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SGANIAD AMRWD: TESTUN HEB EI GYWIRO ETO
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150
PHONOLOGY
< § 99
*fronq-, see vi (3)) : Lat.
stercus, Bret. stronk 'excrement'. It is seen that the loss is later than the
change onk > unk § 65 iii
(i) ; it also takes place in Lat. loanwords, asW. pwyth' stitch'
<piinctuin ';
but in the later of these the first explosive drops, as in sant < sanctus.
(4) "When two explosives
came before a liquid or nasal, the group remained in Pr. Kelt. ; thus W. eithr
' except', Ir. echtar < *ektro-s : Lat. ex/eras, extra, Osc. eMmd (-is-
for *-c- is a Lat. innovation, Walde2
263);—W. aet/in-en ' aspen
'< *aktn- < ^aptn-: Lith. apusze ' aspen', 0. H. G. apsa, 0.
E.; (Eps, E. asp : Lat. jpopuhts < *pii5ptol-, Gk. n-reXea ' elm'.
But a double explosive before a sonant was not distinguished in Ar. from a
single ; thus ettre was not distinct from etre, Meillet, "Intr.2 103. In Homer and the Veda the first syllable is metrically long
; in Plautus and Aristophanes, short; ordinarily in Gk. and Lat., doubtful.
In old Kelt. formations we have one ;' for two, as in Gaul.
Atrebafes, W. adref ' homewards' < *atreb- <
*attr- < *ad-tr-. In later formations the double consonant remained, as in
W. atJirist' sad' < *attnstis < *ad- + Lat. trzstis. kr, tr may develop
as kkr, ttr in W. as in ocJtr, rfwthr § 104 iii (2). A
double media in'Brit. is treated regularly as a single tenuis in W., as in
edrych ' to look ' <*efr-< ^ed-dr- < *ad-dr- or
*eg-dr-; once as a double tenuis ; see 1. c.
vi. (i) A group of the form nt or nd, followed immediately or mediately by a
liquid or nasal, has tended from an early period in Kelt. to become a double
explosive tt or dd with nasalization of the preceding vowel. In Ir. the
double consonant was simplified before the sonant; see ceol, aim, cobrvth (6 = 5) below. The change, being a case of dissimilation of the
continuants, does not take place regularly, § 103 i ; it often exists side by side with the regular
development of the group. Thus O.W. if/ir ' between', Bret. etre, Van. itre,
Ir. eter (not *et- the regular Ir. for *enf-) beside Bret. entre, Corn. yntre
: Lat. inter, Skr. antdr;—W, afhrngar ' pitiless' < *^ttr- beside Ir.
etrocar < *entr-, both <
*n-troitgakaros;—W. cathi 'song' < *kyttlo-, Ir. ceol id. < *Jc^t(t)lo-, 0. W. centhliat, centfiilwt (ense) gl. canorum, beside Ir. cetal<
*kenilo-, Bret. kentel' lesson';—W, allwedd f.' key' for *-alcJiwedd, Bret.
alc'houez metath. for *acAlweo < *n-(jl(9)y-na ('unlocker',
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SGANIAD AMRWD: TESTUN HEB EI GYWIRO ETO
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151
cf. agoriad ' opener' used instead in N. W.), also allwydd m. <
-iws : Lat. claudo, clavis, Gk. K\rj(s, etc. ;—W. acMes 'shelter' <
*n-kl-std (»- ' in '), V hi- ' hide ' : 0. H. G. hulst' cover', W. clyd § 63 iii;—W. acJienog ' needy ', acJien ' need ', beside W.
angfienog, angen, Ir. Been ' need ' < *-nk-en.- : Gk. a.va.yK.i}.
Mediae : W. adyn ' wretch' < *(iddonws< *n-domos ' not-man ', beside
the later annyn 'wretch', annynol 'inhuman', Mn. Ir. anduine;—W. agor ' to
open ' <*g%w- < ^n-ghor- (g- negative), beside egor id. < *eggor-
(pref. *<%-), '/gher- ' enclose ' : li&t./tortus, Gk.)(6proy,W.garth;—W. m/bren, ' cloud,
sky ', 0. Corn. Jwibren, Ml.
Corn. ebron, Bret. Van. ebr, beside Ir. inrim 'storm': Lafc. iinber, §100 v;—^.hebrwng''\i0 accompany, convey ',0. Corn. hebrenchiat,
Mn. Corn. Jiembronk, Ml. Bret. hambrouk < ^sem-broiak- : Skr. sam-\ ' \ '
with ', Goth. briggan, E. bring ;—Bret. abrant ' eyebrow ', Corn.
abrans < ^abbr-, Ir. abra < *a6r-,
beside W. amrant < *am-brant-(n- ' in') : Lat. gen.front-is ;—Ir. cobrith'
help', beside W. cymryd 'to take'< *'ko'm-bhr-t-.—The nasalized vowel
sometimes develops a new nasal, resulting in a new nd, etc., which does not
become nn ; thus W. enderig ' steer ', 0. W. enderic gl. vitulus, beside W. anner ' heifer'' which
contains old nd ;—Gwyn. dial. aw-gar 'hot breath, steam' for lit. W. ager '
steam' < *''logger-,, beside anger dd (fig •= WK>) <*awger-,
all<*w-^CT-
§ 92 v.
Similarly Itr > *ttr > tar in athro § 76 v (5).
(z) It has been conjectured that an explosive + n sometimes became a double
explosive in Kelt.; Pedersen, Gr. i 158,
suggests that this took place immediately before the accent. Thus Ir. brecc,
W. brych ' speckled ' < *brikkos < *bhrkn6s: Gk. •n-epicros § 101
iii (2) ;
as -cc occurs in Ir., the doubling here is not Brit. rkk < rk § 61 i (i);
—W. crwth a kind of fiddle, moth ' womb', Ir. cruit' harp, hump' <
*qrutn-: Lith. krutzs ' woman's breast', krutme ' breast'.—But many doublings
attributed to this cause are due to other causes; see Thurneysen Gr. 88.
(3) It seems as if n +
explosive coming after a sonant might become a double explosive, as in W.
rhoch ' snore ' : Gk. po-yxos, peyKm § 97 v (s). We-have nk > 1ck > c'h after a nasal in the Bret. mutation after ma ' my',
nao ' nine ', as va c'haloun ' my heart', nao c'hant ' 900 '; but the development is
regular in W.
§ 100. i. (i) Ar. i- (Lat. j-,
Gk.', Germ. j, Lith. j, Skr. y-) remained in Pr. Kelt. ; it disappears in
Ir., but remains in W. Thus W. wuanc, Bret. idovank, Corn. iouenc, Ir. Sac, 6c : Lat.
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152 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 153
we have diawl monosyll. § 34
ii < diab{o)lus, but pi. di \ ef\yl 3 syll. M.A. i 1920
for 'se•d^efyl<(llabol^.
After medial consonants u and i remained, as in W. pedwar ' four' § 63 vii (4);—W. celmydd' lie' < *kalmw-: Lat. calumnies, <
*aalyomnia ',—W. dedwydd ' happy' < *do-tuiios : Lat. tuerz, fwfus, 0. Icel. pySa ' friendship ', Goth.
pivp ' good ' noun, Vfeye(i)-(not '/teud- ' swell, increase' accoiding"
to Walde s. v. fueor) ;— W. pi. ending -20% § 121 i;
verbal sums -i- § 301 iii (6); see also iii (a) below.
(a) Between two consonants u and i had dropped in Brit.;
thusW.^a;»y'knee'<*y«%r-<*^g%(M)r- §63 vii (4);—cAwann-en<
*sqond-<*s-qoa(i)d- ib. ;—golchz < *yolk- < *yol(i)q»- § 89 ii (a).
—On -w- which came later between consonants in W., see § 43. / (3) Between i or i and a consonant, u dropped ; as in chwyd f
vomit' <*spi(u)t-, Vspewy- § 96
iv (i) ;—W. hoed ' grief, Ir< isaet/i < *Mi(u)f- : Lat. haevus (orig.
'sore, sad', see Walde s.v.) ;
—W. oed ' age' < *az(u)t- : Lat. aetas, older aevltas. Hence while W. has
final -yw, -oyw it has no -ywd, -oywd, -ywg, etc.
iii., (i) In Brit., in the diphthong ii (ei, ai), when accented or following
the accent, i became a spirant probably like French j, which became 8, and appears so in W. Thus -iws
> -y?>, -iia > -eS ;
'-zz- > -aeS § 75 iv. But
the change did not take place in 01
or w.
(a) The same change took place after 1
or r following the accent; thus 'li > *lb > W. 11; and 'ri > *y8
= W. r8. Examples :
Ii : W. gallaf ' I can' : Lith. gahu ' I can ';—W. all- in ail-fro. ''
foreigner', Gaul. Allo-broges < *alw- :
Lat. ahus, Gk. SXXos <
*dlws;—W. gwell ' better' : Skr. vdn/a-h ' eligible', vdnydn ' better' : 0. E. wel, E. well, orig. ' choice
', */yel- ' wish '.—ri:
W. arddaf ' I plough' ; Lith. anw ' I plough', Goth. arjan ' to plough';—Pr.
Kelt. lyer-ww-, -zann- > W. Iwerddon, 'Ireland', Ir. gen. Erenn;—W.
morddwyd' thigh ' : 0. H. G.
muriot' thigh';
—W. hzordd ' a violent push' < *spurt- (ur<w^r^63 viii (i)) V sphyere- ' hurl, smite ' § 96 iv (i) : Lith. sptrzu ' I kick '
(w fc < e1' § ^3 iii) ; also possibly W. g-ordd
fern.' mallet' [g- excrescent § 112
ii (a)), 0. W. ord ox. a,
Bret. orz < *pwrt-a ' smiter' : Gk. (r(f>vpa l mallet' <
*cr<j)vpia ', in that case Ir. ordd is from British (a not improbable
borrowing, cf. Pedersen Gr. i aa-4).
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153 PHONOLOGY , §100
juvencus, 0. H. G. jwig, E.
young, Skr. yuvasd'h. 'youthful' < Ar. wunkos ;—W. laitJi' language ',
Bret. iez< ^ick-t- : 0. H.
Q.jeJiau ' to say' ;—0. W.
lud- ' *warrior', W. udd' lord' < *ieudh-; ton, i/Sr ' lord ' < Kelt.
*zud-n6s, wd-ros § 66 v : Gk. va-fuvr] ' battle', Skr.
yodJidh ' warrior', yudJi, id., yudhyatz ' fights'; V'teudh-.
(a) Ar. u-
(Lat. v-, Gk. F- (lost), Germ. w-, Lith.
»-, Skr. v-) remained in Pr. Kelt.; it appears in Ir. as f-, in W. as gw-.
Thus W. gwaith f. ' fois' (taw gwaith ' 3 times'), Ir. fecht id. < *ue1ct-^ W. ar-waiw ' to lead ' < *ari-ueg-n- § 203 iv : Lat. veho, Gk. e^(oy Pies.,
S\of, Skr. vdhati ' conveys, draws, leads ', 0. H. G. wagan, E. wain, way; Vyegh-;—W. gwzr 'true', Ir. fir :
Lat. verus, 0. H. G. war; Ar.
*yeros ;—W. gwedd, gwys § 63
iv ; gwall § 99 iii (i).—So
before 1 or r : W. gw?yb § 58 iv, gwlad § 63 vii (a), gwraidd § 91.
"'/ . . . -t
Though $'w- generally remains, it became gwn- in gwna ' make, do ':
Bret. gra, Corn. gwra < *wag-: cf. Corn. gwreans 'work', gwrear ' worker'
< *ureg-. In the Oldest W. r remains : guragun tage ( = gwrayon tanc)
B.S.CH. 2 'let us make peace
', wrath B.A. 22 ' was made'
< *yrekt-; later gwnech L.L. 120,
B T. 64 ' may do ' <
*ureJc-s-;
Ml. W. goreu ' did ' < *uerag- < perf. *w-urog-e; Vuereg-: E. work, Gk.
Ipyov (Fepyov). Also in gwmo ' to sew': Bret. grid id., Corn. gwry ' seam '
< *ureg-, same loot; cf. Ir. fraco' needle ', fraig ' osier ':
Gk. pvjyw, etc. (orig. meaning ' bend ', hence ' weave ', hence ' work';
see Walde s. v. vergo).
When gwr- or gwl- is followed by a rounded vowel or w-diphthong, it may
become gr- or gl- by dissimilation: W. grug for gwrug § 75 ii;
glyw for gwlyw § 102 iii (2).
(3) Ar. -i- and -u- between
vowels remained in Pr. Kelt.; they disappear in Ir., but generally remain in
W., though sometimes altefcd ; see §§ 75,
76, and iii (i) below.
ii. (i) After an initial consonant n or y was liable to drop from the
earliest period § 101 ii (a);
thus W. doe, Lat. heri, Gk. ^0es
: Skr. hydh § 9g i (3) ;—W. dall: Goth. dwafs § 99 iii (s).— But u remained in Brit.
after guttural mediae, § 92
iv, and after s- § 94 iv ; and
i remained in some forms. In W. in this position i generally became i ; thus
W. diew ' days' for diew as in Mn. W. trtdwit ' 5 days' (the accentuation implies 0. W. dz-) < Brit-. / *dtoyes, < ^dieves (wu > W. wu § 76 iii (3)). The hesitation. between z and i must go back to 0. W. when the accent was on the
ult. and the i would be unaccented. Lat. i became ^ early, and
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154 PHONOLOGY § 100
- (3) The change of j; to *8 in the above cases took place
before the Koman period, for there is no example of it in any word borrowed
from Lat. The alteration was therefore earlier than the period of vowel
affection, and the *8 could
not affect; hence arSaf, not *eirSaf, etc.
The fact that the change does not take place initially corroborates the view
that it did not happen before an accented vowel. All forms that occur can be
explained under this supposition ; thus all- < *dlw-, but ail ' second'
< *aU6s, etc. ; see § 165 vi.
iv. Ar. -mi- became -ni- in Pr. Kelt. ; as W. dyn ' man ', Ir.
duine < *gh9omw-, § 98 i (3), § 131 i ;—W.
myned, 'to go', Ml. Bret. monet. Corn. mones < *momi- for *mamt- § 65 v (a), by a'ssim. for *bam-i-
< ^g^/n-i-, V g'^em- : Lat. venio, Gk. f^awa both < ^-gVi^nno, Goth.
qiman, E. come. The -,<- disappeared before the -e- of the suffix; the
suffix may have been -at-, § 203
ii, which following the accent would become -et- after i, see § 65 vi (i). The i was lost in the
compounds an-fon, dan-fan ' to accompany, send ', prefix § 156 ii (i).
v. In some cases metathesis of i took place in Brit. Thus Ir. suide c soot'
comes from *sodw-, but W. fmdd- in Jiuddygl' soot' implies *soid-; 0. E. sot, Lith. sudziai 'soot' have
L "-grade ; so W. suddaf ' I sink ' < *sozd- < *sodz- beside W.
soddaf ' I sink ', sawdd ' subsidence ' < *sod-, V' sed- § 63 ii.—W. drum ' ridge' < *-droimm-<
*drommi- < *dros-mi- : Ir. druimrn < *drommi- ((-stem) : Lat. dorsum
< *d^s-so-m, Gk. Seipds < *ders-ad-, Skr. dys-dd ' rock, millstone ',
Vderes-;—W. turw ' to delve' < *toirg- < ^torgi- : Lat. porca § 101 iii (i) ;—W. ar-o-fun 'intend',
dam- (_/)uti~aw, dym-MI-O ' desire', with -fun- < *moin,- < *moni- :
Lat. moneo, '/menei-, extension of Vmeti- ' mind' ;—W. ulw ' ashes, powder'
< *oilw-<*j3olu^~ : Lat.
pulvis < *poluis;—W. Urien, 0.
W. Urb-gen § 25 i <
*-oirto-gen- < ^orUo- : Gaul. Orbius ' heir •', Lat. orbus, Gk. 6p<f)av6s;—W. wyneb ' face ', in comp. wynab- B.M. 30 <
*einep-, *einap- < ^em-sq^- (§ 65
vi (i)) : Skr. dmkam 'face'< ^eni-sq^-, V off'-; the un-metathesized form
is seen in 0. W. einepp, where
ein- is from *en(z)- § 70 v,
since old ei had then become ui s Mn. wy ; 0. W. enep. Corn. eneb Bret. enep, Ir. enech show i lost, which
occurs before e in Brit., see vi below, and cf. § 35 ii (a), and is usual in Ir., cf. i above;—W. wy&r, wybren
' cloud ' IL.A. 104, 91, 'sky', 0. Corn. hziibreii g-1.
•s^'a\oea<*eibbr-< *embfirj- § 99
vi (i) : Lat. imber gen. imbris (t'-stem) < ^embJiri-
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RAW SCAN: TEXT NOT YET CORRECTED
155
* (3) The change of z to *8 in the above cases took place
before the Boman period, for there is no example of it in any word borrowed
from Lat. The alteration was therefore earlier than the period of vowel
affection, and the *8 could
not affect; hence arSaf, not *eirSaf, etc.
The fact that the change does not take place initially corroborates the view
that it did not happen before an accented vowel. All forms that occur can be
explained under this supposition ; thus all- < *dlv)-, but ail ' second'
< *aU6s, etc. ; see § 165 vi.
iv. Ar. -mi- became -ni- in Pr. Kelt. ; as W. dyn, ' man ', Ir. duine <
*ghyomw-, § 98 i (3), § 121 i ;—'W.,myned, 'to go', Ml. Bret. monet, Corn. mones<
*momz- for ^mamz- § 65 v (a),
by atssim. for *bam-i- < ^g^eWi-i-, V g^em- : Lat. venio, Gk. ISaivw both
<
*-g*^mw, Goth. qiman, E. come. The -2-
disappeared before the -e- of the suffix; the suffix may have been -at-, § 203 ii, which following the accent
would become -et- after t, see § 65
vi (i). The z was lost in the compounds an-fon, dan-fan ' to accompany, send
', prefix § 156 ii (i).
v. In some cases metathesis of z took place in Brit. Thus Ir. suide c soot'
comes from *sodw~, but W. hvdcl- in Jmddygl' soot' implies *-soid-; 0. E. sot, Lith. sudziai 'soot' have
L°-grade ; so W. suddaf ' I sink' < *soid- < *sodi- beside "W.
soddaf ' 1 sink ', sawdd '
subsidence ' < *sod-, '/ sed- § 63
ii.—W. drum' ridge' < *droimm-< ^drommi- < *dros-mi- : Ir. druimm
< *drommi- ((-stem) : Lat. dorsum < *drs-so-m, Gk. Seipdf <
*ders-ad-, Skr. dr^s-dd ' rock, millstone ', V deres-;—W. turw ' to delve'
< *toirg- < *fmyj- : Lat.. porca § 101 iii (i) ;—"W. ar-o-fun 'intend ', dam-(f)un-aw,
dym-un-o ' desire', with -fun- < *moin- < *"m.oiii- : Lat. moneo,
•/menei-, extension of V'men- ' mind' ;—W. ulw ' ashes, powder' <
*oily-< *polu^- : Lat. pulvis < *poluis ;—W. Urien, 0. W. Urb-gen, § 25 i < ^oirbo-gem- < ^orbw- :
Gaul. Orbius ' heir), Lat. orbus, Gk. 6p(f>av6s;—W. wyneb ' face ', in comp.
wynab- E.M. 30 <
*einep-, *einap-<*e'n^-9gft-
(§ 65 vi (i)) : Skr. dmkam
'face'< ^eni-aq*-, */ oq*- ; the un-metathesized form is seen in 0. W. einepp, where em- is from
*en(f)- § 70 v, since old ei
had then become w '= Mn. wy ; 0.
W. enep, Corn. eneb Bret. enep, Ir. enech show i lost, which occurs before e
in Brit., see vi below, and cf. § 35
ii (a), and is usual in Ir., cf. i above;—W. wy&r, wybren 'cloud' IL.A. 104, 91, 'sky', 0.
Corn. huibren g\. nubes<*e^&r-< *embhri- § 99 vi (i) : Lat. imber gen. imbris (»'-stem) < ^embhri-
(: Gk. a^po? 'foam', Ir. imrim, 'storm'); without metathesis and with i lost,
Bret. Van. ebr, Corn. ebron,, ebbarn.; again, with metath., W. nwyf-re ' sky'
< *neib- < *nebMo-; the root is ^enebh-,. of which ^embh- is PV, and
*nebh- is VF ; with -I- suffix, § 90.
(W. nef1 heaven' is however
from ^/nem- ' curve' hence ' vault', as shown by Bret. nenv, Ir. nem; also
seen in W. want' vale' < *nm-t-.}
vi. z, drops before i or e, see iv, v, above ; cf. § 75 ii (a).
INTERCHANGE OF CONSONANTS
CONSONANT ALTERNATION.
9
§ 101. i. Comparison of the
derived languages points to certain alternations of consonants in Pr. Aryan;
they are mostly the result of dialectal variation, and of the accidents of
consonant combination. The same causes produced the same results after the
dispersion; and while some of the alternations mentioned below may be
primitive, others are certainly later, and some comparatively recent. Three
kinds of alternations may be distinguished : (i) the consonant alternates
with zero; (2) the manner of
articulation varies; (3) the
place of articulation varies.
ii. The cases where the consonant alternates with zero are the following:
(1) Initial s- before a
consonant is variable ; thus Gk. o-reyos, Lith. st6gas 'roof, Skr. sthdgati 'conceals': Gk. i-e-yos, Lat. tego, W.
to 'roof; •</{s)theg-;—Ir. scaraim, W. ysgaraf 'I separate' Lith. sJciritt
id. : Lat. caro ' flesh', orig. ' piece (of flesh)', Gk. Ktipw, Skr. krntdti
'cuts': •</(s)qer-,—W. chwech 'aix' < *syeks : Armen. vec <
*yeks;—Lat. spargo, E. sprinkle : Gk. -n-epKvw, W. erch 'speckled, grey' <
*perq-, § 97 v (3).—This treatment of s- persisted
long after the dispersion; and many of the examples found are undoubtedly
cases of the dropping or the adding of s- in the ' derived languages. In
Kelt. s- seems to have been added and
dropped with a freedom hardly equalled elsewhere.—As -s was an ^extremely
common ending in Ar., it is natural to suppose that -s st-,'' would be
confused with -s t-, so that it would not always be easy to • decide whether
the initial had s- or not. But some scholars regard the s- as a "
preformative" or more or less meaningless prefix;
see Schrijnen KZ. xlii 97 ff.
(2) A consonantal sonant after
an initial consonant was sometimes dropped. Thus W. chwech, Gk. 'fe^ <
*syeks: Lat. sex, Goth. saihs<
*se1cs ;—Gk. irXaTvs, W.
llydan, i/plethe- 'spread out, stretch': without
-;-, Lat. patere, Gk. vtra.vvvfi.i, W. edau 'thread';—W. brau 'brittle'
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RAW SCAN: TEXT NOT YET CORRECTED
156
PHONOLOGY
§ 101
< *bhrag-, Lat. frango, E. break : Skr. bhandkti ' breaks ', Ir. cowi1 boing ' coiifringit', Armen. bek '
broken ';—W. cryg ' hoarse' < *qri-q-, ysgrech ' scream' < *s-qriq-nd,
Gk. Kpii,w, Kpi,yri, E. shriek, Lat. crzmen, Vqrei- : -without -r-, 'W. cwyn
' complaint' < *qei-vw-, Ir. coinim ' I mourn', Germ. heiser 'hoarse',
O.E. has > E. hoarse (intrusive r);—W. craff' 'sharp', crafu 'to scratch',
crach 'scabs', E. scrape : without -r-, ~W. cafn 'trough' (scooped out), E.
scab, shave, shape, Gk. O-OTMTTO), O-KCM^OS, Lat. scabo, Lith. sfcabus
'sharp':
*sqra-b-/-bh-/-p-;—Lat. brevis < *breghuis, Gk. fSpayvs <*b'rghus:
without -r-, Ir. berr, W. byrr, Corn. her, Bret. berr ' short' <
*bek'-s-ro-s (witli -ro- suff. like W. hzr ' long' < *se-ro-s\; Ir. becfc)
' small' <*beggos with dimin. gemination; "W. bach ' small' <
*b^gh(u)so-; „ bychan ' small', 0.
W. bichan, Bret., Corn., bichan < *biksogno-< *briks- < *brgh(u)so-;
bechan < *begh(u)so-, assumed to be £ in "W.
*Later examples of lost -r- are E. speak : 0. E. sprecan, Germ. sprechen;—W. gwalth 'work': (gjwreith §100 i (2);—Guto(t=tt) hypocoristic form of Gruffudd.
(3) Between initial s- and a
sonant, a labial or guttural was liable to diop ; thus spr : sr, and eql'.sl,
etc., Siebs, KZ. xxxvii 285
ff.— W. cleddyf 'sword', ar-choll 'wound' §156 i (6), dais
'bruise' < *qlsd-ti-, claddu ' to bury', •/qolad- ' strike, cut, dig': W.
lladd ' kill, cut off, mow ', Ir. slaidim ' I strike, cut' < *slad- <
*sqlsd- ;— W.jfrwd ' stream' ,ffrydw ' to gush' < *spru-t-, Germ. Sprudel'
fount, gush, flow of water' : W. rhwd, rhewyn, etc., § 95 i, < *sru-;— \f.jfroen, f. '
nostril', Ir. sron f. ' nose ' < *sprvgnd; without s- (p... g >t...g § 86 ii (3)), W. trwyn m. ' nose' < *prugno-s, trywyS ' scent' <
*przigiw- : Gk. pv-y^o?' pig's snout '< *srunghos § 97 v (3).— So prob. Lat. seaemis, W. chwith § 96 iii (2) <
*sq-, by (2) above for
*sql-: Lat. laevus, Gk. \ai6f
< *sl-; by (2) *sl- >
*s-, whence W. asswy < *ad-sow-, Skr. savydh; as sk- alternates with sq;
see iv (i), the simple root is perhaps *klei- : Lat. clino, clwus, W. cledd '
left (hand)', go-gledd 'north'. So perhaps Lat. lact- for *slact- for
*sqlact- : Gk. •yoA.a, W. glas-dwr § 63
vii (3);—W. ffreu B.B. 37 ' fruit' < *sprdg-: Lat.
fragum < *srdg-.
(4) A semivowel after a long
vowel -was often dropped : Skr» astwu ' eight', Goth. ahtau : Skr. asta, Gk.
OKTW, Lat. octo. The reduced grade may come from either form; see Vuere(^)- §
63
v" (5)-
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157 Other sonants might disappear
finally after long vowels, as Gk.
KVWV : Skr. Sva ' dog', Lith. sssw, Ir. CM, W. ci',—Gk. /tynyp : Skr. mdta. »
iii. While the place of articulation remained the same, the mode of
articulation might vary.
(i) At the end of a root a tenuis frequently alternated with a media. Thus 0. E. dyfan, E. dive < *dheup-:
W. dwfn ' deep *, Gaul. dubno-, Lith. dubits
'deep' < *dhub-, V dheup/b-;—Lat. gen. pdcis '. Lat-pango VpSk/g- ;—Lat.
sparg-o : Gk. vepK-vw, W. erch, ii (i) above;
*Lat. planeus, W. talch : E. flake, Vpelaq/g- § 86 ii (3);—Lat;
INTERCHANGE OF CONSONANTS
luceo, Gk. Xevws, W. Hug ' light': W. go-lew ' light', Gaul. Lugu-,
Vieuq/g-.—So Lat. porca, W. rhych ' farrow' < *prk : W. turio ' to delve'
< *'torgz- (t- forp- § 86
ii (3)); W. tyrchio ' to
delve' is a late form from twrch = Lat. porous, prob. allied to the above
words despite Armen. herk 'newly ploughed land' which implies -q-', (Lith.
parszas 'pig' implies -%-); see iv (i).
In the same position an aspirated media alternated with a media :
*W. oen ' lamb', 0. E. eanian
' yean' < *agf/in- : Gk. d/wog < *ag'K^^- : Lat. agnus ambiguous ;—Skr.
budhnd-h ' bottom', Gk. iruGfirjv < *bhudh- : 0. E. botm < *bhud- : W. b3n ' bottom' < Kelt.
*budn-o-
ambiguous.
An aspirated tenuis alternated with an
aspirated media:—Skr. nakhd-h ' nail': Ir. ingen, W. ewin, Lat. unguis, Lith.
nagas ' nail'.
(2) Initially a tenuis
alternated with an aspirated media, more rarely with a media. Thus W. craidd,
Lat. cord-, Gk. xap8«x, Lith.
swrd'is, E. heart, Sk. srad-, all from &- : Skr. hrd-, Av. ssarada, from
*gh- ;—Ir. cingim ' I go, stride ', W. rhy-gyngu ' to amble ', Ir. ceimm '
stride', W. cam id. < *kngh-smen-: Germ. Gang, E. gang-way, Gk. Koywvi]
for *Kay(wvrj < *ghngh-, Lith. zengiii' I step, stride '< *ghengh';
of. Vskkg- § 96 iii (i);—Lat.
porcus, Ir. ore, tore, W. twrch, 0.
H.G. far[a)h < *p- : 0. H. G. barah, 0. E. bearh < *bh-;—O.Lat. dingua, 0. H. G. sunga, E. tongue < *d- : Ir. tenge, W. tafod, Corn.
tavot, Biet. teod,< *t-, see § 92
v, § 97 v (2);—W. erch 'grey, speckled', Gk.
TrepKvw : W. brych, brith ' speckled', bwrw ' cast, sprinkle', see § 97 v (3). As in the last equation, several examples occur in W. and
Ir. of b- for p- pointing to the alternation of p- : b(h)- before the
disappearance ofp- in Kelt. Thus Lat. pus, puter, Gk. irvov, TrvOof.Lo.i,
Goth. fills, E. foul, Skr. puyati' putrefies, stinks', Vpeu^a")-, peu- :
W. baw ' dirt' < *b[h)eu-, budr ' dirty ' < *b[h)eu-tr-; also with ^
for u, iv (i), Lat. paedor < *paz-d-, Vpei- : W. baeddu 'to dirty' <
*b(h')ai-d- (-d- present);—Lith. pluskos ' hair', 0. E. fleas, E. fleece, Ger. Fliess, Vpleus- ; W. blew ' hair'
(mostly of animals, not of man's head in W., as in Corn. and Bret.) <
*b(h)leus-;—Lat. pasco, Gk. •n-a.reoiJLai, Goth. fodjan, E. food, W. yd
'corn', Ir. ith id., Skr. pitu-h ' food', Vpd<^)- : 0. W. bit ' food' < *b(K)it; Ir.
biad id. < "^(A)?^-, W. bwyd do. < *b{Ji)ei-t-;—Lat. piget, Lith.
peikti ' to blame', 0.
'E.ficol, E. fickle, Vpeiq/g- : W. bai ' blame, fault' < ace.
*b(h)vgu>l;—Gk. •a-e'n'pWTa.i, STropov, Lat. pars, W. Than, Vpero- § 63 vii (2) : W. barn ' judgement '< *b(h)r'n-, brawd id., Ir. brdth
id. < *b(h)rt- (for meaning cf. Germ. Toil' part' : Urteil' judgement').—
The above alternation may be accompanied by a similar alternation medially;
thus Lat. caper, Gk. xairpoy, W. caer-MTch ' roebuck ', all < *qap(e)r- :
W. gafr ' goat', Ir. gabor, gabur, Gaul.
Gabro- <
*g(h)ab(h)r-;—Lat. capio, Goth. haf/an, W. oaffel 'to get' < *qap-:
Lat. habeo, W. gaf-el' to take hold (of)' < *ghabh-.
There seems to have been a later tendency to substitute a media for a tenuis
initially before a sonant in Brit. and Goidelic; as in Brit. Britan- for
*Fritan- § 3 iii;—so W. brig '
top (of a tree), crest
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§101
§ 102 INTERCHANGE OF
CONSONANTS
159
(of a wave), hair of the head, border (of a country) ', bra/er ' hair of the
head'<*6n&- for *pr1k-, metath. for *krzp- > W. crib
'comb, crest, ridge (of a roof)': Ir. crwh ' boundary of a country' < *qr1,-q-uo-broken redupl., Vqerei-
'separate, divide, cut off' : Lat. crena ' notch ', crista ' crest', crmis '
hair of the head ';—Ir. droeh ' wheel':
'W. fro ' turn';—Ir. gee : W. cainc ' branch' < *knq- : Skr. Sakhd
•branch';—W. gast 'bitch' : ci 'dog' § 96 ii (3).—Of. W.
ffrawys, . Cfarawys 'Lent' § 138;
< Lat. quadragesima.—Still later is the softening of the initial of an
adverb, and of a proclitic, as dy ' thy';
these are regarded as mutated forms, and are not mutated further (except
occasionally by false analogy).
(3) Alternations like tlie
above occur also in ^affixes; as *-tro- : p-
*-dhro- and *-flo- : *-dhlo-.
(4) Though I and r are not
mixed indiscriminately, several doublets occur in which they alternate, as
Vghuer- / ghuel- § 92 iv.
These alternations may have originated, as suggested by Meillet, Intr.2 143, in reduplicated forms in which, by dissimilation, r may
become ?, or even n Thus Vg^ere- ' devour' gives *g*er-g*d-, *gu/l-g'^1'-, etc.,, also with g for g* by
dissim.; thus Gk. /Si/SpwcrKw, Lat. vorare, W. barus ' gretdy' < *S^we'l'~
'• (broken redupl.) Gk. e'/3po^e,
Ml. H. G. -krage, Ir. brage, W. breuant ' windpipe' < *gvfg-y't- : (full
rednpl.) .Lat.
gwgulio, 0. H. G. querechela,
Gk. •vayypa.i.va : Lat. gula.
iv. The place of articulation might vary.
(1) The different gutturals
sometimes alternate. Thus, q/fc:—
Vieuq/tc- : Skr. rocate ' lights, shines', rokd-h ' bright', Lith. Idukti /
to expect', with *-q- : Skr. ruSant- ' bright, white', Lith. Idszis ' lynx '
with *-%-;—the suffix *-qo- : *-%o-, as Skr. maryakd-h (mdrya-h ' young man')
with "-q- : Skr. yuvasd-h (yuvan- ' young ') with *-%-:
Lat. juvencus, W. ieuano ambiguous ;—V'afc-foq- § 63 v (2);—
^Jcei- '• Vqoi- : Vq^ew-, see Walde s.v. civis. For a Icirge number of
examples see Bmgmann2 I 545 ff. After s-, -q- predominates,
§ 84 Note 2 ; and &/q alternate, as Skr.
chindtti ' cuts, severs '< *sk-Lith. sk'edziu 'I separate '<*sq-, V
s'k{h)eid-/sq(K)eid-.
gWh/gh'.—Lat. fz-lum ' thread '< *gVhz- : W. gz-au ' nerves, sinews'
<.*gJvi-',—W. gwres, Gk. Oepp.o's, etc. <
*g^h-, § 92 iii : Lith.
Saryjos ' glowing coals', Alb. sjar ' fire ' < *gh-;—W. gwelw ' pale ',
Lith. geltas 'tawny' < *g*h- : Lith. Seli-it green, W. glas 'green' <
*gh, § 92 iii.
Exactly the same change of position as the last is involved in the
alternation of u and ^', which occurs in some roots, as Vgheu- :
Vghei- 'yawn'.
(2) The Ar. consonant series
p, t, k, q, qf is not a line with p and <ft as loose ends, but as it were
a circle, in which p and q^ approach one another, q* combines the back with
the lip position, and the shifting of the stop to the latter position makes
it p. It is not surprising therefore that q^ became .p in some languages as
W., Osc.-TJmb., Gk., or that under certain conditions p > q^, § 96 iv. Already in Ar. there seem to
be some cases o! p alternating with q*, and even
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with 3';'this takes place
before I, and before r when it is a variant of I. Thus we have the parallel
roots *pel-, *qV-el-, *qel- ' to turn', also with r, *q«er. Examples :—*pel-
: Lat. poples ' bend of knee', Ir. imb-el, W. ym-yl 'rim, edge'<
*mbi-pel-, "W". cyf-yl 'bolder, vicinity' < *kom-pel-, ol-wyn '
wheel'", Gk. ire.Xop.ai. < *pel- (since g»e > re § 89 i);—*q°el- : Lat. colo, incola,
Gk. reXeOw, vo\ev<o, W. dy-chwel-af ' I return' < *do-sq«el-; redupl. Gk. KVK\O<;, 0. E. hweohl, E. wheel;—*qel-: Gk. KC.\\W- a-Tpe/3\w Hes., Lat. coluber;— qer- : Lat. curvus, Gk. Kopwvrj, Ir.
cor ' circle', W. cor ' circle, close', cored ' round weir', Ml. ~W. at-coraf
' I return ', Ir. cruind, W. crwn.n ' round'. — — So the roots *spe^-*squel-,
*sqel-, *sqer- ' to split, separate, scatter'; thus *spel- : 0. H. G. spalfan, E. split, Skr.
sphdtdyati ' splits ', Bret. faoufa ' to split', W. fflochen ' splinter',
holltz ' to split' § 96 iv
(i);—^"^-, *sqel- : Lith. skelm 'I split', Bret. skula, W. chwalu ' to
scatter ', Ir. scdilim ' I scatter'; — *sqer- :
Lith. skiritt, W. ysgar, etc. ii. (i);—also in the sense of 'snatching ';
with p, Lat. spolium : with q, W. ysglyfio ' to snatch ', ysgly-faeth 'prey'
< *sq^-m-.——So Gk. -irXev/Jwv, wf.vji.wv 'lung', Lat. pulrno (for *plumo),
0. Bnlg. plusta, 0. Pruss. plauti ' lung', the '
light' member (cf. E. lights ' lungs '), W. Human ' banner' < *p1eus-m^n- : Skr. kloman- ' right lung'
< *qleumon-, W. ysgy faint dual 'lungs' < *s-qum^i- (I lost ii (2), see also § 121 iv), Bret. skevent, Ml. Ir.
seaman (1 < Brit.), Ml.
"W. yscun B. B. 4 = ysgwn
' light, soaring', 0. 'W.
scamn-, ~W. ysgawn, ysgafn, Bret. skcww ' light' <
*s-qumn- § 76 vii (4); W. cwhwfan for *cy-chwyfan ' to
wave in the
breeze, flutter ' < *ko-squnwn-, chwyf ' waving' < *squnw : Vpleu-/
(pneu-) ' float, waft'.
(3) The change of p to t,
which sometimes occurs is doubtless
nlways secondary, as in Skr. sthtvati ' spews' (; Lat. spuo, E. spew} f where
the t is due to the^bllowing palatal, cf. Gk. •n-nxi) < *pmw. In JJ Kelt.
p became q" before q", but sometimes ( before a palatal or velar
§ 86 ii (3), perhaps a compromise between the
labial and guttural
positions.
ASSIMILATION, DISSIMILATION AND METATHESIS.
§ 102. i. Assimilation, dissimilation
and metathesis of consonants have taken place at all pariods ; most of the
examples occurring have arisen since the Ar. dispersion. In many cases the
change has become a phonetic law; but most of the changes, especially of
dissimilation and metathesis, occur only accidentally.
ii. (i) Assimilation of joined consonants: (a) Ar. pd > bd etc. § 93 i; sd > zd § 97; ghb >gh3 § 98.—(6) In most
of the derived languages mt > nt, etc. § 84, Note 3.—(c)
In Kelt. tk > kk, etc. § 93,
" (2). (3); n1 > V-, mr > rr, In, > U § 99 iii; IS > U § 100
iii (2).*
—(d) In W. nt > nnh etc. § 106, lit > II § 105 ; do > d-d > t § 111 vii (2); If, > II § 110
ii (2). In Late Mn. W. nff
> nth in benthyg < Ml. W. benffic < Lat. benefioium.
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PHONOLOGY
| 102
§103 INTERCHANGE OF CONSONANTS
161
(2) Assimilation of separated
consonants: Italo-Kelt. p ... iff' > qv . . . q9 § 86 ii (2).—Kelt. b. .. m > m . . .m in
*momiat- > ~W. vnynedj 100
iv.
iii. (i) Dissimilation of joined, consonants: (a) Ar. tt > tH § 87 ii. • —(b) When two continuants
come together there is often a tendency to alter one of them either to an
explosive or to a semivowel : thus in Brit. ml- > bl-, mr- > 6r- § 99 ii (i); in W. nS > • nd as in bendith ' blessing', s8 > sd, IS > Id > lid, US
> lid § 111 vii(z); Sl >
dl as in bodlon, Sr > dr as in cadr § 111 vii (i);wi^ > me as in amcan § 156 i (4); we
> nw as in 0. W, anu § 99 iv (i), rv > no as in syberw §
105 ii, fl > wl §104 v. , In many cases the Spirant
disappeared: fn > n § 110
iii (4), Sn, > •fi § 104 iv (i).— ^" (c) In W. mm
> ml in teimlo ' to feel' < *teimmo < *tamn- <
*tang-smen.- : Lat. tango.
(2) Dissimilation of separated
consonants: (a) Already in Ar. r.. . r > r ...I etc. § 101 iii (4); and tr... r >t...r in *tiswes ' three' fern. > 'W.
taw, Skr. tisrdh § 69 iv.—(6) In Kelt. gn... n > gl... n in
*glu'nr > ~W. glin ' knee' § 63
vii (4); 1.. .1 > r.. .1 in
*aralws. . > ~W. arall' other ', Ir. araile.—(c) In W.' gw .. .w > g
... w in glyw ' lord' < *gwlyw < *yli-yo-s, VE of Vyele^)- § 63 vii (2); gw ... v > ' g .. . w in greSf 'instinct' (greSfu 'to be
inbred') < *yrd-ma : Iy. frem §91;
r ... r > r, ..I in Chwefrol § 138
i (2) ; ;. ?°. I > ;... r
in llefrith ' new milk"' for *lle-flith < *lo-vlith '
"'calf-milk '; th.. . th > t... th in gwriaith ' manure' <
*yer-tek-t, Vtheg- § 92 i ; I.
. . 8 >. I. ,. d in late Mn
W. machlud for Ml. W. ymachluS etc. § 111
vii (3);
'8 ... I > d . . . I in
pedol ' horseshoe' for *pe8awl
< Lat. pedalis. •
iv. (i) Metathesis of joined consonants : (a) Nasalized stems may be the
result of the metathesis in Ar. of the suffix -n- with the last consonant of
the root ; thus *jug-n- > *jvmg- > Lat. jungo, Vjeug- ;
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if so, forms like Skr. yundJcti ' joins ' are analogical formations whicK
arose in imitation of forms with n as part of the root; but the effect . . is
the same as that which would be produced by an Ar. infix -ne-.— (b) In Brit.
cK > vl, etc. § 100 v.—(c)
In W. Ig > gl in annwyl .' ' dear' < *induglens < Lat. indulgens;
chl > loh in allweS ' key' for *alchweS, Bret. alchouez, for *achl- § 99 vi(i); nm > mn in amnaid ' nod
' < 0. W. enmeit § 95 ii (3) ; dn > nd in andaw ' listen' for *adnaw § 76 iii (i), andwyo § 76 iv (4).
(2) Metathesis of separated
consonants : (a) Ar. *bhudh/d- 'bottom' and *dhub- ' deep', if not originally
the same, are confused in the / derived languages : W. annwfn, ' hell' <
*n-dub-n- for *n-bud-n-i/ ' bottomless ' : Gk. a-pvo-a-o's; cf. 0. Bulg. duno ' bottom '
andArmen.'^/ andundk' " a/Sno-o-os " with d. .. d for b... d by
assimil.—(6) In Kelt.
w...r>r...roin Gaul. Taranis ' Juppiter
tonans ', Taranu-, W. y taran ' thunder', Ir. toran ' din', < *taran-,
*twan- for *t^n9r-
*tonw- : Brit. (-Lat.) Tanar-o Chester
insc. (re-metath. 1), 0. E. bunw, E. thunder, Lat. tono,
Gk. 'a-revm V(s)tena-; b . .. g > g .. . 6 in Ir. goba, W. gof ' smith ' < Kelt. *g6bann- for *bog- < *bhog-i '-•
Gk, (f>wyw, E., bake < *bhog; Germ. backen < *bhog-'n-, Lat. focus
^/hfwk/g-', in early Kelt. before the IOE-S of p, k...p>'p.,.k in W.
archen ' shoe', Bret. archen < *park- for *karp- < *q^r'
p-Vqera"?- ' shoe' § 86 i
(5).—(c) In Brit. n ...I >
I... n in W. ttlyn f. ' harp', Bret. telen,, Corn. telein < *felem for
*fen-el-'t, Vten-
* stretch' : W. tant ' harpstring', Lat. tendo, Gk. reivui, etc.—'[d) In W.
I...S > 8...1 in meSal 'soft' for *melaS <
'"melad- : Lat. mollis < *moldyifi, Skr. mrdu-h ' soft', etc.
Vmela"-; and in eiSil
•feeble' for *eiliS, § 156 i (2) : ymlaS § 204 i, Vied- 'weary, weak'.
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BRITISH AND LATIN CONSONANTS IN WELSH !
THE SOFT MUTATION.
§ 103. i. (i) Brit. and Lat.
p, t, k, b, d, g, m between vowels became b, d, g, f, 8, 3, f
respectively in W. Thus W. Cyndaf <
Brit.. Cunotam(os) ;—W. saeth ' arrow ' < *saf,e//t < Lat. sagitta ;
—W. cleg ' ten' < Brit. *flekan < Ar. *dekm ;—W. cyhydd 'miser' <
Lat. cwpifltis;—W. llafm ' labour ' < Lat. laborem. Numerous examples
occur in the above sections. The change is called the " soft muuation
".
(a) As the same'changes took place generally between a vowel and a sonant
(see the details § 104), and
as every initial consonant must be followed by a vowel or. a sonant, it
follows that wliere the preceding word ended in a vowel the initial is
changed as above;
thus while Brit. *oinos markos gave un march ' one horse', Brit.
*oind mamma ga,ve,wnfam ' one mother', not *M% fitam.
(3) The conditions are,
however, not quite the same initially as medially. Medially -,»^- became -\\-
by the reaction of the two sounds on one another before the period of the present
changes. But in the case of final -s and initial /c- no reaction took place
in the earlier period, and the sounds came down to later Brit. un-chang'ed.
It was then too late for sk to give \\, as shown by the retention of Lat. sc,
see (5), and of Brit. medial
sJc from ksk etc. § 96 iii (5) ; thus the k- remained, and the
final syllable with its -s ultimately disappeared. For similar reasons final
-s preserved an initial media or 'm- intact. Hence we have the radical
consonant after words or classes of words which ended originally in ^s, such
as rnas. sg. nouns or adjectives; thus ^diievs dagos'::" dydd da' good
day'. ; ^ , .' :
uoa M
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PHONOLOGY
But when the final syllable of the first word was accented, its'
-s combined with an initial tenuis, which thus became a spirant. For this
reason we have the spirant mutation of a tenuis after Ml. W. »/ 'her' (now
written ei)<*esms=Skr. asydh ' her' ; tri ' three' < Brit. *treiSs (for
*treies would have given ^trydd} ;
a ' with' and a ' and' < Brit. *agg6s
§ 213 iii (i), § 222 i (3). On ' ,-the mutation after ni, see § 217 iv (i) ; after cfiwe § 108 iii.
tair and pedair had the same accentuation, and in Bret. ter, peder, and also
pevar (=pedwar\|, cause the spirant mutation. The radical has been
substituted in W, as in the majority of cases where the^ spirant occurred
from tlie above cause.
(4) After final -s initial 1 and r were unvoiced ; cf. sl- >
II-;
^ST- > i-li-, § 95 i ; but
between vowels I and r underwent no change. Thus we have 11 and rh now in those positions
where the radical occurs of the consonants mentioned in (i) above, and 1 and r in those positions where the
said consonants are softened. Welsh ' grammarians therefore speak of 11, rh as " radical", and 1, r as " mutated "
consonants. Though the reverse is historically the ' case, it is convenient
to retain the old terminology in dealing with the interchange of the sounds
in the present language.
NOTE. Tlie term " soft mutation", first applied to the change
•where it occurred initially, is due to Dr. Davies, who called it "forma
mollis" D. 26. It lias
also been called "vocal" and ''middle". The latter name, used
by Rowland, owes its origin to the term " forma media " used by
Davies as a name for the change of the tenues to the mediae; as applied to
the siK otheis it is meaningless. Continental scholars use " Lenition
" a-i a term embracing the Welsh " soft mutation" and the
corresponding Irish " aspira* tion". *
(5) Lat. sp, st, so remained,
aa Ml. W. y spell < spolium § 69
iv (i), ystyr < Aisttoria ib., escyn < ascend-. An explosive before the
group dropped in W., as in estron < extrdneus ; so after the losa of an
intervening vowel, aa W. esgob < episcopus, W. esgud " active '<
exsecutus. See further § 111
vi (3). Except where ? dropped
as above Lat. x > zs, § 108
v.
ii. (i) Medially between vowels x, the soft mutation ofg, disappeared
completely after the 0. W.
period ; as in saeth \ (i) ;— maes<.*mays § 29 ii (a) : Gaul, -magus;—teyrn ' ruler '< *tyyi-^
THE SOFT MUTATION
< tigirn-;—also finally, as da f good' < *dag- § 63 v (2) ;—f// ' house' < tigos § 65 ii (3);—6w < *mrog- § 99 ii (i);—bre (prob. f.) - ' hill \
Corn. bre f. < *brigd, Gaul. -briga <
*b!iryh-: Germ. Berg ; — tore 'morning', 0. W. more in B.A. 17
1. 20, Bret. bewe < ace,
*marig-an (<*-m) : Ir. imtarach, Mn. Ir. mdracJi < *mdrig- :
Kelt.
*mdrig- < *m6ngh- L°Rg of V mere{i)q/g!t- : Skr. mdrlcih ' ray of light',
Goth. maurgms, E. morn.—Already in 0.
W. we find nerfJie'mt (<-eywf), beside scamwftegint (^ss).
ig gives y, affected to e, as above; it is often assimilated to the following
vowel, as in dylw/<M\. W. (1ylyet<*dl'iget-
§83 ii (3) ; Ml. W. breenhin ' king' <
*brigant-ln- : Skr. ace. Irhdnf-am, gen. br/iat-d/t ' high, great' <
^bh^gh-ent-, -nt-. Before ei it was lost, as in braint' privilege', Ml. W.
breini< 0. W. bryeint L.L. 130 < *briganti-; Ml.W. Semt<
*Sigonfwn ' Segontium'.—wy come* not from ig, but from eig, as in mod-rwy '
ring' < F-grade *reig-, as in rhoym § 95 ii (2) ;
mor-dwy ' sea-voyage' < *teig-, Ir. fiaya 'I go' : Gk. o-Tet^co ; so
canJiorfhwy ' assistance ' < *fcanta-yer-teig-, lit. ' *go over with '.—ag
gave eu, au, § 71 iii.
Initially 3 disappeared
completely ; but as the initial of the second element of a compound it often
became ^ > i after a dental {d, 8,
n, I, r), as Llwyd-wrth < *leito-garto- § 95 iv (3) ;
Pen-wrtk < *penno-garfo-; mil-mst D.G. 378 beside mii-ast 'greyhound bitch'; arw-floerld-iast § 157 ii (i) ; Mor-ieii, O.W. Mor-gen
' *sea-born '; Ur-ten, 0<.
W. Urb-gen § 100 v.
For ? before and after sonants see § 104
ii, § 105 ii, § 110 ii.
(2,) The soft mutation of m
was originally the nasalized spirant v. The nasalization generally remains
medially in Bret., but disappeared in W. towards the end of the 0. W. period. As f wag thereafter
the soft mutation of both b and m, there has alwaya been the possibility of
its being referred to the wrong radical. This probably accounts for the
substitution in some cases of one for the other, as in baicd ' thumb ', 0. W. mawt f. (y fawd ' the thumb'),
still with m- in mod-rwy orig. ' thumb-ring'. In a few cases m- and b-
interchange, as bafk and math (y fath 'the kind of'), baeddv, and maeddn ' to
dirty '.
Nid adwaen, iawn yw dwedyd, Weithian i bath yn y byd.—G.I.H.
^1 know not, it is right to
say it, her like now in the woild»* M2
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PHONOLOGY
§ 104
Och imi/ pe marw chwemwy, 0
bydd i math mown bedd mwy.—D. N., v.is. 90, c.c. 267.
< Woe is me ! tliough six times more died, [I doubt] if her like will ever
more be in a grave.'
In bore for more we may have dissim., as in mr- > br-.
iii. In 0, W. softened
consonants were represented by the corresponding' radicals ; see § 18 i, § 19 i. It would be wrong- to conclude from this that the softening'
had not then taken place, for its occurrence initially is due in almost every
case to a vocalic ending- which was then already lost. The difference between
the radical m in un march and the softy in mi fam cannot be accounted for if
assumed to have taken place since the 0.
W. period when 'one' was zm; it must be referred to the Brit. m.
*oinos, f. *omd. The 0. W.
spelling' was doubtless a survival from the time when the mutated consonant
could still be regarded as a debased pronunciation of the radical. On the Ml.
final tenues see § 111 v.
§ 104. i. The mutable
consonants, p, t, k, b, d, g, m normally 'underwent the soft mutation between
a vowel and a sonant ;
thus pr > br in W. F.brill< Lat. Aprz/is ; W. go-bryn-af ' I merit'
< -Brit. *yo-prinami, V' q^md- § 201
i (4) ;—pl>bl in W.
pobl< Lat. fop'lus ;—tn > dn in W. ecln ' bird ' < *pet-no- § 86 i ;—tu
>dw in W. pedwar< Brit. *Jpefwares § 63 vii (4);—kr
>gr in W. ffogr, gwagr ' sieve ' < *yo-kr-, -/ qerel- : Lat. cnhrum;—br
> fr in "W. dwfr ' water' § 90
;—bn > fn in W. dwfn ' deep' ib.; W. eefti ' back' < *kebn- : Gaul.
Gehenna ' les Cevennes'
{^aeb- allied to *qamb/p- § 106
ii (i)) ;—dm>8f, see iv
(a).
ii. (i) g before I, r, n gave 3,
which became i forming' a diphthong' with the preceding' vowel. The Mn.
developments are as follows: ag>ae; eg>ei or ai ; ig>i ; og>oe;
ug>wy ; ag
> eu or au ; ig > i. Thus W. aer ' battle', Ir. ar ' slaughter '<
*agr- : Gk. <?ypa ;—W. drmen ' thorn ' < *dragn-< *dhr^gftn- : Gk.
Tpe-^vos ;—W. tail' manure ' < *fegl- § 35 ii (3), -s/'
{is)theg- ' cover ' § 93 i,
cf. gwrtaith ' manure' < ^uer-tekf-;—W. oen ' lamb ', Ir. wan < *ognos
§ 65 ii (a) ;—W. oer ' cold ',
Ir. war < *ogr- : Ganl. (Seq.) Ogron... name of a month;—W. annwyl § 102 iv (i) ;—-
§ 104
THE SOFT MUTATION
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W. ceulo < *cdgl- § 71 iii.
Examples of gm are uncertain. On w^w<Lat. signum see § 72 ii.
Following- the accent, g after a became ^ and disappeared ; as in the suffix
-agno-, < *'-o-gtio- (*-o- is the stem vowel, which becomes a in Ir., and
when unacc. before g in Brit.), as seen in Brit.-Lat. Maglagni, Corbagni,
£roccagwi giving-W. Maelaii, Car/an, Brychan; Ir. -an as Broccdn,; so O.W.
bicJian, W. bychan, Ir. becan.
* For the affected forms of the above groups see §§ 69, 70.
(a) gi>s>i; thus W. cae ' enclosure, field '< ^-kagw-, Gaul. 5th
cent. caiuw, whence Fr. qv.ai, •/ kagh-/kog?i- ; Lat. co/tus, E. hedge, Germ.
Hecke ;—Ml. W. daeoni ' goodness ' < *dag-iono-gnlw- (re-formed as da-ioni
in Mn. W.). It is seen that the vowel is not affected by the »', but it may
be by a following- ?< 5;
thus W. Uai, Ml. W. Ilei ' less', Ir. laigiii, both < ^-lagios <
*l^g/i(u)jos : Lat. levis, Gk. e\a\vs ;—W. -(/t)at, Ml. -[h)ei <
*-sagio § 121*1, § 201 iii (4).—So
igi affected by a gave egj; becoming- -ei, -ai, as W. tai. Ml. tei ' houses '
< ^tigio. < *tigesa, pi. of *tigos >' house';—W. carrai 'lace'1 < Lat. corrigia. When
unaffected, igi gave ii > i; as in brt ' honour' < *brigw- : brenin,
braini § 103 ii (i) ; and
llion in Ml. W. Kaer-lllon, < *ligwnos, Brit. gen. for Lat. legion is.
Similarly ogi>oe>-o, § 78
i (i), in /o 'roof'<*f'o$TO- : Ir. tuige gl. stramen, and amdo ' shroud '
< *mbi-togio- : Ir. im-tftiiige 'clothing-' : Lat. toga, ^\K)theg-.—ugi
> icy > -w, § 78 i (2), ill llw 'oath' < *litgw«, :
Ir. luige, lugae< *liigiwH. (Ml. W. pi. I/yen, l/yew, Mn. llwon, dial.
Hyfow are all analogical formations.)
(3) gu>s'«>w : W, tew '
thick •'<*tegu- § 76 viii (2).—og"i, > ouz > eu in
euod ' worms in sheep' < *offv!i- < Ar. *og'*h^- : Gk. 8<{)is, Skr. &hih 'snake'.
iii. (i) Before n Brit. Is. > \ > i, so that kn gives the same result
as gn ; thus W. dwyn ' to bring' < *ditk-n- § 203 iv (3);—
braenu 'to rot' < *braka- < *nnvq-n- § 99 ii (i) ;—croen 'hide, rind '<*krokn-, Bret. crochen,, Ir.
crocenn < ^krokti- (kn > kk) < s! qroq-, VF° of *qereq- broken
redupl. of V qer- ' divide, rip' : Lat. corium, cortex, 0. Bulg. (s)kora ' rind ', konct a
kind of vessel, W. mrwgl' coracle' ;—W. gwawi < *udkn- < *uo-akn- : W.
ochr see below ;—W. twi' buttock' < *l/lknd < *tuqnd, Ir. ton <
*tukna :
E. ffiigh 0. H. G. dio/t. This
may be due to gemination of k>
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§ 104
§§ 105,106
THE SOFT MUTATION
16?
see (a) below ; in many cases kn > gn regularly ; thus W. svgno 'to suck '
<*sev,k-ii-,V sewq/g- : Lat. sucus, sugo, E. suck, etc.;—• W. dygn '
grievous' < *dikn- < ^-dewgn-.: Ir. dmgim ' I press down ', 0. ~E. tengan ' to press';—W.
rliygnu ' to rub ' < ^ruku- : Gk. pvKdvJJ;—"W. dogii' portion, dose'
< *dok-n-, -^ dele- : Gk. SeKOf-iai, SoKavr) • OIJKTJ.
. - (a) Before r, k, t give g, d regularly, as in gogr i above;— cJiwegr<
*suekr- § 94 iv;—W. deigr '
tear ' < *dakru § 120 iii
(i) ;
—W. amdr<Ar. *ar9trom § 87 i ;—W. modryb § 69 ii (4); etc.
But W. ocfir ' edge, side ' beside Ir. ocJiar < *okr-, Vak-foq-, W.
rJi,uthr 'rush* beside Ir. iwa//iar< *-reu-tro-, Vreu- : Lat. ruo, imply
kkr, ttr for kr, fr § 99 v (4). Compounds like go-chrwm :
ywm ' bent' may owe their ck to this, or to s before k.
An example of k < gg giving the same result is Ml. W. achreawdyr , B.T. 9 'gathering' < Lat. aggregatio,
with excrescent -r; cf. cyng-reawdr < congregdfio in Cyngreawdyr Fynydd ('
Mount of Assem- , Lly') ' The Great Oime'."' Similarly g before r may he
treated as gg and give g, as in llygru ' to injure, violate, corrupt' : Gk.
Xuypo's, Lat. lugeo, 8kr.
rujdti ' breaks ', Lith. luzti ' to break ', Vieug/g-.
iv. (i) Brit. dn > W. n (not *»»); as in W. Mn ' stem' < ^-bud-no-,
tonedd ' nobility' < ^budniw : Ar. *bhudh- ' bottom ' § 102 iv (2) ;—W. Uynedd < ^blidmias § 125 v (i).
(a) Brit. dm>W. 8f; as W.
greddf ' instinct' § 102 iii (2) ;— W. cledctf 'law' < *dedwa
< *dhedh-md, V d/ie- : Gk. T€^O?, 6e.6p.6v <*dJiedh-mos;—W. add-fwyn etc. § 93
ii (3), q.v.
(3) Brit. dl, dr after a back
vowel became 8/, fir; the 8 remained after the accent, and was
provected to d, as hadi, cadr § 111
vii (i), and disappeared before the accent, as in idr< *md-r6s § 66 v. After a front vowel dl, dr > gl, gr, and developed
accordingly, ii (i) ;^thus W. cada'ir. Ml. kadeir <Lat. cat{K)edra;
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168
(delwedd 1697) (tudalen 167)
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—W. eirif 'number' < *ed-rm- < *ad-rim- : Ir. aram';—W. i
waered 'downwards' < *</*' woiret < *i7o iipo-ped-ret-; gwael 'base' < *-upo-ped-lo.f, Vped- '
foot'; —W. aelwyd ' hearth ', Bret. oaled, 0. Corn. oilet < *aidh-l-eH- : Gk. a.i'0a\os ' soot', Lat. aeiles, Vaidh- '
burn ', cf. § 78 ii (3).
v. bl > fl or wl, as in gafl ' fork' : Ir. gabul, Lafc. gatalus
* The identification of the name (treated as two common nouns by Silvan
Evana) is the discovery of Professor J. E. Lloyd, Tr. Cym. 1899-1900, p. 158.
< Keif.; Ml. W. nywl § 90,
diawl § 100 ii (i).—ml, mr § 99 ii.
—mn § 76 vii, § 99 iv.
Other groups of explosive + sonant are regular.
§ 105. i. After r Brit. and
Lat. p, t, k become respectively &, th, en ; thus W. corff< Lat.
corpus ;—W. gorffwys § 89 ii (2);
—W. porth < Lat. portus ;—W. archaf § 63 iii, etc.
1k >lch, as W. golcfii § 89 ii (2) ;—W. cakh <Lat. calc-em..—* Ip > Iff; as W. Elffin <
Gallo-Lat. Alpmus.—It > lit, as in Ml.W. kyfeillt 'friend' = Ir. comalte
'foster-brother' < *kom-all{i)ios;
W. allt 'declivity; grove' <*alf-, V al- 'grow, nourish' : Lat. a!o,
altus;—medially it becomes 11
as in W. cyllell ' knife ' < Lat. cultellus; W. di-wyllw ' to cultivate' :
gwyllt ' wild' § 92 iv ;
except in re-formations, as in holiti ' to split' from Jiollt § 96 iv (i); the ;' is sometimes lost
finally in an unstressed syllable, as in Mn.W. cyfaill. Ml. and Mn. deall § 75 vi (4).
ii. rb >'rf, as in W. laif ' beard ' < Lat. larba; also rw, as in
syleTW ' proud' < Lat. sziperhus.—rd > r8, as in lardd < Brit.
*hardos (ftapSof • doiSol wapa TaXdrai^, Hesych,).—Medially rg > ri as in
arum ' silver' = Ir. airgef<Ke[t. *argnt-om: Lat. argentum, Skr. rajafd-m
: Gk. apyrpoy, V areg-. Finally rg >-r,
-ry, -ra, -rw § 110 ii.
Ib > If, as in gy/fin ' beak', 0.
W. gilbin
: Ir. gwlhan id. < Kelt.
*gulb-.— Medially Ig > Ii, as in dalwf § 110 ii (2); for
final Ig gee ib.—Medially Id >11
as in callawr 'caldron' < Lat. calddrium;
—finally lit as in swilt 'money, shilling '<Lat. so/'dus.
iii. rm >rf or rw § 99 ii (2) ;—lm>lf, ib. ;—mn>nf or nw
§ 99 iv (l)-
THE NASAL MUTATION.
§ 106. i. (i) A nasal before
an explosive was assimilated to it in position where it differed; thus Ar.
'knt6m 'ioo'>Brit.
*kanton;
Ar. *penq^e ' 5 ' > Kelt. *q'lwqve > Brit. *pempe. This may be assumed to
have taken place in Late Brit. when the nasal ended one word and the
explosive began the next if the syntactical connexion was a close one.
Subsequently a media, or (later) a tennis, was assimilated to the nasal,
becoming itself a'nasal. This is called the " nasal mutation " of
the explosive.
L
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168
r PHONOLOGY
. The order of the changes was the following-: ym ' in ' + 'Sangw first
became yea. Banyor, and then yea. 'SHangor. The recent spelling y-a.
'SS.angor is therefore not only a misrepresentation of the present sound, but
a falsification of its history.
. (2) There is a sporadic
assimilation of n to i in the groups m or cm,.the n becoming K> ; thus
pringhaf K.P. 1278, spv. of
p'rzn ' scarce' ib. 1280 (<
*q*rzt-siw-s : prid 'precious', Vq^i'eid- 'buy'); meith-'.. ring (-w) D.Q. 69 for meithrin, ' to nourish '; Eiizion
is often written JSingion or Eingnion s emon, which has become waan in
Gwynedd, e. g. Llan-engan near Pwllheli.
ii. (i) Brit. mb, nd, Bg became respectively mm, nn, rm ;
they remain so in W., mm being- generally written m; nn finally written -ft
(but -nn in monosyllables in Ml. W.); ww written ng ~'-f (and Ml. W. gg or
g); see § 51 iv, § 54 i (a). Thus W. cwm 'valley' <
Brit. *ku»iio-, i/qeub/p- 'curve' : Lat. cupa, -cum6o, Gk. Kvp,f3oy,
etc.;—W. cam ' bent, crooked ' < Brit. ^kamho-: Gaul.
Ca'm.bo-dunum, Gallo-Lat. camtiare : Lat. campus (orig. 'vale'), Gk.
Ka/Mrrrj, KOL^VTW, V' qamb/p- 'curve';—W. twwn, ' bruised, broken' f. tonn
< Brit. *twnd-os, -a : Lat. twndo, Skr. twidaie 'strikes', ^/(s)teu-d-;—W.
tonii 'wave' < Brit. *tundd <.*tum-da : Lat. tumeo, W. tyfu, '/teyd'1- 'swell';—W. cann ' white ', cannu
' to whiten ', ll6er-gan '
moon-lit' < *qaud- : Lat. candeo, Gk. KdvSapos < *qand-, beside W.
cywieu ' to kindle', cynne 'a burning', cynnud 'firewood', Ir. condud <
*qond- : Skr. cand-, scand- ' shine'< *(s)^end- : </sqand-/sqend-;—W.
llong ' ship'< Lat. longa;—W. angel < Lat. angelus.—So before a Sonant,
as Cymro pi. Cymry < Brit. *kom-brog-os, -i ;—W. amrwd t raw ' : brwd § 63 vii (4),—Cyngreawdr § 104
iii (a);—except where the' nasal has become a media § 99 vi (i).—The double
nasal was simplified after an unaccented syllable § 27 ii, and before a sonant § 5,4 i (3).
Kelt. ng* ( < Ar. ng*h) was unrounded and gave »»•>, as in llyngyr,
dngerdd § 92 v. When wo came
before a sonant, including u, it was first simplified to » and then lost, as
in win, tafod, see ib. So we have nawraS E.P. 1331, G.E. [372]
'nine degrees'<, Brit, *noyaw-grad- (navgra.8 B.B. 42 may
have old », but is prob. analogical);— ~W. c,yni (one n) 'trouble' <
*ko'K>mm- < *kon-gm-mu- § 203
vii (4);
—W. wen ' kidney', Ir. aru < *awr- < Kelt. ^awg^r- < *anguflr-,
V'aneg^h- '. Gk. veffipw, Lat. Praenest. nejrdnes, Lauuv. nebrundines
§106
THE NASAL MUTATION
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169
(: Lat. ingmn with g^, Walde a.v.). But after e or i and before r or I, the w
became w and gave ^, as in eirin Deut. xxiil i for *eiryn, § 77 iii, < *eioryn pi. of aren
above;—W. cilydd 'mate' < *cwly8
{n > W. i not y, cf. § 104
ii (2)) < *kewglnos (§ 65 iii (i)) = Ir. cele < *1cef3(fliios : Ir. cingiwi 'I go', W. cam ' stride', see § 101 iii (2); for meaning, cf. Ml. W. keimat 'mate' < cam. The rule
only applies to old formations where tlie ww already existed in Brit. ; in
newer formations, and Lat. derivatives » remains, as Oyngreawdv above. ;,
(2) The above changes took
place before the loss of Brit. syllables, for nd coming together after the
loss of a syllable remains, as in trindod < Lat. tnnitdt-em. Initial
mediae were assimilated to final nasals before the latter were lost; e. g.
now mlynedd 'nine years '<*ao(«i!w mlidmias <'^neun U-. . ,
Every Brit. nd became fin, eo we have no words ending in nd except where a
vowel has been lost in the Mn. period between th6 sounds, as in and etc. § 44 vi; see iii (4).
iii. (i) Brit. mp, nt, r»k remained finally as in W. pump^ Jpymp<'&nt.
'^pempe; W. ca»<<Brit. ^kanton; "W. ieuanc<Snt, *wuawf;os § 100 i ()). For exceptions see ('2). Medially they became mmh, nnh,
reBh respectively, as in Ml. W. ymJierawdy-r < Lat. ifffperdtor ; "W.
cynfiesu ' to warm' < Brit. * /con-teas-, V tep-, § 96 ii (5); W. angheuol ' deadly' < Brit. ^awkoy-, V anek- : Lat.
neco, Gk. V€KVS, veKpos, etc. After an
unaccented vowel the nasal is simplified as in the above examples, § 37 ii; after an accented vowel the
aspiration was lost, as in cynnes ' warm', angeu (s awweu) ' death' § 48 ii, iv.
(2) Final nt, mp are mutated
in gan 'with' s gann §211 iv
(i);
in cant ' i oo ', pump ' 5 '
which appear as cann, pum before nouns; in ugeint '20' which appears as ugeyn as early as A.L. MS. A. see i 4, 8, 12, etc., and
is ugain in Mn. W.; in aryant A.L. i 6,
now armn ' suver'; in dijfrint (i s y) li.B. 91 ' vale' (< *dyfr-hynt • water-way'), already dijfrin in
B.B. 74, Mn. W. dyffr^n; in
cymaint sometimes, especially in the phrase cymain wn Eph. v 33 ; and often in poetry, as always
in the spoken language, in the 3rd
pi. of verbs and prepositions § 173
x, § 208 iii (2). It is seen in these examples
that the h of the nasal mutations oft and p is lost finally ; this is because
it follows the accent of the word, see (i) above. But the aspirate was often
retained before a word beginning with an accented vowel, as kymein hun IL.A. 116 'every one'; can hwr W.M. 136 ' ioo men'; Pum heryr ' 5 eagles' G.G1. M 1/606. -- ,
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PHONOLOGY
§ 106
Gwledd echdoe a doe 'n i dy, Gwledd cann hannedd cyn Uynwy.—G.G1. M 146/278.
'A feast yesterday and the day before in liis house, the feast of » hundred
dwellings before that.'
Llyfr Ofydd a fydd i f,;rch, Ag yn hwn •again hannerch.—B.Br., IL.H. ii 99.
' The maid shall have a book of Ovid, and in it a hundred ..;.' greetings.'
Final -BC was often mutated ia Ml. W. where the tennis was generally
retained, and survives in Mn.W.; e.g. ceing ~w.w. 108, Mn. W. came ' branch '. we is often written ngc (of. § 18 iii), but nc is adequate and
unambiguous, as nk in Eng.
hank.
(3) Medial nt, etc. remain
when originally followed by h as in cyntedd 'porch' for *cyn,t-heS <
*kintu-sed- §63 ii; cyntaf '
first' '•**< *cynt-haf< *kint-isamds', and in newer formntions, as
plentyn < child ' from plant, llanciau ' lads ', sg. Hanc. Some vocables,
with mutation in Ml. W., are re-formed without mutation in Mn. W., as
amranneu w.M. 41, amrantaw Job
xvi 16; seinnyeu § 128 ii, Mn. W. seintiau 'saints';
gwynnoeS Hi.A. 5, gwyntoedd
Matt. vii 25; hein-
yeu IL.A. 123, hefntiau Luc
xxi ii; ceigheu, ceingeu m.A. 144,
ceingciau Can.
vii 8.
(4) The nasal mutation of the
tenues does not date from the Brit. period, for the nasal ending's of *noudn
' nine', ^dekan ' ten', etc., while they mutated initial mediae, did not
mutate initial p, t, k; thus naw cant ' 900', deg pwys ' 10
lb?.' The mutation of the tenues was caused by nasals which survived the loss
of the Brit. ending's; it takes place after the prefixes an-, cyn-, and in
other cases where mp, nt, »k occurred medially.
There is no trace in 0. W. of
an unmutated media; we find e. g. am- for Mn. W. am- < *mbi-, scriberm.
M.C. < Lat. scribend-, crumi- M.O. 'round' (: Ir. cruind), etc., but no
mb, nd. But the tenues are found unmntated, as in tantou, Mn. 'W. tannav,,
sometimes mutated as in brouan.now M.C., p]. of breuant 1 windpipe '. In pimphet ox. ' fifth
', Jiantlier ox.' half is perhaps reflected the transition stage in which, as
the p and t were disappearing, the h was becoming' more noticeable; see § 107 v (i). In any case it is safe to
conclude that this mutation came about in the 0. W. period.
In Ml. W. the tennis is mutated, as in breenhiii B.B. 75, § 103 ii (i),
agheu, aghen B.B. 33, emen
etc. § 24 i. Though .
§ 107
THE NASAL MUTATION
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often written unmutated after a prefix and after yn,, there is evidence that
it was in fact mutated, § 107
iii, v.
iv. The nasal mutation of an explosive does not mean its disappearance, but
its conversion into a nasal by the loosening of its stop. In annoeth '
unwise' < Brit.-Lat. *an-doct- the d became a continuation of the n, so
that nn represents an n which is continued during the time it took to
pronounce the original nd. As the W. tenues are really aspirated, that is t s
t-h, see § 84 Note i, when the
stop was loosened the aspirate remained; thus nt, properly nt-h, became nnh.
That Early Ml. W. nJt as in synhuir § 48
iv is short for nnh is proved, (i) by such spellings as morcannhuc, brennhin
L.L. 130, and (2) by the fact that when it lost its
aspirate after the accent it appeared as nn, as synnwyr IS.M. 13, W.M. 20, while Ireenhin in which iin had become n after the long
vowel, is brenin (not *6renniti),
and an original single n + /t always gives n, as in glanaf for glanhaf,
superlative of glan ' clean'. It is clear therefore that the mutation of nt
is strictly n-nh, not n-h.
§ 107. i. While initial mediae
are nasalized after several numerals, initial, tenues are nasalized only
after yn 'in' and fy ' my', and this mutation is not original after./y.
ii. Taken in conjunction with the following noun, yn ' in' (< Brit. *e»)
has a secondary accent, but •fy 'my' (< Brit. ^men < AT. ^mene gen. sg.
of the 1st pers. pron.) is
wholly unaccented—the emphasis when required is thrown on an auxiliary
pronoun : ' my head' is not *fy when, bat fy mhen i. This difference between
yn and fy is old, for Brit. *ew has kept its -n, but *mew (already a
proclitic in Brit. § 113 ii)
had lost its -n. before the O.W. period. This is clearly seen is phrases
where the following word began with a vowel or an immutable initial;
thus yn : ynn lawn I.L. 120,
in alld B.B. 64, in llan do. 63, 64, yn amgant do. 66,
in, llurv do. 65, etc.; but
fy: mi-Juin M.C., vy argluit B.B. 51,
wi-llav-e (s/y llaw i} do. 50,
vy lien uo. 59, 62, etc. Thus yn before a consonant
is necessarily a closed syllable, closed by its -n, while fy is an open
syllable, ending with its vowel. The O.W. ny L.L. 130 'in its' is probably n y, with syllabic n or nn, a
pronunciation still often heard.
iii. After yn in Early Ml. MSS., b and dare generally mutated,
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PHONOLOGY:
§ 1"0?
61, im minit
and probably g is to be read w. Thus in B.B. we find innechreu 39, innvfin (= ^w mpfu) 87, myffrm 65, iiiyganhvy 47,
^7 ffodir, ygodir 63 ; in A.L. MS. A. eniokel ('= yn
niogel} i 46, 50, e^ow e kolouen (H ^w »zo/z y
golofii\ i 10. Non-mutation is
rarer ! ^M &/•?'» B.B. 33,
za diffrm 47, 48. On the other hand p, t, c are
rarely mutated, the usual forms being in tyuo, impop B.B. ^,ympoh 87, im pen 43, 57, impell 82, ^y c(W/ 49 ; tf» ^ '•e-clochyd A.L. i 52, en-tal e-ueig 72.
But examples of mutation also occur, m/i., nh, ngh appearing- at first as w,
n, g § 24 i, as ymlith B. B, 30, »w hal art do. 49, c^^ ( s ywg7iyd) A. L. i 40, e»«^ % do. 60. These examples show that the
mutation had already taken place, and that the written radical was a survival
of O.W. spelling. It is to be noted that the n of yn is in every fase
assimilated in position to the explosive, even where that is unmutated. So before
m, as im mon B.B. 61, im minit
vidm do. 95.
' iv. Since yn kept its nasal, it is natural that it should mutate tenues as
well as mediae ; bat Visfy lost its nasal ending' early, we should expect it
to mutate the mediae but not the tenues, like maw, which gives now •m.Hynedd
' 9 years', but naw ycy« t 9 Ibs.' In O.W. and Early Ml. W.
this is, in fact, the case. Thus in 0.
W. we have mi-tein ' my household', mi coueidid ' my company ', Juv. SK. (9th cent.); and in B.B. we find vy
twi 13, vy perchen, vy parch 42, wy dun 49, vy pen, vy crawa 62,
vy penhid 81, vy ki 99 ; the form wympechaud 83 is a rare exception, and in no
case is the tenuis nasalized. But b and d are generally nasalized in B.B., g
being also probably for w ; thus vy wuc 34, wy-mragon 51,
vi-mrid {'=fy mryd) 82,
wi-nvywron (s fy nwyf'ron) loo, wy-nihenit 50, vy martrin 67.
The occurrence of a number of examples like vy hartrin 67, wy duu 83, vy (lewis, vy Devs 42,
is probably due to the influence of the regular non-mutation of p, t. We do
not seem to meet with such forms as vyn drwc, vym bryd which appear in later
MSB. ; vy is written as an open syllable, and p, t, k are not mutated after
it. The later mutation of these is analogical; the mutation caused by./y in
the mediae was extended to the tenues in imitation of the complete and
consistent system of mutation after ya.
, '• But in spite of the levelling of the mutation after the two
§ 107
THE NASAL MUTATION
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words, the difference between the words themselves—the closed yn and the open
fy—remained, and persists in the ordina»y spelling of to-day, as in yn nJiy
fy nhad ' in my father's house'.
v. (r) The representation of tlie nasal initial mutation after ynmd fy has
presented considerable difficulty to writers of the language. la Late Ml. W.
MSS. p, t, k appear umnutated, and/y is treated as fyn", thus yn ty
vynntat i tti.A. 35. That this
is a conventional spelling is shown by the fact that scribes so rendered
forms already mutated in their copies. Thus where A.L. MS. A. has emen i 84, the later MS. B. has em pen.
Similarly the B.B. scribe writes down the radical of a coiiEonant mutated in
the same passage in the w.B., as vyghof w.M, i04=vyg CO/E.M. 76,
wymhechawt w.M. ^t)g==vym pechawt S.M. 255, etc. Further, the cynghanedd always implies tlie mutated
form ; as
yn-trugareS yn vi'• gvsirion,—B.P. 1216;
o syrth ym.-perigyl swrth amharawt,—do. 1250 ;
where ntr is to be read nhr to correspond to fif, and mp must be mh to answer
mh. In W.M. and W. we sometimes find a survival of the curious transitional
form met with in O.W. § 106
iii (4); thus ymplien w.M. 256, 'vygchret do. 390; vyg 1chnf w. ^h. The last example sliows that what is meant is not
the voiceless spirant, for y is never written kh.
(2) The mediae b, d also are
frequently written unmutated, especially after yn; thus yn diben W.M. 129 made yn niben in E.M. 202 ; conversely ymlaen W.M. 54 made ym Uaen inB.M. 38 ; both have ymon colofy-n W.M. 181, B.M. 84. Here again the cynghanedd belies the non-mutation, as in
yg-karchar yn-dffear yn yt,—E.P. 1168,
^
where we must read yn naear (to give ndfny as required by the cynghanedd
sain). With yn, g is generally doubled, as in yggovot, yggwyS W.M. 123, but is sometimes single, esp.
before w, as in yguales W.M. 57
; in all cases it is doubtless to be read 'o. After fy the single nasal is
used; thus in W.M. we have vy mot 32,
wy mwy-f 59, vy .mrawt 62, vy-gwreic 62, vy ni waradwySaw 43 ; more rarely the nasal and mute,
as vym-brawt 51, vyn da 459. It is seen tliat in spite of
inconsistencies, the difference between closed yn and opeu fy w unconsciously
reflected in these spellings.
(3) In MBS. of the i5th and i6th cent. the consonant is regularly mutated, and the two words
are generally joined; thus in the Report on the Peniarth MSS., we find
ynghaer llion 50/90, ymyellt, ynghaer 53/126, ymorgannwg 54/37, vymod 54/21, vyngwallt 54/280, ymhot> 54/209, vymhennadur 57/27. Sometimes tlie words are separated;
thus yn nef 75/172; ym hob 54/250, 6i/i8, 67/330; y mendith ('y for fy') 54/78; vy nolur 56/72.
(4) Salesbury wrote vi-dew,
vi-popul for fy Nuw, fy mhobi, " to saue the word the lea maimed,"
as he explains (1586 Pb.
Preface). G,R.
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174,
PHONOLOGY
mutated the consonants and joined the words, fynhy 41, ynnhy 79;
he states that m is double—" ymhob a leissiir ymmhob " 80 (aee § 54 i (2)). His
reason for joining fy appears to be that ng cannot be initial, " canys
rhy anoS yw sillafu fy ngwaith, fy nghaws" 42. Dr. Morgan separated the words in the case of n and m; as fy
nhy Job six 15, yn nhy do. i 13, fy when xxix 3, ym mha beth vi 24 ; but he appears to think like
G.H. that ng cannot be initial, and writes fyng-halon xxxvii i, yny-lwlfaoh
xxxviii 16, thus missing the
distinction which he elsewhere observes between yn and fy, and wrongly
representing^/ as a closed syllable. The prejudice against initial ng was
overcome in the 1620 Bible,
wdfy nghalon was written as freely ssfy nhy. That settled the matter as far
as fg was concerned.
But the representation of yn in the same combination still presented a
difficulty. The ng ( s 10) was
part of the preposition yw; at the same time ngh or ng was the initial of the
noun, and Dr. M.'s hyphen in the middle of the trigraph ngh was absurd; the 1620 Bible therefore used
ynghilfachau, returning to the MS. forms. Here ng does double duty, tlie
inconvenience of wliich appears when the noun requires a capital initial. Dr.
M. wrote yng-Hrist; M.K. haa yngHymry p. [iv]; the 1620 Bible ynGhrist, i Gor. xv 18, 19, 22 ; so in the Biblea of 1677 and 1690. Later, we find yng Haerlydd T.J. title (1688); yii ffhymru EH.B.S. dedic. (1701); Yngroeg S.B.. 16 (1728). In all these the capital is misplaced by being either put
in the middle of the trigraph or transferred to the preposition. The form yn
Ngh- which appears about this time, see B.OW. Ixxv, grew out of yn Gh-
because it was felt that the initial was Ngh-', it is objectionable because n
is not accepted as a symbol for 10
except before k or g. The later form y' Ngwynedd B.G. 41 (1789)
misrepresents th^ preposition as an open syllable. Pughe adopted yn Ng-, yn
M-, because, in the teeth of all the facts, he denied that the n of yn wa»
mutable. This unphonetic spelling, which stultifies the history of the nasal
mutation, § 106 i, has
predominated since his day.
J.J. wrote yng wolau p 3iz/iv/i
E., and Dr. Davies pointed out in 1621
that ynghanol was short for yng-nghanol D. 202; but it was not until about a hundred years later that the
form yng Ng(K\- came into regular use. We find yng Nghrist in the 1717 Bible, and subsequently in
those of 1727, 1746, 1752, and nearly all later editions. This form has been us?ed
and advocated by most of the Welsh scholars of the 19th cent., including lolo Morgannwg (who denounces "dull
ffiaidd Mr Owen Pughe" C.B.Y.P. 237),
R. I. Prys, T. Stephens, T. Rowland, and Silvan Evans.
(5) fy being unaccented, the
following nasal, though of double origin, is simplified, and belongs to the
second syllable § 27 ii, i; thus
the syllabic division is fy\nuw. As words are separated in modern
orthography, the usual spelling fy Nuw is in every way correct. Similarly fy
mercfi, fy ngardd. ' Bat yn is accented, and the double consonant lemains,
extending to both syllables § 27
i; hence yn\nww, ordinarily and correctly written yn Nuw. In the same way we
have
§ 108
THE NASAL MUTATION
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ym Mangor, yn Dwynedd. With our present alphabet we have to write the last
yng Ngwynedd; so yng Nghadelling. It is objected to this that it is clumsy ;
but that is the fault of the alphabet. It is the only way of expressing the
sound fully and correctly, and is the exact equivalent in modern characters
of the Ml. W. yggwyned w.M. 108,
yg gadellig w. ga, § 24 i.
(6) Theie aie, however, a
number of adverbial and prepositional expressioni, in which yn, followed by
the nasal mutation, is wholly unaccented. In this case the nasal is single,
as after fy; and the preposition is naturally joined to its noun, exactly
like the in in the Eng.
indeed. These expressions are ynghyd, ynghylch, ynglyn, yngholl, yr^ghudd,
ymhell, ymhiith, ymysg, ymron, ymlaen, ymhen, yngham, ymhellach, ynghynt,
etc. No principle of accentuation is violated in this-spelling, as asserted
by Silvan Evans, Llythyraeth 50,
who recommends yng n'jhyd etc. See above § 47 ii.
THE SPIHANT MUTATION.
§ 108. i. Brit. or Lat. pp,
tt, kk gave W. ff, th, ch respectively. Thus W. cyff1 stem '< Lat. cippus ; Srython < Brit. Brittones ;
pec/tod < Lat. peccdtum; fiwch : Ir. sow, etc., § 93 iii (a). It occurs when an initial tenuis follows an
explosive in word-composition, as in achas § 93 ii (a), athech § 93
iii (i), athrist § 99 v (4). This is called the "
spirant mutation " of the tenuis.
ii. In Brit. s + tennis had already become a double spirant § 96 i; and original oxytones ending
in -s caused the spirant mutation of a following initial tenuis § 103 i (3), as tri chant ' 300'.
In this case th- and ph- were chosen as the mutations of t- and p-, as their
relation to the radicals is clearer than that of the alternative forms s,
•^v.
iii. The spirant mutation after chive ' six' is irregular. From Kelt.
* sucks Jcantom we should expect *chwe cant, since ks k gives sk, and final
-s would drop. But the independent form of *syeks was already
*Y"eY in Brit.; and we may assume that this was generalized, so that the
ch- in chwe chant comes from -^ k-.
iv. (i) Brit. or Lat. kt > *Y< > *\/> > if ; the z forms
i-diph-thongs § 29 i, cf. § 104 ii (i) ; thus akt > aeth ;
okt > oeth;
*ukt > wyth; ekt > eith, Mn. aith; ikt > ith. Thus W. caeth <
Brit. */caktos § 86 ii (i) ;
doeth < Lafc. doctus; ffrwj/tfi < Lat. fructus; sait/K Brit. ^sektatK
Ar. ^septm', perffatt/K, Lat. Jierfectus ; brith < Brit. *liriktos <
*b!r^kios § 101 iii (2) ; eit/iin
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PHONOLOGY
§ 10^
'furze ' < *ektm- < *ak-tzn-, V' ak-foq-; selthug 'fruitless; <
*-sek-tozik-< *seq*-' without' +*-fezi-q-,'/fend"- ' increase ';
eitfiaf 1 extreme ' <
^ek-t^m-os : Lat. extimus.
(2) In Ml. W. there was a
tendency to voice this fh to 8,
as id perjfeiSyaw IL.A. 19
from perffeith, now re-formed as perffeiiMo 'to perfect'; arhwaeddont do. 3 2 ' they may taste' (: chweith ' taste '). ,-The S survives in
cynysgaeSu from cynysgaeth ' endowment'. In aeth + vb. ' to be ' forming old
perfects and pluperfects, the diplithong was simplified, giving ath-,
affected to eth-, as ethyw .IL.A. 82,
more commonly eSyw 'went'; so aSoeS 'had gone', etc., § 193 vi (3), (5).— Final S
so produced disappeared in heno, yna, ttc. § 78 i (i).
v. Lat. x >*^.t > is ; thus ax >aes, etc.; as W. llaes 'trailing''
< laasus; pals, Ml. W. pels < pesea
(tunica); coes ' leg-' < cossa. So Saeson. < Saxones, Sais < Saoco § 69 ii (2).
Similarly Brit. -hs" from -nks- etc., § 96 iii (6).
INITIAL MUTATION.
§ 109. We have seen that Welsh
has nine mutable consonants. Initially the radical and mutated forms exist
side by side in the living language. The use of the various mutations is
determined. bv syntactical rules which have sprung from generalizations of
prevalent forms. Thus an adjective after a fern. sg. noun has its soft
initial because most fern. sg. nouns ended in a vowel;.
The following table shows all the mutations of the nine mutable consonants; :
.
Eadical
P
t
c
b
d
g
m
11
rh,
Soft
b
d
e
f
dd
—
f
1
r
Nasal
pih,
nh
ngh
m
n
ng
No
chan
ge
Spirant
ph
th
ch
No
chan
ge
No
chan
ge
The words "No change" in the table mean that the consonants under
which they are placed retain their radical forms in those positions where the
others undergo the respective mutations. Thus after yn, which nasalizes the
explosives, m, 11, and
§ 110
INITIAL MUTATION
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rh remain unchanged ; and words which cause the tenues to become spirants do
not alter the other six. This is always understood when the nasal or spirant
mutation is named, and there is no need to particularize except in case of
irregularity.
Strictly speaking, of course, words which caused the nasal and spirant
mutations changed I, r to II and rh. But for practical purposes it is simpler
to treat the changes as above; see § 103
i (4).
t,
LATER CONSONANT CHANGES. . .Loss of Voiced Spirants and Sonants.
§ 110. i. The soft mutations
of b, d, g, m have all tended to he softened to the vanishing point. Being
very soft " buzzes " 8
and / were liable to be confused ; and so we find one substituted for another
' as in cuddygl (kuSygy-l W.M. 140,
B.M. 211) 'cell' for *cv.fygl
< Lat. cubic'lum (proh. influenced by cudd 'hidden'); KiSyonyS B.P. 12 8 7 for Eifionydd
{eiwonit B.B. 69); Late Mn. W.
Caer Dydd for Caer Dyf 'Cardiff'; or two rnetathesized, as in clefySeu B.M. 182 for cleSyvew do. 126, and in defytaud (t =. S) B.B. 48 for cleSyfuwd: W. cleddyf, § 76 viii (2) (Ir. claideb ' sword'< W.).—S.V. (P.m.. xci) says of the
line Kawn vedd rhad kyneddvau lihys (by H.K., see c.o. 344) that it pleases the ear though
it violates tlie rule. The ear does not notice
the inversion v 8 / 8 •».
ii. (i) The soft mutation of g has uniformly disappeared as an initial sound.
Thus *dy •yirdd has become dy wrdd 'thy garden'. Medially it disappears or
becomes ^ befQ^e^^yoweL^or^^foreZ^r or n § iffSu^i'J, § 104 if. Medial TVyi>n, as in ynad
§ 62 TTT'ctfTCT'
u^\>•
(2) Medially after I or r it
appears as i, § 105 ii, which
is lost
before y, as in cSlyn < 0.
W. colginn § 54 ii. This
palatalization of g to S>^' after a liquid is comparatively late, for it
does not«take place finally; in that position g remained dark, and became
non-syllabic y, as in Ml. W. ddly (i syll.) ' to hold'; this was either
assimilated to the ? as in N. W. dal (< *dal-l, double I, not ft), or was
lowered to a and became syllabic, as in S. W. daJa; from Brit. *da!g- <
*dfgh-, Vdeliygh-: Skr. dwgMh 'long', Lat. indulged, longus. Medially it is t
from the same stem, as in daUaf 'I hold, maintain, continue'. So "we
have Ml. W. My 'to huiit',"N. W. 1iel
'collect', S. W. Jiela;
Ml. W. boly ' bag, belly', N. W. hoi, S. W. bola ; Ml. W. gwaly, Mn. W. gwala
'sufficiency'; Ml. W. eiry 'snow', Mn. W. (N. and S.) eira, and eir in
eir-law ' sleet', ces-air ' hail'; Ml. W. Jlary ' generous' < Lat. largus,
Mn. W. llarwidd. The form -a appears in writing as early as the B.B., e. g.
Tiara 7, wliere, however,
"the word counts as only one syllable in the metre.
KOl H
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178
PHONOLOGY
§ 110
In the 16th cent. the sound of
-y in the above Ml. W. forma was not known. J.D.R. writes it y ( =. y), p. 136 ; but Dr. Davies compares it
with Eng. final mute -e, as in take, and writes it y, as baly, hely D. 19. The correctness of this
transcription is confirmed by the B.CH., where it appears as e (s y, § 16 iii), as dale A.L. i 20 = daly. [g >y >a forms an
interesting parallel to the supposed Pre-Ar. g giving » and
then mostly a.]
(3) Lat. virgo>W. gwyry (i
syll.) D.G. 156, IL.A. 84, 87, 90, etc., '
'•whence gwyrdawt B.B.B. 119,
though we have also gweryndawt IL.A. 17,
go, 84, B.B. 40, direct from virginitatem. In
B.B. 70 occurs the pi. gwiricm
< Brit. *uirgones. Later we find morwy.n wyra A.L. i 518;
Gwynedd dial. mew^n gwyrS (lor *gwi[r-r cf. dal-l) •' unealted butter', Dyfed
menyn gwifra, Bhys GO. 46. We
also have gwyrf (i syll.) D.G. 118,
gwyryf vireindawl (4 syll.)
E.P. 1199, and gweryS (2 syll.) E.P. 1200, D.G. 137, pi. gwerySon (3
syll.) B.P. 1199, B.B. 71. The latter cannot be derived
from virgo; no medial syllabic irrational y is known
' "in Early Ml. W.; gweryS must be Kelt. and may represent *gV<hwno,
pi. *guheri^ones : Ir. gerait 'virgin', gerait (i. mac bee) ' little boy'
O'Dav. : redupl., Gk. irapOevo's < * g^hr-g^hen- (not : Skr. prthukafy
'boy, calf, since *fh> Gk. r), Lat. virgin- < *g''':er-ghen-, dissim.
for • 'llguher-gvhen-, and perliaps W. gwyrf < *gw!lerguho, which fits
exactly, § 92 iii.—Dr. Davies
wrongly takes Ml. W. gwyryf as a disyllable gwy\ryf, which it may have become
dialectally, § 16 v (3). The biblical pi. gwyryfon is
formed from the new disyllable.
(4) In bwrw < *burg- § 97 v (3), llwrw < *lurg- < *lorg- § 215 li (7), the
-^ was rounded lay the preceding w, and became -w. In derived forms, however,
it became ^ regularly ; as Ml. W. byryaf ' I
cast down', now bwrwf.
• (5) In hy 'bold' (<*Ayg
< *sig- < *sego- : § 92
i) a final/is now 'wrongly written. The / is not pronounced, and there is no
evidence of it in Ml.W. or the poets ; see hy B.B.B. 365, D.G. 42, 269, 313, etc. It does not occur in old derivatives : kyn-hyet s.G. 277, liy-der^ hy-dab. In the
dialects, however, f is inserted in new derivatives, as Jiyf-dra, hyfach,
which, like llefydd, brofydd, dial. pi. of lie, bro, are due to false
analogy. Other spurious forms like hyf occur in late MSB., such as daf, llef,
brof for da, lie, bro. In none of these is the / an old substitution for g ;
they are sham-literary forms mad.e on the analogy of treffor frhe spoken
tre'.
iii. (i) Final f was lost before the Ml. period after aw, as^in Haw
•hand' < *llawf < Kelt. *lama < Ar. *pZm.a § 63 vii (2);—rhaw
{spade' < *rhnwf < *rd-ma, Vara- § 63 ix, When a syllable is added and aw is replaced by o § 81 i, the / reappears, as in
llof-rudd ' murderer', lit. ' red-handed', llof-yn D.G. 107 'wisp', lloffa' to glean ' <
*llof-ha, rhqfiau 'spades'. So praw IL.A. 24, B.P. 1215 '
proof for ' frawf a back-formation from provi IL.A. 38, 72 < Lat.
probo. The re-introduction of / in praw is artificial, and inconsistent with
the N.W. pron.praw, § 52 iii,
Exc. (i).
§ 110
LATER CONSONANT CHANGES
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179
.Na wrthod, ferch, dy hercM;
Na phraw ymadaw d mi.—D.G. 108;
see 238, 240.
' Refuse not, lady, to be honoured ; do not try to leave me.'
It was lost after iw in Rhiwdbon 'Euabon' for riw vabon B.B. 1066, and after w in tw 'growth',
dwr 'water', reappearing in tyfu, 'to grow', dyfroedd 'waters ', in which w
is mutated to y. It disappeared regularly after u, as in flu ' feathers ' sg.
pluen < Lat. pluma ',—cu ' dear', O.W. cum (m 5 v). Corn. cuf, Bret. kwi,kww, Ir. coim < *koi-m,, Vkei- :
Skr. seva-1), ' dear' <
*fcei-u-os, Lat. cwis;—du ' black', Corn. duw, Ir. dub < *dhubh-, Vdheubh-
: Gk. rv^Xo's;—so in derivatives <fu-dab, cu-ed, dii-ach, etc.
f being originally bilabial, § 19
ii (4), when it followed w, w
or v, (=. ii\ it was in effect little more than tlie narrowing of the
lip-rouuding at the end of the syllable, and so came to be disregarded. For a
similar reason, when f followed m, it was also lost or assimilated, as in
mdmaeth {or*'indm-fuetft' foster-mother'; im 'y hun for imfy hun, ' for
myself.
Ni byddai bwn, heb ddau bdr,
Im. 'y hunan o'm
/temiar.--r.LD.TB,. 138 ; cf. E.P. 277. ( Without two pairs [of oxen]
there would not be [even] a burden for myself of my crop.' It remained in
cam-fa ' stile (Gwyn. dial. cam-So, Dyfed canfa by dissim.).
(2) Initial f often disappears
iafy 'my', especially in poetry, the following nasal mutation showing tliat 'y
means ' my ' not '•' the '; as yykarn ( = 'y nghorn) ym neSeir B.T. 35 ' my horn in my hand'; 'Y mam
B.M. 194, 1. 5 'my mother' ('the mother' is y fam); so 'T myd wen § 136 iii, 'y mun D.G. 17 ' my girl', 'y nghefn, 'y mraint,
do. 274, etc.—It is lost in
vab ' son' in patronymics, as Hywd ab Einiyn;— in ychydig for fychydig, rad.
bychydig.
Deuaf-—myfi
yw d' eos— D'iazt, 'y nyn, o daw nos.—D.Q. 114.
' I will come—[for] I am thy
nightingale—assuredly, my lady, if night comes.'
(3) Medial f drops after an explosive,
when followed by a rounded Vowel or a liquid, as in testun ' text' for
*testfim < Lat. testimonium. Hence in compounds, where it is the initial
of the second element, it is often lost, as in Bod-organ for *Bod F organ ('
Morgan's dwelling'), JSod-wrog for *Bod Fwrog, etc.; Bendigeidran § 45 i (2) for Bendigeid-Vran {Bendigeitwan, first written without the v
in B.M. 26, and w inserted
above the line). Between a consonant and liquid it dropped .early in some
cases as in yr llynedd, Gwenltiant § 111
i (i) and Hydref do. vii (i). Barely before an explosive, as in agwySawr for
*afgwySawr § 74 i (i).
(4) Final fn in unaccented
syllables is generally reduced to n, especially after rounded vowels, as in
eon for eofn ' fearless' § 156
i
N3
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180
PHONOLOGY
§ 110
(15); wwn Or. 0. 118 for un-ofn 'one fear'; annwn for annwfn ' hell'; dodren in
the dialects, and sometimes in the bards, for dodrefn, § 82 ii (3); colon for colofn,, gee example; ysgnfa 'light* retains
its/in N.W. dial.; in S.W. ysgawn or ysgon is used.
Val Samson wrth golon gynt A fu'n rhwym yw fy nhremynt.—G.G1. p 83/59.
' Like Samson, who was bound to a column of old, is my condition.'
Final fl gave / in S.W. c6l
L.G.O. 280, for cqfl ' bosom,
embrace.' (5) Final f began to
disappear very early in the spoken language ;
we already find gwartha for gwarthaf'va. L.I. 196. Its earliest regular loss (apart from the cases cited in
(i) above) occurred after i, as in the v. n. termination -i, e.g. moU ' to
praise ' for *molif, O.W. molim JUV. SK. ; Hi for Ilif 'flood'; divri E.P. 1149 for difrif 'serious'; cyfri
D.G. 4 for cyf-rif ' to
count'. But in the 14th cent.
it had come to be freely dropped after any vowel, sSs the following rhymes
show :
ne'/bore G.Gr. D.G. 238,
ydwy'/mwy D.G. 72, cry'/Iesu
do. 474, ha'/Efa do. 157; so wna' D.G. 72, kynta E.P. 1277. The word is treated in every
way as a word ending in a vowel; thus it is followed by 'n for yn, 'r for y
or yr, etc., as ofnwy 'r D.G. 321
for ofnwyf y ;
ydwy'n for ydwyfyn § 125 iii
ex. i ; Tre'rkastell E.P. 1210
fur Trvf y Castell.
Final f is not known to drop in tlie old words glaif ' sword', of ' raw ',
Uif ' catapult' or in lit. W. llef ' cry ', sef ' that is '. It is still
retained in the spoken language in dof ' tame', rhwyf ' oar', br<f
'bleat', prff 'chief, Taf'TaS', and in borrowed worils, as braf ' fine' : Fr.
brave, E. brave.
iv. (i) Initial 8 in 0. 'W. di ' to ' disappeared, giving
Ml. W. y Mn. W. i, ' to' § 65
iv (2).
(2) Medial 8 disappears in mewn: Ir, medon § 215 iii (i); in the verb rhoddaf,
v.n. rhoddi ' to give ', which became rho-af > rMf, v.n. rhoi; see
rJioist, etc. § 33 iii (i) ;
but the 8 also persisted in
the written language; see § 186.
Similarly arfioaf for *arhoddaf§ 187
iii. Medial 8 also disappears
in tyddi/n > tyn in place-names of the form Tifn-y-maes (*tyi[n >
*tyi{n, W{n, ti{n}.
Medial 8 is sometimes lost as
the initial of the second element of a compound; thus rheg-ofydd (rec ouyt
M.A. i 324, 344) 'lord of gifts' for rheg-Sofydd
(recSovyS W.M. 452, E.M. ibo)
; Duw Ofydd for Duw JDdofydd, Cred-ofydd for Cred-Sofydd, etc. It was also
lost before an explosive, as in Blegywryt A.L. i 338 (MS. L.) for BleS-gywryd (Bledcuurit L.L. 222); diwedydd {diwedit B.E. 90) 'evening' for *diwe8-dyS ; gwybed ' flies ' for gwySbed
(gwySbet E.M. 54).
' (3) Final 8 was lost in the relative ydd
before a consonant, § 162 i.
It disappeared early in the and sg. pres. ind. of verbs, § 173 iii (2). It dropped in yseyS ' who is' (often issi s yssy in B.B.),
though sydd may still be heard as well as sy. Sometimes in naw Duw/ F.N. 63 for nawS Duw/- ' God's protection
!' (i.e. God help us !). In i fynydd
§ 111
LATER CONSONANT CHANGES
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181
' up' the final -8 was lost
early, though it is sometimes found written in Ml. W., as kyvcdi y vynyS IL
A. in, and suivives to this day in parts of Dyfed. With its 8, ifyity lost all trace of its
original signification, as seen in tlie unconscious lepetition in y vyny y
vynyS Oliver B.P. 1280 ' up to
Mount Olivet'. The final -8 of
eisfeS also disappeared very early ; it is eiste in the B.B. and B.CH. So in
W.M., e.g. 4 times in col. 449, in each case changed to eisteS
in E.M. 293—4. The -S is' deduced from eisteSaf,
etc., and its le-insertion finally is artificial; it is not sounded in eiste
in the spoken language. Final -8
also disappeared in hwnnw etc. § 78
i (i).
v. (i) The final -r of the article yr was lost before a consonant after the 0. W. period ; see § 114 iii. So -r after a consonant in
lrawd§ 113 i (i).
(2) Final -nn. was sometimes
lost in unaccented syllables ; as cyfa 'whole', Ml. W. kyfa E.P. 1285 for cyfan(n), cf. kyfunnu W.M. 129;
yma 'here' for yman{n) § 220
ii (n); (e)f<'lly ' so ' < *1iefel
hynn 'like this', of. fell hynn § 215
iv (2); Ml. W.
ky- for kynn ' as ' before the eqtv. § 147 iv (4) ; -fa
for -faniz § 143 iii (16). The tendency wag arrested, and
-nn generally remains; it had not gone far in kynn before it was checked, and
-ra(re) was restored. Tlie loss also occurs in Corn. and Biet., so that it
must be referred to an early peculiarity in the pronunciation of -nn.
Provectlon.
§ 111. i. (i) When n or r came before a liquid after tlie loss of
an intervening vowel, the liquid became voiceless ; thus nl > nil; rl >
rll; nr>nrh; rr>rrh. Examples: gwinllan ' vineyard '<*gwin-lann <
*mno-landd; hirllaes 'long trailing' for *hir-laes ; penrhyn ' promontory '
for *penn-ryn; an-rheg §156ii(i);
Henllan, Benllys, etc. Also in combinations in which no vowel had intervened,
as gor-llanw ' high tide ', an-llygredig ' incorruptible '. So initially : yn
llawn for yn lawn ' full'; yn rhad, mor llawn, mor rhad (yn and mor generally
cause lenition of adjectives); so pur llawn ' very full'; htn Hew Job iv ii (1620), hen Ilys P 121/35 E.
This change had taken place befcie the loss of g and 8 as described in § 110,
and did not take place later. So where 3 or 8 originally
stood between the sounds it did not occur. Thus we have Cyn-las <
*Cyn-rlas < Ouno-glasos; tor-lan ' brink' < *torr-^lann ' broken bank
'; Hdr-lech < HarS-lech W.M. 38
; cor-lan ' fold ' < *corS-lann. Thus yn Idn, mor Idn from gl&n
'clean, fair' ; and while we have y llan 'the hamlet' from *yr lann from
llann 'enclosuie', we have y l&n ' the bank' from *yr ^lann from glann '
bank ', both nouns being fern. But / appears in some cases to have dropped
out eaily enough to allow of the change ; as in y llynedd moie fully yr
llynedd for
*{/r_flyneS ; Gwenlhan < *gwenn-flzant.
(2) 1 was palatalized and became 11 in two positions : (a) after Brit.
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182
PHONOLOGY
§ 111
ei, Lat. e ; thus cannwyll < Lat. candela ; twyll ' deceit' < Lat. tela
;
tywyll' dark ' § 38 x for
*tyw-wyll § 76 vii (2) < *femeil- < *temes-elo s :
Bret. teval, tmval for *tenvol, Corn. tiwul, Ir. (rTOe? : Lat. tenebrae <
*femesrai, Skr. tamasdh dark-coloured ' ; but not after Brit. ai, e. g. cod
'omen' < *kail- < *qa}(u\,l- : 0.
H. G. hedlsw 'auguiari' : Ir. eel < *keil-.—(/3) Between two i's, as in ^'6r»'% < Lat. Apiilis; pebyll ' tent' < Lat. pajsilio.
, ii. (i) When b-b, d-d, g-g came together after the loss of a vowel they
became double p, t, c respectively, simplified befoie the accent, and before
a sonant; as in Cateyrn for Catte^rn < *Cad-diyrn- < But. Catotigirn-
(Ehys no. 47); meitin <
*meid-din < Lat. mdtuVi-num, § 70
v ; wynepryd 'countenance' < *wyneb-bryd; and in the example bywiocledd
< bywiog gledd:
A'm bwcled a'm bywiocledd Yn arfau maen ar fy medd.—G.GL, M 146/198.
'-And my buckler and live sword as weapons of stone [carvedJ on my . giave.'
When the explosives came together in different words they resulted in a
double consonant, voiced at the implosion, but voiceless with the new impulse
at the explosion. This change is not now represented in writing ; but in MSS.
and early printed books -d d- etc. frequently appear as -d t- etc.; thus Nid
Toethineb heb len P 54/356 E. 'Tl eie is no wisdom without
learning'; Gwnaed tuw ag enazd howel v 63/7 K ' Let God
do witli the Eoul of Howel'; Ygwaed to a vac feyrn p 52/22 ' Good
blood begets a king '; Glowed tim ond y glod tau c.c. 342 ' To hear anything but thy piaise' ; i'r wlad tragwyddol
B.cw. 86 ' to the eternal
land'; Y Ddraig cock ddyry cyohwyn a. 177
'The Eed Dragon gives a leap '. "Two /&/standeth in toiceof
/p/....inabby^an most be pronounced as if ytt were wrytten mab vyyan "
J.J. TL 144/51. In all cynghanedd pliorto the 19th cent. such a combination
corresponds to a tenuis. The wiiters of the recent period sometimes treat it
as a media.
(2) 88 became th in nyth, syth, etc. § 97 ii; cf. dial. rhoth for
*rho8S < rhoSoS 'gave '.
Similaily 33 became ch in
dichon § 196 ii (2). But generally two voiced
spirants lemained, written single, as in ^rifarS for prif-farS ' chief bard
'. <
iii. (i) When a media was followed by h the two became a double teuuis ; thus
ateb (t^tt) 'reply ' < *ad-heb < *ati-seqw-, VseqVi- 'say' ;
drydn ' storm ' § 27 i <
*dr^g-hin ; gwlypaf ' wettest' for *gwlyb-/(»/§ 147 ii.
When the sounds came together in different words they gave the double sound
dt etc., see ii (i) above ; and in all standard cynghanedd
*d h- coi responds to t, -b h- to p, -g h- to c ; as Oer yw heb hum, w hy
pert Gr.H. &. 99.
(2) Similarly in some cases fh
> £F; 8h > th ; as in
lloffa 'to glean' § 110 iii
(i), § 201 iii (4) ; diwethaf'last' § 149 i ; rhotho § 186 ii ;
LATER CONSONANT CHANGES
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183
byfho § 189 ii (4). So fr-h>ffr in dyffryn § 106 iii (2); f-rr>f-rh >ffr in cyffredin §156 i (9). But as
a rule the groups remain, as dyddhdu, dyfrhdu ; and -/ h; -S h- do not
correspond to ff, th in cynghanedd.
iv. When two similar consonants, whether explosives or spirants, one voiced
and the other voiceless, came together, they became a double voiceless sound
medially, simplified where double consonants are usually simplified, as
befoie a consonant; thus popeth (p=pp) < *p6b-peth ' everything '; gwrtJirych ' object' <
*gv~rth-?.rifch. In ordinary pronunciation the result is the same when the
sounds occur in different words ; and in Ml. W. M&S. -th S- fiequently
appear as fh only ; thus athiweS TL.A.. 157 for a'th SiweS 'and thy end' ; Atta.'lw afhwylaw ar llet
B.P. 1220 'And Thy image with
Tliy hands extended'; cf. 1205
1. 34, i3?l 1.32; similarly weinllian tec 1424 for (G)wenlhant deg ; cereint tduw 1220 (d deleted by dot, t substituted).
v. (i) When two unlike mediae came together, the group wag unvoiced at the
implosion, but not necessaiily at the explosion. InMI.W. both are usually
wiitten as tenues; thus dieter E.P. 1209,
aHessynt i^og,hepcor 1230,
dywetpwytw.M. 96, ducpwytdo. i83,attpawr B.B. 35. The second is, however, often
wiitten as a media, as o wacder E.P. 1280,
afboryon do. 1208, tyVoar do. 1300, llygatsall do. 1308. In the 1620 Bible we have atcas, datcuddiad, etc. ; but the more usual
spelling later was atgas, datguddiad, etc., which perhaps represents the
sound more accurately. When however the second censor ant was a dental it
tends more to be voiceless. In the Bible we find such foims as digter for
dieter, the g being due to dig. In cynghanedd either consonant may correspond
to a tenuis or a media. Pughe's etymological spellings adgas, iidgorn,
hehgor, etc., misrepresent the sound, which is as nearly as possible afgas,
utyorn, hepgor.
(2) A media was frequently,
though not i.ecessaiily, unvoiced before 1, r, m, n, 8, f
and even w, i. Thus in Ml. W. we find llwtlaw E.P. 1222 ' Ludlow',
atrawS 1251, tatmaetheu E.M. 24, (ttnewySwys 93, 'wreicSa 23, dynghetven 73,
atwen 245, lletyeith E.P. 1222. But while E.M. has grwytraw 86, the older w.M. has in the same
passage grwydlaw 183. In E P. 1269, 1303 we have sygneu 'signs' but in 1214, 1215 it is
written sycneu. Indeed the E.B. ecribe, who had no ear for cynghanedd,
v.-iites tenuis and media wheie they should correspond ; as heidyaw/ehetyat
B.P. 1283,
chenedloeS/chynatleu 1204,
dilitya/dy aelodeu 1216, In
the last example the sound is certainly d, as aelodeu cannot have t. It might
tlierefoi e be supposed that the sound was always a media, and that to write
it a tenuis was a mere ortho-graphical convention. But though the sound is
now generally a media, there is evidence that it might be, and often was, a
tenuis: (a) D.G. has such coirespondences as Dadlitw 'r/diwyd latai p. 19, neztwr/ natur 133 ; and (/:?) the tenuis has
survived in a number of examples, as Coetmor (for coed-mor < coed mawr);
tycip ' to prevail' < twg 'prosperity' < *tuq-, Viey^-, cf. § 108 iv; etc for etwo < eduwth
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PHONOLOGY
§ I'll
•§111
LATER CONSONANT CHANGES
185
§ 220 ii (7); ysgatfydd 'perhaps'; Llan
Decwyn; 'caneitw 'to brighten' (of the moon) < cannaid ; carbref, pentref.
(3) The mediae were unvoiced
before voiceless consonants; thus atsein B.T. 20, datsein E.M. 289,
Hotfordd a. 102. In Late Mn.
orthography etymological spellings prevail, as adsain Ezec. vii 7, Bodjfordd. The latter, the name
of a place in Anglesey, is always sounded Botffmdd, in spite of the spelling
with d.
(4) It is seen from (i), (2) and (3) above that a media is liable to .^ be unvoiced before any
consonant in the middle of a word. But we have seen in the preceding
subsections that a change which took place medially also occurred when the
group, belonged to different words. Hence final mediae must frequently: have
been sounded as tenues before an initial consonant; and this is very probably
the reason why they were so commonly written as tenues, the pre-conso' nantal
form being generalized in writing. The facts are briefly summarized in § 18 ii.
*• But before an initial vowel it is certain that a final explosive, though
written as a tennis, was in fact a media in the i4th cent. In the following examples from B.r. (which might
easily be multiplied) it is seen that die final t or c in heavy type must be
pronounced d or, g to correspond to a media in the other part of the line:
JDigystuS anreo am (dec ystwyll 1202,
Glot oleu yn (glew dalu 1203,
Gwledio eurswilt \ vu (gwlat a gorseS 1208
;
go before a liquid:
Temyi y grist \ teu amiwo rat 1200.
Such a slip as Set libera nos a malo IL.A. 150 shows that the scribe was in the habit of writing final t
where the sound was d. Cf. also § 18
iii. That the written tenuis does not mean that the vowel was short in a
monosyllable like gwac now gwdg is proved by such a spelling as yn. waac...y
gadeir waac W.M. 449, E.M. 293. Of. § 55 i.
The final media before an initial consonant, however, corresponds to a tenuis
in much later cynghanedd, especially when the initial is voiceless:
Heh swydd \ mor (hapus a hwn o. 239
Bri^ffydd \ a hair Ts.off'a hwn, etc., s.Si. Ixxix.
Though the explosive is now a media before an initial consonant as well, we
have a trace of the tenuis in ap fwab (tor fub § 110 iii (2)), as
in ap Gwilym beside ab Edmwnd.
(5) Since the explosive was a
tenuis before a consonant we have -p m- and -( n- ; these combinations were
mutated to mh and nh in the following examples, the voicelessness of the
tenuis being retained after its assimilation: Amfiadawc P 61/18 E. for Ap Madawc, Amhredydd c.c. 334 for Ap MaredtiS, am mydron B.B. 94 (m =. mh § 24
i), etc. ;
prynhawn W.M. 70, B.M. 50, IL.A. 121 for pryt nawn W.M. 162,
E.M.
'229.
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185 The late spelling prydnawn is an
artificial reconstruction ; the spoken language preserves the traditional
pronunciation prynhdvm.
Ag un lliw, gannwyll awyr, Y barnwn haul brynhawn hwyr.—I.D. 7.
'And of the same colour I judged the late evening sun,—the candle of the
sky.' Cf. bryv.Ta.awn/bery'n hw D.G. 73,
Sara. 'b.en/bryuhawn do. 428.
vi. (i) A media, was unvoiced after nasal + tenuis. The following cases occur
: rak-d > Bkt or Bt, as in ieuenctid ' youth ' also written ieuengtid
;—nt-g > nk, as in difancoll D.G. 387'
perdition' < *difant-gull; deinoryd D.G. 385, E.P. 1157
'gnashing of teeth' < *deint-gryd.
(2) A media was generally
unvoiced after a voiceless spirant; as glastwfy-r E.M. 146 for glasdwfr § 96 ii (5) ; neillparth do. 148
for neillbarth; dywespwyt do. 90
; gwnaethpwyt do. 89 ; gwalico
B.CW. 37 for gwallgof; alltud
for all-dud. On the other hand p and c are voiced, sometimes even in Ml. W.,
after s ; thus while we have ysk.yn E.M. n, kyscu do. 21, yspryt IL.A. 99,
we also find disgynnent E.M. 14,
goresgyn do. 91, ysbryt IL.A. 3, esgussawd W. la, pasgadur ib.
Though the tenuis was commonly written up to the i8th cent., Dr. Davies's orthography has generally prevailed
since the appearance of his dictionary ; in this the media is written except
in the groups at, lit, cht, fit, thp.
(3) An initial media is
sometimes found written as a tenuis after a voiceless spirant: Canys oollyghy
w.M. 78 changed to Kan nys
gollyngfiy in K.M. 56 ; Bei ys
cuypun B.B. 81 'If I knew ';
os kcwyw A.L. ii 18 ' if he
asks it'; seith yechawt Hi.A. 143
for eeith hechawt S.o. 36 '
seven sins '; a'th caledrwydd EH.B.S. 74
' and thy hardness.'
vii. (i) 81 > dl, as in
bodlon ' satisfied ' < *boS-lavm. The recent spelling boddlon is a
reconstruction due to Pughe; the natural pronunciation is bodlon (S. W.
bolon); cf. Fodlon im dan fedwiwyn ir D.G. 172' contented with me under fresh birch-trees ' ; Bodloni bydol
annyn Gr.O. 34 ' to satisfy a
worldly wretch '; hadi ' lying in ruins ' for "haSI < *s^d-lo-, Vsed-
' settle' § 63 ii. Similaily 8r > dr, as in cadr ' puissant'
for *ca8r: Gaul.
Belatu-cadrus ep. of Mars, 0.
Bret. oadr gl. decoreo, Bret. caasr, kaer ' handsome': Gk. ntK.a&p.wo's,
Skr. SdSad- 'distinguish oneself. It took place after the loss of /; thus
Uydref ' October' < hySfref (heSvref A.L. 124, calan hyddfref M.A. i 3466 'Oct. ist'), dedryd ' verdict' < *de8f-fryd.
On the other hand d (< orig. t) is sometimes treated as 8 before a sonant, and in S. W.
dial. has remained 8 or
disappeared. Thus cenedl is kenety-l in B.B. 10, 16, where ( =
8, but in 0. W. is cenetl B.S.CH. 2, where t =. d (S.W. dial. cenel);
hoedl (with d < t, cf. Late Brit. Vennisetii, and see § 63 vii (5)) is treated as hoeSI by Casnodyn, hoe^yl I hetiwch E.P. 1248, cf. 1234, 1241, but
G.M.D. has hyder / hoedyl do. 1320,
cf. 1212 ; so I.G., Hudol /
hoedl 310. S. W. hweSel for
chwedl cannot mean that the suff. was *-dhlo-, for -edi- would give
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PHONOLOGY
§ 112
•eil § 104 iv (3). So S. "W. gwaSan for gwadn
' sole ' has orig. t, since dn gives n; gwadn < *w-t-n- < *uo-dd-no-
< *upo-bd-no- ' *under foot', Vped-.
The late change of drum, drem to trum, frem is probably due to the soft
mutation 8r- becoming dr-, and
the d- being then mistaken for the soft mutation of (-. It certainly is not a
phonetic law that dr-should become tr-, for drwg, dryoh, drain, drud, etc.,
all retain dr-.
(2) 8 > d after s, t, d, and in old formations after ; II, n;
thus ^•treisdwyn for *treis-Sw^n ' a taking by force', dreis-dwyn/drihtyt
'•K..P. 1288; atal ' to
withhold' < *ad-dal-^ < *ad-Sal^ < *ati-da1g-;
llygeitw for llygeid-Sv,, etc. ; bendith for *ben-8ith < Lat. benedictio ;
meUtith or melldith for *meloith < Lat. malediotw.
This change also takes place initially; thus nos da ' good night' § 146 iii (2), nos dy Diar. vii 9
'black night', for *nos 8-
{nos being f.—the orig. mutation was rad. after *no(k)ts, but this cannot be
assumed to have survived) ; so yr wythnos diwetfiaf ' last week'; tros Dafydd
Q. 237, tros daear E. xiv for
tros 8-; SleSyn tu R.P. 1284 for Ble&ynt du for BleSynt
Su; lleian du D.G. 20 'black
nun'; Silvan du L.G.C. 319, 321 ' black Joan '; holl daear do. 446.
Pan aeth Tamos ap Rhoser At Suw a'r saint trwy y sSr.—L.G.O. 38.
' When Thomas ap Rhosser went up to God and the saints through the stars.'
Llyma 'r blaid lie mae'r blodau
A 'r holl dawn o'u rliyw ill dau.—T.A., o. ii 83.
* This is the band [of children] in whom are the flowers and all the gift of
their [the parents'] two natures.'
Yna nosa,
myn lesu, Einioes dyn megis nos du.—G.G1., c 7/44.
'Then, by Jesus, man's life darkens
like black night.'
(3) 8 > d before or after the above sounds, and continuants such
as m, f, even when separated from them, see § 102 iii (2); as
Late Mn. W. machlud < ym-aohludd § 44
v < Lat. occlude; Late Mn. W. gormod for gormoS the usual foiiu in the
bards; Maesyftd 'Radnor' for Maes UyfeiS; didol < *di-Sawl § 156 i (n), pedol § 102 iii (2). The change, being a fprm of dissimilation, is only
accidental.
(4) The change of ^ to y and
of / to 6 under similar
conditions is lare: arglwyS 'lord' beside arlwyS (both in W.M. 160) < *ar-^wlwyS <
"p^ri-ylei- V-K^ of Vuelei-; cf. glyw § 102 iii (2) ;
cwhl for "•cwfl § 168 iii
(3); parabi 'saying' for
*para/l < Lat. parabola; cabi 'calumny ' for *ca/l < *kaml- met. for
*kal'men : Lat. calumnia § 100
ii (i); so Bret. cablus, Corn. oabail.
§112. i. (i) In 0. W. and .Early Ml. W. an initial
vowel or a medial vowel in hiatus seems to have been pronounced with a
distinct breathing which is often represented by h. This breathing was
voiced,
§ 112
LATER CONSONANT CHANGES
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and so differed from h < s, which was voiceless. Examples are, initial: 0. W. ha, hac ox.' and '; heitham
do., Ml. and Mn. W. eithaf § 108
iv (i);—Ml. W., from A.L. i, huydvet (wythfed) 58 ; hwhof ib. ' above me '; hun din (un dyn) 124 ' one man '; yr hun (yr un) 256 ;
huiui (wyf i) 114; er ~hyd (yr
yd) 326 'the corn'; oJiyd (o
i/d) 82 'of corn' ; hercki
(erchi) 152 ; hodyn (odyn) 78, etc. Medially it occurs not only
where a soft spirant liad disappeaied, as in diheufi.M. 181 <
*di-yu, Mn. W. diau ' truly'; rohi A.I. i 118 < ro&i; but also where no consonant ever existed, as
in diheu IL.A. 21 'da^s';
dihagei K.B.B. 48 ' escaped '.
(2) Although this breathing
has generally been smoothed away, it was liable to become voiceless before an
accented vowel, and in that case it survived as A; thus medially in dihangol
'escaped, safe';
initially, after a vowel in pa ham for *pa am ' what for', pa hachos IL.A. 123, pa hawr do. 13 ; after r in un ar hugain ' 21 ', yr 'holl § 168 ii (3); in all positions in hogi 'to whet' for *ogi < *ak-, Va^'/oq- : W.
agalen ' whetstone'. This occurs in several cases in which an initial
accented vowel was followed by two consonants, so that it was pronounced
rather forcibly ; thus W. hagr ' ugly' for *agr, Bret. akr, Jiakr, Vaic-/oq-
;—W. hardd ' handsome ' for *ar8
' high' :
Ir. ard, Lat. wduus, cf. Uaro-leoh orig. quite evidently ' high rock';
*so sometimes henvi ' name ' (henw ' noun' E.G. 1121), generally with h- in Gwyn. dial, but anwedig without it:
Bret. hanv, hanu, hano, Corn. hanow ; 0.
W. anu, Ir. ainm, see p. 81.
(3) On the other hand initial
h (<s) might come to be confused with the soft breathing, and so disappear
before an unacc. vowel, as in eleni 'this year'< *}ie-fleni: Bret.
hevlene, with the same prefix as JieSiw 'to-day'; yvelly •W.M. 41 for *hefelly, gee § 110 v (2); 0. W. anfer-metefio gl.
semiputata (banner mededig).
(4) In 0. W. the
breathing is found (rarely) before a suffix where it was clearly marked off
fi om the stem, as in casulheticc (casul-edig) fS.C., but no trace of a
breathing in such a position remains. We have, however, a medial h before an
accented vowel under the following conditions :—(a) Where the vowel is
followed by two consonants, as cenhedloedd Ps. ii i; Jcynhel-lis B.B.B. 234, cynhalweth (l-l and fa'<1'^); cymhedrawl M.A. ii 343 (cymedrawl ib. 355); cyn-hyrchol Maic iv 8 ; but this never became a strict
rule ; it is can led somewhat further in the recent than in earlier periods:
cynneddfau Dial. xxxicyn.( 162
o),cynheddfJU in late edns.—(/S) Where n stands fur 8», as in bonheddig from bonedd < *bvdmw, as if the 8 had lelt a soft breathing ;
biynyddoedd is a late formation § 122
iv (2) nnd has no h.— (•y)
Where r comes after n, as in anrheithi; this occuis even after the accent, as
anrhaith § 111 i (i).
An h which has always been voiceless occurs before the accent (a) in the
nasal mutation of p, t, c § 106
iii (i), as danheddog for *dant-eSawc;
kymhellawS K.B.B. 327<Lat.
compell-; anghenus<*awk-', angheuol<
*iinJc-, etc.; piobably plannfiedeu § 48
i followed the analogy of plan-higwn < * plant-; canhwylleu B.B.B. 380 seems to be due to the treat-
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PHONOLOGY
§ 113
ment of Lat. nd as nt, cf. Corn. cantull, Bret. cantol.—(b) For original s,
as in anheSeu w.M. 81,
cyfcinheddu do. 73, ^whe8n mewn crwyn hySod JLi.,
{tomann(h)eS<*ndo-sed-^63ii;
glanhdu, parhdu etc. §201 in (4);
probably -he- in iscoJheic B.B. 91,
pi. yscolheigon E.B.B. 235,
Mn. W. sg. ysgolhdig is the suffix -ha- < *sag- see ib. -s- between
sonants dis-appeaied, e. g. amynedd § 95
ii (3); but kenhadeu § 48 i may contain a reflection of it:
kewiwd 'message, messenger '< *k..ns-n-9ta, Vkens-' speak with authority, etc.' see Walde2 151 : Lat. censeo, W. dangos § 156 ii(i).—The h which provects mediae always comes from 8;
in no case is provection caused by an " accentual A ", or h
developed from a soft breathing.
ii. (i) The semivowels i, w, u seem to have been pronounced in Parly Ml. W.
with friction of the breath, which is often iepre&ented by h before i or
u, especially in the B.CH. Thus yhu (yw} A.L. i 6;
Mahurth {Mawrth) 64; entehu
(ynteu) 130 ; nehuat (neuaS} 78 ; arnehy (arnei) 100. More rarely it occurs between
two u'h (yw, = w), or two t's, as in arnauhv, (arnaw) 132 ; doissihion (doythwn) 124. With w such a breathing would be equivalent to back ^, and
at an earlier period it was represented by g, which survives in enguy A.L. i 100 for envii ' to name' (which
never had the media g, as the w is from m) ; this also may stand between two
u's in this MS., as dim or auguenel (a wnel) dyn medii B.CH. 120 'anything that a drunken man
does';
auguenelhont (a wnelhont) do. n8.
In 0. W. w is written gu as in
petguar ox. for pedwar ' 4 '.
The sound of w, then, was virtually $»;
this after h<s became ^, written chw- § 26" vi, § 94
iv. Initially on the analogy of g : ^ it became g* in the position of a
radical consonant, remaining -^s as a soft mutation; later gw-: w-. This had
taken place before the separation of Bret. and Corn.
(2) The bieathing before a
vowel might also take the form f,, so as to give a new initial g-; thus *or§
§ 100 iii (2)>gorS f. B.T. 7 through *yr8, this being taken for the soft mutation after the art., as in
w guit ( s yr ^wyS) f. B.B. 97
' the goose'. Later gallt for dllt f. ' slope ' ;
gerfydd beside herwydd for erwyS § 215
ii (5). The Mn. godidog a. 252 for odidog 'rare', and N.W.
dial. gonest for onesf probably involve a confusion of initial o- with the
prefix go- § 156 i (16).
(3) Conversely initial g is
sometimes lost, as in euog 'guilty' for geuog (geuawc IL.A. 155 "mendaces", gau
'false'); elor f.' bier 'for gelw M.A. i 205(1, met. for
*y«roZ<Lat. gerula {elawr G. 234
is factitious).
Loss OP SYLLABLES.
§ 113. i. (i) The last
syllable of every Brit. word, or Lat. word borrowed in the Brit. period,
which contained more than one syllable, is lost in W. Thus W. gwynn, f. gwenn
' white' < Brit. *ulndos f. *uinc1d,
W. ciwed < Lat. czvitas, 'W. ciwdod < Lat. cwitdtem, § 115 i. The syllable doubtless became
unaccented
§ 113
LOSS OF SYLLABLES
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189
in all cases ; its vowel then became indistinct, and was ultimately lost,
with the final consonant, except when the latter was a sonant. Brit. final -I
is unknown, and -m had become -n;
the only final sonants therefore were -r and -m. "When the syllable
ended in one of these it seems to have become *-^- or *-», which became
non-syllabic. Final -r remained, as in W. c/maer < Brit. *,<M<mr
< *suesi)r, § 75 vii (a);
W. ymfierawdr < Lat. imperdfor ; but in common words it disappeared after
a consonant in W., as in travel 'brother' for *brawdr (= Bret. brew) <
Brit. ^brater. Final -w nasalized a following- initial media § 106 ii (2), and was lost before other initial consonants. In the
comparative it attached itself to the following o, as in glanach no 'cleaner
than' for *glanachn o § 147 iv
(3). It survived after a vowel
in namen § 78 ii (i), cymerwn
§ 180 iii (i).
A sonant coming before the final vowel also remained, as wjfenestr <Ita,t.
fenestra, perigl<~LsA. perzc'lum; later this was liable to drop where the
new ultima was unaccented § 16
v (3), and probably the
vacillation between liquid and zero accounts for the development of
excrescent liquids in some words : tymesti < Lat. tempestas, achreawdyr § 104 iii (2).
(a) The vocalic ending of the first element of a compound, § 155 ii (i), became an obscure vowel,
and disappeared; thus Brit. Maglo-cunos>'W. MaeJgwn ; Brit. *Katit-mannos >W. Cad-fan ; Brit. Mon-duiwn >
W. Myrddin ; Lat. bene-dictio > W. bendith. Similarly the vowel before the
suffixes -tat-, -twf-, -tero;
etc., as ciwdod < Lat. ace. cwitatem, gwendid' weakness' < Brit. aec.
^-wnno-twtcni; and the -i- in the spv. suffix ^-isamos, as teoaf ' fairest'
for *tegkaf < *tek-isamos. In many words of four or more syllables the
vowel of the second syllable was elided, as Ml. W. agwybawr < Lat.
dbeoeddrium, meitin < matufwum, Saesneg < *Saxonikd, etc. Stems in -a-
had -o- in composition;
thus Kelt. *teu/a ' people ' was Teuto- in compounds; and a in the second
syllable generally remains in nouns, as in Caradog < Brit. Caratacos,
fftirfafen < Lat. firm amentum. But in many formations -a- in the
ante-penult was lost, as in Ml. W. karhont <*karasonti § 183 ii (i), and the suff. -gar <
*-dkaros § 153 (8).
The loss of the root vowel in such forms as allweS< *n ql'u-iw § 99 vi (i), dedwyo<*do-t'y-wos § 100 ii (i) had probably aheady taken
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190,
place in Brit. So in some cases the -i- of the spv., as iu Ml. W. nessaf
<*ned'samos § 148 i (i).
Disyllabic and compound prefixes are treated like the first element of a
compound ; thus Kelt. *ari^ > Brit. *are- >W. ar- ;' Brit. ^Jcanta-
> W. cannh- § 156 i (6), (7); *kom-(p)ro- loses its . -o- and gives cyf'r- as in
eyfr-goll; so *uor-en-sed- loses its -e- and gives gorsecU ' high sea't', as
if from *wore-ssed-.
(3) The inscribed stones (gth
to 7th cent.) do not throw
much light on the above changes. The ogam inscriptions are Goidelic, and
those written in Eoman letters are in bad Latin, while many of the names even
in the latter are Goidelic in form. In some cases a name has the Lat. nom.
ending -us, as Catamanus Rhys no. 6
(LWPh.2 364), Aliortus no. 14, Veracius 9, but most liave the Lat. gen. ending -i, as Cunogusi hicjacit 5 ' [the body] of 0. lies here'. The names and the .'
following maqViqWi of the ogams show that -i is gen., and not a debased form
of the Brit. nom. -os. (The ogam -i is the Kelt. gen. suffix *-l, being the
Italo-Kelt. gei). of -o- stems.) As a rule the Lat. fili agrees, but often
does not, thus Dervacifilius Justi ic jacit 37. Fem. nouns end in -e, which is doubtless the ordinary late
Lat. -e for -ae, though the noun in apposition stands in the nom., as
Tunccetace uxsor Daari hicjacit 77,
et uxor eius Caune 20. A nom.
in -a appears in Awitoria, filia Cunigni Eglwys Gymun insc. Possibly a Brit.
nom. ending in -o for -os occurs in Aliortus Elmetiaw Me jacet Ehys 14 (the only stone
•withjacef) and Vitaliani Emereto 76.
In a few cases no ending occurs :
Etterni fili Victor 71, in
which the legend is complete, and Victor is gen.; Velvor filia Broho 32. These and the false concords
seem to indicate that the case endings were lost in the spoken language.
The stem-vowel u appears as -u- and -o-, as Catu-rugi Rhys 60, Cato-tigirni 47; and -o- appears as -o-, -%-,
-e-, -i-, as Cuno-gusi 5,
Vendu-magli 4g, Vinne-magli 21, Vende'sefli 12, Venni-setii 67, pointing to -9- for which the Roman alphabet has
no symbol. The form -a- for
-u- Or -o-, as in Cata-manus 6,
is Goidelic; cf. in bilingual stones Cuno-tami in Roman, characters,
Cuna-tawii in ogam 75 ;
Trene-gussi in Roman, Trena-gusu in ogam 73. In some cases the stem-vowel was preserved, and forms
containing it survive beside forms in which it is lost; thus Dumnagual beside
Dumngual both in GEN. v. That the former is not merely an archaic spelling of
the latter is shown by the survival of both in the Mu. language :
Mdl mob i Ddyfnwal Mod-mud
Tw Phylip brajf i olud . , .
Mae yn llaw /wTDyfnawal
Yr erwi mawr ar aur mdl.—L.G.C. 209.
' Like a son of Dyfnwal Moelmud is Philip of vast wealth. In the hand of the
descendant of Dyfna>wal are the broad acres and the milled
§ 113
LOSS OF SYLLABLES
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gold.' Other similar doublets are Tudwdl and Tudawdl B.P. 1394, Dingad and Dinogat B.A. 22. The aw in Dyfnawdl is the
regular development of oy before a vowel, see § 76 iii (i) ; before another consonant the -o- remains, as saen
in Dinogat.
(4) The forms used in writing
are always traditional, and in the above inscriptions the names have probably
archaic forms preserved with the Latin in which they are embedded, since
other evidence points to the loss of the terminations at this period. The
re-formations consequent on the loss of the endings are largely the same in
Bret. and "W.; thus W. -au, Bret. -ou represents the pi. -ones of
M-stemg, § 120 i; these stems
could not have been very numerous, and the addition of "W. -au and Bret.
-ou to nouns of all classes denoting common objects, and to tad, mam and
others, can liardly be an accidental coincidence, and is clearly subsequent
to the breakdown of the Brit. declension. It seems therefore probable that
the new language was in an advanced stage of development before the
separation of the two dialects.
In the oldest MS. of Bede, A.D. 737,
the stem-vowels and termina. tions are completely lost, as in Gar-legion,
Ban-cor, Dwwot. The reduction was therefore an established fact in the early 8th cent.
(5) The vowel of the penult is
sometimes lost after a diphthong, apparently when the accent originally fell
on the ultima, as in daw < *Uiwr'os § 75 vi (i) ; haul< *sayelws § 76 v (i) ; so probably cawr<
*koyar6s § 76 iii (4). With haul ' sun' < *sau'lws < *sduelws contrast the
disyllabic huan ' sun' < *sauanos < *say^nos (witli ra-suff. like E.
sun, cf. "Walde2 721); affected au, short because
unaccented, gives W. au §76 v
(i); and accented au gives W. u § 76
iii (5);
see § 76 v Note, p. 108. '
ii. In a disyllabic proclitic a final short vowel might disappear in the
Brit. period; thus Ar. *mene ' my' > *mew, and caused the nasal mutation,
§ 107 ii, iv.
iii. (i) The final consonant of a monosyllabic proclitic was lost in W.; thus
Brit. *men ' my ' gave "W.fy ' my'; but not till after it had mutated
the following initial (in this case causing the nasal mutation of mediae § 107 iv).
(a) But the consonantal ending of an accented monosyllable i was in general
retained, thus W. chwech' six ' < Kelt. *sye&s (but chwe before a
noun) ; W. nos ' night' < Brit. *noss <
*nofs < *noifts § 96 ii (5); W. moch ' early' ; Lat. moss; W.
yn 'in' < Brit. *e% < Ar. *e«,
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192 ACCIDENCE
':' THE ARTICLE
§ 114. i. The definite arAcle
ia yr, 'r ory. There is no indefinite article in Welsh.
ii. The full form yr is used before a vowel or h, as yr afon ' the river', yr
Jiaul' the sun ',dwfr-yrafon,gwres-s-T haul; they is elided frfter a vowel,
as »"r afon ' into the river', &'r fy ' from the house ';. before a
consonant the r is dropped, unless the y has been elided as above, as yn y ty
' in the house'.
w- counts as a consonant: y waedd ' the cry'; ^'- as a vowel in Mil. W. yr
with ' the language'; in Ml. "W. as a vowel or a consonant, as yr zarll
E.M. 188 1. 25 ; 189 11. 13, 30 ; i9° 1- '7 ; y io-rll 189 11. 2, 20. As initial wy is wy § 38 iv, we have in the standard
language yr wy ' the egg', yr wyr ' the grandson ', yr wyth ' the e'g1^', yr wythnos ' the week', yr wylo
' the weeping', yr wyneb ' the face', yr wybren 'the sky'. Similaily yr
wyddfa 'Snowdon', yr iryddgrug ' Mold ', with
radical gwy- fern., gee v.
ill. 0. "W. has only the
first two forms, written ir and r; thus ir tri ox. ' the three ', ir pimphet
do. ' the fifth ', ir bis bicJian do. ' the little finger', ir mant do.' the
thumb', ir guoUeuni JVV. ' the light', or deccolloa M.C. gl. decadibus, or bardaul
leteinepp M.C. g-1. epica
pagina, div escip L.L. i%o ' to the bishops'. After a diphthong we have ir,
as nou, ir emid M.C. ' that of the brass'. The form y is in regular use in
early Ml. W., as E betev ae gulich y glav B.B. 63 ' the graves which the rain wets'.
In Ml. W. r is used after a ' and ; with ', o ' from ', y 'to ', na ' nor ',
no ' than'; but usually y or yr after other words ending in vowels, as kyrchu
y Ilys, .. .a cftyrchu y bordeu W.M. 5,
llyna y Ilys do. 6, etc. The
reason is probably that the article, as a proclitic, was generally joined to
the following word, thus -yllys 'the court', so that these groups became
isolated in the scribe's mind, and were written in their isolated forms. On
the other hand, the article could not he separated from the above
monosyllables (cf. yny which is the regular form of yn y ' in the '), hence
after these it assumes, its post-
§ 114
THE ARTICLE
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vocalic form. It was undoubtedly spoken r after all vowels then as now,
except when a pause came between the words; for we find early examples of r
even after diphthongs ; thus Kir Haw r eirccheid B.B. 10 'beside the suppliants', mi yw r iarll W.M. 137 'I am the earl', gwiryon yw r
vorwyn do. 138 ' Ae maid is
innocent', erglyw r pcb-loeS B.P. 1201
'the peoples will hearken'. In some cases y ia written wliere the metre
requires r as Pa gur yw y porthaur t B.B. 94 ' What man is the porter 1', where we should have yw r, as the line is 5 syll. Sometimes yr is written
before a consonant : Pieu ir bet BB. 66
for pieu'r be81 'whose is the
giavet'; llyma yr we8 E.M. 2 for Uyma'r •we8 ' this is the manner'. In the
early Mn. bards 'r is regular, esp. after pure vowels; and it is general in
later prose, e.g. the 1620
Bible, though not without exception here. Pughe attempted to substitute y for
it everywhere, and under his influence y was adopted in many late edns. of
the Bible, except after a, o, i, na. This preference for y is chiefly due to
the mistaken notion that r forms na pai t of the word, but was put in before
vowels " for the sake of euphony ". We have seen above that the
aiticle is yr, and of the clipped forms 'r is older than y.
iv. The Ir. aiticle is ind,
after prepositions sind, from Kelt. *sendos, which gives W. hynn 'this', see
§ 164 vi. This occurs in W. in
yn awr ' now ', lit. ' this hour' (0.
Bret. annaor, Ir. ind
or so), and y naill for *yn aill § 165
(Bret. ann eil § 166 iii, Ir.
ind-ala). The ait. in Corn. is en or an; in Ml. Biet. an; in Mn. Bret. ami,
before vowels, t-, d; n- and h-, at before I-, ar before other consonants (so
the Bret. indef. art. eunn, eul, enr, from un ' one ').
Pedersen Gr. i 1538'. quotes
late examples of n > r after a cons. in Ir. dialects and Bret., and one or
two cases of the change before a cons. as Ml. Ir. marbad for 0. Ir. mainbad, Bret. mar-go ' horse
collar' for *mon-go (obviously cases of dissim. of nasals). No such change as
TO > r is known in Welsh, which prefers to change r to the easier w. § 100 i (2). W. yr can only be identified with Ir. ind by a rule made ad hoc; this is the
only form of the art. in W. {yn awr is not ' the hour' but ' this hour'); the
-r abounds in the earliest period, and cannot be compared with Bret. -r,
which is late, and may have spread from ar before r-. The fact that there is
a demonst. pron. ar in "W. used before the rel., see § 164 v, makes the derivation of yr
from hynn still less probable. There is no reason why the W. and Ir. articles
should be the same word; the use of a demonst. as art. is much later than the
separation of the P and Q groups. Gaulish has no art.; Pedersen Gr. ii 17 7 quotes o-oo-iy vefi.ifrov ' this temple' as an example of the
art. in Gaul., which is as if one were to quote in hoc tumulo from a Lat.
inscr. as an example of the Latin " article " hie.
Though common in the 0. W.
glosses and prose fragments, the art. seldom occurs in the early poetry; it
is not found in JUY. SK., and is rare in the B.A. : Gwyr a aeth Gatraeth
'[the] men who went to Catraeth '. It does not occur in 0. Corn. or 0. Bret., see Loth Voc.
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ACCIDENCE
§ 115
38 (awn is the demonst. in
annaor above). Brit. no doubt had several demonstratives used before nouns;
but the adoption of one to be used as an art. seems to be later than the
separation of W., Corn. an4
Bret., and independent in each. The origin of the W. yr is not clear. Brit.
had an ^-demonstrative seen in Ml. W. y lleill beside y will § 165 vi, cf. yll § 160 i (2); and -I is more likely than -n to have become -r. But yr may
come from a demonst. with locative -y-Buffix:, as in E. here, there, which
might be declined with stem -ro-, •cf. Lat. supra; yr < *is-ros t cf. Lat.
ille < is-le.
v. The initial consonant of a fern. sg". noun (except II- and rJi-\
undergoes the soft mutation after the art. , '
Note initial gwy- : yr wyl ' the holiday', yr wydd ' the goose' • initial
gwy-; y wyrth ' the miracle', y wys ' the summons '.
The mutation shows that the art. had the o/a- declension in Brit.
NOUNS
§ 115. i. The old Keltic
declension is lost in W., §§ 4,
113;
a nonn has one form for all cases. This is usually derived from the old
nominative, as ciweri' rabble' < Lat. cwitas ; sometimes from the
accusative, as ciwdod ' people ' < cwitafem. (In W. ciwecl and ciwdod are
different words, not different cases of the same word.) Traces of the oblique
cases survive in adverbial »nd prepositional expressions, §§ 215, 220.
ii. The noun in "\V. has two numbers, the singular and the plural.
Traces of the use of the dual are seen in deurudd ' cheeks *, dwyfron '
breasts', dwylaw ' hands'; the last has become the ordinary pi. of llaw '
hand'.
The dual of o-stems may liave given the same form as the sg., as in Ir.,
where we h,i\e fer 'man' < *yiro8,
and fer '(two) men', appaiently from *uwo, as *uiro would have given *fiur
(cf. Gk. Svo, Vedic voc. -a; but W. dau implies -o in *duv,o itself). Thus W.
dau darw 'two bulls' (deudarw p. 52),
deu-wr L.G.C. i8g 'two men'
(-•wr keeps its sg. form while the pi. became gwyr § 66 iii (i)). But in nouns with consonant stems the dual must
have taken the same form as the pi. ; thus Ar. *u,qso > W. yah ' ox', but
the dual *uqsene, and the pi. *uqsenes both gave ychen; so we have Ml. W. deu
ychen B.M. izi 'two oxen', deu vroder do. 26 'two brothers'; and, by analogy, dwy wrageS A.L. ii 98 ' two women '. In Late Mn. W. the
sg. form only is used.
§§ 116,117
NOUNS
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The dual, whether it agreed in form with the sg. or the pi., formerly
preserved the effect of its old vocalic ending in the soft mutation of a
following adj., as deu wyddel vonllwm. W.M. 56 'two bare-backed Irishmen', y ddwy wragedd vywiogach L.G.C. 127 'the two women [who are] kinder
'.
iii. In W. the noun has two genders only, the masculine and the feminine.
The following traces of the old neuter survive : (i) nouns of vacillating
gender § 142 i.— (2) The neut. dual in Kelt. had been reformed
with -n on the analogy of the sing., e.g. Ir. da n-droch ‘2 wheels'; hence in W. after dau,
some nouns, originally neuter, keep p-, t-, c-unmutated § 106 iii (4) ; thus dau cant or deucant ' 200 ', dau tu or deutu 'both sides'; and by analogy dau pen or
deupen 'two ends '.
NUMBER.
§ 116. The plural of a noun is
formed from the singular either by vowel change or by the addition of a
termination, which may also be accompanied by vowel change. But where the
singular has been formed by the addition to the stem of a singular
termination, this is usually dropped in the plural, and sometimes a plural
termination is substituted for it, in either case with or without change of
vowel. There are thus seven different ways of deducing the pi. from the
sing.: i. change of vowel; ii. addition of pi. ending; iii. addition of pi.
ending with vowel change ;
iv. loss of sg. ending; v. loss of sg. ending with vowel change ;
vi. substitution of pi. for sg. ending; vii. substitution of pi. for sg.
ending with vowel change.
Parisyllabic Nouns.
§ 117. i. The vowel change
that takes place when the pi. is formed from the sg. without the addition or
subtraction of an ending is the ultimate 2-affection; see § 83
ii. This was originally caused by the pi. termination -1 of o-stems; thus *bardos gave 6ar6 'bard', but *lardz gave 6eir6 'bards';
and also by -z of neut. ^-sterns, as in myr ' seas' < *mori. § 122 ii (4); possibly -ii, of neut. ?<-stems, but original examples
are doubtful. Later, when/ the cause of the affection had been forgotten, it
came to be regarded merely as a sign of the- pi., and was extended to all,
classes of stems.
/ o 2
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196
ACCIDENCE
§ 117
§ 118
NOUNS
197
Examples: Ml. and 'M.n.'W.marcK 'horse', pi. meircJi; tarw 'bull', pi. teirw;
carw ' deer', pi. ceirw ; gwalch ' hawk', pi. giveilch;
ularch 'swan', pi. eleirch, elyrc?r, salm 'psalm', pi. Ml. seilv-m IL.A. 107, beside salmeu E.P. 1303, Mn. salmau; llygaci 'eye', pi.
Ml. llygeit, Mn. llygaid ; da/ad ' sheep', pi. Ml. deveif, Mn. defaid;
bran ' crow', pi. Ml. brew, Mn. tram; Ml. manach, Ml. and Mn. mynach ' monk',
pi. Ml. meneich, myneidi, Mn. menyck, myneich (late mynachod) ; paladr '
beam, ray', pi. peleidr, pelydr; Mn. bustach ' bullock', pi. busfych; Ml. and
Mn. maen ' stone', pi. Ml. mem, Mn. main Dat. xvii 4 (later meini); cyllell ' knife', pi. cyllyll; castell
'castle', pi. cestyll; gwaell ' knitting- needle', pi. gweyll V.G. 458 ; ker'6 ' song ', pi. kyrS E.P. 1245 (poet.) ; m6r
' sea', pi. myr D.G. 146
(poet.; in prose generally moroedd); porth 'gate', pi. pyrth; Cymro, pi.
Cymry; esgob 'bishop', pi esgyt, see § 129 i (i); amws W.M. 473
' horse', pi. emys do. 85 ; asgwrn
'bone', pi. esgyrn; croen c skin ', pi. crwyn; oen ' lamb', pi. wya,; woes
'cross', pi. crwys, later croesan, but crwys as late as Wms. loa.
-Ni roddwn yn Hiraddug Fy eleireh. er dengmeirch dug.—D.I.D., 11148/676 B., D. 36.
' I would not exchange my swans in Hiraddug for ten of a duke'a horses.'
M'redudd Fychan Un i lys, Oedd ami i dda a'i emys.—G.GL, M 146/188.
' Maredudd Fychan of the bright court, many were his goods and hia horses.'
Myneich a rhent, main a chrwys,
Mintai rugl mewn fair eglwys.—G.G1,,
M 146/271.
' Monks with a rental, [and] stones and crosses, a prosperous community in
three churches.'
There does not seeyi to be an example of aw > eu in a pi. noun;
hut another affection aw > yw (§ 76
v (2)) occurs in alaw '
water-lily', pi. elywB.v. 32.
ii. haearn ' iron ' has pi. Jieyrn, and rfiaeadr ' cataract' has rheydr,
rfiyeidr § 69 ii (3), § 75 vi (3); pennog
' herring' has penwaig § 36
iii ; vwrcJi' roebuck' has yrcA § 36
ii, later zyrcJiod 6. 167; gwr ' man' is for *gwwr and has
pi. gwf/r § 66 iii (i), and so
its compounds, as pregethwT ' preacher', pi. pregethwyr;
gwrda ' goodman', pi. gwyrda.
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D. 38 gives ieirch rh. with
llenneirch; hut the pi. of llannerch ' glade' is llennyrch; the correct
reading seems to he ych/llennyrch see I.G. 287.
iii. Anomalous vowel changes occur in—(i) troed ' foot', pi. traed § 65 ii (i) ; and ty ' house', pi. Ml. tei, Mn. tal § 104 ii (a). The compounds of the latter have -tei Mn. -tai, or
-tyeu, Mn -tyau; as Mordei B.A. T, gwindei K.P. 1202 'banqueting houses'; lletfyew E.P. 1374 (lodgings', clafdyeu do. 1269 (hospitals ', hundyeu W.M. 5 ' sleeping rooms'.
In Gwynedd -dai is generally accented, as beu-dS.i ' cow-houses', pop-tai '
ovens', gweith-dai ' workshops'; hut eleusendai ' alms-houses '.
(2) Ml. W. 6iw ' ox' (e. g. karcharaur gorzilt,
cul biw B.B. 90 (the horse is
a prisoner, the ox is lean), pi. bu (e.g. caw-mu W.M. 455 ' loo oxen'); biw is also frequently pi., e. g. B.T. 59.
Uw < Brit. *buys < *gy!5us;
bu < *baues < *gv!oue8;
pi. biw from a re-foimed *buues.
(3) Other cases are carreg,
pi. cerng (for cerryg} § 77 i;
crogen, cragen, pi. cregin (for cregyu) § 77 ii; asyu' ass', Ml. pi. essynn W.M. 81, H.M. ii 226
(the irregularity is in the sg., where the orig. a was restored), Mn. pi.
asywnod; llo ' calf pi. Hoi for llo-i B.T. 59.
iv. Ml.W. pebyli-m. 'tent' § 70
i (pi. pehylleu), M.II. pebyll eg. W.IL. 216, is treated as pi. in the Bible, with a new sg. pabell f.,
from Wm.S.'s hypothetic pabell fi.wn glossing y pebyll hynn sg-2 Cor. v 4. It is generally supposed that amws is a similar, but natural
and early, analogical sg. from emys assumed to be pl.< admissus (rather
^ammissus since -dm- > bf) for adsnissdrius, but such an error is unlikely
at an early period when the word was ia common use ; e...y in the sg. is not
unusual, e.g. ceffyl.
§ 118. i. In many parisyllabic
nouns, after the loss of the Brit. endings, the pi. was not distinguished
from the sg. by affection as above. These were (i) neut. nouns, whose pi.
ending -a did not affect; thus Brit. *arganton, pi. *arganta. > W. arian,, which is sg. and pi. § 133 ii.—(2) Nouns in which the vowel, is not capable of i-affection
(Brit. I, a, etc.); thus Lat, JpisciSt pi. pisces > W. pysc 'fish' sg.
K.M. 131, usually pi.—(3)
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ACCIDENCE
§§ 119,120
thus
Nouns in which the vowel is affected in the sg. and pi.;
Brit. *wadws, pi. ^waclw, > W. gwraidd ' root' or ' roots'.
ii. As it is inconvenient to have the same form for sg-. and pi., new
distinctions grew up. These took three forms : (i) Nouns belonging' to the
first of the above classes had their vowel affected to form a pi. ; probably
some of those mentioned in ,;' § 117
i are examples of this.—(2) A
pi. termination was added ;
thus as Lat. medicus, medici had both become me&yg, a new pi, meSygoa was
formed ; and for pi. pysg a collective pyscawt Mn. W. pysgod was used, § 123 hi.—(3) A sg. termination, m. -yn(n), f.
-en(n) was added; thus gwraidd in the sg. became gwreiddyn;
and as pysg continued to be used as a pi., a new sg. pysgodyn was .^, formed
from the pi. jayscawt.
Imparisyllabic Nouns.
§ 110. The W. pi. terminations
are the Brit. stem-endings of imparisyllabic nouns, which were lost in the
sg. representing the old nom. sg., but survived in the pi. after the loss of
the pi. endings *-es, neut. *-a, § 113
i. Thus Lat. latro and its Brit. pi.
*latr6nes gave W. lleidr, pi.
lladron, by regular sound-change, then the -on of the latter and similar
nouns naturally came to be regarded as a pi. ending, and was added to nouns
of other declensions where a pi. sign was needed, as to meddyg, see above.
Such additions were made on some analogy, mostly of meaning-, sometimes of
form.
•a-stems.
§ 120. i. Mn. W. -au, Ml. W.
-eu, 0. W. -ou comes from
Brit. *'-owes, '^'-0110. the
pi. endings of w-stems ; thus Brit. *katvs, pi. *Mtoues, gava W. cad '
battle', pi. cadau. This termination spread and became the commonest in W.
(and Bret.). It was added to—
(i) most names of common objects ; aspenn-eu W.M. 41, Mn. W. Jpennau ' heads' ; ciwsf-eu ib., Mn. clustwu ' ears'
; guefl-eu ib., 'M.n.gweflau 'lips'; amrann-eu ib., E.P. l27o,Mn. amrannau, late amrantau, sg.
amrant' eyelid '; arv-eu W.M. 7,
Mn. arfau ' arms' .•;
tlyss-eu do. 37, Mn, tlysau,
sg. tlws 'jewel' ; loggon L.L. 120
{gg 5 »»), llongeu W.M. 39, Mn. llongau 'ships'; badeu W.M. 39, Mn.,
§ 120
NOUNS
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199
badau 'boats1; tonnou JW., Ml.
tonneu, Mn. tonnau ' waves'i, pehylleu •W.M. 44 ' tents'; betev (t =. 8)
B.B. 63, Mn. teddail ' graves
'; fruytlieu, llannev do. 56,
Mn. ffrwyihan ' fruits ', llannau ' churches', etc. So drysau' doors ',
cadeiriau ' chairs', canJiwyllau. ' candles ', llyfrau ' books', etc. etc.
The chief exceptions are nouns taking
-i,eee § 122 ii (2), and namest of implements taking
-ion, § 121 ii(z).
(2) Some nouns denoting
persons, as tadan, ' fathers •'; mamatt 'mothers'; kenhadeu W.M. 184 'messengers'. Late Mn.W*
cenhadon; meicheu W.M. 35 <
sureties', now meichiau ; dwyweu B.B.B. 67 ' gods', Mn. W. duwiau; fern. nouns in -es, as breninesau 1 queens', etc.
(3) A few names of animals, as
hebogeu W.M. 13 'hawks';
keffyleu W.M. 119 ; Jceilogeu
IL.A.. 165 ; bleiddiau § 123 iv (4).
(4) Many abstract nouns, as
drygaw ' evils' ; brodyeu E.P. 1238
' judgements' ;_poenew W.M. 49,
poetiau' pains '; go/idiazi' sorrows', meddylyev, § 121 ii (3)'
thoughts', etc.; and abstract derivatives' in -ad or -iad, -aeth, -as, -der,
-did, -dod, -edd, -yd; as bwriadait 1
intentions', gweledigaethau ' visions', priodasau ' weddings', mwynderau '
delights ', gwendidau ' weaknesses ', pererindodau ' pilgrimages ', iroseddau
'transgressions', clefydau ' fevers'. Also some names of times, seasons,
etc., after dieu § 132 (2) : oriau 'hours'; bore-eu E.P. 1290 'mornings' ; nosseu C.M. i, sg.
nos ' night', wytJinosau ' weeks' ; but misoedd, t'lynyddoedd § 122.
(5) The neologists of the 16th cent. took aroglaw ' smell' for
a pi., in spite of popular usage which treats it as sg. to this day. They
manufactured a sg. arogi and a v.n. arogli, vb. wroglaf, which with various
derivatives are used in the Bible. But the word is aroglau, see arogleu IL.A.
81 translating
"odor" 232, vb.
arogleuaf B.T. 79, v.n.
arogleuo, present-day coll. 'ogleuo.
ii. When -au is added to a stem ending in i, § 35, the combination is -iau ; e.g. O.W. hestoriou, cloriow,
enmevtuou, dzficiuo» § 25 i.
Ml. W. grubyeu W.M. 140, Mn.
"W. gruddiau ' cheeks';
gliiiyen W.M. 434, glimaw '
knees '. In Mn. W, MU is used after -ei-, as geiriau ' words' § 35 ii. It came to be generally used
to form new plurals, especially of borrowed words, e. g. words in -p, -t, -c,
§ 51 ii, as hetwu 'hats',
capwn 'caps', bmtwu ' aprons' (but Ml. W. bratteu •W.M. 33 ' rags'), carpww ' rags',
llawciau ' youths ', etc. :
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