are in bad Latin, while many of the names even in the latter are Goidelic in form. In some cases a name has the Lat. nom. ending -us, as Catamanus Rhys no. 6 (LWPh.2 364), Aliortus no. 14, Veracius 9, but most liave the Lat. gen. ending -i, as Cunogusi hicjacit 5 ' [the body] of 0. lies here'. The names and the .' following maqViqWi of the ogams show that -i is gen., and not a debased form of the Brit. nom. -os. (The ogam -i is the Kelt. gen. suffix *-l, being the Italo-Kelt. gei). of -o- stems.) As a rule the Lat. fili agrees, but often does not, thus Dervacifilius Justi ic jacit 37. Fem. nouns end in -e, which is doubtless the ordinary late Lat. -e for -ae, though the noun in apposition stands in the nom., as Tunccetace uxsor Daari hicjacit 77, et uxor eius Caune 20. A nom. in -a appears in Awitoria, filia Cunigni Eglwys Gymun insc. Possibly a Brit. nom. ending in -o for -os occurs in Aliortus Elmetiaw Me jacet Ehys 14 (the only stone
•withjacef) and Vitaliani Emereto 76. In a few cases no ending occurs :
Etterni fili Victor 71, in which the legend is complete, and Victor is gen.; Velvor filia Broho 32. These and the false concords seem to indicate that the case endings were lost in the spoken language.
The stem-vowel u appears as -u- and -o-, as Catu-rugi Rhys 60, Cato-tigirni 47; and -o- appears as -o-, -%-, -e-, -i-, as Cuno-gusi 5, Vendu-magli 4g, Vinne-magli 21, Vende'sefli 12, Venni-setii 67, pointing to -9- for which the Roman alphabet has no symbol. The form -a- for
-u- Or -o-, as in Cata-manus 6, is Goidelic; cf. in bilingual stones Cuno-tami in Roman, characters, Cuna-tawii in ogam 75 ; Trene-gussi in Roman, Trena-gusu in ogam 73. In some cases the stem-vowel was preserved, and forms containing it survive beside forms in which it is lost; thus Dumnagual beside Dumngual both in GEN. v. That the former is not merely an archaic spelling of the latter is shown by the survival of both in the Mu. language :
Mdl mob i Ddyfnwal Mod-mud
Tw Phylip brajf i olud . , .
Mae yn llaw /wTDyfnawal
Yr erwi mawr ar aur mdl.—L.G.C. 209.
' Like a son of Dyfnwal Moelmud is Philip of vast wealth. In the hand of the descendant of Dyfna>wal are the broad acres and the milled
§ 113






elwedd 1721)  (tudalen 191)


gold.' Other similar doublets are Tudwdl and Tudawdl B.P. 1394, Dingad and Dinogat B.A. 22. The aw in Dyfnawdl is the regular development of oy before a vowel, see § 76 iii (i) ; before another consonant the -o- remains, as saen in Dinogat.
(4) The forms used in writing are always traditional, and in the above inscriptions the names have probably archaic forms preserved with the Latin in which they are embedded, since other evidence points to the loss of the terminations at this period. The re-formations consequent on the loss of the endings are largely the same in Bret. and "W.; thus W. -au, Bret. -ou represents the pi. -ones of M-stemg, § 120 i; these stems could not have been very numerous, and the addition of "W. -au and Bret. -ou to nouns of all classes denoting common objects, and to tad, mam and others, can liardly be an accidental coincidence, and is clearly subsequent to the breakdown of the Brit. declension. It seems therefore probable that the new language was in an advanced stage of development before the separation of the two dialects.
In the oldest MS. of Bede, A.D. 737, the stem-vowels and termina. tions are completely lost, as in Gar-legion, Ban-cor, Dwwot. The reduction was therefore an established fact in the early 8th cent.
(5) The vowel of the penult is sometimes lost after a diphthong, apparently when the accent originally fell on the ultima, as in daw < *Uiwr'os § 75 vi (i) ; haul< *sayelws § 76 v (i) ; so probably cawr<
*koyar6s § 76 iii (4). With haul ' sun' < *sau'lws < *sduelws contrast the disyllabic huan ' sun' < *sauanos < *say^nos (witli ra-suff. like E. sun, cf. "Walde2 721); affected au, short because unaccented, gives W. au §76 v (i); and accented au gives W. u § 76 iii (5);
see § 76 v Note, p. 108. '
ii. In a disyllabic proclitic a final short vowel might disappear in the Brit. period; thus Ar. *mene ' my' > *mew, and caused the nasal mutation, § 107 ii, iv.
iii. (i) The final consonant of a monosyllabic proclitic was lost in W.; thus Brit. *men ' my ' gave "W.fy ' my'; but not till after it had mutated the following initial (in this case causing the nasal mutation of mediae § 107 iv).
(a) But the consonantal ending of an accented monosyllable i was in general retained, thus W. chwech' six ' < Kelt. *sye&s (but chwe before a noun) ; W. nos ' night' < Brit. *noss <
*nofs < *noifts § 96 ii (5); W. moch ' early' ; Lat. moss; W. yn 'in' < Brit.
*e% < Ar. *e«,






elwedd 1722)  (tudalen 192)


§ 114. i. The definite arAcle ia yr, 'r ory. There is no indefinite article in Welsh.
ii. The full form yr is used before a vowel or h, as yr afon ' the river', yr Jiaul' the sun ',dwfr-yrafon,gwres-s-T haul; they is elided frfter a vowel, as »"r afon ' into the river', &'r fy ' from the house ';. before a consonant the r is dropped, unless the y has been elided as above, as yn y ty ' in the house'.
w- counts as a consonant: y waedd ' the cry'; ^'- as a vowel in Mil. W. yr with ' the language'; in Ml. "W. as a vowel or a consonant, as yr zarll E.M. 188 1. 25 ; 189 11. 13, 30 ; i9° 1- '7 ; y io-rll 189 11. 2, 20. As initial wy is wy § 38 iv, we have in the standard language yr wy ' the egg', yr wyr ' the grandson ', yr wyth ' the e'g1^', yr wythnos ' the week', yr wylo ' the weeping', yr wyneb ' the face', yr wybren 'the sky'. Similaily yr wyddfa 'Snowdon', yr iryddgrug ' Mold ', with radical gwy- fern., gee v.
ill. 0. "W. has only the first two forms, written ir and r; thus ir tri ox. ' the three ', ir pimphet do. ' the fifth ', ir bis bicJian do. ' the little finger', ir mant do.' the thumb', ir guoUeuni JVV. ' the light', or deccolloa M.C. gl. decadibus, or bardaul leteinepp M.C. g-1. epica pagina, div escip L.L. i%o ' to the bishops'. After a diphthong we have ir, as nou, ir emid M.C. ' that of the brass'. The form y is in regular use in early Ml. W., as E betev ae gulich y glav B.B. 63 ' the graves which the rain wets'.
In Ml. W. r is used after a ' and ; with ', o ' from ', y 'to ', na ' nor ', no ' than'; but usually y or yr after other words ending in vowels, as kyrchu y Ilys, .. .a cftyrchu y bordeu W.M. 5, llyna y Ilys do. 6, etc. The reason is probably that the article, as a proclitic, was generally joined to the following word, thus -yllys 'the court', so that these groups became isolated in the scribe's mind, and were written in their isolated forms. On the other hand, the article could not he separated from the above monosyllables (cf. yny which is the regular form of yn y ' in the '), hence after these it assumes, its post-
§ 114





elwedd 1723)  (tudalen 193)


vocalic form. It was undoubtedly spoken r after all vowels then as now, except when a pause came between the words; for we find early examples of r even after diphthongs ; thus Kir Haw r eirccheid B.B. 10 'beside the suppliants', mi yw r iarll W.M. 137 'I am the earl', gwiryon yw r vorwyn do. 138 ' Ae maid is innocent', erglyw r pcb-loeS B.P. 1201 'the peoples will hearken'. In some cases y ia written wliere the metre requires r as Pa gur yw y porthaur t B.B. 94 ' What man is the porter 1', where we should have yw r, as the line is 5 syll. Sometimes yr is written before a consonant : Pieu ir bet BB. 66 for pieu'r be81 'whose is the giavet'; llyma yr we8 E.M. 2 for Uyma'r •we8 ' this is the manner'. In the early Mn. bards 'r is regular, esp. after pure vowels; and it is general in later prose, e.g. the 1620 Bible, though not without exception here. Pughe attempted to substitute y for it everywhere, and under his influence y was adopted in many late edns. of the Bible, except after a, o, i, na. This preference for y is chiefly due to the mistaken notion that r forms na pai t of the word, but was put in before vowels " for the sake of euphony ". We have seen above that the aiticle is yr, and of the clipped forms 'r is older than y.
iv. The Ir. aiticle is ind, after prepositions sind, from Kelt. *sendos, which gives W. hynn 'this', see § 164 vi. This occurs in W. in yn awr ' now ', lit. ' this hour' (0. Bret. annaor, Ir. ind or so), and y naill for *yn aill § 165 (Bret. ann eil § 166 iii, Ir. ind-ala). The ait. in Corn. is en or an; in Ml. Biet. an; in Mn. Bret. ami, before vowels, t-, d; n- and h-, at before I-, ar before other consonants (so the Bret. indef. art. eunn, eul, enr, from un ' one ').
Pedersen Gr. i 1538'. quotes late examples of n > r after a cons. in Ir. dialects and Bret., and one or two cases of the change before a cons. as Ml. Ir. marbad for 0. Ir. mainbad, Bret. mar-go ' horse collar' for *mon-go (obviously cases of dissim. of nasals). No such change as TO > r is known in Welsh, which prefers to change r to the easier w. § 100 i (2). W. yr can only be identified with Ir. ind by a rule made ad hoc; this is the only form of the art. in W. {yn awr is not ' the hour' but ' this hour'); the -r abounds in the earliest period, and cannot be compared with Bret. -r, which is late, and may have spread from ar before r-. The fact that there is a demonst. pron. ar in "W. used before the rel., see § 164 v, makes the derivation of yr from hynn still less probable. There is no reason why the W. and Ir. articles should be the same word; the use of a demonst. as art. is much later than the separation of the P and Q groups. Gaulish has no art.; Pedersen Gr. ii 17 7 quotes o-oo-iy vefi.ifrov ' this temple' as an example of the art. in Gaul., which is as if one were to quote in hoc tumulo from a Lat. inscr. as an example of the Latin " article " hie.
Though common in the 0. W. glosses and prose fragments, the art. seldom occurs in the early poetry; it is not found in JUY. SK., and is rare in the B.A. : Gwyr a aeth Gatraeth '[the] men who went to Catraeth '. It does not occur in 0. Corn. or 0. Bret., see Loth Voc.





elwedd 1724)  (tudalen 194)


§ 115
38 (awn is the demonst. in annaor above). Brit. no doubt had several demonstratives used before nouns; but the adoption of one to be used as an art. seems to be later than the separation of W., Corn. an4 Bret., and independent in each. The origin of the W. yr is not clear. Brit. had an ^-demonstrative seen in Ml. W. y lleill beside y will § 165 vi, cf. yll § 160 i (2); and -I is more likely than -n to have become -r. But yr may come from a demonst. with locative -y-Buffix:, as in E. here, there, which might be declined with stem -ro-, •cf. Lat. supra; yr < *is-ros t cf. Lat. ille < is-le.
v. The initial consonant of a fern. sg". noun (except II- and rJi-\ undergoes the soft mutation after the art. , '
Note initial gwy- : yr wyl ' the holiday', yr wydd ' the goose' • initial gwy-; y wyrth ' the miracle', y wys ' the summons '.
The mutation shows that the art. had the o/a- declension in Brit.
§ 115. i. The old Keltic declension is lost in W., §§ 4, 113;
a nonn has one form for all cases. This is usually derived from the old nominative, as ciweri' rabble' < Lat. cwitas ; sometimes from the accusative, as ciwdod ' people ' < cwitafem. (In W. ciwecl and ciwdod are different words, not different cases of the same word.) Traces of the oblique cases survive in adverbial »nd prepositional expressions, §§ 215, 220.
ii. The noun in "\V. has two numbers, the singular and the plural. Traces of the use of the dual are seen in deurudd ' cheeks *, dwyfron ' breasts', dwylaw ' hands'; the last has become the ordinary pi. of llaw ' hand'.
The dual of o-stems may liave given the same form as the sg., as in Ir., where we h,i\e fer 'man' < *yiro8, and fer '(two) men', appaiently from *uwo, as *uiro would have given *fiur (cf. Gk. Svo, Vedic voc. -a; but W. dau implies -o in *duv,o itself). Thus W. dau darw 'two bulls' (deudarw p. 52), deu-wr L.G.C. i8g 'two men' (-•wr keeps its sg. form while the pi. became gwyr § 66 iii (i)). But in nouns with consonant stems the dual must have taken the same form as the pi. ; thus Ar. *u,qso > W. yah ' ox', but the dual *uqsene, and the pi. *uqsenes both gave ychen; so we have Ml. W. deu ychen B.M. izi 'two oxen', deu vroder do. 26 'two brothers'; and, by analogy, dwy wrageS A.L. ii 98 ' two women '. In Late Mn. W. the sg. form only is used.
§§ 116,117





elwedd 1725)  (tudalen 195)



The dual, whether it agreed in form with the sg. or the pi., formerly preserved the effect of its old vocalic ending in the soft mutation of a following adj., as deu wyddel vonllwm. W.M. 56 'two bare-backed Irishmen', y ddwy wragedd vywiogach L.G.C. 127 'the two women [who are] kinder '.

iii. In W. the noun has two genders only, the masculine and the feminine.

The following traces of the old neuter survive : (i) nouns of vacillating gender § 142 i.— (2) The neut. dual in Kelt. had been reformed with -n on the analogy of the sing., e.g. Ir. da n-droch ‘2 wheels'; hence in W. after dau, some nouns, originally neuter, keep p-, t-, c-unmutated § 106 iii (4) ; thus dau cant or deucant ' 200 ', dau tu or deutu 'both sides'; and by analogy dau pen or deupen 'two ends '.

§ 116. The plural of a noun is formed from the singular either by vowel change or by the addition of a termination, which may also be accompanied by vowel change. But where the singular has been formed by the addition to the stem of a singular termination, this is usually dropped in the plural, and sometimes a plural termination is substituted for it, in either case with or without change of vowel. There are thus seven different ways of deducing the pi. from the sing.: i. change of vowel; ii. addition of pi. ending; iii. addition of pi. ending with vowel change ;
iv. loss of sg. ending; v. loss of sg. ending with vowel change ;
vi. substitution of pi. for sg. ending; vii. substitution of pi. for sg. ending with vowel change.
Parisyllabic Nouns.
§ 117. i. The vowel change that takes place when the pi. is formed from the sg. without the addition or subtraction of an ending is the ultimate 2-affection; see § 83 ii. This was originally caused by the pi. termination -1 of o-stems; thus *bardos gave 6ar6 'bard', but *lardz gave 6eir6 'bards'; and also by -z of neut. ^-sterns, as in myr ' seas' < *mori. § 122 ii (4); possibly -ii, of neut. ?<-stems, but original examples are doubtful. Later, when/ the cause of the affection had been forgotten, it came to be regarded merely as a sign of the- pi., and was extended to all, classes of stems.
/ o 2





elwedd 1726)  (tudalen 196))


§ 117
§ 118

Examples: Ml. and 'M.n.'W.marcK 'horse', pi. meircJi; tarw 'bull', pi. teirw; carw ' deer', pi. ceirw ; gwalch ' hawk', pi. giveilch;
ularch 'swan', pi. eleirch, elyrc?r, salm 'psalm', pi. Ml. seilv-m IL.A. 107, beside salmeu E.P. 1303, Mn. salmau; llygaci 'eye', pi. Ml. llygeit, Mn. llygaid ; da/ad ' sheep', pi. Ml. deveif, Mn. defaid;
bran ' crow', pi. Ml. brew, Mn. tram; Ml. manach, Ml. and Mn. mynach ' monk', pi. Ml. meneich, myneidi, Mn. menyck, myneich (late mynachod) ; paladr ' beam, ray', pi. peleidr, pelydr; Mn. bustach ' bullock', pi. busfych; Ml. and Mn. maen ' stone', pi. Ml. mem, Mn. main Dat. xvii 4 (later meini); cyllell ' knife', pi. cyllyll; castell 'castle', pi. cestyll; gwaell ' knitting- needle', pi. gweyll V.G. 458 ; ker'6 ' song ', pi. kyrS E.P. 1245 (poet.) ; m6r ' sea', pi. myr D.G. 146 (poet.; in prose generally moroedd); porth 'gate', pi. pyrth; Cymro, pi. Cymry; esgob 'bishop', pi esgyt, see § 129 i (i); amws W.M. 473 ' horse', pi. emys do. 85 ; asgwrn 'bone', pi. esgyrn; croen c skin ', pi. crwyn; oen ' lamb', pi. wya,; woes 'cross', pi. crwys, later croesan, but crwys as late as Wms. loa.
-Ni roddwn yn Hiraddug Fy eleireh. er dengmeirch dug.—D.I.D., 11148/676 B., D. 36.
' I would not exchange my swans in Hiraddug for ten of a duke'a horses.'
M'redudd Fychan Un i lys, Oedd ami i dda a'i emys.—G.GL, M 146/188.
' Maredudd Fychan of the bright court, many were his goods and hia horses.'
Myneich a rhent, main a chrwys,
Mintai rugl mewn fair eglwys.—G.G1,, M 146/271.
' Monks with a rental, [and] stones and crosses, a prosperous community in three churches.'
There does not seeyi to be an example of aw > eu in a pi. noun;
hut another affection aw > yw (§ 76 v (2)) occurs in alaw ' water-lily', pi. elywB.v. 32.
ii. haearn ' iron ' has pi. Jieyrn, and rfiaeadr ' cataract' has rheydr, rfiyeidr § 69 ii (3), § 75 vi (3); pennog ' herring' has penwaig § 36 iii ; vwrcJi' roebuck' has yrcA § 36 ii, later zyrcJiod 6. 167; gwr ' man' is for *gwwr and has pi. gwf/r § 66 iii (i), and so its compounds, as pregethwT ' preacher', pi. pregethwyr;
gwrda ' goodman', pi. gwyrda.





elwedd 1727)  (tudalen 197)


D. 38 gives ieirch rh. with llenneirch; hut the pi. of llannerch ' glade' is llennyrch; the correct reading seems to he ych/llennyrch see I.G. 287.
iii. Anomalous vowel changes occur in—(i) troed ' foot', pi. traed § 65 ii (i) ; and ty ' house', pi.
Ml. tei, Mn. tal § 104 ii (a). The compounds of the latter have -tei Mn. -tai, or -tyeu, Mn -tyau; as Mordei B.A. T, gwindei K.P. 1202 'banqueting houses'; lletfyew E.P. 1374 (lodgings', clafdyeu do. 1269 (hospitals ', hundyeu W.M. 5 ' sleeping rooms'.
In Gwynedd -dai is generally accented, as beu-dS.i ' cow-houses', pop-tai ' ovens', gweith-dai ' workshops'; hut eleusendai ' alms-houses '.
(2) Ml. W. 6iw ' ox' (e. g. karcharaur gorzilt, cul biw B.B. 90 (the horse is a prisoner, the ox is lean), pi. bu (e.g. caw-mu W.M. 455 ' loo oxen'); biw is also frequently pi., e. g. B.T. 59.
Uw < Brit. *buys < *gy!5us; bu < *baues < *gv!oue8; pi. biw from a re-foimed *buues.
(3) Other cases are carreg, pi. cerng (for cerryg} § 77 i; crogen, cragen, pi. cregin (for cregyu) § 77 ii; asyu' ass', Ml. pi. essynn W.M. 81, H.M. ii 226 (the irregularity is in the sg., where the orig. a was restored), Mn. pi. asywnod; llo ' calf pi. Hoi for llo-i B.T. 59.
iv. Ml.W. pebyli-m. 'tent' § 70 i (pi. pehylleu), M.II. pebyll eg. W.IL. 216, is treated as pi. in the Bible, with a new sg. pabell f., from Wm.S.'s hypothetic pabell fi.wn glossing y pebyll hynn sg-2 Cor. v 4. It is generally supposed that amws is a similar, but natural and early, analogical sg. from emys assumed to be pl.< admissus (rather ^ammissus since -dm- > bf) for adsnissdrius, but such an error is unlikely at an early period when the word was ia common use ; e...y in the sg. is not unusual, e.g. ceffyl.
§ 118. i. In many parisyllabic nouns, after the loss of the Brit. endings, the pi. was not distinguished from the sg. by affection as above. These were (i) neut. nouns, whose pi. ending -a did not affect; thus Brit.
*arganton, pi. *arganta. > W. arian,, which is sg. and pi. § 133 ii.—(2) Nouns in which the vowel, is not capable of i-affection (Brit. I, a, etc.); thus Lat, JpisciSt pi. pisces > W. pysc 'fish' sg. K.M. 131, usually pi.—(3)





elwedd 1728)  (tudalen 198)


§§ 119,120
Nouns in which the vowel is affected in the sg. and pi.;
Brit. *wadws, pi. ^waclw, > W. gwraidd ' root' or ' roots'.
ii. As it is inconvenient to have the same form for sg-. and pi., new distinctions grew up. These took three forms : (i) Nouns belonging' to the first of the above classes had their vowel affected to form a pi. ; probably some of those mentioned in ,;' § 117 i are examples of this.—(2) A pi. termination was added ;
thus as Lat. medicus, medici had both become me&yg, a new pi, meSygoa was formed ; and for pi. pysg a collective pyscawt Mn. W. pysgod was used, § 123 hi.—(3) A sg. termination, m. -yn(n), f.
-en(n) was added; thus gwraidd in the sg. became gwreiddyn;
and as pysg continued to be used as a pi., a new sg. pysgodyn was .^, formed from the pi. jayscawt.
Imparisyllabic Nouns.
§ 110. The W. pi. terminations are the Brit. stem-endings of imparisyllabic nouns, which were lost in the sg. representing the old nom. sg., but survived in the pi. after the loss of the pi. endings *-es, neut. *-a, § 113 i. Thus Lat. latro and its Brit. pi.
*latr6nes gave W. lleidr, pi. lladron, by regular sound-change, then the -on of the latter and similar nouns naturally came to be regarded as a pi. ending, and was added to nouns of other declensions where a pi. sign was needed, as to meddyg, see above. Such additions were made on some analogy, mostly of meaning-, sometimes of form.
§ 120. i. Mn. W. -au, Ml. W. -eu, 0. W. -ou comes from Brit. *'-owes, '^'-0110. the pi. endings of w-stems ; thus Brit. *katvs, pi. *Mtoues, gava W. cad ' battle', pi. cadau. This termination spread and became the commonest in W. (and Bret.). It was added to—
(i) most names of common objects ; aspenn-eu W.M. 41, Mn. W. Jpennau ' heads' ; ciwsf-eu ib., Mn. clustwu ' ears' ; guefl-eu ib., 'M.n.gweflau 'lips'; amrann-eu ib., E.P. l27o,Mn. amrannau, late amrantau, sg. amrant' eyelid '; arv-eu W.M. 7, Mn. arfau ' arms' .•;
tlyss-eu do. 37, Mn, tlysau, sg. tlws 'jewel' ; loggon L.L. 120 {gg 5 »»), llongeu W.M. 39, Mn. llongau 'ships'; badeu W.M. 39, Mn.,
§ 120





elwedd 1729)  (tudalen 199)


badau 'boats1; tonnou JW., Ml. tonneu, Mn. tonnau ' waves'i, pehylleu •W.M. 44 ' tents'; betev (t =. 8) B.B. 63, Mn. teddail ' graves '; fruytlieu, llannev do. 56, Mn. ffrwyihan ' fruits ', llannau ' churches', etc. So drysau' doors ', cadeiriau ' chairs', canJiwyllau.
' candles ', llyfrau ' books', etc. etc.
The chief exceptions are nouns taking -i,eee § 122 ii (2), and namest of implements taking -ion, § 121 ii(z).
(2) Some nouns denoting persons, as tadan, ' fathers •'; mamatt 'mothers'; kenhadeu W.M. 184 'messengers'. Late Mn.W* cenhadon; meicheu W.M. 35 < sureties', now meichiau ; dwyweu B.B.B. 67 ' gods', Mn. W. duwiau; fern. nouns in -es, as breninesau 1 queens', etc.
(3) A few names of animals, as hebogeu W.M. 13 'hawks';
keffyleu W.M. 119 ; Jceilogeu IL.A.. 165 ; bleiddiau § 123 iv (4).
(4) Many abstract nouns, as drygaw ' evils' ; brodyeu E.P. 1238 ' judgements' ;_poenew W.M. 49, poetiau' pains '; go/idiazi' sorrows', meddylyev, § 121 ii (3)' thoughts', etc.; and abstract derivatives' in -ad or -iad, -aeth, -as, -der, -did, -dod, -edd, -yd; as bwriadait 1 intentions', gweledigaethau ' visions', priodasau ' weddings', mwynderau ' delights ', gwendidau ' weaknesses ', pererindodau ' pilgrimages ', iroseddau 'transgressions', clefydau ' fevers'. Also some names of times, seasons, etc., after dieu § 132 (2) : oriau 'hours'; bore-eu E.P. 1290 'mornings' ; nosseu C.M. i, sg. nos ' night', wytJinosau ' weeks' ; but misoedd, t'lynyddoedd § 122.
(5) The neologists of the 16th cent. took aroglaw ' smell' for a pi., in spite of popular usage which treats it as sg. to this day. They manufactured a sg. arogi and a v.n. arogli, vb. wroglaf, which with various derivatives are used in the Bible. But the word is aroglau, see arogleu IL.A. 81 translating "odor" 232, vb. arogleuaf B.T. 79, v.n. arogleuo, present-day coll. 'ogleuo.
ii. When -au is added to a stem ending in i, § 35, the combination is -iau ; e.g. O.W. hestoriou, cloriow, enmevtuou, dzficiuo» § 25 i. Ml. W. grubyeu W.M. 140, Mn. "W. gruddiau ' cheeks';
gliiiyen W.M. 434, glimaw ' knees '. In Mn. W, MU is used after -ei-, as geiriau ' words' § 35 ii. It came to be generally used to form new plurals, especially of borrowed words, e. g. words in -p, -t, -c, § 51 ii, as hetwu 'hats', capwn 'caps', bmtwu ' aprons' (but Ml. W. bratteu •W.M. 33 ' rags'), carpww ' rags', llawciau ' youths ', etc. :




Adolygiadau diweddaraf: Dÿdd Mawrth 2005-11-20; Mercher 2007-04-11
Sumbolau arbennig: ŷ ŵ

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