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100
PHONOLOGY
§ 75
thus moroeh ' seas ' < *m.6rim
: Lat. maria;—Ml. W. gwladoeb ' countries' < *ulatiie8;—dawioeS fern. M.M. 8 ' toothache' <
*ddnliw,—oe8 'would be,
was'<*'siwf, § 180 ii (3).
v. Before the accent, in the penult the result varies according to the
quality of the accented vowel in the (now lost) ultima; thus:
(1) u6 > W. -i, as in tri 'three' m. < *'triieis (accented like
the f.)<Ar. *(reies (f. *tisores) see § 103 i (3);—W.
trefi 'towns' < *fi'e6iies.
(2) iu > Ml. "W. -ei,
Mn. W. -ai, as in "W. rei, rhai ' some' § 165 vi, carai 'would love' § 180 ii (2); cf.
nei, nai vii (a).
(3) iio > W. -yw as in rhyw
'some' § 165 vi; cf. gwyw
vii (3)-
(4) iia > 0. W. -ai, Ml. and Mn. W. -ae, -e,
also Ml. W. wy;
as in 0. W. gwarai, later
gwarae, gware, chwarae, chware 'to play', Bret. c'hoari. Corn. hwwy <
Brit. *(s-)uariw < *i{griz-, Vuerel § 63 vii (3); a
variant is gwarvy B.B. 50
=gwarwy.
vi. Before the accent in the ante-penult the result varies according- as the
accent fell on the lost ultima, or on the penult.
(i) In the former case the penult had generally a reduced vowel a (o or g) ;
the combination -iia-' gave W. -aea- (also written aya), 0. Bret. -oia-, Bret. -oua-, -oa-.
Thus W. claear 'lukewarm', Bret. klouar : Gk. \\iap6s (Ar. alternation k /gJi) ;— W. gaeaf, gayaf\ Bret. goanv '
winter' < '^ghnsmo-s '. Skr. himdJi, Lith. zema, Gk. •y^ip,wv, yelp-a,
Lat. hiems : Gaul. Giamon.., Ir. gem-red (e
for ia) ;—W. traean. ' third part' : Ir. trian ;—W. rhaeadr ' cataract' <
^riw-trd- : Ir. riafhor : Lat. rwus, Vreid-'flow';—W. daear 'earth', Bret.
douar < *g/i3ii^rd § 98 iii.—
-isa- or -esa- gives the same result: Pr. Kelt. *lsarno- (*is R-grade of *ais
: Lat. aes) : Gaul. Ysarno- Iserno- : W.
haearn, ^hayarn 'iron', 0. v(.
Gur-haiernn GEtr. xxiii, 0.
Bret. hoiarn,.
Before the loss of the accented ending the accent must have shifted to the
present penult, which had the next highest stress. In Gwent and part of Dyfed
the unaccented a was generally lost; thus doer 'earth' now ddr § 29 ii (da'r a nen Wins. ^85). The O.W. dair, dayr I.L. 120, gaem B.S.CH. 3 represent this dialect. The
reduction is general in claw ' bright' beside claear ' lukewarm', with
differentiation of meaning. From doer comes dwrawl IL.A. 130, 164.
(a) After a labial the above group 'takes the form -wya-
§ 75
KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH
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101
interchanging with -ia- ; thus W. mwyar ' blackberries', m'iareu ' bramble',
Ir. smer ' blackberry' < ^smiwr- < *smiior6- (§ 65 vi (2)): Gk. fiopov (fiwpov, Hes) (with
fi-<*smj-?), Lat. morum prob.<Gk.;—W. gwyal (for *gwwyal) in moiwyal
'laminaria', gwial ' twigs, osiers' < *W9-S-, Vuezd"- ' weave' : Lat. vieo, etc.;—W. gwyar 'blood,
gore' < *wy~ : Lat. mms;—W. liw/all ' axe' < *biw.ld-, met. for ^bnadi-
: Ir. bidil. Ml. Bret. bouhazi <*bimdl- : 0. N. Wda, 0. H.
G. but < *bipl *Lztt : Lat. findo, '/bheied- ?—W. fiwyad 'duck', Gwyn.
dial. chwiadan, < '^s-unat-, Va-uei- : Skr. vdj/a-h ' bird';—W. mwyalcJi '
ousel' < *mes^l-:
Lat. merula < *mes'itla, O.H.G. amsala, Ger. Amsel.—eso developed
similarly (since post-tonic s did not give 8); thus *syesores > chmor-efi ' sisters', with -<°8 added, Bret. choareaed with two
additions.
The Icibial changed the diphthong (Fanly W. *oi) to wy. Under the new accent
wy remained, but became i in the present ante-penult;
thus mwyar : mwren—*gwwydl'. gwidlen, a new pi. gwial being then formed from
the latter. Where the sound comes in the present antepenult in old
formations, the form is undecided; thus 0. W. gui-annuin ox. ' Spring', Early Ml. W. gwi,iamnu(z)n,
guayanuhin A.L. ii42, also
gwahanwyn do. 308, Ml. and Mn.
W. gwannwyn, gwanwyn < But. *uesant-': Skr. vasantd-h ' Spring', Lat. ver,
< *uesr.
(3) When the following a or o
was affected, the diphthong became y or e, liable to be assimilated and lost;
thus ryeidyr, reydyr ' cataracts ', Jieyrn, ' irons' § 69 ii (3), Gwyn. dial. /tyrwfor Af/yra;—W. tair ' three' {., Ml. and 0. W. feir for *tyeir (cf. treint, Seint
§ 103 ii (i)), Ir. teoir <
*tisores : Skr. tisrdh; so W. pedair 'four' f., Ir. cetheoir < *^e/esores:
Skr. catasrah.
Such forms as heiyrn, rheieidr are quite late and aitlficial. But some old
le-formations occur when the diphthong stood in the present ante-penult, as
deyeryn (-yn=.-in) B.A. 12
'earthen', heyernin ib. 'of iron', daeerin B.P. 1281, inzeri, pi. of mwren.
(4) Secondly, the vowel
following the diphthong is accented. In that case the diphthong became e or y
liable to be assimilated and lost, as in (3) above. Thus W. eog ' salmon '< *esdk- : Ir. eo, gen.
iach;—W. deal!, dyall, dallt § 82
ii (3) 'understanding',
deallt-wriaeth id., N.W. dial. dallt < *diwlt- < *dimlt- § 74 iv, met. for *diid-flo-, Vdheui-
'appear, perceive': Skr. dfiyd-yati 'thinks', dfiirah ' intelligent'; Ml. W.
dyat ' thought' < *dnn,-t- with
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102'
PHONOLOGY
KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH
103
analog', accentuation for original *dJina-t6- ;—Ml. W. gorffywy^ later, with y lost, gwffwys ' rest' <
*wer-q«ttet-sf-, Vq»ew- : Lat. quiesco.
(g) Latin pretonic i or e before a vowel is treated as ^', thus cttd^
t{o)lu,s gives dwwl § 100 ii
(i).
vn. Except as above, -es-, -is- before a vowel developed .^'differently from
^iz; chiefly because post-tonic s did not, like z, become 8.
(i) In the penult after the accent -es- > -i- ; thus Ml. W. tei f houses'
< *tigia < *tigesa § 104
ii a ;—W. cfyu ' hearing' <:
^klom- § 76 v (a) <
*kleues-, nom. *kleuos : Ir. clu, Gk. K\eos<
*klewos, neut. ^-stem.—So -ep-: W. ceifw 'distant cousin'<
-^*kffm-ni^s<*k6m-nepot-s,
see § 123 v.
(a) In the penult and ante-penult, when 6s came before -e-, contraction took place, and ese > ei >
W. wy; thus W. wy-t ' art' < *ese tu < Ar. *esi ' art';—W. neithvwyr
< *nokti dwser* § 98 i (3).—So epe: W. twymn <
*fepesm(e)n- § 86 i (3).
In the penult -es- before -»- gave oe ; thus W. chwaer for
*c/twoer i (4), Corn.
hoer<*swesw<*swes6r;—W.
doe 'yesterday'
*<*deyl< *gh9iesei :
Lat. Keri, Gk. ^0es, Skr.
hydh.—Com. noi ' nephew' <*nepofs.—-^tf^}fefvte i prob. gave ei (like -n-
before 4-) see v), and Ml. W.
nel, Mn. wai ' nephew' may represent
*ne_pofs (accented like the f. *neptzs : Skr napiih).— -es- before
*1-' gave y, as in Ml. W. y
(his' < *esio, y ' her' (for e ?) < *esia^ § 160 iv.
Lat. -an- > Ml. W. ei, Mn W. ai as in Mei, Maz ' May' < Maiius (Sommer 225); Ml.W. Kei < Caius.
(3) Before lost u or o, -es-
or -is- gives yw (ew); as Ml. W. Twem, Ewein, late? Owein < *~Esu-ganws :
Gaul. Esvgendos), Ir. Eogan : Gk. Ev-ywios. So perhaps in the (pretonic)
penult:
W. gwyw ' withered' < *yisw- : Iv.fevgud gl. marcor, Icel. visenn:
Lith. ijstu ' I wither ', Lat. viesco.
So is before lost u or o gives iw, and ais gives oew: W. gwiw ' good ' <
*msus < *yesu-s : Gaul. Visu-rix : Skr.
vasu-Ji, Gk. cS, Veyesey- ;—W. gwaew ' spear' for *goew § 78 ii (2) < *gaison:
Gaul. gaisofi whence Lat. gaesum : Ir. gae.
Lat. e in the penult gives ew before lost o or u: W. Hew
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103 ' lion' < leo; pydew ' pit'
<pittens; olew ' oil' < oleum. But Lat. i in the same position gave t
which affected the vowel: W. yspeil< fipolium; so sometimes e: W. cyn.
'chisel' < Lat. cuaeus.
viii. (i) In final syllables, lost in W., Ar. ai, oi, ei became i in Brit.
and Gaul.; thus the nom. pi. ending of noun o-stems,. which in Pr. Kelt., as
in Lat. and Gk., was *-o» (instead of Ar»
*-ds), became -? (though -oi also survives in a North Italian, Kelt. insc.:
Tanotaliknoi, Rhys, CIFI. 60)
; thus Brit. *bardo^ pi. *bard^>'>N. bardd, pi. telrdd.
-ai unaccented > a^>^, thus Gaul.
Br]\r](Ta.f^,i dat. of a name whose nom. occurs as Behsama; oi > ui, in
Pr. Kelt. later u, § 60, cf.
Ir. dat. fiur ' to a man ' < dat. *niroi ; -ei doubtless gave -?.
(a) But in monosyllables Ar. -ai, -oi, -ei remained in Kelt., and developed
as follows in W.:
-ai>-oe, thus Ar. *wai > *gwoe >gwae § 78ii (•2),
-ei > wy ; W. wy ' they' < *ei: Ir. e.
-oi > wy ; W. pwg ' who ? ' < *qslo-i = Lat. qm § 163 vi ; when unaccented it became
ew (0. W. on, oi) § 78 iii, thus Ar. *moi,
*/oi>W. mew, teu § 161 iv.
^ § 76. i. The Ar. diphthongs
au, eu, on were distinct in Pr. Kelt., but tended later to become one sound,
which is written ou. In Gaul. eu was still
wiitten as well as on in forms having original eu, as in teufo- beside
TOOVTIOVS and Neviod... beside N'oviodunvm; we also find av, iii (4). In Brit. we may a&sume ou
for all three. In W. it takes a variety of forms according to its position.
The same development is shared by uu whether from Ar. uu § 63 iv or from Lat. u before a vowel.
ii. (i) Before a consonant, except s, the diphthong became u
Lff( = it) in W., ua in Ir. Thus W. tud ' people, country', Ir. luafh <
*feuta, Gaul. feuto- : Goth. p\uda, etc.;—W.
rTiudd ' red', Ir. ruad < *roudh-os, Gaul.
Koztd-ius : Goth. ravps ;—W. cvdd ' hidden ', cuddio ' to hide ' < *qeudh-
: Gk. KevOm, 0. E. liyde, E.
hide;—W. tugail ' shepherd' < ^boii-kolws <
* g^ou-qohos : Gk. /3oyfc6Xo?. •'-
In Brit. it was probably sounded y"; and Lat o ( = o) and M shared its
development; thus ^N.jfwf< Lat. forma; mur < Lat. mwrus, etc.
(a) But original eus 2'ives W.
ew, as rhew 'ice' < *preus-i
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104
PHONOLOGY
§ 76
Lat. priiliia < *prusuma;—W. trews 'sneeze' < *(s)freu-s-, Vpstereu- § 96 ii (4) ;—W. blew ' hair ' < * ileus- § 101 iii (2).
The leason seems to be that *eus became *eW before the degradation of the
first element of the diphthong.
(3) The diphthong was liable
to be simplified by dissimilation when the following syllable contained u or
u; thus Ar. *tauros ' bull' became Kelt. *tauruos (in imitation of *uerud
> Ml. Ir. ferb ' cow', Vendryes MSL. xii. 40), wlience Kelt. *taruos > Ir. tarb, "W. tarw ' bull'.
Later, when au had become ou in Blit., "ou-tut- > *o-tut- >W. odid
' rarity', beside Ir. othad, uathad < *au-tdt-, both from *pau- : Lat.
pau-cu-^, 0. H. G. foh, E.
few. r
^^ iii. (l) Before a vowel the diphthong' became aw when un-St^ affected.
Thus W. uaw 'nine' < Brit. ^nouan < Ar. * neun ;— W. haw ' dirt' < *
bow-, beside budr ' dirty' < * bou-fra-' ^/pey^ffl)- : Lat. pus, etc. §101 iii (a);—W. awydcl 'desire' for
* awicyS (rh. with iJiwy^ § 38
x) < *auetd- : Lat avidus <
* auid-, Vayei-.—So Brit. au for unacc. du as in Ml. W. andaw ' listen ',
met. for ^-aduaw < ^dti-gnd-y- ' attend to ' < *gn-y-Vgene- : Lat.
ndvus, Ir. aitfigne ' cognitio '.—So also uu for Lat. u before a vowel, as W.
cystrawen ' syntax' < Lat. Gonstruemda.
(l) But; in the penult (the present ult.) post-tonic '-ou- gives Ml. W. -eu,
Mn. W. -an; thus the pi. endings ^'-oyes, *'-oya give W. -eu, -au, as in
cadau ' armies' < * Mtoues, dagraw, 'tears ' < Ar. ^dd'krum ; similarly
an.ga.ii, ' death ' < * dnkoy- ;
ciglev, ' I have heard ' < ^iuklowa § 182 i.
In this case -eu does not affect a preceding a as it does when it is itself
the result of affection § 69
vi, as in teneu < *tanouis.
The above change may be due to a doubling of w, see § 62 i (2), thus
*auy > *uy > *uy > *ou > 0.
"W. ou, Ml. W. eu.
(3) iou- gives W. ieu (^i^eu).
Thus W. ieuanc ' young' < Brit. ^loyankos < Ar. mynkos : Lat. juvencus
§ 100 i (i),—W. leuan <
*Ioydnnes for lodmies;—Mn. W. Tail, Ml. W. lew ' Jove ' < Brit. gen.
*Toy-os for Lat. Jovvs;—Mn. W. iau, Ml. W. ieil
•yoke '<*wy-6n, < *jttg-6m, see vi (i). Here we have the
assimilation of y to z by which it becomes u ; cf. the assim. of i to it in
-wii in 0. W., § 25 i.
An alternative form wf-, if- appears in the penult: iefanc, ifanc;
lefan, I fan. The latter is attested in the i4th cent: ivanghet o.M. 84.
Later it is common : Pawb yn eu rhit yn ifanc S.C., c. i 114 'all in their [full] number young
'.
§76
KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH
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105
Ifanc, ifanc a ofyn:
IIenuiftt, at henaint y tyn.—S.Ph. BB. iv 391.
' The young seeks the young: old age is drawn to old age.' The form zyf- is
piobably older, but cannot be verified; Ml. W. ieu- is ambiguous, but
doubtless generally meant wu-. The latter form is seen in
Paham, a min'n.eu 'n ieuanc,
Yr wyfyn rhwym, ar fy nhranc 1—B.A.
IL 13.3/77.
' Why, when I am young, am I bound at death's door?' The dialects now have
if-, as I fan, ifanc, but ienctid for wuenctid ' youth '.
(4) The ante-vocalic form aw may
occur before a consonant where the vowel after it has dropped, as in W. cawr
' giant' < Brit. *koyar6s :
Gaul. K.ava.poy, Ir. caur (<W\ ?)
i/keua-. We also have aw regularly for Lat. au, as in awdwr < Lat. au(c)t6iem; llawb 'praise' < laudem;
Ml. W. Pawl < Paulus (the biblical Paul is merely the Eng. form, and is pronounced
Pol).
W. nawn ' noon ' <
*nouna possibly dial. Lat. for wna (< *noyena), cf. Pelignian Nounis '
Nonius', and Lat. old spelling nouncltnum. Sir John Rhys suggests the
influence of Brit. *noyan. See § 81
iii (2).
(5) Except when affected as in
iv (4), v (3) (5), Brit. au gave u in W., as in bu 'has been' < *(6e)6ane < Ar. *bhebJi6ye
§189 iv (3) ; caru 'to love' < *Jccna-y- §20,2 ii. When unaccented a was shortened, iii (i), § 74.
iv. The penultimate affection_of_fche diphthong has the forms ew, yw,
and'euT'tIius
(i) Before z or ? remaining as y or i, it appears as ew, as in mewyb 'new',
Bret. nevez < *noniws < *neuiws;—W. cnemyll 'kernels' < *kney- : E.
nut < * knu-d- ;—W.ewyfhr ' uncle'< *ayon-ter : Lat. avun-cuivs <
*ay0n- (nom. * aw see v (5));
Bret. eontr (eo for eu; i lost), Corn. emtor (-tor =. h ?),—W. eloyllys '
will'<*ow-, Vami-.—Similarly rliewin ' ruin ' derived from the Lat. nvina.
(a) Before z when pretonic it is eu (£ eu), the » being lost;
thus W. breuan 'handmill' for *6reuow
< * brouion.- (: Corn. brow, Bret. breo, Ir. brau all from nom. *brov.w,
Ir. g'en. brooti):
Goth. quairnus, E. quern, Vg^erd-.
But when accented it is yw as in ultimate aff.; thus eyw
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106
PHONOLOGY
§ 76
§ 76
KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH
107
* young of an animal' < *k6m6 pi. cywwH, < *komones, seev(6);
*distrywiaf < * dt-strovza-mi, v (2);—llywiaf
' I steer' : llyw ' rudder' ib.
In late formations ^ has no effect: gwrandammd 'hearing'from gwrandaw 'to
listen'.
(3) Where it remained a
diphthong- before a consonant iii (4),
i.frs affected form is eu; thus ceuri p 94/179 B. '
giants ' now eeiri (in Tre'r Ceiri, etc.) by § 77 ix, pi. of cawr;- the usual pi. cewri w. M. 441, IL.A. 44 is a re-formation;—W. beudy < Brit.
*bowi-tigos, a later formation than ^boukolws ii (l) (cf. Lat. naufragws,
later navi-fragus} ;—Ml. W. Memuc § 77
viii < Mauricius ;—Ml. W. ci/ngfieitssaeth < * con-caus-t-act- :
cyngaws .' lawsuit' < Lat. causa.
(4) am became ai giving' 'wy §
75 i (3); as anclwyo ' to mar, spoil' met. for *ad-nwy-o < *ati-
nay-i-, niwed ' injury' for
*nwyet § 78 iv < nau-wt-
< *u6y-t- : Lith. novjti
'to afflict'<
*ndwi-.
v. In the present ultima the diphthong, when affected, takes various forms,
as follows ;
(i) /The ordinary affection is Ml. W. en, Mn. W. au; this occurs:
I. Before unaccented -?; as daw ' two ' m,, Ml. dew, 0. W. dou < *d6m
< Ar. *duw(w) : Gk. Svw, Svo, Lat. duo, Ski: dwa(u);
*W. tau 'is silent' < *toyU < *(s)twp-eit, beside taw 'bo silent!' <
*foue;—W7. cenau ' whelp' <
*kan6m < *kan6y6:
Ir. cana: from *k(u)^n- : Lat. cams.
ii. Before accented 1; as W.
feneu ' thin' (Corn. tanow, Bret. tanao) < *ianouts < *f^auwis : Lat.
tennis, Skr. tanuli f. tanm.
3. Before a consonant; as W.
haul' sun ' < Brit. *sau'lws <
*sdyeli6s : Gk. •fjeXiof,
rjXtos, Dor. aeXios liitta.. sdule, Skr. swya-h, Lat. sol < * sauol<
^'sauel. ('-Ii- would have given W. II;
hence we assume Brit. -lz-'; see also § 113 i (5).)
Ml. W. ew, Mn. W. aw ' gold' cannot be from awrum which gave Ml. aw ( = awr),
and Bret. aour. The Mn. W. aw, Ml. eur represents the adj. *awtos for aureus,
which spread from expressions like modrwy awr 'gold(en) ring', etc. The noun
is seen in tf guisgus aw (u'=.w) B.A. 38
'he wore gold'.
H The above is the ordinary affected form, which is used e. g. in the
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107 formation of the 3rd sg. pres. ind. of verbs ; thus
tereu ' strikes'; taraw == saif: saf § 173 iv (i). It is seen that when -eu is the result of affection
as above, an a before it is affected to e; see iii (2).
(a) -6yi- gives -yw. Thus W.
dilyw ' flood' (now generally misspelt diluw) < *dtldyw- < Lat.
diluvium;—distryw ' destruction ' < *dz-str6yi- : Goth. sfremjaw, Lat. destruo; the vb. is distrywiaf iv
(a) ;—W. llyw' rudder ', < *l6wo-:
Ir. lue < *lu-izo-;
Gk. TrXoo?, '/pleu- ;—W. clyw 'hearing' < */clow- < 'kleyesr § 75 vii (i).
There is no reason to suppose that uu became iy in Brit., as stated by
Pedersen, Gr. i 61 ; yw is
from 6m as above. Clywaf *I
hear' is a denominative from clyw, cf. clywyafCM. 32 (the pres. stem of Vkleu-meant ' to be named', and clywaf
cannot come directly from it; cf. Meillet, MSL. xv 337).
(3) -am- became -ai- which
gives -wy § 75 i (3); thus W» w!/ ' ^S' < Brit.
*awwn < Ar. *owwm : Gk. wior, <jiov, Lat. ovum;—Cornzcy <
Cornawi-(a) -^Aethwy B.P. 1419
< * Oethwg § 78 ii (3) < Octavius.
Pedersen Gr. i. 66 suggests
that Ir. og is borrowed from W., but this is improbable, and does not help to
explain the -g. Thurneyseu
IA. xxvi 26 insists upon a Kelt. *ugos,
*uges. The fact, however, seems to be that uz under certain conditions became
in Ir. a spirant written g', thus Ir. ugaire 'shepherd' < *oyz-wius : oi,
wi 'sheep', Lat. ovis; Mn. Ir. ughachd 'will' < *om-aJct-, Vaye^-, iv
(i).—Eng.
egg is from Icel. egg < Pr. Germ. *ajja- < *oyw-.
(4) -ou.1 or -o'u.i-1' was similarly simplified to -o-i, -oz-\ which gives -wy ;
thus W. dwy ' two ' f. < *doiyi < *duydi: Lat. duae, Skr. duve < *
duydi;—W. aswy ' left (hand)' < *af-soyi-d :
Skr. savya-h ' left'.
-wy as in (3) and (4) may be weakened to -eu', as Corneu,
asseu', these are not direct affections, as shown by the unaffected a-; also
to w, assw, see § 78 iii, i.
^ _
-am.
(5) -am, -am- or -au^-' by the
shortening of unacc. a became w, -ayi- or -am-' simplified to -a-t, -a-z- or
-at-', which gives
-oe. The simplification here was late, so that -am did not, like
-asl, give -ei. It did not take place in Bret. and Corn., in which the groups
appear as -ou (-ow). In W. -oe generally becomes
-o, § 78 i (i). Examples :
-(ff)no in proper names ; lud-noe L.L. 176, 187,
£alcfi-noe D. G. 43;
Gtieithgno L.I. 144, Guifno
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108
PHONOLOGY
-§76
(wrongly wr. guipno) GEN. v, Mn. W. Gwyddno; Mochno B.B. 61, Beuno IL.A. 119, Mn. W. Tudno, MacJiny, etc.,
all < *-gnayw-s:
Lat. Gnaeus < *gnd-yws < *gn-, •/gene- ' be born '. (With the accent on
the a it gave -nwy by (3), as
Mochnwy B.B. 47, Gronwy ^ 78 i (2), weakened to -%6«,
see (4) as (.fuitweu B.B. q8, 106, Iwdnou L.L. 73,
77, etc.);—W. do ' lock'
<*qldw-is : Gk. K\rjis, Lat. clams, •/ (s)qldy-',—W. aoe 'large bowl'
<*ndwa : Lat. navia, ndvis, Gk. cavy, Ion. r»;i5?,Skr. »%«/»;—'W,at/tro' guardian, teacher', <*-alfrdyi<
*altrdy6<*altro-ayo, § 155 ii (i) :; ^ayon- iv (i); pi.
{ithrazoon, alltrawom < *alfrdwdnes; {. elltrewyw ' stepmother' <
* altrauom; Bret. adutrou ' seigneur', Corn. altrozt ' fosterfather'.
The mas. sg. is athro in all Ml. W. texts : B.B. 86 ; A.I,, i 338
; W.M. 128, 452-3; B.M. ioo-i, 202;
IL.A. 3, 6, 49, ^T, "3;
^P- I225, '• 11241, 1255, 1345, 1348; K-B. 975 ; I0- G- 64°, etc.; and in the early edus. of
the Bible. The late afhraw (Salesbury, Die.) is an artificial form deduced
from the pi. Cae Athro (near Carnarvon) is so named locally; Cae-athraw is a
misspelling which came through the Sunday school from late edns. of the
Bible. The sg. alltraw is also artificial. (So in late W. cenaw is written
for cemau in defiance of the pronunciation in all the dialects, which is cene
or cena implying cenau § 6
iii.) Pughe's fern. ellirewen is his own invention; -en would not affect the
*aw- to -ew-.
Other examples of the same development, though the orig. formation is not so
clear in these, are—W. glo ' coal' for *gwloe < Brit.
*gwldms, Vgyel^a^)-: E. coal, Skr.jvdiati ' blazes' ;•—W. gro ' gravel' <
* grams < *ghrou-, Vghreu- : Lat. rudus, E. grit;—W. tyno 'plain, meadow'
for *tno, 0. W. inou L.L. 32, 44, 74, Bret.
tnou (: W. teneu, Vten- 'stretch'?).
(6) Doublets occur for several
reasons.—i. Difference of accentuation in Brit.; thus W. gwryw ' male ',
benyw ' female '< Brit. *uwowos,
*barwwos, beside guru, banu. A.L. 1272==
Gwyn. dial. gwrw, banw for
*gwrwy *banwy < *uirom6s,
*banom6s.—2. Difference of ending, as in ceneu
'whelp' < *kan6w, see (i)
above, beside cnyw 'young of an animal' < *k(a)n6mo, whence, by § 101
ii (2), cyw 'young of an
animal' pi. cywion < f1f(n)6mones.—3. Difference of strong and weak forms; as asswy beside asseu
and assw, Gronwy beside ffronw, Cwnwy beside Vorneu, see § 78.
NOTE.—It is. to be observed that -o does not produce i-affection in Bret.;
hence W. aff. dau, but Bret. unaff. daou, < *dii,w. On the other hand W.
aff. haul, Bret. aff. heol both from *sau'Uos. The assumption usually made
that du gives W. -eu, -au based entirely upon these two words (taken as
*d(y)au, *sau'l-) does not explain the difference in Bret.
vi. (i) tig before a vowel > uu in Brit. and developed like
- /
§ 76
KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH
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ordinary uu or oy. Thus W. traw-af 'I strike ' <*trug-ami< ^prug- .for
^pwrg-, V (s)phueTeg- § 97 v (3) ;—afters-, iii (3), W. iau ' yoke ' : Lat. jugum;
Gk. ^vyov, Skr. yugam all< Ar. *jug6m;
—before i retained as y, W. llewych ' light' < *lvg-isk- ;—before lost »',
0. W. poullor-aur. Ml. W.
peullawr B.T. 35 '
writing-tablet ' < Lat. pugiUd'res ;—before -it, W. go-leu ' light' <
Brit.
*ii,o-litgu.—For ug before z see § 104
ii (a).
(a) But oug has the regular development of oy before a consonant, and gives
*w^ > ii, as W. Uu ' host', Ir. slyag
< *slovg-, § 95 i ;—W. tru,
t'ru-an ' wretched ', Ir. truag < *froug-os ;—W. bu-arth 'farmyard ' <
*liou-t;arf- : Lat. ftortus §99
vi. ,;
vii. In Brit. m between vowels or sonants was already loosened to nasalized v
or u ; after a vowel it is therefore treated partly as a consonant and partly
as the second element of a diphthong.
(i) am generally gives af as in the spv. ending -haf'§ 147 iv (a), hafal 'like, equal': Ir.
samail § 94 i; affected it
gives medially ef before a vowel, eif before z, ef or eu before n, as in
defnydd or dewiydd v. 37 '
material' < *dam-mw-: Ir. damnae id., Vdemd- ' build '; cyntefig '
primitive ' : cyntaf ' first';—finally, eu, as W. edan, edeu ' thread ' <
*etaml, 0. W. etem (= edyS ?),
pi. edafe?i <*-etamnas < *pet9-,
<v/' pete- ; so Ml. W. gwelleu 'shears', Mn. W. g.wella'a^A. g-wflleijiau
; Mn. lit. gwellazf'is deduced from the pi. ; Jiynavf is doubtless
analogical; so drych eif, dyrchaif, § 188
iii. The variant of -eu is -yf: crog-edyf ' dropwort'.
(a) em gives ef finally, .as in nef § 100
v ; medially ef as in gefell ' twin ' < Lat. gemellns ; or yf as in Dyfed
< Demefa ; or (before wy) y(w) as in tywyll ^ 111 i (a), fywyo § 86
i (5) ; affected, finally, -yf
or -eu; as cleSyf or cleSeu ' sword '< *klad-em6 (cf. Gk. a.Kpf/J.wv), V qolad- ; pi. cleddyfau a new formation
; so nehyf or neSeu ' adze ', § 130
i.
(3) om gives of as in dof '
tame ': Lat. domdre; affected, yf as in Selyf^ 69 iv (i) ; before -n- it gives af as in sqfw ' mouth' <
^stom-n-: Gk. a-TOfio.; affected, eif as in ceifn § 75 vii (i), simplified to ef, § 78 v, in the improper compound cefnderw, 0. W. pi. ceintiru § 137
ii.
(4) um before a vowel gives
-w(f), -yf-, as in tw(f) 'growth', 1yfu
' to grow': Lat. tvmeo; before n it gives aw, af or w, as in
no
PHONOLOGY
§ 77
Ml. W. ysffawn>S.W. ysgoti, also ^^fl/%, Mn. W. and N. W. ysgafn,, Ml. W.
J^W» §
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110 101 iv (3).
viii. (i) After the prefixes *ko-, *to-, *r?o-, *ro- an initial y- was
heterosyllabic, and the o of the prefix becomes y regularly § 65 iv (a), as in cy-wir ib.,
ty-wysog ' prince ', dy-wedaf § 194
' I say ', rliy-wynt( hurricane'.
(a) The vowel also develops regularly before gy, as in few ''• '.thick', Ir.
tiug < -^teg-it- : E. thick; cf. ii (a).
ix. (i) iu and m occurred as V- and B-grades of eu-u, eiev,, etc., Kelt. iu
also<Ar. eu. The i or z appears regularly in W. as y or i. Thus byw ' live
' < g«iy- § 63 vii (3) ;—W. lliw < * Iw-:
Lat. Iwor.
(2) iuo gives W. iio or iia (§
65 v (i)) ; thus W. buan '
quick ^ -" < Brit. * bwo-no^s § 63 yii (3) ;—W.
/(waJ ' shackle' for */ual< *f~tyol < Lat. fzbula ;— original 10 > zuo > wo as in Iluossawa
§75 iii (3),
LATER MODIFICATIONS OP VOWELS.
§ 77. i. In Late Ml. W. y,
when short, became i before g (then written c) or ng. Thus in the unaccented
ultima innate Ml. W. we generally find ic, sometimes ing, as tebic W.M. 122, 129, 142, E.M. 164, 213, etc.; meddw W.M. 141,
E.M. 113, 212, 306, E.P, 1298;
kyving E.M. 110 (but Tsyvyng
W.M. 46, 465, E.M. 32). Such words are rhymed by the bards with monosyllables having/
i (not y):
Ond dychmygion dynion \dig, A cham oeddpob dychyriiig.—D.G. 22; see 246. ' [They were] but jealous men's fancies,! and every fancy
was false.'" Khmwedd mob leuan feddig AT dy ruddfol aw a drig.—L.G.C. 348.
' The virtue of Ab leuan the physician will dwell as gold on thy cheek.'
A 'i ffSg yn debig i ddn.—D.E., G. 12
5.
'And its tips like fire.'—To a woman's hair. See 133, and D.G., 27,
285. See tebig / diwig /
cerrig / llewig / rhyfig, etc. E.P. 283.
In a monosyllable before g the vowel is long, § 51 iii, and therefore remains y, as inplyg 'fold', cryg 'hoarse'
see plyc W.M. 89, E.M. 65;
but before ng it is short, § 51
ii, hence ing 'anguish', which is for ting E.P. 1286, 1407 ; cf.
the derivative ygder E.M. 119.
The only words in which th{i vowel is sounded i{ in the unaccented ult. are
compounds of plyg, cryg etc., as dyUyg D.G. 258, (g)wyrUyg 255,
ogryg 244, deuSyblyc IL.A. 68; also the 3rd sing. pres. ind. of
§77
LATEB VOWEL CHANGES
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111
verbs with stems ending in -og, as ysgyg D.G. 370 'shakes' (though we have ennic c.M. 13 from annoc ' incite'). In other cases the sound is ig. The
late Mn. spellings meddyg, ffbyg etc., are purely artificial, deduced from
meddygon, tebygu etc. A few words of this class are still written
phonetically, as cerrig
The sound was i{ in Early Ml. W., as shown by the rhyme eerryg / plyg G.
M.A.i 241, and the assonance
metic/bid's.'s. 76 (^meSyg
/bi{d};
and y the mutation of y remains in the penult. Hence we have two forms : (i)
-ig for -t{g< -w-, which becomes -yg- in the penult; (2) -ig for -ig < -w-, which is
-ig- in the penult. Thus (i) meddig < Lat. medioug, pi. meddygon, (2) Ueithig < Lat. lectica, pi.
lleithigeu. In Mn. W. one or two words of the second class have passed over
to the first: perigl ' danger' < Lat. perzc'lum; cynnig ' to offer' <
Lat. con-dwo, though still sounded perigl, cynnig are written perygl, cynnyg
because, by false analogy, derived forms have come to be sounded with y as
peryglus, cynygwf. In Ml. W. the penult had i in these, as periglwys K.B.B. 44-5, periglus IL.A. 146,
berigleu E.B.B. 121, gynig-wyt
'W.M. 168, gynnigywyt B.M. 234, kynnigywys do. 144.
ii. •if becomes i in the unaccented ult. in some cases after g or ng;
thus ergyt W.M. no, in 'shot'; ergit EM. 80, 81, E.B.B. 42, now ergid (written ergyd);
efengil E.IL., E. 5, E.P. 278 • gospel'; so sounded now though
written efengyl; megis / dis, D.G. 315;
cregin for *cregyn. But as a rule (/ remains ; egyr ' opens', diogyn '
idler', negydd' denier', dengys ' shows', are so pronounced, owing to the
influence of analogical forms without g or ng.
iii. In the same poeition y frequently becomes i after penultimate i or ei;
thus llin-tfn W.M. 75
'string', but llinin four lines earlier, also 78, llinin E.M. 54,
56 (each time), dibin CM. 91 ' hang', amSiffin P 21/1 E. 'to defend', gwlithin W.M. 455, E.M. 102
'dewdrop', gili8 W.M. 9, 134 'other', origin IL.A. 122 'a moment', (double dim. ofawr 'hour'), dilin D.G-. 343 'to follow'.
Derfel wrth ryfel a thrin Dewr oedd, a da i wreiddin.—DJ.D., G. 178.
' He was a brave Derfel in war and encounter, and of good stock.'
Herwydd nas gzonai ddyhirin Fentrio i oes o fewn, trin.—S.T,, G.B. 369.
' Because a dastard would not risk his life in battle.'
But analogy has always tended to preserve the termination -yn:
Tsbyfi y dengys y dyn 0 ba
radd y bo i wreiddqn.—T.A., v. 33.
* Plainly does a man show of what degree his origin is.'
0 chyrch dyrfa, deca' dyn, Daw
i'w harail dihirun.—D.G., 173.
' If she hies to a gathering, fairest maid, a knave comes to watch her.'
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112
PHONOLOGY
§77
LATER VOWEL CHANGES
118
The sound is now i, as llinin, dibin, amddiffin, giliS, gwreiSin, etc. • tlie
y written is an etymological spelling. Sometimes it, is wrongly written, as
in ers meityn for ers meitin § 70
v. This may also occur in Ml. W. aa in yr meityn W.M. 17, E.M. 11
beside the correct er meitin W.M. 128,
138, yr meitin B.M. 280, cf. meitin/ffin B.A. 18; dilyt beside dilit W.M. 41.
iv. In Mil. W. n followed by i in some common groupings became i; thus eery
di ' thou lovest' became eeri 3.1, and ceri supplanted eery as the
regular form. So wrthi/fi, wrtJiyt ti became wrthifi, wrthit ti, and the 1620 Bible has wrthif, wrthit; so
gennif, gennit; but later the Ml. forms with y were restored in writing-.
[The dialects developed new formations.]
v. The diphthong yw is now sounded iw after front consonants:
after c ( = k) in cyw s kiw (but pi. cywwn s qawion), after r in rhyw and its
compounds amryw, cyfryw, etc., in dryw, ystryw, gwryw, after n in benyw, and
initially in yw ' is', yw ' to his' now written i'w. (Gwryw, benyw, yw 'is'
are not dialectal forms in N. W., but are sounded with -iw in reading or
quoting.) Ml. W. nywl E.M. 46,
W.M. 64 'fog' is now written
niwi, § 37 ii. In distryw,
dilyw the -iw sound is earlier, on account of the preceding i; both are often
spelt with -iw in Ml.W. After d and 8
the sound iw is still earlier ; thus ydiw, heSiw are so spelt in Ml. W. in
MBS. where i and y are distinguished.
The only words remaining now with yw are byw, clyw, Uyw ' prince' and Uyw
'rudder' (also sounded lliw), gwyw 'withered' in addition to Duw which is
sounded Difw in Late Mn. W.; and compounds of these lledjyw, hyglyw, etc.
vi. In the Mn. language y in the unaccented ult. is sounded i before II in
some words ; as cyllyll ' knives ', gwyn'yll ' fan '; in some, as candryll
'shattered' (lit. ' 100
bits'), both y and i are heard; others have Y always, as sefytl. This
modification sometimes appears in late MSS. ; but is not recognized in the
rhymes of the bards.
vii. (i) In Ml.W. u, (=.u) was unrounded to i after the labial in govut
'pain'; the usual Ml. form is gomit W.M. 138 L 15; 231 ; but go/it W.M. 138 1. 4; 131, 141, etc.; Mn.W. go/id.
(2) In a few cases y came to
be rounded after a labial; thus pump 'five' for an e&ilier pymp, O.W.
pimp; busfl 'gall' for *bustl: Bret besti (Bret. e = W. y § 16 iv (2)).
viii. As it was difficult to pronounce unrounded i or y and rounded ii, in
consecutive syllables, assimilation took place : *iSwnt ' to them' (cf. iSaw
' to him') became uSunt and always^ appears so in Ml. W. see A.I. i 2 ; p 17/1 E.; IL.A./7, 8, n, 21,etc.;
W.M. 6, a6 ; E.M. 4, 7, etc. The
natural sound in Gwyn. is uSun, though the artificial Mn. lit. iddynt and the
analogy of iddo may have influenced the pronunciation of fcome speakers.
Similarly ei became eu, as in rendus W.M. 21, E.M. 13, E.P.
1238 for rheidus 'needy' ;
teulv. ' household troops' for teilu, the form implied in the spelling teylu
of A.L. i 2, 12, etc.; eulun often later for eilun,
and now sounded eulun. In the reverse order we have Ml. W. Meuruc for Meuric.
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113 is. In Mn. W. u having come to be
sounded y, it becomes i in tHosft positions where y would be so treated: thus
bnrrug, esgus, cynnuJI are sounded barrig, esgis, cynnill.—D.G. rhymes memg f
sarrug 8.— Before i or i it is
sounded i. Dr. M. writes iwiawn Job i i ; we now say inwn, ' straight' for
union, inig for unig, tostirio for tosturio, etc. Hence carut ti became carit
ti, and -it in Late Mn. W. replaced -ut as the 2nd sg. impf. ending.
x. M being rounded in 0. and
Ml. V., final ch after it retained its rounding; thus uch ' higher' = uVch,
sometimes written uwch in Late Ml. W,; when the u was unrounded the glide
remained, and the sound became i/wch as implied in ywch E.P. 1295 ; this is the present sound;
it is written uwch in Mn. W. But in the penult we have uch, as in uchel '
high '. Hence the mutation, uw : u, § 81.
xi. The modern pronunciation cited in this section is that of Gwynedd, where
the sound y or u is quite distinct from the sound i.
§ 78. i. (i) The diphthong oe
or oy, O.W. oi, remains finally in only two words : me' basin ', doe '
yesterday'; Ml. W. had moe ' more' also. Elsewhere it is regularly reduced to
-o, as in creto ' may believe' for *cred-hoe appearing as cred-doe B.B. 53, a stray survival, § 183 ii;
and in -no in personal names for -noe, do for *cloe, etc. § 76 v (5); in am-do 'shroud' for *am-doe § 104 ii (2); th or
8 may be lost after it as in
heno ' to-night'< 0. W.
henoid JUV. SK. ^henoeth E.P. 1040;
it became w by assim. in hunnoid ox. > hunnuid M.O.>MI. and Mn.W.
hwnnw; and hinnoid gave hynny by analogical assimilation (-d = -S in O.W.). A
late example is y ddannodd' toothache' < Ml. W. y SannoeS § 75 iv (2), in which however the final -8 remains.
Final -aeth>-a in the same way in yna, etwa for ynaeth, etwaeth. (2) Similarly wy, O.W. ui, may be
reduced to w ; cf. hwnnw above. Thus Uw 'oath' § 104 ii (a) ; Gronwy W.M. no, in >Gronw do. 101, 104, 105 ;
Gronwy, fforonwy for *gwronwy < *y(€jro-gnauws § 76 v(5); both forms
survived: font Ronw (Llanedwen) is called Font Eonwy by some, but whether the
latter is of lit. origin is difficult to decide. So assw A.L. i 144 ( S assw} < asswy
'left';—guru, banu <
*gwrwy,*banwy § 76 v (6);—raccw § 210 x (3).—Before
a consonant:
aor. 3rd sg. -wys>-ws § 175 i (5); tyngwt B.A. 4
for tyngwyt; adeilwt, rannwt a.c. 106,
108 ; and doubtless impf. 1st sg. -wn is for an earlier
*-wyn § 180 iii (i); -wnfor
*-wyn § 215iii (i). So mwrthwl
W.M. 46, E.B. 968, D.G. 430, myrthwl E.M. 32
beside mwrtuyl BCH. 77,
morthwyl, mwrthwyl D.D., mwfhwyl Bible, spoken lang. mwrthwl pi. myrt'hwyUon.
Late Mn. W. neithvwr 'last night' < neltJivwyr § 34 ii, Ml. W. mithywyr s.a. 43.
Some cases occur of the late substitution of wy for w: madws 'high time' W.M.
22, E.M. 14 ( : Sequ. matu.., Lat. mdturus)
is given by Wm.S. and D.D. s.v. as madwys, which is not attested;—cyfarws,
*W.M. 454, 459-60, later cyfarwys, see Silvan Evans s.v.
ii. (i) In some words oe in the ultima was reduced to e, and wy to y ; thus
*nammoen ' not more [than] ' became namen B.A. 15,16' only',
lids I
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114
PHONOLOGY
§ 78
and namwyn, E.P. 1056 gave Ml.
and Mn.W. namyn 'but, except', § 222
hi (3);—*mahar-oin (variant
maharuin, B.S.OH. 3), Early
Ml.W. maharaen A.L. i 278, Ml.
and Mn.W. maharen ' ram ', pi. *meherwn> meheryn; maJiar- < *mas-cro-
'male': Lat. mas, guff. § 153
(g),+oeM § 65 ii (2);—*adwoen (wiitten adwaen but rh.
with hoen,poen B.B. 70)
>adwaen, adwen 'I know';—brenhinoet B.B. Q^>brenhineS, but -oe8 remains in N. W. and Mn. Lit.
W.;—so cefnderweS, ewythreS.— The change seems to be due to unrounding by
dissimilation with a .;' labial in the word (teyrneS followed the synonymous
brenhineS). Later examples are Cawlwyd, Mawddwy now sounded Cowli^d, Mowdd'i[;
cf. also a{w)wyf>awi{r, etc. § 38
x.
(2) After a labial O.W.
oi>Ml.W. ae; asO. W. guoilaut B.S.OH. 6 > Ml. gwaelawi, Mn. gwaelod;—W. gwae ' woe' for *gwoe <
*yai : Lat. vae, Goth. wai;—W. gwaeS 'cry' for *gwoeS, Ir. filed <*y aid-
: Lith. waidi 'lamentation';—baeS 'boar'<*6oe8 (written
baeS but rh. with oeS B.T. 26,1. 17).
"•*•<" After gr-, oi {oe, oy) became way, wae as in gwayw '
spear" for *goyw § 75 vii
(3) written gvaev but rhyming
with gloev (gloyw) B.B. 72;—
gwaed ' blood' for *goed = Bret. goad, Leon Ae c'hoad ' his blood'
(c'h<g}; see yMW< rh. with coe(, eiryoet E.P. 1046.
(3) In the penult oi (oe)
became ae before wy in aelwyd ' hearth':
Corn. oilet, Bret. oaled § 104
iv (3);—Aethwy<,*0ethwy § 76 v (3).
iii. -wy, or rather Early ~W. -ui, was liable when unaccented to he weakened
to ou > Ml. W. m; thus eu 'their' for *wy from *eiwm § 160 iv;—meu, teu § 75 viii (2), § 161
iv;—pi-eu 'whose is 1' with eu
for *wy< *eset § 179 ix (3), § 192 ;—asseu, Corneu, Guilneu, ludnov, §76v(4),(5); WM§219i(2).
iv. (i) ui (wy) finally or before a vowel was liable to be metathesized to
yw, as in yw 'is' for *wy § 179
ix (3);—yw 'to his, to her'
for
*wy § 160 iv (2);—nyw ' who . . . not . . . him'
for earlier nuy § 160 ii (2)—After a dental it became iw, § 77 v, as in Ml. W. ydzw 'is' for
*yd-wy ;—W. wiwed ' harm' for *nwyet § 76 iv (4).—In
Bret. and Corn. this metathesis was carried further: Bret. piou, Com.pyw,
pew:
W. pwy ' who', etc.
(2) This might happen before a
consonant also; but in that case
*yw became u; thus *dwyw ' god' > *dyw-w > duw; the form *dwyw is
attested in B.T. 10, where,
though spelt duw, it rhymes with plwyw (=plwyft); and it remained in all
derivatives, as O.W. duiutit 'divinity', Wl.Vf. dwywes'goddess', dwywawl,
VLn.W.dwyfol 'divine';
the forms duwies 'goddess', duwiol 'pious' etc. are late deductions from
duw;—similarly Early Ml. W. verbal noun deweduyt A.L. i 146, 152, etc. gwedy dywedwyd w. 150 'after saying'> Ml. W. dywedwt 'to say'; the wy remains
in dywedwydat W.M. 63, E.M. 45 'saying', dywedwydyat s.G. i71 'babbler'.
v. In the penult oe, ae, ei tend to become o, a, e respectively before two
consonants, more especially in Mn.W.; thus otvas.p. 1208,S.G. 303,
§ 79
LATER VOWEL CHANGES
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Mn. W. odfa for oedfa ' appointment, meeting'; Mn.W. addfed ' ripe' for
aeddfed, Ml.W. aeSvet W.M. 73,
IL.A. 166, E.B.B. 175 ; Mn.W. glendid for Ml.W.
gleindit ' cleanliness, beauty'. (Dial. gwer^/loS for gweirgloS, cossnoth
sgernoth for coesnoeth esgeirnoeth.)
ae>a in aeth- § 108 iv (2). ^
vi. In the ult. ae sometimes became e § 31.
§ 79. i. (i) Old and Ml.W. ei
appears as ai and ei in Mn.W. With some exceptions, § 81 iii (i), ai appears in the ultima and in monosyllables, and
ei (pronounced »i § 29 iii) in
other syllables. Thus Mn. W. ai stands in the syllable generally accented in 0. W., and ei in the syllable then
unaccented. The natural inference is that the Mn. mutation ei/ai is an
exaggeration of a difference in the pronunciation of ei going back to 0. W.
(2) O.W. ei was originally ei
with open e, § 69 vii. But in
unaccented syllables it came to be sounded ei to avoid lowering the tongue to
e and raising it again to i in the short time available. The same thing took
place in accented syllables ending in a group of consonants, as beirS, since
the time required to pronounce the consonants left less time to sound the
diphthong. But in accented syllables with a simple or no consonantal ending
the ei remained. Ml. W. ei therefore represented ei and ei; the former gave
Mn.W. ei, sounded n;
the latter gave ai. The old distinction is reflected in the Gwynedd
pronunciation of a preceding guttural: ceiwiog, ceirch are sounded fcainwg
ksirch; but caib, cais are qaib, qais; the velar and palatal alternate in the
same word : qaib, ksibw ; it may be added that before ordinary y (=. a) the
consonant is the velar, thus cybyS, cynnar are qsbyS, qsnizar. It is seen
therefore that the first element of si must be from close e, for it differed
from that of ai which comes from open e, and also from the old y (= a). The
present sound si seems to be as old as the i6th cent., for rhsir contracted for rhy-hir {rh»-hir) is written
rheir in G.E, 101. The present
sound ai is at least as old as the 14th
cent.: gwnai {<gwnaei) is rhymed with delei in E.P. 1271 ; by M.D., and with divei B.P. 1293 by G.V. The oldest appearance
of the spelling ai seems to occur in the Red Book : benn raith E.P. 1194, diwair do. 1200, kain 1205, arynaic 1227,
Jcain, main 1318; but Norman
scribes heard the ei as ai much earlier, to judge by such a form as
Trefwalkemay in the Extent of Anglesey dated 1294 (Seebohm, Tiib. 8ys.
''App. 10), Ml.W. Gwalchmei,
Mn.W. Gwalchmai.
ii. 0. W. ou (= ou) has a
somewhat similar histoiy. The o was probably close in unaccented and open in
accented syllables. In Ml.W. it was umounded in both cases, giving a close a
and an open », both written e, so that the two sounds of the diphthong were
written eu. The close 9
remairy in Mn. W. eu, sounded su; the open 9 gave a in Mn. W. au. That the former was a close s and not a
close e is shown by the fact that in Gwynedd ceunant, ceulo are sounded
qsunant qsulo. The two sounds eu and au occur in the same positions in the
word as ei and ai respectively; see § 81.
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PHONOLOGY
§§ 80,81
VOWEL VARIATION IN MODERN WELSH
§ 80. The above are the
changes that have taken place in vowel sounds. Many of them depend upon
accentuation or the influence of neighbouring- sounds ; hence in the Mn.
language a ;
vowel may have its original sound in one form of a word, and a changed sound
in another, or two different changes of an original vowel may appear in two
different forms of a word. It will be convenient now to bring together the
more important variations of / the same originals that occur in Mn. W.
VOWEL MUTATION'.
§ 81. i. Vowel mutation is the
regular alternation of vowels and diphthongs according to their position in a
word. Certain sounds occurring in the ultima and in monosyllables are
regularly modified in other positions.
The following is a table of the vowel mutations (numbered for reference). The
numbers in the last column indicate the sections where the changes resulting
in the mutation are dealt with.
In final,
In
yo.
and mono-,
other
Examples.
§
syllables.
syllables.
I
ai
ei
adail, adeilad; cazb, ceibio
79 i.
"»
a
au
eu
haul, heulog ; aw euraid
79 ii.
• 3
aw
0
tiawd, tlodion, tlodi, tlotaf
71 i.
4
w
y
trwm, frymion, trymach
66 i.
5
Tl
y
byr, byrion, tyrcler
66 i.
6
uw
u
1iuwch, ])ucJiod, buvkes
77 x.
As a general rule the respective forms appear only in the positions indicated.
The exceptions are noted below.
ii. There is no exception to the rule that ai and au appear as ei and ew in
the penult. Such forms as daiar, graian, Aaiarn, rhaiadr, traian, cauad,
cauodd, gauaf, cynhauaf are not exceptions but misspellings of daear,
graeaii, haearn, rhaeadr, traean,, caeacf, caeodd, gaeaf, cynhaeaf, the
diphthong ae (also written ay § 29
ii) being one which does not undergo mutation in Lit. W., but re-
§81
VOWEL MUTATION
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mains the same in all positions (unless affected § 70 iii). See dayar K.M. 4,
5, 73, 78, etc.,
W.M. 100, 456, 459, daear B.B. 70,
W.M. 107, E.M. 97, gaeaf E.B.B. 377, E.P. 1269, kynhaeaf W.M. 73,
E.M. 53, R.B.B. ,371, P 14/11 K.,
kynhayaf B.T. 8, Jiaearn, E.M.
118, hay am 119, raeady-r R.P. 1355. The sound is attested in
cynghanedd lusg:
Cyfled i ch&e a daear.—D.G. 205.
' Her demesne is as wide as the earth.'
£a Ie ma,e 'r gorsied g&ead 1—L.G.C.
372 ; cf. 28, 1. i. ' Where is the closed gorget t'
The spelling ai, as in da'iar, used by Salesbury and in the early Bibles, is
a mistranscription of Ml. W. ay, due to the fact that Ml. W. y sometimes
represents ;(, § 25 iii.
(Salesbury has dayar also, and gayaf always.) gauaf is phonetically conect
now that u has come to be sounded y, so that the error is only an
orthographic one exactly similar to writing dun for dyn,' man'. In cauodd
etc. the error was suggested by the fact that the verbal noun is cau ' to
shut', a contraction of cay\u or cae\u § 33 iv. Such spellings as the latter-day traithawd for the usual
and correct traethawd are due to bungling etymological theories. Pedersen,
Or. i 67, imagines from these
false spellings that the difference between ay and ai is small in diphthongs
and vanishes wheie the second element is heterosyllabic. It is not
heterosyllabic in these diphthongs, see § 54 iv; and i{ and i are perfectly distinct wherever the dialect
distinguishes between if and i as vowels. The possible forms in the penult
are ae, eu, ei, now sounded in Powys ay, ay, ai, and in Gwynedd w, 9y, si. S[o one in Powys or Gwynedd
sounds an i in daear.
iii. The exceptions to the general rule are the following (' ultima ' being
understood to include' monosyllable '):
(i) ei occurs in thte ultima when followed by two consonants, or by I for Zg,
r for rr; thus beirdd ' bards', teifl ' throws', eithr ' except', gwelieirdd
D.G. 20 'forbids', meww pi. of
marw 'dead', deil 'holds' for *deilf,, cm ' cars ', pi. otcarr. Before II
usage varies: lleill' others ', y naill ' the one', ereill or eraill'
others'. In polysyllables it sometimes occurs before m or ch; dychleim Gr.O. 90 ' leaps up', myneich ' monks '.
But ai appears before nc, nt, sg, as caino ' branch', maint ' size', henaint
' old age', braisg ' thick'; also in Aifft, enghrarfft, aillt.
As a contraction of e-i the diphthong is now written and spoken ei (that is
n), as ceir, gwneir; but ai was common formerly, as cair, gwnair.
eu is now commonly written, when absolutely final, in polysyllables, except
when it is a plural or pronominal ending; as goreu, goleu, dechreu for gorau,
golau, dechrau. It survived from Ml. W. under the
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PHONOLOGY
§82
influence of dialectal -e, and its use was extended in the ipth cent. because
of an idea that -au suggested the pi. ending.
In Ml. W. ei and eu appear in all positions, so that the mutation is not
represented in writing, § 79.
But -e-u, -d-u were distinct, as are contracted -eu, -du now : dzleu, parhdu,
§ 33 iv.
(2) The mutation aw : o is not
of general application. The penulti-,. mate o does not come from the ultimate
aw, but both come from a;
'• see § 71 i. Hence when aw
is an original diphthong < Brit. or Lat. ou or au, it remains aw in the
penult, as in awdur < Lat. au(c)t8rem',
so cawgiau pi. of cawg < late Lat. caucus; awydd, etc. § 76 iii; cana-won, athrawon, § 36 iii. This shows nawn which gives
prynhawnol, prynhawngweith, etc., to be from *nouna § 76 iii as opposed to awr which gives oriau, oriog, etc., and is
from *(K)ora § 71 ii (3). In late foimations aw < a is
unmutated as in mawrion § 144
iii (i), ardder-chawgrwydd beside ardderchogrwydd. Before a consonant,
penultimate aw is sounded 9w,
and sometimes written ow, as cowgiau D. 40, ardderchowgrwydd.
Where Ml. W. aw in the unaccented ult. has become o, § 71, the mutation of course
di&appears; thu9 it
appears in Ml. W. pechawt, pechodeu, but is lost in Mn. W. pechod, pechodau.
Where at the same time the aw represents a Brit. diphthong, as in gwrando,
gwrandawaf, the rule of mutation is reversed. So in final -o for affected au,
in afhro, athrawon § 76 v (5).
(j) w appeals in the penult in some words; see § 66 ii, iii. For o^her exceptions to mutations 4 and 5 see § 82.
(4) The mutation ww : u occurs
only before ch, § 77 x. In
late formations it is neglected ; thus beside Iluwch ' (snow)drift', we have
the old Iluchio ' to hurl', and the new Iluwohio ' to drive (dust or snow)'.
For the derivatives of duw see § 78
iv (2).
(g) On unmutated forms in loose compounds see § 45 ii (2).
§ 82. j. From the table in the
above section it is seen that the use of the two sounds of y is regulated by
the law of vowel mutation. The general rule in its special application to
these sounds may be stated as follows :
y has the y sound in monosyllables and final syllables, and the i I y sound
in all syllables not final; as edrydi, edrychwch, Sryn, f biyniau, mynydd,
myuyddoedd, iyrddau, pryd, prydferth, dyfod, I cyfyngder.
ii. The exceptions to the rule are—
(i) A few proclitics, which, though monosyllabic, have the y sound. These are
yr, y ' the', yn' in ', fy ' my', dy ' thy', yn ' our', ych' your', myn, ym
'by' (in oaths).
Pre-verbal yS, yr, y (whether the relative, § 162, the affirmative particle, § 219 ii, or the conjunction, § 222 x) is now always sounded
§ 82
VOWEL MUTATION
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with y. In B.CH. it is regularly written ed, e (implying y8, y; § 16 iii) ;
see A.L. i 2, 4, 6, 12, etc. But
in the i5th cent. and later it
was often written ir, i, as I'r tri oessawl ir a'r teirswyS, L.G.C. B.P. 1412, o Vran i deuan do. 1411. J.D.E. and D. regularly write
it with y ( = i/); hut Dr. Davies later in his D.D. (opp. p. i) says that the
sound is y. The explanation doubtless is that it was originally if and y
according to the accent; and both survived, the </ becoming i (like the
preposition, § 16 ii (3)). It is often non-syllabic after
a vowel in poetry; if its vowel is written it must^ be read as i or i{
forming a diphthong with the preceding vowel, § 33 v.
Hen(e)iddio ir wy', hyn oedd reid.—I.G., P 33/91 B. Ac yno y
trie enaid Rrys.—H.D. (auto. 1),
p 67/149 a.
Bitfc'n; is most commonly elided, in which case we have to assume that the
lost vowel was y, § 44 vii
(i).
Astudio 'dd wyf, was didwyll.—An., p 54/27 B. (i5th cent.). ' Meddylio 'r wyf, man ddohir.—Q.G; P 64/122 E. (Auto. S.V.). Thomas ddulas, lie 'dd elwyf.—H.D. (auto
?), P 67/212 E. Ac yno 'trie enaid
K(!t)ys.—B.C. (auto.), P 68/19 E.
ys as a proclitic is ys, as ys gwir 'it is true', often 's gwir § 221 iii; when accented it is ys '
there is, people are'.
Llenwi, dros yr holl ^'nifs,
Dagrau ar ruddiau yr ys.—Gut.O., A 14967/120. ' Over the wliole island, there
is a shedding of tears on cheeks.'
(2) The old forms ymy, tittv,
ymi, i/tti, etc. of imi, iti, etc. had if in the penult, § 212 ii. gifda also has y; but this
is for gi{d d, Ml. W. y gyt a, § 216
ii (2). G.E. writes it gida and
J.D.R. gyda (his y '= i[) ;
both th^se pronunciations survive.
(3) Non-ultimate y before a
vowel is now mostly y; but originally it was y regulaily, for it may come
from o as in dy-, rhy-, or was followed by 5 so that at first there was no hiatus. In many cases the y was
assimilated to the following vowel § 16
iv (4), and contraction took
place; thus Eaily Ml. W. deodreven ( s dyodrevyn) A.I-, i 80 >doodreven do. 94 > Mn. W. dodrefn 'furniture';
f-yodres B.A. 5 > rootdres
E.B B. 195 > rhodres '
pomp'; kyoeS E.P. 1206 >
*cooe8 > coeS § 41 v; gwelyeu > gwelyau >
gweldu Ps. cxlix 5, Can.
vi 2 (1588 and 1620),
B.o'w. 23 ' beds ';
*cyd-dy-un>Ml.W. cyt-tu-un > Mn. W. cytun § 33 iv; dylyed > *dyleed > dylid § 199 ii (2). But
it also remained unassimilated, as in hundyeu E.M. 4, dylyet do. 5,
camlyeu E.P. 1297. In that
case it tended to become e § 16
iv (2), thus deun E.P. 1217, deall beside dallt I.D 12, N.W. dial. dallt; godreon beside
godryon § 65 ii (3);
darlleaf § 203 iv (3); or was raised to t[, which broke
up later into ay (written eu); thus godreuon J.D R. fxxi] for godryon,
lletteuodd Gen. xxxii 21,
dyleuaf so printed in D.G. 35,
beside gwelyeu J.D.E. (whose y^-if) [xiv, xix], dhylyei [xix, xxi], dhylyedic
[xvi, xix]. Cf. rhi(<rhy § 65
iv (2). (But hifawdl is a
misspelling of huawdl, Ml.W,
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PHONOLOGY
83
huawdyl E.P. 1301.) It is
probable that the misspelling boreu for bore § 31 ii 2 sprang
from boreuach the debased form of boryach.
(4) yw follows the rule, as
byw, bywyd, bywwg ; clyw, clywed; Ui/w, Uywydd, llyww, etc., except in late
formations, especially from forms in which tfw became iw § 77 v, as in amrifww (sounded
amrimd), distrqwwf (disiriwwf), etc. J.D.R. writes amrywio (y='y) [xvi],
distrzwiaw [xix]. So wiwUog, niwioedd § 37 ii.
(5) The rising diphthong wy
follows the rule: gwyrdd, gwyrddwz, etc.; but wy generally becomes w § 66 ii. Such a pronunciation as
gwyntoedd is recent; but gwi/wo ' to wither' may be old, as the y may have
resisted mutation between two we.
(6) The rule does not apply to
the falling diphthong wy, in which the y is consonantal. In this y must
necessarily be y always, as mwyn, mwynach, mwyn.ion ; and tlie y remains when
the wy is mispronounced as wy § 38
iii, as Gwynedd for Gwynedd.
iii. (i) In the words sylw, gwyry, the final w and y were non-syllabic § 42, § 110 ii; hence the y is i{; thus s,ylw (but sylwz), gwyry.
(2) With the exceptions
mentioned in ii, the sound which is now common to y and u, if it occurs in
the penult, is to be written u. Thus we write mvinud, muwadau, papur, papwau.
Following this rule the translators of the Bible were misled by the late disyllabic
pronunciation of sylw to write it sulw; in late editions this error is
corrected.
(3) In a few cases u in the
ultima has come to be mistaken for y and mutated to y in the penult; as in
ysgrythyrau in the Bible (but ysgrythurau correctly in the 1727 edu.) pi. of ysgrythur (<
Lat. script'{ira) regarded as ysgrythyr on the analogy of llythyr ' letter'.
So testynau for testunau, Early Mn.W. festunion, pi. of testun (<Lat.
testimonium) treated as testyn; corynau ' crowns', cwynfoel B.cw. 33 ' bald-headed ', from corun
B.B.B. 171 (< Lat. corona)
treated as coryn.
VOWEL AFFECTION.
§ 88. The following- tables
show •the affected and unaffected forms of vowels as they alternate in Mn. W.
i. Ultimate ff-affection, § 68.
t
No.
Unaffected.
. Affected.
Examples.
I
U
e
ffwyn, {. gw'en.; cri/f, {. cref /
2
W
0
trwm, f. trom; tlws, f. flos
The affected soand occurs in,the ultima. It is occasionally found in the
penult in compounds, as in cromlech (crwm ' arched') ; and in superlatives,
as gwennaf, tromaf § 147 iii.
In bychan, f. bechan, the e
§ 83 VOWEL AFFECTION
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NOTE i.—In the aspirated tenues the breath was allowed to escape after the
explosion; thus th was probably sounded somewhat like the t in W. tad, or
like t before an accented vowel in Eng. or N. German, in all of which breath
is heard as an off-glide. Aryan t on the' other hand was sounded like French
or South Geiman t with no escape of breath
between the explosion and the vowel.
The exact pronunciation of the aspirated mediae bh, etc., is not known. The
conventional European pronunciation is b + h, etc., as in Eng. abhor, adhere. In India
the element represented by h is a voiced throat spirant. But the sounds were
undoubtedly simple like tlie aspirated tenues, and were probably voiced forms
of the latter.
NOTE 2.—It is generally held
that there were as above three series of gutturals. The palatals were sounded
on the hard palate like W. c in ci or E. k in king. The labiovelars were
sounded between the root of the tongue and the soft palate, so far back that
the lips were naturally rounded, as in the foimation of the vowel u, W. w, E.
u in full. These two series are established by such equations as Skr. § =
Lat. c < Ar. k, and Skr. Jc, c = Lat. qu < Ar. q°. But another equation
often occurs: Skr. k, c == Lat. c, which points to Ar. q intermediate between
the two others, too far back to give Skr. s and too far forward to give the
labialized Lat. qu. In the Western languages Kelt., ItaL, Germanic, Greek,
there is no difference between Ar. 'k and q; both give k which is generally
accommodated to the following vowel; thus Ar. kmtom gives W. cant pronounced
qant, not *kant. Where a guttural occurs in a form only found in Western
languages, we can only write it k, g, etc., with no diacritic mark. In the
Eastern languages (except Tocharish) the palatals became sibilants, thus 1c > Skr. s (an sh sound) ; but
the velars remain, or became tch sounds (as in fetch) before front vowel?,
thus q > Skr. k, or c (a tch sound), the latter before an Ar. front
vowel.—Meillet, Intr.2 63 ff., admits only two series, k
and q*, and regards Skr. k = Lat. c as a special treatment of Ar. % in Skr.
and the Eastern group. He points out that the supposed q occurs chiefly
before r, before a, and after s.
»The frequent alternation of k and q § 101 iv(i) makes it probable that originally, at s"ny rate,
the two are the same. A recent advance from q to k has taken place in Eng.
before d, now sounded a,; thus old borrowings in W. have q, as iu the Anglesey dial. qap ' cap', qaban ' cabin ', qarw ' to
carry ', but later borrowings have k as kab ' cab ', ^cabinet' cabinet',
karej ' carriage ', the a being the same, but the k with a perceptible ^
glide. The example shows how q may become 1c before a forward vowel, and how the k, once introduced, may
remain before a back vowel. The same processes might have taken place in Ar.,
and it is quite possible that % and q represent an original neutral k.
NOTE 3.—The " sonants
" play a special part in Ar. phonology;
they occupy an intermediate position between consonants and vowels, and in
E-grades become vocalic; see § 63.
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PHONOLOGY
§ 84
NOTE i.—No. i occurs only in old formations; -wd denoting the agent affects,
-wd abstract does not, § 143
iii (18), iv (5).—No. 2, though common as a fixed affection, is comparatively rare in
inflexion. No. 3 is usual in
inflexion, but rare in composition, e.g. rhdn-dir 'allotment', hdf-ddydd
'summer's day', cdn-drifll 'shattered', d-d^n ' wretch ', dd-fyd' adversity',
tdn-lli{d 'fiery ', hdd-ifd 'seed' (had+i/d, but hed-yn ' a seed').—No. 4 is only written in old
combinations, as gweiSi E.M. 174,
seiri; it is rare before ^', see § 144
iii (s).—Nos. 5 and 6 also occur only in set forms, and
ei{ is now wrongly written eu, as meusydd.
NOTE 2.—In Ml. "W. a in
preceding syllables had become e before y, or before one of the above
affections; in Mn.W. the a is generally restored, § 70 i, as enrydeS now anrhydedd ' honour ', gwerendewych, now
gwrandevyi/ch. It occasionally i emains as in lleferifdd ' speech ' (.:
llafar id.), and even spreads, as in llefaru for Hafaru.
NOTE 3.—y in the falling
diphthong wy does not affect: arwydd etc. § 38 vi.
NOTE 4.—v, does not affect
<»: canv,, parcJiu, etc. But crededun occurs E.P. 1368, 1424,
beside credadun do. 1298, 1235.
THE AEYAN CONSONANTS IN KELTIC AND BRITISH
§ '64. The Aryan parent
language had the' following' consonant system:
-
LabN.
Dental
Palatal.
Velar.
Labio-
velar.
C t
("M^
Qr. <JS
Explosives:
Tenues
A?
t
k
q
q9
Tenues aspiratae
^ph
th
kh
qh
q»h
Mediae J
-< b
d
S
8
8"
Mediae aspiratac
Ybh
dh'
en
8h
g"h
Spirants:
Voiceless
s,r
Voiced
z,S
j
Sonants:
Nasals
™ .
n
Liquids
l,r
Semivowels
i
[9]
u
§ 84
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS
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NOTE i.—In the aspirated tenues the breath was allowed to escape after the
explosion; thus th was probably sounded somewhat like the t in W. tad, or
like t before an accented vowel in Eng. or N. German, in all of which breath
is heard as an off-glide. Aryan t on the' other hand was sounded like French
or South Geiman t with no escape of breath
between the explosion and the vowel.
The exact pronunciation of the aspirated mediae bh, etc., is not known. The
conventional European pronunciation is b + h, etc., as in Eng. abhor, adhere. In India
the element represented by h is a voiced throat spirant. But the sounds were
undoubtedly simple like tlie aspirated tenues, and were probably voiced forms
of the latter.
NOTE 2.—It is generally held
that there were as above three series of gutturals. The palatals were sounded
on the hard palate like W. c in ci or E. k in king. The labiovelars were
sounded between the root of the tongue and the soft palate, so far back that
the lips were naturally rounded, as in the foimation of the vowel u, W. w, E.
u in full. These two series are established by such equations as Skr. § =
Lat. c < Ar. k, and Skr. Jc, c = Lat. qu < Ar. q°. But another equation
often occurs: Skr. k, c == Lat. c, which points to Ar. q intermediate between
the two others, too far back to give Skr. s and too far forward to give the
labialized Lat. qu. In the Western languages Kelt., ItaL, Germanic, Greek,
there is no difference between Ar. 'k and q; both give k which is generally
accommodated to the following vowel; thus Ar. kmtom gives W. cant pronounced
qant, not *kant. Where a guttural occurs in a form only found in Western
languages, we can only write it k, g, etc., with no diacritic mark. In the
Eastern languages (except Tocharish) the palatals became sibilants, thus 1c > Skr. s (an sh sound) ; but
the velars remain, or became tch sounds (as in fetch) before front vowel?,
thus q > Skr. k, or c (a tch sound), the latter before an Ar. front
vowel.—Meillet, Intr.2 63 ff., admits only two series, k
and q*, and regards Skr. k = Lat. c as a special treatment of Ar. % in Skr.
and the Eastern group. He points out that the supposed q occurs chiefly
before r, before a, and after s.
»The frequent alternation of k and q § 101 iv(i) makes it probable that originally, at s"ny rate,
the two are the same. A recent advance from q to k has taken place in Eng.
before d, now sounded a,; thus old borrowings in W. have q, as iu the Anglesey dial. qap ' cap', qaban ' cabin ', qarw ' to
carry ', but later borrowings have k as kab ' cab ', ^cabinet' cabinet',
karej ' carriage ', the a being the same, but the k with a perceptible ^
glide. The example shows how q may become 1c before a forward vowel, and how the k, once introduced, may
remain before a back vowel. The same processes might have taken place in Ar.,
and it is quite possible that % and q represent an original neutral k.
NOTE 3.—The " sonants
" play a special part in Ar. phonology;
they occupy an intermediate position between consonants and vowels, and in
E-grades become vocalic; see § 63.
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PHONOLOGY
§§ 85,86
It is usual to include in the Ar. nasals ia, occurring only before tc, g,
Ich, gh, and » occurring only before q, g, etc. These are secondary sounds
due to the assimilation of m, n to gutturals ; and it is not certain that
such assimilation had taken place in Ar. We find e. g. mt in *kmt6m, still remaining in Lith.
ssimtas, § 62 i.
THE EXPLOSIVES.
..'§ 85. In Pr. Kelt. the
aspirated explosives fell together with the unaspirated, thus th and dh are treated
as t and d respectively ; there is one exception § 92 iii. The velars fell together with the palatals, thus q, like
k, gave k. Hence, g, gh, g, gh all appear as g in Kelt. " "'
"—
' § 88. i. A~r. p ('Lat. p;
Gk.w; Germ./; Skr. p) and Ar. ph (Ski. ph; Gk. if)) disappeared in Kelt. (i)
initially before a vowel, (a) initially before a sonant, (3) between vowels, (4) , between a vowel and a sonant, (5) between a sonant and a vowel, \^
(6) between sonants.
•I Examples : (i) Ar. *pi6-
> Skr. pibami ' I drink', Lat. Ube (<*pib6) : Ir. ibim ' I drink ', O.W. i6en aw. SK. ' we drink', W. yfaf ' I drink '.—Ar. V'pet- ' fly'
> Lat. penna, < *petsnd:
.O.W. etn, Mn. W. edn ' bird' < *petno-.—Ir. athir ' father '<
*j)9ter, W. edryd ' parentage,
descent' < *p9tr-t-, edrydd
' patrimony^ (e. g. M.A. i 347)
< *p9friw-, edryf id. <
*p9fr-m- : Lat. pater, Gk.
Tra.TTJp, etc., Skr. pifrtvd-m ' paternity', pitriyah 'paternal, ancestral',
Gk. vdrpios, etc.—Ir. a^-, W. ar- ' fore-', Gaul.
^ are- < *p^ri-:
Gk. Trapa.—Ar. *prf- > Lat. pcs^s: 0.
W. rit, W. ^ rhyd ' ford ', § 61
i.—Ar. * pin- >W. llawu, § 63
vii (2).'"
(a) Ar. *pro > Lat. pro; Gk. 77/36, Skr. pro, : Ir. ro-, 0. W. ro;
W. rhy-.—Kx. *plar- > 0. E.
flor : Ir. l^r, W. llawr ' floor', § 63
vii (a).—Ar. *pruos > Goth. freis, oTE. freo, E, free : W. rhydd ' free
'.—W. lltahs § 75 ii (a).—W.
llydan § 63 viii (i).
(3) Ar. *nej]6f->S^r. ndpat-, Lat. nepos-.Ir.
ilia, Ml. W. nei |{ 'nephew', §75
vii (a).-,^Ar. *«joo->Pr. Kelt. * wo-> Gaul.
uo-, ' Ir.^/o-, W. gwo-, go-.—W. ticymn ' hot', twymyw ' fever '<
*fepes-men; § 75 vii (a).
(4) Ir. tone ' fire' < *
iepnet-, W. idn id. < *^p-n- : Lat. tepeo, Skr. <op<M ' heat'.—Ir.
solam, W. hylaw ' handy ' < Pr. Kelt
*su-lam-os < Ar. *p[m-, § 63
vii (a).—W. dyro ' give' <
^W < ».J
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS
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*do-pro-d-, Vdo-, §63 vi
(i).—*mpl-*mpr->*aml-,*amr->'W. af-l-, af-r-, as af-les ' harm ', Ir.
am-less; thus a/"- spread for a»-< ,
*n- (neg. prefix) before / and r, see § 156 i (5). ^
(5) Ir. col, Bret. co^, W.
cwl' fault': Lat. culpa, 0.
Lat. colpa.
*Ir. cilornw gl. urceus, 0. W.
ciluritn (•=. cylwrnn) gl. urnam, V. celwrn., Bret. kelwn : Lat. ca/par,
Calpurnius, Gk. Ka,\Tnf, Skr. karpara-h ' shell' (Kelt. ? or e in first syll.
unexplained).—W. ' crydd 'shoemaker' (for *cerydd § 40 iii (3)),
Bret. kere< j^karpuo, Ir. cairem<*karj}imo- : Lat. carpisculum, Gk.
KprfTrCs:
\/' qerfflp- 'shoe'. * »ij)>*m>W.f or w: W. tywydd 'weather' for *tywwy6 < * fempes-edo : Lat.
tempestas.^ j) i o tv ^ h. <»-'
The view that rp, contrary to every analogy, gives rr is based upon one or
two examples in which the group may have been rps or even rs, as Ir. serr, W.
serr ' bill-hook' (; I;at. sarpo), which may be <
*serp-s- or *ser-s- (cf., without p, Skr. srnt' sickle '), and upon such an
equation as W. gwarr ' the back between the shoulders' and Lith. vdrpa ' ear
of corn'.
(6) *mpl, *mpr gave *ml, *mr,
W. jl,fr, as cyflawn.' full'<
* Jcotti-pln-, cyfran ' share ' <* kom-prat-sna § 63 vii (a).
ii. (i) Before t, Ar. p became q9
> k (§ 89 ii) in Pr. Kelt.
Thus Ar. *septm>Vv. Kelt. *sekfm>lr. secht n-, W. saith: Lat. «eptem,
Gk. e'7n-a, etc.—Ar. *-qap-tos
> Pr. Kelt. */cakfos > Ir. cac/it, W. eaet/i ' serf : Lat. captus.—Ar.
*-iteptis > Pr. Kelt.
*nektzs > Ir. nechf, W. w?'^ f niece ': Lat. neptis.—W. llithro ' to { ^
slip' < *sliktr- < *slip-fr-, V' slei-b- extension of Vslei- : E.
slip,) r etc., § 95 i.
AjJfcJgi
Before" or after s also, p was liable to become q" in Kelt., § 96 iv ; also before n, see iv
below^_ &»-c*< <^
*(a) Initially in anticipaHon'of medial q*, Ar. p became q" in
Italo-Keltic ; as Ar. '^penq*e ' five' > Skr. panca, Gk. TT€VT€ : Lat.
quinqiie, Pr. Kelt. *qwewqfte > 0.
W. pimp. Ml. W. pymp, pump, Ir. cole, Gaul.
TrefiTre-.—Ar. *'peq9-, ^poq9- > Gk. Trwrnv, •ir&wavov:
Lat. coquo (<*yuequ6),
coctus, Bret. /^», W. pobi 'to bake' (< *s»oq»-), poeth ' hot' (<
*^oq«-f-).
(3) In anticipation of Jc or
q, Ar. p- seems in some cases to have become t-; thus Ir. tore (beside ore),
W. twroh ' boar ': Lat. porcus ;
see turio § 101 iii (i) ;—W. tanc
' peace' .""Lafc. pax, pango, VpaK/g-;
—W. teg ' fair', Gaul. Tocos: 0. E. fcegr, E. fair, VpSk-;—W.
gwar-
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PHONOLOGY
theg ' cattle ': Lat. pecus, Lith. pekus, Skr. pdsu ' cattle';—W. talch 'flake':
Lat. plancus, '&. flag-stone, flake, V-pelaq-;—W. twit 'hole'<:
*tuk-slo-s, tyilu ' to pierce' : 'La.t.pungo,punctum, Vpeuk/g-.—It seems also
as if p at the end of a root or stem beginning with a guttural sometimes
became (, as W. pryd ' personal appearance', Ir. truth '. Lat. corpus, Skr.
hrp- ' aspect' < *qvrp-',—W. cawad ' shower ' : Ar.
*qeuep- § 63 vii (3);—W. caled 'hard', as a noun
'difficulty' B.B. 65:
1 Gk. ^aXen-os Q(- < qh-)-
iii. Ar. p, before disappearing in Kelt., doubtless first became / a
bilabial^ then h. When the stop of the p was beginning to be loosened, any
reaction in favour of the explosive articulation would naturally take the
form of transferring the stop, that is, of substituting for the loosening
labial p, the labiovelar <f(; or, where the word had a guttural already,
the dental t. Before s, both the substitution and the regular development
took place ; the former, -q^s-, attested later as -x- in Gaul.
Crixos, gives W. -ch- ; the latter, -fs-, gives W. -ff-. Before t, I have assumed
the former, as the substitution of q» for p, known to occur, seems more
likely than that of ^ for f, so that fit > q^t > )(t is more probable
than pt > ft > yt.
iv. Before s, p>q'l!>at after a rounded vowel; thus *'upsel-^>
* u^ksel- > * ouksel- > W. uohel, Ir. uasal; * lopsq- > * lifksk-
> W. llusgo §96 iii (5) ;—similarly before n; *
supw->*suy!&n->W. hun ' sleep ', Ir. suan, § 63 viii (i) ; *n-uo-dup-it->^N.
an-o-Sun' 'bottomless', cf. annwfn §102
iv (a), Vdhewp/b-; so possibly before t; W. tuth ' trot •' < * tupt- : 0. Bulg. tupati ' palpitare ',
tuputati ' palpitare, calcare ', Gk. TVTTTW. Original q* before;' had become 1c earlier (in It.-Kelt.), and
develops as k, as in poeth above, m before ,p prevents the diphthongization :
W. Host <
*lompst-^9Q ii (3).
§ 87. i. Ar. t (Lat. t; Gk. T
; Germ./, <?; Lith.;'; Skr. ;') and Ar. th (Gk. r; Skr. th) appear in Pr.
Kelt. as t. Thus Ar.
* tauros > Lat. taurus, Gk. ravpos '• Ir. tarb, W. tarw ;—Ar. *tep-:
W. tes, twymn, tan § 86 ;—Ar.
* trews > Skr. trdyas, Gk. TpeTs, • Lat. tres : W. tri, Ir. t'n,
'three'.—Ar. *aratrom > "W. aradr •'plough' : Gk. aporpov.—Ar. *
piths- > Gk. TrXdravos, Gaul.
*Xiravos, 0. W. litan, W.
llyflan ' broad', § 63 viii
(i).
ii. In Ar. the first t in the group tt had become an affricative;
this stage is represented thus ft; in Skr. it went back to tt (just as tst,
with original s, gave tt in Skr.), in Gk. it became o-r, in Germ. ss, in Lat.
ss, in Pr. Kelt. ss, appearing in W, generally as s. Example ; base meteit- '
honey': FB ^melit-tos ' honeyed'
•<*i
§§ 88, 89 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS
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>W. meJys ' sweet', Ir. milis. As dt became tt, § 93 i, the same result followed; thus Ar. i/ueid- 'see, know',
gave *uid-t->
*'uitt->*uitst->'W. gwys 'it is known' § 63 iv: Skr. vitta-h 'known';—Ar. ^(s)'kheid-/(s)qheid- : B-grade
nasalized > Lat. scindo, F-grade *^eid-f,->*&elfst->'W. ewys
'Jfurrow', Ir. ceis,— So W.cas ' hate' < * °k»d-t-, Vkdd- : E. hate;
F-grade, W. cawdd ' insult' : Gk. KrjSos. Similarly Ar. dd > d^ > zd, §
91 ii.
§ 88. Ar. k (Lat. o ; Gk. K ;
Germ. h, -g-; Lith. sz; Skr. s), Ar. kh (Gk. )(), Ar. q (Lat. c; Gk. K ;
Germ. h, -g- ; Lith. k;
Skr. k, c), Ar. qh (Gk. ^, Skr. kK) appear in Kelt. as k. Examples:
Ar. *kmt6m ' 100' > Lat. centum, Gk. e-Karov, 0. JJf. /tutid, Lith. szimtas, Skr.
Satd-m: Ir. cet, W. cant < Pr. Kelt. *kntom.—Ar. V qd-, F-grade Lat.
carus, Skr. kayamdna-h 'fond', E,-grade W. caraf 'I love'.—Ar. *^<y?->Lat.
capio: W. cael § 188 iv.—Ar.i
*<yekt > Ir. credit, W. craitfi, 'scar' < Pr. Kelt. ^krekt-: Skr.(
karjati' injures' < *qerg-, Vqereg-.—Ar. *^reqt- >Pr. Kelt. *arekM
>W. amith ' speech' § 63
iii. T^. o^^t:
§ 89. i. Ar. qB (Lat. qu; Gk. 73-, but r before € or rj, and K
before or after v ; Germ. hw, -f-, -w-, -g- ; Lith. k; Skr. k, c) and
probably Ar. q^h (Skr. kh; Gk. 0,
6 ?) were q" in Pr. Kelt.
This remains as q9 in the ogam
inscriptions, but became cin^tr.;
in Gaul. and Brit. it appears as p.—Examples
: Ar. ^cpetuer- (in various grades § 63
vii (4)) > Lat. yuattuor,
Skr. catvdrah:
"W. pedwar, Ir. cei/iir.—Ar. V q^elo^- / cf'el- > W. pell 'far'
(<*c{yel-s-o-)•. Gk. TijXe.—Ar. •</se^-: Lat. inquam < *insqudm :
Ml. W. hep, heb ' says'.—W. prywqf ' I buy' § 201 i (4);—Ar. V
lei(f1- > Gk. Xewrco : W.
llwyb-r 'track'': Lat. Imquo (»-infix).
ii. (i) Before t, s and prob. n, Ar. q° became k in Kelt. Thus Ar. *^og»r-
> ^q^t- > *q»okf- > W. weth^ § 86 ii (a).— Ar. '^nocf't- (^/nog'*-) > Kelt. *mokf- > Ir.
nocht, W. noeth ' naked':
Lat. nudus < ^nog^ed/i.os.—W. gwlyb, O.W. gulip ' wet' < *-uliq*-:
Lat. liqueo; W. gwlith 'dew' < *-ulikt- < ^uUc^t-; gwlych ' liquid'
(such as gravy, etQ,)<*ylik-it- or ulik-s- : Vweleiq9-.
For Ar. sq^, <jfts, see § 96
iii.
(a) After I or r also (but not I, ^), we have k for Ar. q° ; thus W. golult '
slops', golchi ' to wash' (tv.jvlcaim) < *uolk- < ^yolq*-§ 100 ii (a) : *M^S-, as above.—-aW.
c^/nnyrch ' crop, produce' <
<M- ^*^VA» It*'*"^ ^-^•
cwte^
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PHONOLOGY
§ 90
§§ 91,92 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS
139
*kon-dero*-, */detect- : Gk. Speww ' I mow, reap', Spetrdvri ' sickle'.
Except; in compounds, where the initial of the second element is treated as
an initial, as gorjfwys, § 75
vi (4).
(3) Before w it appears as k,
as in ML W. civ ' where ?' < the Ar. interrog. stem *(f:u-, § 163 i (7) vi.
iii. Ar. ku or qu., like q*, gives p in Brit. and Gaul.
: W. prys ' brushwood' < Jurist- : 0.
H. G. Jiris ' twig-', hurst, E. hurst, 0. Bulg. chvrastu ' brushwood ', Viyereis-.—W. pair ' caldron'
< < ^quorio-, Ir. coire id. : 0.
N. hverna ' pot' < *qyer- : Lat. scrwum.—Ar. *ekuo-s > Lat. equus, Gk.
I'Tnros (i< „?), Skr. dsvah: i Ir. ecJi, Gaul.
Epo-, W. ebol ' colt '.—W. penn ' head', Gaul.
IIevvo-, Ir. cenw_<^tj^ewf0^<*ijiyepf-sno-
: Goth. haiibzp, E. head, Germ. Haupt, base *qayepet- met. for ^qapeyet-
(Siitterlin IF. xxix 123)
whence Lat. caput (<*qapyef-).—In later formations:
Ar. n/' mak- ' grow': R ^nisic- > Gk. fJiaKpos '• W. mag-u ' to nurture';
*mak-uo-s > W. mab ' son, youth ', Ir. mace, ogam gen. maqi^i.—W. epil '
offspring' < *eb-hil < *ek-yo-szl-, »/se-§ 63 vi (i), cf. W. gwe-hil-wn I Bren. xiii 33 < *yo-szl-.
But before u it gives k, as in W. ci ' dog' < *ku< *kyu< *KUO = Skr.
Svd; cf. ii (3) above.
In the Roman period, therefore, there -was no Brit. q* or qy, and Lat. qu
gives k; as in carawys, garawys ' lent' < quadrageszina,; W. eegin '
kitchen' < coquma.
iv. It waa cleanly possible to distinguish in Ar. between o^ and qy; probably
the/rounding in the latter was much more pronounced. But qy was also felt as
a double consonant, and gives -mr- in Gk., whereas q^ gives -w- only.
§ 90. Ar. bh (Lat../, -b-; Gk.
0; Germ. b; Lith, b; Skr. bh)
and the rarer Ar. b (Lat. b; Gk. /?; Germ. p ; Lith. b; Skr. b) both appear
as b in Pr. Kelt. Examples: bh : Ar. V bher- > Lat. fero, Gk. (pepw, E.
bear, Skr. bhdratz ' bears': Ir. berimm ' I bear', W. cymeraf' I take' <
*kom-ber-.—Ar. ^bhrater, *bhrater- > Lat. f rater, Gk. (pparmp ' member of
a clan', E. brother, Skr. Mratar-:
Ir. brathir, W. brawd 'brother'.—Ar. V bherey->^isb. ferveo:
W. berwi, § 63 vii (4).—Ar. *^«->W. bod, § 63 vii (3).—Ar. Venebh-: VF *webh->G}s.. ve<f)os, vecpeXry, Lat.
nebula: Ir. nel 1 cloud' <
*neSfo-, Ml. W. nywl ' fog' < *neblw- ; see § "37 ii.
— — b: Ar. Vbregh- 'short': Lat. brevis, Gk. f3pa-^vs: Ir.
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berr, "W. tyrr 'short', see § 101
ii (a).—Ar. Vdheub- > Goth. diwps ' deep' : E, *-dhub- > Gaul. Dubno-,
W. fi?w/% ' deep', Gaul. dubron, W. dwfr ' water'.
§ 91. i. Ar. dh (Lat./-, -d;
-b-; Gk. 0; Germ. d; Lith. d;
Skr. dh) and Ar. d (Lat. d; Gk. o; Germ. i'; Lith. d; Skr. d) appear as d in
Kelt. Examples: dh : Ar. *dhwor- : *dhur- > Lat. foris, Gk. Qvpa, E. door
: W. dor<*dhm-a, drws ' door'< 'S \*dhru-st-< *dhyr- § 63 viii (i), Ir. dorus (intrusive
of).—Ar.
*clhw,b->y{. dwfn § 90.—Ar.
V' ereudh->li&k. ruber, Gk. epvOpos:
W. rhudd 'red' < Kelt. *roud- — — d: Ar. Vd'ema- : TR , *dom9- > Lat. domi-tus : W. dof '
tame'; ER *4w- > Gk.
d-Sd^a-ros : W. ^o/a^ ' sheep'.—Ar. *deiiy > Lat. decem, Gk. 56/ca, Goth. taihun, Lith. d'eszimt,
Skr. ^a'fo : Ir. ^'cA %-, W. deg 'ten'.—Ar. ^ detey->^! ,duw,dydd, §63 vii (4).—Ar. ^yerod-:
E2 wr^- > Lat. radtsc; VR
*yr9d- > Gk. /a'aoa/troy,
Lat. radius:
W. gwraidd 'roots'; RV *y,rd->lv. frem ' voot'<*yrd-ma, W. greddf
'instinct' for *gwrebf § 102
iii (ri)<*yrd-md, § 63 vii
(3).
ii. Ar. d or t + d(h) became d^Ii), which gave zd in Kelt., and fell together
with Ar. zd, giving Ir. ;' (tt), and W. th § 97 ii. Thus W. peth ' some, a certain quantity of, something,
thing', beth' what ?', Ir. cuit' part, share' < *q*id-dm. : cf. Lat.
quid-dam.
—W. rhathu ' to scrape, smooth ' < *rgd-dh- (or ^-rad-zdh-) : Lat. rado, §
63 ix.—W. meth ' miss,
failure' < *mit-dh- : Ir. mis-, mith-'miss-', E. miss, •/meit- : Lat.
muto.
§ 92. i. Ar. g (Lat. g ; Gk.
y; Germ. k; Lith. !s; Skr^), Ar. gh (Lat. h; Gk. -^; Germ. g; Lith. s ; Skr.
h), Ar. g (Lat. g ; Gk. y ;
Germ. A; Lith. g ; Skr. ^, j), Ar. gh (Lat. A ; Gk. ^ ; Germ. g ;
Lith. ^r; Skr. gh, K) all appear in Kelt. as g. Examples : g: Ar. mn- >
Lat. granum, Goth. kaurn,, Lith. Sirnis, Ski-jimd-h: Ir. gran, W. grawn § 61 ii.—Ar. V'gene- > Lat. genitor,
Gk. yececny, Skr. jdnati 'begets' : W. gwi 'give birth'.—Ar.-v/«»"i5y->Lat. Mrgentum., Gk. Spyvpos,
Skr. fajatd-m 'silver' : W. aiiant, Ir. inirget ' silver' < Pr. Kelt.
*argnt-. — — gh : Ar. *ghei-em- > Lat. hiems, Gk. \€'ifia : W. gaeaf, § 75 vi (i).—Ar. •/s<^->Gk.
i?X<» {<*segho), Skr. sahate 'vanquishes' : W. ^ ' bold' < *seg-os,
iGaul. Sego-; hael' generous '< *sag-lo- < *sJjh-lo- ; haer 'impor-
MS K
t.a y
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PHONOLOGY
'§ 92
Innate' < *sag-ro-. — — g : Ar. •/gfez- ' sticky, liquid' : Lat. ylus <
*gloi-s, Gk. •y\ot6s<*Y\oiFos
: O.W. glow gl. liquidum, W. gloyw ' shiny', gloyw-bu ' glossy black' <
*gloi-y,o-s § 75 ii (i),
lr.gle,glae ' bright' <*glei-uos, *gloi-ws, 0. Corn. digluiuflit ox. a gl. eliqua, W. gloyici ' to drain
(after boiling), to clarify, to polish'; E, *^'->Lat. gli-s, Gk. •y\[-vrj,
Lith. gli-tws 'smooth, sticky', Ir. g/enim, W. glynaf'l adhere'.—Ar.
</(s)t?ieg1->T-i&t.
tego, Gk. oTeyo?, reyoy, Skr. stJidgati ' covers' : Ir. tecJi, teg, 0. W. lig, W. /y ' house '<
*tegos ; T *(s)tJiog->~Lwh. toga, W. to 'roof, § 104 ii (2). — —
gh: Ar. VgJiabfi->~LisAi. habeo, Lith. gabaiia ' armful': W. gafael' to
take hold ', Ir. gabim ' I take'.— Ar. Viegh- 'lie'>Lat. lectus, Gk. \e\os
: W. lie ' place', Ir. lige ' bed', W. gwe-ly ' bed'; L *leg7t->~Lit'h.palegis ' confinement
to bed'; P° *logh- § 58 v.
ii. Ar. g" (Lat. v, gu after n, g before cons. and u; Gk. f3, S before e or r), y before or
after v; Germ. kw ; Lith. g ; Skr. g,J) gave Pr. Kelt. b. Thus Ar. -/^CTe->Lat.
mvo, Gk. fSios :
"W. byw, etc., § 63 vii (3).—Ar. *^'ow>Lat. bos
(Umbr.-Samn. form for true Lafc. *ws), Gk. 13ovs : Ir. bo, W. &w, pi. bu.
iii. But Ar. gSh (Lat../-, -^-, -6-,
^w after n; Gk. 0, 6; Germ. w, w; Lith. g; Skr, ^, It)
forms an exception to the general rule, § 85,\and does not fall together with (he unaspirated consonant.
It remamed a rounded guttural in Pr. Kelt., and gave g in Ir. •with loss
ofJounding; but the rounding was retained in Brit., and we have in W.
initially gw, medially f ^=v) between vowels. Thus Ar. •/ g^hen- > Gk
Oelvw, (j)bvos, Lat. de-fen-do : Ir. gonim ' I wound', W. gwanu ' to stab'
< *gwon- § 65 v, gwanaf '
swathe ' (hay cut at one sweep).—Ar. -/^e»-->Lat. formus, Gk. 0ep/x6?,S> E. warm : Ir. gorim ' I warm ', W. gori (< *-gwori §
36 iii), Bret. gori, gwiri 'to
incubate', W. gori 'to suppurate', gor 'pus', W. gwres 'heat', § 95 iii (i).—Ar. V g^hele- 'green,
yellow'-
>Lat. flams : W. gwelw 'pale', gwellt 'straw, grass', Ir. gelim 'I graze',
gelt- 'fodder'; the doublet *y^e^->Skr. hari-h 'yellow, greenish', Gk.
y\of) ' verdure, grass', )(\6os
'green': ~W. gledd 'turf, glas 'green', glas-wellt 'grass', § 101 iv (i).—Ar.
Vgyiedh->G^.. TroQew, 0e<ro-acr0ai : Ir. guidim 'I pray', W. gweddi
'prayer'.—Medially: Ar. Vsneigv/i->'La,t. ningnit, nix,
nivis, Gk. v[(f>a : Ir. snigid
'rains
snechta ' snow', W. nyf
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THE ARYAN CONSONANTS
'snow'.—Ar. •/o?/«?^->Lat. foveo, Gk. re^pa : Ml. Ir. daig ' fire', W.
deifo ' to singe'.
iv. Unlike Jcu, which is treated as q* in Kelt., Ar. gy {gu, gn) does not
fall together with g9. The
change q*>p is Gaul.-Brit. but not Goidelic, while the change g*>b
is'Pankeltic, and there- , fore much earlier. The double consonant gy
remained, and gives medially W. w, Ir. g, as in W. few ' thick' < *teguos,
Ir. tiug :
E. tJiick § 76 viii.—Ar. ghy
develops like^^, giving initially W. gw-,lr.g-;
thusAr. *g/tuel-t->'W. ^w^^.L^g^^wild' : Goth. wilpeis, E. wild, parallel
to Ar. ghuer- > 'La.t.^'erus, Qk. Or/p.
v. "When the guttural follows a nasal we have tne following results:
ng° >W. m (for mm), Ir. mb; as Ar. ^ug^eii- > Ir. imb, "W. ymen-yn
' butter' : Lat. unguen.
ngSh >W. ng (=»»), Ir. ng ; as W. llyngyr ' lumbrici' : Lat. lumbrwus.—W.
angerdd ' heat' < *n-gy!/ter-d-; angar ' heat' < ^-^e^"' ^ g^er-,
see iii; ager ' steam ' § 99
vi (i).
nghy >W. •w, Ir. ng; as W. ewm 'nail', Ir. ingen < *nghw,-, -/'
onoqli/gJi- : Skr. naMd-h ' nail', Gk. Svv^, Lat. unguis,
nghy > W. f, Ir. ng ; as W. tafod ' tongue ', Ir. tenge : 0. Lat. dmgua. (Lat. lingua), E.
tongue < Ar. ^dngJim.—W. llyfu 'to lick' < *lingK-u-: Ir. Izgim, Gk.
\e[\a, \f)(vevw, Lat. lingo, */leig&-.\ r
The first two groups contain two consonants each; g* > b, and consequently
the nasal became m; but gvh remained a guttural so that the nasal became »,
and the group became »»*, which was unrounded in W. as in Ir. The other
groups contain three consonants ;
in Ir. the u dropped as^isual, leaving »M ; but in W. the u remained, wo >
K> before a consonant, and v> dropped, § 106 ii (i).
§ 93. i. In Ar., when two
explosives came together, a tennis before a media became a media, and a media
before a tenuis became a tenuis; thus p+d > bd, and b+t>pt. Only the
second could be aspirated, and the aspiration, if any, of the first was
tr'in'-iferred to it;^thus bh+d > bdh. In this case if the second was a
tenuis^it became an aspirated media, thus bh +1 > bdh ; this however only survives in Indo-Iran. ;
elsewhere we have two tenues; thus Gk. has KT from gn+t, • as in evKTOs '.
e'Svop.a.i, Meillet, Intr.2 106. So in Italic and K8
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PHONOLOGY
§93
Keltic; thus Lat. lectus, Ir. 'lecht 'grave', -</leg1i-; W. gwaitJt ' fois ',
lv.fecht< Pr. Kelt. *MC^-, -/we^- § 100 i (%).
(i) Ar. -pt-, -kt-, -qt-, -q°t-, all gave -kt- in Pr. Kelt.,
11.
§§ 86 ii, 88, 89 if; tElTappearsTS'TE'ai'-c^^ in W. as -ith, etc? § 108 iv (i).
(a) In other groups of dissimilar explosives the first was assimilated to the
second in Pr. Kelt. ; thus tk > kk > Ir. cc, W. ch; as W. achas '
hated', Ir. accais ' curse' < *akkass- < *ad-- (/^ t'»,
SL...<~kad-t- S 87 ii.—W.
achar ' loves '< *akkar- < *ad-Q9r-
: Lat. earns
o \ vWf9^ '
V.. § 88. Lat. -pt- was
introduced too late to become -kt- as above, and so became tt, as the habit
of assimilation persisted in Brit. ;
this gives W. th ; as pregeth ' sermon ' < preeeptum, ysgn/thw <3»-scTiptwa. •i~(, ^ tf L.-wts i1'-— <~
(3) When the group consisted
of mediae, the double media became a single tenuis in Brit., giving a media
in W.; thus dg > gg > Brit. c > W. g; it gives Ir. c or cc sounded
gg, Mn. Ir. g. Examples: Ir. acarb, W. agarw ' rough, rocky, unfertile ' W.M.
180 < ^aggary- <
'^ad-gh.r'sy- : Ir. garb, W. garw ' rough' <
*gh^r''su-: Gk. ^epo-o?, Skv./tfsifdA 'bristling', Av. zarstva- ' stone',
Lat. horreo, hirsutus, ^/gheres-, § 95
iv (3).—W. aber, 0. W. aper 'confluence', aberth
'sacrifice' < *abber- < ^ad-bher-, V' bher-.
\
Thereseems no good reason to suppose that gd, db could give g8, 8/ in W. W. gwydd ' goose ' cannot come from Stokes's *gegda (if
g were not assimilated, eg would give ei, not wy, in W.), and Pederseu's
breuddwyd < ^Tyrogd- (Gr. i 109)
is not convincing. "W. 8/can
only come from »b, or ssg § 97
iii, iv, or from dm; words like addfwyn, addfain come from ad-m- (mwyn '
gentle', main ' slender'), not from
*ad-b-. U Two soft spirants coming together, where no vowel has fallen out
between them, can only occur when the first was already the spirant 8 < a in Brit., or when the
second was the sonant m.
.^/" iii- (i) Ar. tt became ft, and Ar. dd(h) became d'd(h), § 87 ii, § 91 ii, giving W. s (ss) and th respectively. But when d+t or t +1 came together in Kelt., they
became tt, which, like Lat. tt, ^ -appears in W. as th ; thus W. athecli
'skulking' < *ad-teg-s-:
W. techu 'to skulk, lie hidden', V' (s)theg- § 92 i.—W. saeth ' arrow' < Lat. sagitta.—For tt + liquid see §
99 v (4).
Similarly d-d when they came together in Kelt. > Brit. t > W. d; as in
edvfar ' repentant' < *acl-d^-bar- : W. Mr 'indigna-
THE AKYAN CONSONANTS
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tion', Ir. Sara : Lat. ferio.—"W. credaf 'I believe', Ir. cretim. (t =
d-d) < *kred d-: Skr. Srad dhd-' confide, believe'.
Ar. *1cred dhe- lit. ' set
(one's) heart (on) ' was not a fast compound (cf. Skr. mad asmdi dhatta
'believe in him'); thus the W. credaf is explained by the d-d coming
permanently together in Kelt. (for Ar. d-dh>W. th § 91 ii), Brugmann2 I d^o, 691. Last. credo is also irregular, as if *do ' give ' had been
substituted for *dhe ' put', Sommer 251.
When d-d came together later in Brit., they seem to have been simplified to d
giving W. 8, as in a^ysg '
education' < Lat. addisc- ;
so W. aSef ' home' < *ad-dem-, Vdemd- § 91 i.
(2) The change of the first t
in tt to the affricative t9
was perhaps due to the tendency in Ar. to avoid double consonants, which in
other cases seem to have been simplified. Gemination however was a special
characteristic of diminutives and hypo-coristic or pet names, and of
child-language, which was in a sense a language apart; and in these even tt
remained unchanged. Thus Gk. NIKOTTW (for NiKoTeXeia), ALKKW, QEOKKW,
^(\\ios, Kp^Tris, S6evvts, 0. H. G. Sicco (for Sigench or
Sigbertus), Lat. Farro (beside Tdrus), Brit. Commios (beside Comnx, Gaul. Comus), W. lol-lo (with double I in Ml. W. § 33 ii, for lorwertK), Quito (for GrwffuS)
;—Gk. arras, Lat. atta. 'papa' ; Skr. akkd 'mama', Gk. 'AKKW, Lat. Acca
Ldrentia (: W. y nawfed ach' the ninth degree of consanguinity', lit. ' the
ninth *mother', cf. " the 4th
mother " § 133 v; ach ac
edryd 'descent', lit. ' *mat- and pat-ernity';
achoedd, achau 'lineage'). As the above examples show, the habit of doubling
in such forms persisted in new creations, and, may account for the (j^c^ in
the ogam maq^q^ and for the tt in Brit. *genettd >\V.geneth a. p. 1359 'girl'. So in tribal names :
Brittones beside Britanm; Galli beside FaXa-Tcii. Also in names 'of animals:
Lat. t'acca; W. hwcJi, 'buck' (o^ < AA),Skr. huJckas\&.;
Gaul. cattos, W. cath; Ml. W. buck ' cow' <
*boukka ; W. mocJiyii, ' pig', Ir. mucc, Germ. dial. mocke 'sow'; Ir. socc,
W. hwch ' pig, BOW '; 0. E.
dogga ' dog'; Persson, IF. xxvi 68.
^
THE SPIRANTS./
§ 84. i. Ar. s was of very
frequent occurrence. It remained generally in Pr. Kelt. Initially Ar. s
before a vowel (Lat. s, Gk. ', Germ. s, Lith. s, Skr. s) appears in Ir. as
s-, in W. gene-
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§94
rally as h-, sometimes as s-. Examples: Ir. samail 'likeness', W. hafal'
like' < *V»</- : Lat. similis, Gk. ofiaXos, V sera- l one '.
—\t.sam, W. ^o/" 'summer': 0.
H. G. sumar, E. summer, Skr. ,'wffff ' year '.—Ir. sen, W. hen ' old ' : Lat.
senex, Gk. e'yoy, Skr. , sdua-h 'old ', Lith. senas' old '.—W. ,<W :,Lat.
.sa^w § 63 vi (l).— W. 1iun ' sleep' : Lat. somnns, Gk.
VJrvof, § 63 viii (l).—W.
Jiynt ' way ', Ir. set, § 65
iii.—W. Mr ' long', Ir. sw : Lat. servs, § 73.— — Ir. secht it-, W. saz'^ ' seven.' : Lat. septem, Gk.
wra., otc.<Ar. *septm § 86
ii (l).—W. s^'prog'eny, seed', beside Jvil . < *se-l-, Vse- § 63 vi (i)-^.'5!!??,^. serr, § 86
i (5).—W.| .sffcr, Ir.
sder<*saj;)ero-^ : Lat. MJOZO.—W. sugnaf, Ir. w^m 'I|
suck' : Lat. «»(•««, sugo, 0.
E. sugan, mean ' suck'. • | y;
ii. Medially between vowels Ar. s remained after the separa- ;:
tion of the P and Q divisions; and is found in. Gaulish, as in ;
Isarno-. In Ir. and W. it became h, and generally disappeared, except where
it became initial by metathesis, as in W. JiaeartL. though it is in some
cases still written in Ml. W.; thus W. eog, Ml. W. eliawo, Ir. eo, gen.
?'«c/< < Kelt. *esdk-<*esok-, Lat. esox < Kelt. The reduction of
vowel-flanked s gave rise to new diphthongs in Brit., which developed largely
like original diphthongs ;
\see § 75 i, ii, vi, vii, § 76 ii (3).
iii. The change of s to h differs from the soft mutation; in the latter a
voiceless consonant becomes voiced, thus t > d; the corresponding change
of s would be to 8. But s did
not become'voiced ;
•it remained voiceless, but was pronounced loosely, and ultimately became h.
It must have been loosened already in the Roman period, for Lat. intervocalic
s introduced at that period remains, as in caws < caseus. Now Lat.
explosives undergo the soft mutation; the loosening of Brit. s is therefore
earlier, and so the interchange s/h does not enter into that system. Before
such a system of interchanges was organized it was natural to choose one or
the other sound for the same word; and the postvocalic reduced s was chosen
for most in Brit., the postconsonantal full s for others. It is quite
possible that the two forms persisted in many words for a considerable
period, so that we have e. g. W. llafren beside Brit. (-Lat.) Sabrma. There
is only one .. certain example of Lat. initial s- giving h-; that is hestawr
< sextdrius ;
this either was a trade term borrowed early, or has followed the analogy of
words like Eafren. Possibly a transition stage is represented by Ixarninus,
Isxarninus beside Isarninus Ehys LWPh.2
418. (The Ir. reduction of s
is independent, and is included in the Ir. system of initial mutation.)
§95 .THE ARYAN C®NSONANTS
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iv. Ar. su-^'emained in Pr. Kelt., and gives s in Ir., chw-, hw- v^-». -4^ /' in "W., § 26 vi. Thus Ar. *syesor > Ir.
siur, 'W. chwaer ' sister' SS £Je^X c^-§75 vii' (2).—Ar.
*suid-t- > *s•uit8f- >
W. c/iwys 'sweat' : Skr. ' svidyati 'sweats' : Lat. sudor< *suoid- : E.
sweat.—Ar. *sye'ks > W/^ cliwedi, Ir. se : Gk. 'Fe^, §101 ii (a).—Ar. *sueK(u)r-
>"W. diwegrwn, ' father-in-law ', chwegr ' mother-in-law ' : 'Lat.
socer, socrus, Gk. €Kvpas, eKvpa, Skr. SvaSurah, svasruh,—W. cJiwi ' you'
< *s-v,es:
Lat. vos § 159 iv.—Before o
from a it was unrounded to h., as in hawdd < *suad- § 148 i (6).
Medial -us->^ >W. w § 76
ii (3). y' § 85. i. Ar. sm-, sn-, sl-,
sr-remained in Pr. Kelt. and appear in Ir. unchanged, in W. as m-, n-, 11-, rh-. Thus, sm-: Ir, smer
'blackberry', W. mwyar 'blackberries' § 75 vi (a).—Ir. smir gen. smera ' marrow', W. mer id. : Gk.
(ry.vpi^a, p.vpi^ai 'I anoint', E. smear, Lith. smarsas 'fat'.—sn-: Ir,
snechta, '" W. flyf snow' : Lat. ninguit, 0. H. G. sneo, E. snow § 92
iii.— Ir. sndim ' I swim', W. nawf ' swimming' : Lat. ndre, Skr. snati
'bathes'.—Ar. Vsene(i)- 'thread' : Ir. snum, W. nyddaf ' I spin', Ir.
sndtJiat, W. nodwydd 'needle' : Lat. were, E. snare, Skr. snayu ' bowstring
'.—sl- : Ir. slemitn, W. llyfn ' smooth':
Lat. lubricus < *sloi6ricos,
E. slip.—Ir. sluag, W. llu ' retinue':
0. Bulg. sluga 'servant'.—sr-:
Ar. * sreu- : Ir. sruth 'stream', W. rkwcl 'dung-water' (rhwd fomydd I.G. 338), rnewyn. 'gutter':
Lith. sruta 'dung-water', Gk. PVTOS, pen/ia, etc. § 58 vi, § 76 iv
(l).—Ir. sron ' nose' < *srokn-, W. rTioch ' snore' < *srokn-§ 99 vi (3): Gk. peyyw, peynw 'I snore', p6'y\os ' snoring', pvyvos 'pig's snout', § 97 v (3).
As s- before a vowel sometimes remains in 'W; so a few examples occur of s-
before a sonant, as (y)snoden ' band, lace ', Ir. swathe gl. filum <
*snt-, •/sena^C)-;—(y)slath beside llath 'lath', Ir. slat:
E. lath, O.H.G. latta "without s-. The N. W. dial. slywen 'eel' is prob.
for *syttywen: Corn. selyas, syllyes ' eels ',Bret. silienn (stiaonenn) '
eel'; the Mn. lit. W. llysywen, S. W. dial. llyswen, seems to be a
metathesized form; prob. 'Vselei- : Lat. limax. The second element is perhaps
-mghy- : Ir. esc-wing ' eel' : Gk. e'-y^eA.DS ' eel' (the root has many
forms, see Walde2 s.v.
anguis). /
^_^ ii. (l) Medial -sm-, -sn-, -al-, -sr- probably remained in Pr. Kelt., but
became -mm-, -nn-, -11-, -rr-
in both Ir. and "W. . (In W. -mm- is written -m-, and U is now the
voiceless It,
ifek-i^.^ . „ ...-i?i4-i •
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§ 95
properly double tt § 54 i
(a)). Examples: sm: W. twymyn ' fever '< *tepes-men- § 86 i (3).—W. ym 'we are', Ir. ammi < Kelt. *esmesi § 179 ix (3).—sn: W. own-en ' ash', Ir. hztinn-ws < *-os-n- : Lafc.
ornus<*osinus, 0. H. G.
ffs-/^ E. ash. —W. ^yo»» ' breast', Ir. truinne id. < *triis-n- : 0. H. G. brus-t ' breast'.—sl: W.
co^ ' hazel', Ir. coll < *qos-l- : Lat. corulufi '.' < *cosulas, 0. H. G. hasal, E. 'hazel, Lith.
kaswias ' spear'.—sr:
W. fferru ' to congeal' < *spis-r- : Lat. spissus ' thick'.—After a long
vowel or diphthong n or r is simplified, as va.ffw 'breath' < *spois-n- § 96 iv (f);—^wawr ' dawn' <
*yos-r- : Lat. ver ' spring '< *ues-r, V eues-. But the simplification
took place too late to give */, *l for m, II in twymyn, pwyll, etc.; and -m,
-II •^ remained double after simple vowels and shortened them as in. drum § 100 v, dull (a) below.
(2) An explosive before one of
the above groups simply disappears ; thus *pra-t-sna > W. rhann § 63 vii (a);—*tuk-slo-s > W. iwll
§ 86 ii (3);—*c!rk-smd > W. drew, '
sight', ^' deric-§ 61 i ;—W.
rJiwym' band ' < *reig-smen, '/reig- : Lat. corrigia;— W. pwyll, Ir.
clall' thought' < *q»eif-sl- : Skr. cit-td-m 'thought', caityah '• soul';
— W. dull ' manner, appearance ' < *doik-sl^, V'' dezk-: Gk. SeiKrvfii.
(3) But a sonant in the above
position remains. Examples :
W. garm 'shout', Ir. gairm < *gar-smn, V gar- : Lat. garrio ;— W. telm '
snare', Ir. tailm, gen. telmo. < *tel-sm- : Gk. reXauwv ' thong';—Ml. W.
annyneb (now amynedcT), Ir. ainmne ' patience ' < *n-smeniM, Vmenez '
thought', pref. n- ' in';—W. mymryn ' a ^S little bit', Ir. mw 'a bit of
flesh '< *memsro-m, (z shortened in ^y Blifc., m lost in Ir.) : Lat.
membrum < *mSmsrom, Gk. /if)p6s
// < *memsros or *mesros, Skr. mas ' flesh';—-'W. cern ' back of cheek'
< *'kersn- :4-iat. cermws
< ^Jcevsn-, Gk. Kdpnvov< *^ rasnom Lafc. cerebrum < ^kerasrom;
"W. carr yr en. 'jawbone' either < *k/s-r- (: cf. Lat. cerebrum) or
simply *^r's-;—W. amnaid ' nod ' (for *anmeid), 0. W. pi. enmeituou, 0.
Bret. enmetiam gl. innuo < *en-smet-: Ir. smetim 'I nod' < *sment— It
is to be observed that OT in these groups = mm, and is not mutated toy. (^^rc
iii. (I) Ar. -ms-, -ns- became -as- in Pr. Kelt., and appear so V',/ in
Gaul., Ir., and W. Thus Gaul. esseda '
war-chariot' < *en-sed-a / § 63
ii; and ace. pi. -ass in artuass (like Lat. -as) < *-ans. In
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS
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W., where -ss- became final by loss of the ending, it became -s early ; but
medially it is still double, though now written -s-§ 54 i (2).
Examples: W. crasu. Ml. W. crassu ' to bake', eras ' baked '< */crams-
< *grm-s-, Vqerem-: Lat. cremo, Gk. Kepa/^os", i W. cramwyth '
pancake ' < *kram-pok-{t;—W. wis ' month ', Ir. nit gen. rms < *mensis
: Lat. mensis, Gk. pr^v, Lith. m&wu, mSnesis' moon, month ';—W. gwies '
heat' < ^g^hrens-os, V g*her-, § 93
iii : Skr. ghrasdh ' heat of the sun' < *g»/irefis-os ;—Ml. "W.
cysseb ' sitting together' < *kon-sed-.
(2) The same change takes
place before an explosive ; thus nst > st; nsq" > sp ; as W,
cystadi, cystal' as good' § 96
ii (3); cosp .( i^aJaruA^ t1 < */con^- § 96 iii (5). ^ . / ..., ^ (^ ^. ^ ,,
(3) The nasal also disappears
when an explosive came between it and the s, as in W. cysefin ' primitive',
Ml. W. cyssefin < *kint' sammos, beside cyntaf 'first' § 106 iii (3), cytitefin 'Spring' < *kint'tt-samlno-.
iv. (i) Ar. -Is-, -rs- probably became -11-, -rr- in Pr. Kelt. Examples of the former are uncertain in
W., because -In-, '-li-also give W. II; perhaps W. pell' far' < *q*el-s- :
Gk. re\os.— W. carr, Ir. carr, Gaul.
carr-(us) < ^tji^r'sos § 63
iii;—W. twrr ' crowd' (a. B. 44,
45),' heap' < *'tur'-s-, ur< u^r § 63 viii, v/' tuer-:
Lat. turia, turma (W. ^oy/^Lat.).
(2) An explosive between the
two sounds disappears, giving ^the same result; probably the majority of W.
rr's come ^from such groups as -rks-, -rts— Examples : W. gyrr ' a drove' (of
cattle) < *gerks-• <". ^'^erg's- : Gk. yepyepa • voXXa. Hes., Lat.
green, W. gre ;—W. torri ' to break, cut' < *-torq-s-, •/fereq-:
Lat. truncus < *tronqos, W. trwch ' broken, cut' < *fronqos ;—W. carreg
' stone '< *^;^r'q-s-ika, VJcereq- : Skr. Sdrkarah 'pebble', Gk. KpoKaXr) '
pebble ', W. crogen ' shell', craig ' rock' < *^; oqi- ;
—W. torr 'belly' (generally of an animal), torrog 'pregnant', Ir. torrach '
pregnant' <*for ks- : Lat. tergus ' body of an animal, hide';—W. gwarr '
upper part of back', gwarr heol Q. 300
' ridge of the roadway ' < *uorf-s- : Lat. vortex, W. gwarthaf ' summit'
< *yort^mo- ;—W. corr ' dwarf '<*qort-s- : Lat. car-fus, Ir, cert '
little', V (s)/j/er-.—Possibly we have 11 from -Iks- in W. callestr ' flint' < *q/qs- : Lat. calx,
Gk. \dXi^, V q{ft)eleic[- parallel to
•/'kereq- above.
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PHONOLOGY
(3) An explosive following the
group remains, and the s disappears ; thus W. forth ' loaf, Ir. tort <
*torsf- ' baked' : Lat. tostus < ^tors(i)tos : torreo < *torseio; W.
tarth ' vapour, mist' (ta/rth mwg Act. ii 19 ' vapour of smoke ', tan twym tarth B.T. 38 'hot scorching- fire') <
^t/s-t- : Gk. Tepa-afvw, Vferes- 'dry up';—•W. garth, 'promontory, hill', Ir.
gart < *gh^r'st- : Gk. ^epa-os, Vg/ieres- § 93 ii (3) (not to
be confused with garth 'enclosure' : Lat. hortus § 99 vi (i), § 76
vi (a)). -A*.
§ 96. i. Ar. s+tenuis remained
in Pr. Kelt. In Brit. the group either remained or became a double spirant;
thus sk gave either (i) sk or (2)
^X > aIM^ s^ g^e either (i) st or (a) a sound between// and ss, which became
ss, It is probable that form (i) occurred after a consonant, and form (2) after a vowel, being
*caused by a loose pronunciation of the s. Both forms occur initially and
medially, and in the latter case form (i) can be shown in a large number of
cases to have followed a consonant now vanished. In Ir. st gave ss, initially
s-, and the other groups remained unchanged.
Tenuis+s also became a double spirant in Brit. A media before s had become a
tenuis in Ar., and gives the same result. An aspirated media before s changed
it to z in Ar., thus dhs > dhz (dzV) ; the < group became tenuis+s in
Kelt., with the same result.
When s is combined with two explosives in any order it is the first explosive
that drops: thus Host < *lompst- ii (3); asgwrn<
*ast-korn- ii (4) ; aos<
*nots< *nocf'ts ii (5). The
same simplification took place later in words borrowed from Lat. : W. estron
' stranger ''< extra-news, astrus < abstrusus, etc., § 103 i (5).
ii. (i) Ar. st- became s- in Ir., st- or s- in Bret., Corn,, and W. Examples:
Ir. sal, W. sawdl, Bret. sewl ' heel' < *std-tl- § 63 vi (i) ;—Bret. steren, Corn. steren, W. seren 'star' : Lat.
stella <
*ster-ld, Gk. da-Trjp, 0. H
.G. sterno, E. star : Ar. *sl,gr-;—Bret. staon ' palate ', W. safn ' mouth' :
Gk. a-rop.o.;—Ir. sere, W. serch 'love ', Bret. serc'h ' concubine ' : Gk.
o-repyco: Ar. *sterk/g- ;—W. (y)sfarn, Bret. starn, stern ' harness' beside
W. sarn ' causeway' § 63 vii
(a), V stero- ' spread out'. It is not to be supposed that st- became s- in
W. in seren etc. after the separation of W. and Corn., since Lat. st-
generally remains (not always; swmbwl
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS
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139
§ 66 ii (i)); but rather that
st- and s- existed side by side, and one form or the other prevailed ; cf. § 94 iii. The lisped form /' is
attested in Gaul. in the name Birona, also
spelt Sirona (? star-goddess, < ^ster-).
(2) Medial -st- gave Ir. ss,
Bret., Corn., W. ss. When ss became final in W. it was simplified early ; but
it remained double medially, and is still double after the accent, though now
written s § 54 i (2). Examples : Ir. ross '
promontory, forest', W. rJios ' mountain meadow ' (Richards),' moor' <
*pro-sth- : Skr. prasthah ' table-land on a mountain, plain ', •'/stJia- '
stand';— Ir. cas-achtach ' cough', W. pas ' whooping-cough', Bret. pas
'cough' < *^W- : 0. E.
hwosta. Germ. Husten 'cough' : Lith. koseti ' to cough ', Skr. kasate '
coughs';—Ir. foss ' servant', W> gwas ' servant', gwasanaeth ' service '
< ^wpo-sthd-n-akt- § 203 i
(4):
Skr. upa-stha-na-m ' attendance, service';—W. gwas B. T. 4' abode', •S^ t, Ir. foss 'rest,
stay' < *yost- : Gk. aarv < Fda-Tv, Skr. vasfu '-"
'dwelling-place, homestead'.—The alternative lisped form // is attested in
Brit. AOOedomaros beside gen. Assedomari CIL. iii 5291 (Rhys CB.2 277), W. Guynn-assed B.B. 67, with a66-, ass^ 'perhaps < *ast- \ Gk. OCTTCOV, Skr. dsthi 'bone',
W. asen 'rib', aits 'breast'. ^^'
(3) When -st- is preceded by a
nasal or explosive or both, the whole group gives W. st. Examples : W.
cystal, older cystadi ' as good' < '^icom-stha-dfilo- ' standing together'
: Lat. stabulum < ^-stha-dftlo-m;—W. trwst ' tumult' < ^trum-st- (ru
< w § 63 viii (i)), Vfuer-
: Lat. twma, turba, Gk. a-vpfSr], Att. rvp/3?? ;— Ir. loss, los (i. erball) 'tail', Bret. lost 'tail',
lostenn, 'petticoat', lostek ' tailed, trailing ', W. Host ' tail' in
llost-lydau ' beaver', arllost' the butt end of a spear' < *lomp-st-,
•</ leb- ' hang down':
Skr. Idmbate 'hangs down', Lat. limbus 'hem of a garment'< ^lembos, E. lop
in lop-eared, lop-sided: W. llusgo ' to trail, drag behind' < *lop-sq- ;—
W. cynliwst' kennel' < ^kun-o-loq-st-, Viegfi-' lie' ;—W. gast' bitch'
< ^ganst- for *kan-st- § 101
iii (2) < *Jc(u)^n-' dog' §
76 v (i) ;—W. dust ' ear', Ir.
cluass<*'kle'ut-st-, a Kelt. formation < Ar. *'kleutom ' hearing ' :
Av. sraota-m, Goth. hlivf.— (For the group after a liquid, see § 95 iv (3).) •
After a prefix both forms occur : W. gwa-sarn 'litter', Vsfero-;
gwa-stad' level', V sthd-' stand'; di-serc/i 'unlovely', Vsterk/g- (i)
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PHONOLOGY
§96
§ 96
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS
above ; di-stadi' insignificant', lit.' without standing-', cf. cystadi
above.
We have perhaps to assume *uos- (cf. Lat. sus-) beside w- and
*des- beside *de-, giving *-sst- beside *-st-, resulting in -st- beside -s-.
It is however to be borne in mind that forms with prefixes were not
originally fast compounds; and thus the form after a prefix may represent the
old initial.
(4) Before r or 1, Ar. st remains in all positions
in W. Thus W.ystrad< *sfr9-t-,
V sfero- § 63 vii (a);—W..ysfrew,
trew 'sneeze' < *streus- § 76
ii (a), Vpsterev- : Lat. sternuo, Gk. TrTapw/Jii;— W. ysilys ' side', Ir.
sliss ' side' < *sflf-s- : Lat. latus < *sll9t-os, Vsfel(a)-;—W. avwesfr 'band, (apron-) string '<
*are-yest-i a:
Gk. Dor. FecrTpa (•yeo'Tpa' a-ToXrj Hes.), Lat. vestis ;—W. rhwysfr '
obstacle' < ^reig-s-tro- ' *snare ' : W. rhwym § 95 ii (a) ;—W. iusfl ' gall' (u for y § 77 vii (2)),
Corn. Ustel, Bret. bestt< *bis-tl-:
Lat. bzlis <*6is-lis
(different suffixes -tl- : -I-) ;—W. desti'-aesA, trim', di-dde&tl
'clumsy, unskilful' D.G. 196, 240 < *deks-tl-:
Lat. dexter, Gk. oe^io?, W. dehau ' right', etc.—It is seen that a consonant
before the group drops.
On the other hand when st came before an explosive the t dropped ; thus stk
> sk, as in W. asgwrn. Ml. ascivrn ' bone' <
*ast-korn : Gk. ocrreov, see (a) above (initial a/o altern. § 63 v (2)) ; and llosgwrn ' tail' similarly formed from *lompst-, see (3);
*W. gwisg ' dress ' < *yesf-q-, di-osg ' to undress ' < ^de-yosi-q-,
V'yes- : Lat. vestis, etc.
(5) Ar. ts gives ss in Ir. and
W. Original ds and dhz became ts, giving the same result.—W. blys ' strong
desire ' < ^mlif-s-, noun in -s- beside melys ' sweet' participle in -t- §
87 ii, base
*meleit- ;—W. Ilys ' court', Ml. Bret. les, Ir. liss, less<*(p)lt-'s-,
with an -s- suffix which lost its vowel, added to *-plfh- § 63 viii (i);—W. aswy, Ml.W. asswy,
asseu' left (hand)' < ^at-souzo-s < *ad-seyi^s : Skr. savyah '
left'.—An explosive before the group drops ;
thus W. nos ' night' < nom. *not-s < *-noq^t-s beside noeth in
frannoeth 'the following day', heno, 0.
W. Jienoiil (=henoyth) 'to-night' from oblique cases *nokt- ; so glas- ' milk
' < *gl9kt-s, § 63 vii (3); ies ' heat' < *tekts < *tep-t-s : Lat. tepeo, etc. A
nasal before the group drops, § 95
iii (3) ; but a liquid
remains, and the group becomes II or rr, § 95 iv (a). " ' iii. (i) Ar. sk- appears as sc- in Ir., as sc- or h-
(< \) in "W.
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141 In W. sc has become sg, and initially ysg-, § 23 ii. Thus W. ysgien, Ir. sewn '
knife ', V skJiel^- : Skr. cfiydti ' cuts off" —Ml. W. isgaud B.B. '35 'darkness', Ir. scafh 'shadow'
< *skdt- : Gothi sJcadus, E. shade, Gk. CTKOTOS, Skr. chdddyati '
covers';—W. hegl ' shank '< *skek-l- : E. shank •s/' skeq/g- : W. ysgog'z 'stir,
shake',, E. shake, Lith. szokti ' to leap, dance'.
After a prefix : W. cysgod, guasgod ' shade' < *skdt-, as above. (a) Ar.
sq- gives Ir. sc-, W. sc- (ysff-) or chw- (or before a round vowel h-). Thus
W. ysgwyd ' shield', Ir. sciath < *sqeit-om :
Lat. scutum < *sqoit-om, 0,
Bulg. stitu ' shield ' < *sqeif-om ;—W. ysgar 'to separate', Ir. scaraim,
Vsqer- : Lith. skwti 'to separate';
—W. chwifh ' left (hand)' < ^sql-in-, chwidr ' perverse, fickle' <
*-sqz-tr-, Mn. Ir. ciotach 'left-handed' <*-sqi-tn-, "W. ysgoewan f.
' fickle one' < *sqai-y-, all E-grades of *sqez- ' left, oblique ' : Lat.
| scaevw, Gk, o-/cai(/")6?,
E. shy;—W. chwalti 'to scatter', Bret. skttia, > Ir. scailim ' I scatter',
V' sqel- § 101 iv (a) : hollt'
split' iv (i) (/3). ' With a
prefix: W. gwa-sgar-af11
scatter ',Vsqer- § 101 iv^aJV
—cy-chwynn-af ' I rise, start', Ir. scendim : Lat. scando, Skr. skdndati
'leaps, bounds', •/sqend-;—W. osgo 'slant', nyt osco-es B.T. a5 ' he swerved not' < *of-sqaiy-;
Ml. W. amry-scoyw^ Mn. W. amrosgo ' diagonal, awkward' < *sqaiy- : Lat.
scaevus, see above;—W. cy-huddo ' to accuse ' : Icel. skuta ' a taunt', §156i(9).
ski-, skr-, where they remained in Brit., survived in W., now ysgl- ysgr-, as
ysglyfaeth § 101 iv (a),
ysgrafell' rasp' : E. scrape, iv (3).
But these were mostly reduced early to sl-, sr-, § 101 ii (3).
Medially we may have -chl-, -chr-, § 156
i (ii), (13).
(3) Ar. sq°- gives Ir. sc-, W.
chw-. Thus Ir. seel, W. chwedl, Corn. whethi 'news, a tale' < ^sq^-e-tio-,
V'seep- 'say'. With a prefix: Ml. W., ky-chwedfl B.T. 38 'news'=ML Bret. quehezi, ,, Bret. kel;—W. dym-chwel-af ' I
overthrow' : Gk. o-(f)a.\\w, Skr. I skhalati ' stumbles', ^ sifhel- ;—W.
dy-chwel-af ' I return'< E ^do-sq^el-, V q^el- ' turo ', § 101 iv (2).—sp in the old compound ' cosp, see (5).
(4) Medially between vowels
Ar. -sk- > W. ch, but is hardly to be found except in old compounds
Mkegochel' to guard (against)', ym-och'el' to take shelter' < *upo-s-kel-,
•/'kel- § 63 iii.—Ar. -sq-,
-sq.°- gave y^, generally unrounded to ch ; in Ir. all appear as ss.
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PHONOLOGY
Thus Ar. verbal suffix *-sqe- (: Skr. -ccha-, Gk. -cr/c®, Lat. -.wo), appears
as ch in- W. cJiwenycJiaf'; finally -well < *-y*\ < *-i-sq-{: Gk.
-i-a-Kco) § 201 iii (a);—Ml.
W. am&awS W.M. 453
'replied'
< ^am-^-^wS § 156 i (4) < *mM-sqlt-, -v/' seq*- '
say'; suffix § 183 iii.
(5) After an explosive or
nasal, however, Ar. -sk-,
-sq->W.
-so- (-sg-), and Ar. -sq°- > W. -sp- ; in Ir. -so-. Thus W. mysgu, cymysgu
' to mix ', Ir. mescaim ' I mix' < ^mik-sq- : Lat. misceo, Gk. fif'yvv/J.i,
Skr. miSrd-h 'mixed',^ V meik/g-;—W. llusgo 'to drag'' < *lop-sq- ii (3) above ;—W. liesg ' sedges', Ir.
sescenn. ' swamp '< ^seq-sq- '. E. sedge, 0. E. secg V' seq/g- ' cut': Lat. seco etc.;—W. llesg 'languid,
infirm, sluggish', Ir. le-so 'slothful '<
*le q-sq-, V{s)leg- : Skr. lawga-J). 'lame' < *leng-, Lat. langueo <
*lang-, Gk. Aayapor ;—W. gwrysg 'twigs' < *wd-sq- : Lat. ramvs <
*wd-mo-s, Vuerffd- § 91;—W.
diaspad f. 'a cry' < ^de-ad-sq^-gtd, Vseq9-, guff. § 143
iii (18); W. cosy
'punishment', Ir. cose ' correction, reprimand ' < *kon-sq"- ' talk
with '. '^fe^'
As the group -sky- or -squ- contains three distinct consonants, it gives -sp-
in W. (not -oh-); thus W. Jiysp ' dry' (without milk), di-hysb-yddu ' to
bail' (a boat, a well, etc.), di-Jiysb-ydd ' inexhaustible '< *sisq-yo-
rednpl. of V seiq- 'dry' : Avest. /lisku- f. hi^kvz-, Lat. siccus < *sicos
(W. sycJt, Ir. secc < Lat. ?). (6)
Ar. -ks-, -qs-, -q°s- give Ir. ss, W. Bret. Corn. -ch- or -h-. Thus Ir.
^^ng'hfr^hand) '<*deks-, W. deheu 'right, south'< *deksomos, Gaul*. Seaesiva Sea : Lat. dexter, Gk. Se^ios, Goth.
tai^swa, 0. H. G. zesawa;—Ir.
ess-, W. eh-, ecTi- § 156 i (15) :
Lat. ex, Gk. e^;—W. ych 'ox' (Ml. Ir. oss)<*uqso : Skr. -u/csd, 0. H. G. ohso, § 69 v.—So finally : W. cJiwech ' six
', Ir. se, sess-< *sueJcs : Av. assvas, Gk. e'^ ('fe^), Lat. sex, Goth.
saihs, E. sine < Ar. *sueks, *se&s § 101 ii (2).
As before ts, an explosive or nasal before the group dropped;
but in that case -ks- probably, like"-^-, did net become ^, but remained
and developed like Lat. -x-; so perhaps trais 'oppression' < *treks- <
*trenk-s- : W. trenw, Ger.
strong § 148 i (13).
A liquid before the group remains, § 95
iv (%) ; -ksl-, -1csm- etc., §95ii(a).
iv. After s, Ar. p in Kelt. either (a) became *f as usual;" or (/?) was
altered to q° and deYelopedaccordjngly.
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(1) (a) Ar. spTh^->W. fp-, Ir.
s- (mutated to/-). Thus W. jfun ' breath' < *8pois-n- : Lat. spzro < *speis-o;—"W. jfer ' ankle ',
Ir. sew ' heel' (ace. du. di pkerid) <*sper- : Gk. ir(fivp6v ' ankle, \ heel' <
*sp&u^r- : Lat. jserna, Gk. Trrepi'a. < *j3uer-n- (Jacobsohn, - . KZ. xlii 275), V' sphyere- see (2)
below ;—~W. jfonn ' stick', Ir. tf4
J^^-' sonn ' stake '< *sponcU- : E. spoon, 0. E. spoil. ' cnip of wood', w __^ Icel. spann, sponn 'chip',
Gk. cnrd0T] 'spatula',
tr(f>rjv 'wedge', Vsp(Ji)e-, spend- ' hew'. — — Similarly before a liquid:
W. ffraeth' eloquent, witty '< ^sphrakt-, •</spherSg- : Germ. sprecken,
0. E. sprecan; E. speak, see §
97 v (3);—W. ffrwst ' haste '<
*sprut-st- : Goth. sprauto ' quickly', W. ffricd § 101 ii (3);— ^f.
fflochen ''splinter' <*sfhloq-n- : Skr. pMlakam ' board, plank',
I'•</sp(/t)el- : Germ. spalfen, E. split, cf. W. talch § 86 ii (3). f (/3)
sp^)->Kelt. sq">W. chw- (h-) or sp-, Ir. sc-. Thus ?'W. dwynn '
weeds' (prob. originally ' furze', as E. whin which | comes from it) <
*sq^itin- < *spid-m- : Lat. pinna < *pid-sna; Ir.
••^sce'-geQ.. pi. sciad, W. yspyddad 'hawthorn' < ^sy^i-at- : Lat. spina,
sjfica, V spei- ;—W. chwydu 'to vomit', chwyd 'vomit' § 100 ii (3), Vspeley- : Lat. spS'b, E. spew, etc.;—W. hollt' split',
hotttit ' to split', beside (a) Bret. faouta ' to split' < *spol-t-,
Vspel- § 101 iv (2);—W. yspar ' spear', Bret. sparr :
Lat. sparws, 0. H. G. sper, E.
spear, VspJiuere- § 97" v
(3);—W. chwyrn, ' swift' ;-',
< ^sp/iern-, Aw8 ' a
violent push ' < *spJwn- § 100
iii (2).
(2) Medially, Ar. -sp- gives
(a) W. -S-, or (/?) W. -ch-, Ir. -sc-. Thus W. dual (a) wffarnau (/?)
ucharnau ' ankles' <*yi-sp(u)^r-n- . : eg. jfer, Lat. perna above;—(/3) W. ucJi.er 'evening', Ir./escor :
Lat. vesper, Gk. wrrepos § 66
iii.
After a consonant (as) -sp->W. ff; unlike -st-, -sk-, which preserve the explosive, sp had
become -sf-, and there was no explosive to preserve. Thus W. effro ' awake'
< *e&sprog- dissim. from ^eks-pro-gr- : Lat. easpergiscor for
'^ex-pro-gnscor (Walde, s. v.) : Av. fra-yrissmno ' waking', Skr. jdrate '
wakes ', Gk. ' eyetpw, V ger-, gerez-.
(3) Ar. -ps- also gives (a) W.
-ff-, or (/?) W. -ch-, but Ir.
-ss-. Thus (a) "W. craff 'sharp, keen' < *qrap-s- < *qrab-s- :
Icel. s&arpr, 0. E.
scearp, E. sharp, E. scrape, W. crafu 'to -scratch';—W. praff ' burly '<
q^r^p-s- : Lat. corpus, etc.;— (f3)
W. uwch ' higher', uchel ' higli', Ir. uasal, vassal, Gaul.
! .-- . • ^>.
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Uasello-duntim < ^ups-, ^iipsel- : Lat. sus-, Gk. S^lri, v\fft]\6s 'high', {i^frCwi/ 'higher';—W.
crych 'early', Gaul. Crixus, Criscsus : Lat.
crispus (prob. < *cripsos) : Lith. kreipti 'to'turn', Vger-' turn', extd.
*qreip- ;—W. llachar ' bright', Ir. lassciir < ^-laps^r-; Gk.
Xa.fJi.Trca;—W. crack 'scabs' < *qrap-s- : craff above, see § 101 ii (a). As in the case of -1cs-, see iii (6), the *-ch- may
•become -h-, as in caJi-el beside caff-el< *qap-s- § 188 iv. Uf^ § 97. i. Before a media or aspirated
media, s had become z
• medially in Pr. Ar. Thus the V-grade of </' s'ed- was -zd-. Ar. z became
8 in Pr. Kelt. This remained
in Brit., and the media following- it was reduced later to the corresponding'
voiced spirant.
ii. Ar. -zd- > Kelt. bd. In W. this became th, through 88; in Ir. it appeal's as t, ft (s
d-d), Mn. Ir. d. Thus Ar. *"mzdos ^nest' >Ir. net, nett, Mn. Ir.
nead, W. nyth : Lat. mdus, 0.
H. G. nest, E. nest, Skr. mdd-k, v/' sed- § 63 ii;—W. si/tJi 'upright', sytkv, ' set erect', Ir. seta '
tall' < *sizd- : Lat. sido < *sizdo, Skr. stdati 'sits' for *szdati
< *sizd-, Gk. 'i^w<*slzdo, •/sed-, redupl.
•sizd-;—W. gwyth ' anger', ad-wyth ' hurt, mischief, misfortune ' <
*gheizd-. Ml. Ir. goet' wound ' < *gJioizd- : Skr. heda-h ' anger' <
^-gheizd-os, Mdati ' angers, vexes, hurts', Lith. zdizda ' wound', zeidzw ' I
wound ', Av. zoizda- ' hateful';—W. brathu' ' to stab, bite ', brat/i' a stab,
a bite' < ^bhrazd^t}- : Russ. brozdd 'bit, bridle' < *lhrazd(h)-, 0. Bulg. bruzda id.< *bhfzd(h)- :
with -st-, Skr. bhrsti-h 'tooth, point', Lat. fastzgmm for *farsti-
(<*frasti-?), VMera-s-? Walde2
375, extension of ^/6&er- 'prick' : W. Mr ' spear, spit';—
-d- presents : W. cJiwythaf ' I blow' < ^suiz-d-, Ir. setim id. <
*syeiz-d- : Skr. Jcsvedati ' utters an inarticulate sound, hisses, hums' <
*lcsueiz-d- : with -t-, 0.
Bulg. svistati ' sibilare'.
After a consonant the result is the same, for the consonant had dropped in
Brit.^ and though st of that period remains (e. g. Lat. -st-), the mutation
d>6 is later, so that Brit.
-8^>88>th. Thus the prefix *e&s- + d- gave *e(g)zd- >
*eSd- > etii- as in ethol ' to elect' < ^egz-dol- : E. tale, Ger. Zahl
' number ', W. didoli
' to segregate ', Skr. ddlam ' piece', Lith. dalis ' part', VdSl-' divide'.
iii. Ar. -zg(h)-, -29(h)- >
Kelt. -Sg-; in Ir. it appears as dg. (=83); in W.*8g
became ^8 by met., after w, *8g>8f. Thus
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS
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W. maidd ' whey' < *»»eg8-,
met. for *meS^-, Ir. meclg 'whey', Gallo-Lat. mesga (s for 8 ? of. § 96 ii (l)) : Lat. mergo, Lith. mazg6ti 'to wash', Skr. majjati 'sinks' < *mezg- ;—"W. Jiauld ' barley'< ^se-zg-, redupl. of *seg- :
Lat. seges;—perhaps W. twddf 'a swelling' for *•tu^-<'st•tu^g-, s-stem of
•/tew- (: Goth. pus-) + -g- suff. : Lat. turgeo (Walde2 rejects his first suggestion that this is from. *fuzg- in
favour of Solmsen's *turigo, IF. xxvi naff., with -igo (: ago), though this
is usually ist conj., as navigare).
W. gw&f 'throat', N. W. dial. gwSw, pi. gySfe, gySfa, S. W. dial. gwSwg,
pi. gy^ge, gyfhce, Bret. goussoug, with -g for -g, § 111 vii (4),
seemg to require *gu»g- ; 1
ghu-s-, •/ghevr, (: Lat. fauces') + -g-, as in mwn-g ' mane'.
iv. Ar. -zb(h)- > Kelt. 8&
> Ir. dl, W. 8f. Thus W.
oddf 'knag, knot, nodule', Ir. odb : Gk. 6a'(f>vs (< *ost-bhu- ?).
v. (i). The above groups are found only medially. Initially Ar. s- did not
become z-, but changed a following media to a tennis ; thus sb- > sp-,
sbJi- > sph, etc., Siebs, KZ. xxxvii 2,77 ff. Hence
the initial alternations b- : sp- and" dh-: sth-, etc., as in Germ.
dumm, E. dum6<*dA- : Germ.
stumm, W. di-staw < sth-, § 156
i (n).
(2) As s- could, be prefixed
or dropped in Ar. and for a long time after the dispersion, § 101 ii (i), Siebs 1,'c. holds that the above explains
the initial alternation of a media and tenuis. In a large number of cases it
undoubtedly does so. "Where the media is general and the tenuis
exceptional, it affords a satisfactory explanation, as in the case of the
Kelt. (- in tafod' tongue ' corresponding to d- elsewhere (0. Lat. dingua), which is parallel
to the t in taw I 'he silent' (s still kept in di-staw) corresponding to the
*Sh- which gives the d- of E. dumb. But it hardly explains the alternation
when tlie tenuis is general and the media, exceptional, as in W. craidd, Lat.
cord-, Lith. ssirdzs, E. heart, Gk. KapSia < *k- : Skr. hrd-, Av. sarada
< *gh-, since & < sick, without a trace of the s- in the whole of
Europe, is improbable. But whatever the explanation may be, the fact of the
alternation can hardly be called in question.
(3) As an example of the
variety of forms produced by variable s-, we may take Vbhuere-, extd.
*bhyerS-g-/-gh-/-q-, orig. meaning i. ' hurl', 2.' smite'; hence from i.' sprinkle, cast (seed) ; roar, suore;
rattle ; talk'; from 2. '
break ; crash, break out, burst; smell'. bh.- :
W. T)wrw 'hurl, smite ', bzorw glaw 'to rain', bwrw had 'to cast seed'1 < *bhur'g- (wr < u^r); Lat.
frango < *bhrmg-, fragor < *bh^g-, fra-
iita I'
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PHONOLOGY
§ 98
grave, E. break, burst, W. brych, brith ' speckled';—sph- ; W. JiwrS § 100 iii (2), chwyrn 'swift' § 96
iv (i), diwyrnu ' to roar, snore';
Skr. sphurdti ' spurns, darts, bounds ', sphurjati' rumbles, roars, rattles,
crashes' < *spJwrg-; Lat. sperno, spargo ; E. spurn, sprinkle; Gk.
a-<f)dpa.yo<i; ^ff.jfraeth § 96
iv (i), ffroen < *spJirug-nd (ru < yr) ;— p(h)-: W. erch ' speckled',
Gk. vepKvo's; W. arch-fix' stench' < *ph^q- ;
arogleu 'a smell', compound p^roqo-prag-1—(p .. . g > t. . . g § 86 ii (3)) tfywyS
' scent', trwyn ' nose ' < *prug-no-, trawaf ' I strike ' <
*prug- {ru < yr);—spr > sr § 101
ii (3): W. rhuo 'roar, talk
loudly' < *srog^-, Gk. pey^a, PC-VKW, poy^o's, pvwos, W. rhoch ' snore '.
§ 98. i. (i) In Gk. and Kelt.
a dental explosive sometimes appears after a guttural where the other
languages have s ; this is explained by the supposition that Ar. possessed
after gutturals another spirant, similar to E. th in think, W. th, whiah is
written ]>. After an aspirated media, as s became z, § 96 i, so J? became
•S ; thus g1if> >gft9 (g9K). Brugmann2 I 790 ff.
(2) Ar. k)?- (Lat. s-, Gk.
KT-, Skr. is-) ga,ve Kelt. t-. Thus W. tydwet, fydweda B B. 20, 36 ' soil, land' < ^tit- : Lat. situs ' site', Gk. Krivis '
settlement', KT^CO ' I found', Skr. ksiti-h 'abode, earth, land' : Vkpel-
'earth', see (3) below.
Ar. -k)5- (Lat. -x-, Gk. -KT-,
Skr. -ks-) gave Kelt. -kt-. Thus W. arth ' bear', Ir. art < *artos <
*arktos : Gk. apKros, Lat. ii'rsus <*wrcsos, Skr. rksafi : Ar. *ar^os,
*r^os § 63 v (a).
(3) Ar. gh'S- (Lat. h-, Gk. ^6-, Skr. h-, Germ. g-, Lifch. z-)
gave Kelt. d-. Thus Ir. indhe, W. doe ' yesterday ' < *desz = Lat. fieri :
Gk. \6es, Skr. hydJi, § 75 vii (a) ; this occurs medially in
W. neithzm/r 'last night' § 78
i (a) for *'neith-bi'wyr < *nokti dieserai (assuming the case to be loc.)
: 0. H. G. gestaron, E.
yester-, Lat. hesternus : Ar. *gfi9ies-,
suff. *-ero-/-tero-.—W. ty-byn ' a measure of land, a small farm' lit. '
*house-land ', iref-Syn B.T. 14,
gwely-byn (gwelitiw B.B. 64),
Ml. pi. fybynneu for *-Symew < *domi- : Lat. humus, Gk. ^Qoov : Ar.
*ghifem- ' earth'; allied to this as meaning ' terrestrial' are the names for
' man' : W. dyn, Ir. dume < *donw- < *g/t8/omt- : Lat. homo, Lith. zmu, zmo-gus pi. zmones, Goth. guma
pi. gumans : Ar. *gh9em-. This
may be for *gh9wm- as Pedersen
suggests, Gr. i 89-90 ; in that case the root must be
*g1^ye^-, which therefore must
be the same as
' In Late W. wrongly spelt tudwedd from a fancied relation to tud ' people ',
whence ' country*. The examples in B.B. both rhyme with -ed.
§ 99
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS
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V^pez- above, with Ar. alternation 'k-/gh-; hence W. daear ' earth' <
^-ghSfij-frd, ^' gJi'Sez-.
(4) g^hS- (Gk. (f)6-) gave Kelt. d-. Thus W. dar-fod
'to waste away, perish ', dar-fodedigaeth' phthisis' < *-dar- <
^g^iS^r-: Gk. (pOdpm < ^g^JiSer-; W. dyddfu ' to pine, waste away' <
^di-d-m- redupl., -m- suff. : Gk. (f>Qtw, d-iro-diOiOa; in Skr. with *^-,
as ksdrati ' flows, passes away, perishes', ksiyate ' decreases, wanes'.
ii. In Gk. we sometimes find ^- where the other languages have z-. This
equation is held to imply an Ar. palatal spirant j (the sound which is
written 5, i. e. palatal g, in
other connexions in this book; it differs from i in being pronounced'with
more friction of the breath). Examples are "W. wu ' yoke''
yii&t.jugum, Skr. yugd-m, Gk. ^vyov, all < Ar. *jug6m;—W. MS ' a seething', Skr.
ydsyati ' seethes, bubbles', Gk. ^w : Ar. Vjes-;—W. uwd ' porridge', Ml. W.
wt § 37 ii, Bret. iot, Lat.
jus, Skr. yusa-m ' broth', Gk. ^vfir] : Ar. ^jeu-;—W. wrch, 0. Corn. yorch : Gk. ^opS § 65 iu (a) •—'w- wli •• Gk- ^os- § 201 iii (a).
THE SONANTS.
§99. i. Initially before
vowels, and medially between vowels, Ar. 1, r, m, n (so in most of the languages, but r- > ep- in Gk.)
remained unchanged in Pr. Kelt. In W. initial 1- and r-became 11-
and rh-, § 103 i (4). Many examples occur in the above
sections; as W. Host < *lompst- § 96
ii (3); W. halen ' salt' § 58 ii; W. rhwym, Vreig- § 95 ii (a); W. adferaf, V' bher-§ 58 iii; W. mis ' month' § 95 iii (i); W. haf, Ir. sam '
summer' § 94 i; W. maw ' nine'
§ 76 iii (i); W. ychen' oxen'
§ 69 v. The treatment of these
sonants in combination with s has been ' discussed in § 95, and in combination with s and an
explosive in § 96. There
remains the combination of sonants with. one another and with explosives.
ii. (i) Ar. ml-, mr- remained in Pr. Kelt., but in Brit. they became bl-, br-
and appear so in W.; in Ir. both m- and 6-appear. Thus W. Uys< *mlit-s- § 96 ii (5) ;—W.
tro' region', Ir. mruig ' boundary' < *mrog- : Lat. marge, 0. H. G. marka, 0. E. mearc, E. march § 65 ii (i);—~W. trag ' malt', Ir.
mraick i2
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PHONOLOGY
§99
<*mra<f-, W. braenu 'to rot' <*mratj/-n-, i/merfflq- 'decay' : Lat.
fraces ' oil-dregs ', Gk. d^pyr] (< *a/^op^a, whence Lat. amm'ca Walde2 464).—Similarly Ar. m- before 1 or r, short or long-:
W. UttJi ' milk, milch', Ir. mlicht, blicht < *m^t-, § 61 i ; W. Uawcl ' flour' < *mlt-
§ 61 ii.—The same change
probably took place medially also ; in that position both m and b would now
appear &sf, but in 0. W. v
from m is written m, while v from b appears as b; and such a form as amcibret
ox. < *m6i-ioni-(p)ro-'ret-§
156 i (9) implies v<6;
so Brit. Sabrina probably contains
*sam-. In the Coligny calendar tio-cobrextio very probably contains
*kom-rekt- •= W. cyfrait/i, Rhys CG. 16.
But. W. cy'S-< *kom- persisted by analogy : cymreith (m = v) L.L. 120 ; cf. § 16 iv (3). (Lat. m..,
I became mb., .1 in cumulus,
stimulus § 66 ii(i).)
(a) Ar. medial -1m-, -rm-
remained in Pr. Kelt,, and -Imp-,
*rmp- became -1m-, -rm- ; they
appear so in Ir.; in W. the m appears as f or w. Thus W. celfydd' skilful',
celfyddyd' craft', 0. Bret.
celmed gl. efficax, Ir. Mima 'doughty'< *q^l'mp- : Lat. scalpo, Lith.
sklempiu ' I polish', Skr. kalpand ' fashioning, invention', IdptdJi'
arranged, trimmed, cut': E. skill, Goth. skllja ' butcher';
V' (s)qel-, extd. ^(s^cielep- ;—W. cwrf, cwrw, Ml. W. kwryf, coll. cwrw for
cwrwf or cwrw ' beer', Ir. cuirm, Gaul. KovpfJii, <
*korm- : Lat. cremor ' thick juice obtained from vegetables '; lit. '
*decoction', Vqerem- § 95 iii
(i);—W. serfyll 'prostrate' <
*«f^rm- : Lat. stramen, Gk. o-rpco/xa, Skr. stdnman- ' strewing', Vstero- § 63 vii (2).—So in old compounds : W. gorfynt 'envy', Bret. gourvent, Ir.
format <*yer-ment- : Lat. gen. mentis, E. mind : Gk. vrrep-fiev-rjs with
same pref. and root: Vmen-; but later compounds may have rm, as gor-mob ' too
much'.
Probably the m was already somewhat loose in Brit., as Gaul.
ceruesia ' beer' beside xoSp/Ai shows it to have been in Gaul.
Hence new formations with a new m might be treated differently. Thus, in Lat.
loanwords, while we have usually If, rf, as in palf < palma, terfyn < terminus, we may have
Im, rm, as in Garmon < Germdnus, salm < psalmus, prob. borrowed later.
iii. (i) Ar. -nl-, -nr- became -11-,
-rr- respectively in Pr. Kelt;
Thus W. gwall ' want, defect', gioallus TL.A. 154 ' negligent', now ' faulty ', Bret. gwall' defect '<
^wan-Id-, •'/ySn- : Lat. vdnvs,^
§ 99
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS
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E. want;—W. garr ' knee ', Bret. garr 'jambe '< *gan-4'~ § 63 vii (4).—But
in compounds in which the sounds came together after the Brit. period, the n
remains, and the group becomes -nil-, -nrh- in W., as in an-llad, aw-r/teg, §
111 i (i).
(2) Ar. -In- also became -11- in Pr. Kelt. Thus W. dall '
blind ', Ir. dall' blind ', cluas-dall ' deaf' < *dh(u}al'-no- : Goth.
dwals ' foolish ', 0. E.
ge-dwelan ' to err ', V dhyelcv"-.—But -rn-remained, as in W. cJiwyrn
'swift' < *sp/tern- § 96 iv
(i);— W. earn 'hoof, Bret. learn, Galat. Kapvov ' rfjv o-aXTnyya, Hes. <
*^r'n-, Vkerdxu- ; W. darn, sarn, etc. § 63 iii;—Kelt. suffix ^-arn- < *-^r'n-, as in W. Jiaearw,
cadarn.
iv. (i) Ar. -mn-, -nm- remained in Pr. Kelt., and appear so in Ir. (or with
an epenthetic vowel) ; in W. the mutated form f (or w § 102 iii (i)) takes the place of m.
Thus W. safw 'mouth', Bret. staon 'palate' < *-stom-n- : Gk. o-TOyua § 76 vii (4) ;—W. cyfnesaf 'kinsman' < *kom-nessam-, § 148 i (i) ;—Ir. ainm 'name', 0. W. anu < ^an'mn § 63 v (a) ;—W, menw-yd ' mind, pleasure
', Ir. menme ' mind ' < *men-m- : Skr. mdnman-' mind, thought' ;—W. an-fad
' atrocious ' (: mad, ' good'), Gaul.
(Sequ.) awmaf... ' unlucky' < *n-maf- : Lat. mdtwus orig. ' in good time '
Walde2 470.
An explosive probably dropped before the group : W. pythefnos, pythewnos '
fortnight' lit. ' 15 nights '
for *pymthevnoeth (dissim. of nasals) < *pempede{k)m-noktes < Kelt.
*qve'K>q'l!edekm noJctes.
(2) Ar. -rl- and -Ir- can
hardly be traced ; we should expect them to give -II- and -rr-. Late -rl-
gave -rll- § 111 i (i).
v. (i) A group consisting of 1,
r, m. or n and a single explosive remained in Pr. Kelt. (except that p
dropped, § 86, and a nasal
assumed the position of a following explosive). The further development of
such groups in W. is dealt with in §§ 104-6.
(a) When a liquid came before two explosives the first explosive dropped;
thus W. peyth 'bush' < ^-perta < ^q^erq^-t- : Lat. quercus< *perq»us
§ 86 ii (•i): 0. H. G.forha, 0. ~E.fur&, Kfir, Skr. parkafi '
ficus religiosa ' ;—W. cellt ' flint' < *qelq-t- : Lat. calx § 95 iv (a) ;—W. arth, Ir. art<
*arktos § 98 i (2).
(3) But when a nasal came
before two explosives, the nasal dropped ; thus W. trwyth ' wash, lye, urine'
< *tronkt- : W. trwnc ' urine' < *tronq- : Lith, trenkw ' I wash' (W.
trochi ' to bathe' <
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