A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative. 1913. John Morris-Jones (1864-1929). 2647e Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia.

 

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Gramadegau Cymraeg

A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative
John Morris-Jones (1864-1929)
1913

TUDALENNAU 100-149

 

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100
PHONOLOGY
75

thus moroeh ' seas ' < *m.6rim : Lat. maria;Ml. W. gwladoeb ' countries' < *ulatiie8;dawioeS fern. M.M. 8 ' toothache' <
*ddnliw,oe8 'would be, was'<*'siwf, 180 ii (3).
v. Before the accent, in the penult the result varies according to the quality of the accented vowel in the (now lost) ultima; thus:
(1) u6 > W. -i, as in tri 'three' m. < *'triieis (accented like the f.)<Ar. *(reies (f. *tisores) see 103 i (3);W. trefi 'towns' < *fi'e6iies.
(2) iu > Ml. "W. -ei, Mn. W. -ai, as in "W. rei, rhai ' some' 165 vi, carai 'would love' 180 ii (2); cf. nei, nai vii (a).
(3) iio > W. -yw as in rhyw 'some' 165 vi; cf. gwyw
vii (3)-
(4) iia > 0. W. -ai, Ml. and Mn. W. -ae, -e, also Ml. W. wy;
as in 0. W. gwarai, later gwarae, gware, chwarae, chware 'to play', Bret. c'hoari. Corn. hwwy < Brit. *(s-)uariw < *i{griz-, Vuerel 63 vii (3); a variant is gwarvy B.B. 50 =gwarwy.
vi. Before the accent in the ante-penult the result varies according- as the accent fell on the lost ultima, or on the penult.
(i) In the former case the penult had generally a reduced vowel a (o or g) ; the combination -iia-' gave W. -aea- (also written aya), 0. Bret. -oia-, Bret. -oua-, -oa-. Thus W. claear 'lukewarm', Bret. klouar : Gk. \\iap6s (Ar. alternation k /gJi) ; W. gaeaf, gayaf\ Bret. goanv ' winter' < '^ghnsmo-s '. Skr. himdJi, Lith. zema, Gk. y^ip,wv, yelp-a, Lat. hiems : Gaul. Giamon.., Ir. gem-red (e for ia) ;W. traean. ' third part' : Ir. trian ;W. rhaeadr ' cataract' < ^riw-trd- : Ir. riafhor : Lat. rwus, Vreid-'flow';W. daear 'earth', Bret. douar < *g/i3ii^rd 98 iii.
-isa- or -esa- gives the same result: Pr. Kelt. *lsarno- (*is R-grade of *ais : Lat. aes) : Gaul. Ysarno- Iserno- : W. haearn, ^hayarn 'iron', 0. v(. Gur-haiernn GEtr. xxiii, 0. Bret. hoiarn,.
Before the loss of the accented ending the accent must have shifted to the present penult, which had the next highest stress. In Gwent and part of Dyfed the unaccented a was generally lost; thus doer 'earth' now ddr 29 ii (da'r a nen Wins. ^85). The O.W. dair, dayr I.L. 120, gaem B.S.CH. 3 represent this dialect. The reduction is general in claw ' bright' beside claear ' lukewarm', with differentiation of meaning. From doer comes dwrawl IL.A. 130, 164.
(a) After a labial the above group 'takes the form -wya-
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101
interchanging with -ia- ; thus W. mwyar ' blackberries', m'iareu ' bramble', Ir. smer ' blackberry' < ^smiwr- < *smiior6- ( 65 vi (2)): Gk. fiopov (fiwpov, Hes) (with fi-<*smj-?), Lat. morum prob.<Gk.;W. gwyal (for *gwwyal) in moiwyal 'laminaria', gwial ' twigs, osiers' < *W9-S-, Vuezd"- ' weave' : Lat. vieo, etc.;W. gwyar 'blood, gore' < *wy~ : Lat. mms;W. liw/all ' axe' < *biw.ld-, met. for ^bnadi- : Ir. bidil. Ml. Bret. bouhazi <*bimdl- : 0. N. Wda, 0. H. G. but < *bipl *Lztt : Lat. findo, '/bheied- ?W. fiwyad 'duck', Gwyn. dial. chwiadan, < '^s-unat-, Va-uei- : Skr. vdj/a-h ' bird';W. mwyalcJi ' ousel' < *mes^l-:
Lat. merula < *mes'itla, O.H.G. amsala, Ger. Amsel.eso developed similarly (since post-tonic s did not give 8); thus *syesores > chmor-efi ' sisters', with -<8 added, Bret. choareaed with two additions.
The Icibial changed the diphthong (Fanly W. *oi) to wy. Under the new accent wy remained, but became i in the present ante-penult;
thus mwyar : mwren*gwwydl'. gwidlen, a new pi. gwial being then formed from the latter. Where the sound comes in the present antepenult in old formations, the form is undecided; thus 0. W. gui-annuin ox. ' Spring', Early Ml. W. gwi,iamnu(z)n, guayanuhin A.L. ii42, also gwahanwyn do. 308, Ml. and Mn. W. gwannwyn, gwanwyn < But. *uesant-': Skr. vasantd-h ' Spring', Lat. ver, < *uesr.
(3) When the following a or o was affected, the diphthong became y or e, liable to be assimilated and lost; thus ryeidyr, reydyr ' cataracts ', Jieyrn, ' irons' 69 ii (3), Gwyn. dial. /tyrwfor Af/yra;W. tair ' three' {., Ml. and 0. W. feir for *tyeir (cf. treint, Seint 103 ii (i)), Ir. teoir < *tisores : Skr. tisrdh; so W. pedair 'four' f., Ir. cetheoir < *^e/esores: Skr. catasrah.
Such forms as heiyrn, rheieidr are quite late and aitlficial. But some old le-formations occur when the diphthong stood in the present ante-penult, as deyeryn (-yn=.-in) B.A. 12 'earthen', heyernin ib. 'of iron', daeerin B.P. 1281, inzeri, pi. of mwren.
(4) Secondly, the vowel following the diphthong is accented. In that case the diphthong became e or y liable to be assimilated and lost, as in (3) above. Thus W. eog ' salmon '< *esdk- : Ir. eo, gen. iach;W. deal!, dyall, dallt 82 ii (3) 'understanding', deallt-wriaeth id., N.W. dial. dallt < *diwlt- < *dimlt- 74 iv, met. for *diid-flo-, Vdheui- 'appear, perceive': Skr. dfiyd-yati 'thinks', dfiirah ' intelligent'; Ml. W. dyat ' thought' < *dnn,-t- with

 

 

 


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102'
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103
analog', accentuation for original *dJina-t6- ;Ml. W. gorffywy^ later, with y lost, gwffwys ' rest' < *wer-qttet-sf-, Vqew- : Lat. quiesco.
(g) Latin pretonic i or e before a vowel is treated as ^', thus cttd^ t{o)lu,s gives dwwl 100 ii (i).
vn. Except as above, -es-, -is- before a vowel developed .^'differently from ^iz; chiefly because post-tonic s did not, like z, become 8.
(i) In the penult after the accent -es- > -i- ; thus Ml. W. tei f houses' < *tigia < *tigesa 104 ii a ;W. cfyu ' hearing' <:
^klom- 76 v (a) < *kleues-, nom. *kleuos : Ir. clu, Gk. K\eos<
*klewos, neut. ^-stem.So -ep-: W. ceifw 'distant cousin'< -^*kffm-ni^s<*k6m-nepot-s, see 123 v.
(a) In the penult and ante-penult, when 6s came before -e-, contraction took place, and ese > ei > W. wy; thus W. wy-t ' art' < *ese tu < Ar. *esi ' art';W. neithvwyr < *nokti dwser* 98 i (3).So epe: W. twymn < *fepesm(e)n- 86 i (3).
In the penult -es- before -- gave oe ; thus W. chwaer for
*c/twoer i (4), Corn. hoer<*swesw<*swes6r;W. doe 'yesterday'
*<*deyl< *gh9iesei : Lat. Keri, Gk. ^0es, Skr. hydh.Com. noi ' nephew' <*nepofs.-^tf^}fefvte i prob. gave ei (like -n- before 4-) see v), and Ml. W. nel, Mn. wai ' nephew' may represent
*ne_pofs (accented like the f. *neptzs : Skr napiih). -es- before
*1-' gave y, as in Ml. W. y (his' < *esio, y ' her' (for e ?) < *esia^ 160 iv.
Lat. -an- > Ml. W. ei, Mn W. ai as in Mei, Maz ' May' < Maiius (Sommer 225); Ml.W. Kei < Caius.
(3) Before lost u or o, -es- or -is- gives yw (ew); as Ml. W. Twem, Ewein, late? Owein < *~Esu-ganws : Gaul. Esvgendos), Ir. Eogan : Gk. Ev-ywios. So perhaps in the (pretonic) penult:
W. gwyw ' withered' < *yisw- : Iv.fevgud gl. marcor, Icel. visenn:
Lith. ijstu ' I wither ', Lat. viesco.
So is before lost u or o gives iw, and ais gives oew: W. gwiw ' good ' < *msus < *yesu-s : Gaul. Visu-rix : Skr. vasu-Ji, Gk. cS, Veyesey- ;W. gwaew ' spear' for *goew 78 ii (2) < *gaison:
Gaul. gaisofi whence Lat. gaesum : Ir. gae.
Lat. e in the penult gives ew before lost o or u: W. Hew

 

 

 


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103 ' lion' < leo; pydew ' pit' <pittens; olew ' oil' < oleum. But Lat. i in the same position gave t which affected the vowel: W. yspeil< fipolium; so sometimes e: W. cyn. 'chisel' < Lat. cuaeus.
viii. (i) In final syllables, lost in W., Ar. ai, oi, ei became i in Brit. and Gaul.; thus the nom. pi. ending of noun o-stems,. which in Pr. Kelt., as in Lat. and Gk., was *-o (instead of Ar
*-ds), became -? (though -oi also survives in a North Italian, Kelt. insc.: Tanotaliknoi, Rhys, CIFI. 60) ; thus Brit. *bardo^ pi. *bard^>'>N. bardd, pi. telrdd.
-ai unaccented > a^>^, thus Gaul. Br]\r](Ta.f^,i dat. of a name whose nom. occurs as Behsama; oi > ui, in Pr. Kelt. later u, 60, cf. Ir. dat. fiur ' to a man ' < dat. *niroi ; -ei doubtless gave -?.
(a) But in monosyllables Ar. -ai, -oi, -ei remained in Kelt., and developed as follows in W.:
-ai>-oe, thus Ar. *wai > *gwoe >gwae 78ii (2),
-ei > wy ; W. wy ' they' < *ei: Ir. e.
-oi > wy ; W. pwg ' who ? ' < *qslo-i = Lat. qm 163 vi ; when unaccented it became ew (0. W. on, oi) 78 iii, thus Ar. *moi,
*/oi>W. mew, teu 161 iv.
^ 76. i. The Ar. diphthongs au, eu, on were distinct in Pr. Kelt., but tended later to become one sound, which is written ou. In Gaul. eu was still wiitten as well as on in forms having original eu, as in teufo- beside TOOVTIOVS and Neviod... beside N'oviodunvm; we also find av, iii (4). In Brit. we may a&sume ou for all three. In W. it takes a variety of forms according to its position. The same development is shared by uu whether from Ar. uu 63 iv or from Lat. u before a vowel.
ii. (i) Before a consonant, except s, the diphthong became u
Lff( = it) in W., ua in Ir. Thus W. tud ' people, country', Ir. luafh < *feuta, Gaul. feuto- : Goth. p\uda, etc.;W. rTiudd ' red', Ir. ruad < *roudh-os, Gaul. Koztd-ius : Goth. ravps ;W. cvdd ' hidden ', cuddio ' to hide ' < *qeudh- : Gk. KevOm, 0. E. liyde, E. hide;W. tugail ' shepherd' < ^boii-kolws <
* g^ou-qohos : Gk. /3oyfc6Xo?. '-
In Brit. it was probably sounded y"; and Lat o ( = o) and M shared its development; thus ^N.jfwf< Lat. forma; mur < Lat. mwrus, etc.
(a) But original eus 2'ives W. ew, as rhew 'ice' < *preus-i

 

 

 


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PHONOLOGY
76
Lat. priiliia < *prusuma;W. trews 'sneeze' < *(s)freu-s-, Vpstereu- 96 ii (4) ;W. blew ' hair ' < * ileus- 101 iii (2).
The leason seems to be that *eus became *eW before the degradation of the first element of the diphthong.
(3) The diphthong was liable to be simplified by dissimilation when the following syllable contained u or u; thus Ar. *tauros ' bull' became Kelt. *tauruos (in imitation of *uerud > Ml. Ir. ferb ' cow', Vendryes MSL. xii. 40), wlience Kelt. *taruos > Ir. tarb, "W. tarw ' bull'. Later, when au had become ou in Blit., "ou-tut- > *o-tut- >W. odid ' rarity', beside Ir. othad, uathad < *au-tdt-, both from *pau- : Lat. pau-cu-^, 0. H. G. foh, E. few. r
^^ iii. (l) Before a vowel the diphthong' became aw when un-St^ affected. Thus W. uaw 'nine' < Brit. ^nouan < Ar. * neun ; W. haw ' dirt' < * bow-, beside budr ' dirty' < * bou-fra-' ^/pey^ffl)- : Lat. pus, etc. 101 iii (a);W. awydcl 'desire' for * awicyS (rh. with iJiwy^ 38 x) < *auetd- : Lat avidus <
* auid-, Vayei-.So Brit. au for unacc. du as in Ml. W. andaw ' listen ', met. for ^-aduaw < ^dti-gnd-y- ' attend to ' < *gn-y-Vgene- : Lat. ndvus, Ir. aitfigne ' cognitio '.So also uu for Lat. u before a vowel, as W. cystrawen ' syntax' < Lat. Gonstruemda.
(l) But; in the penult (the present ult.) post-tonic '-ou- gives Ml. W. -eu, Mn. W. -an; thus the pi. endings ^'-oyes, *'-oya give W. -eu, -au, as in cadau ' armies' < * Mtoues, dagraw, 'tears ' < Ar. ^dd'krum ; similarly an.ga.ii, ' death ' < * dnkoy- ;
ciglev, ' I have heard ' < ^iuklowa 182 i.
In this case -eu does not affect a preceding a as it does when it is itself the result of affection 69 vi, as in teneu < *tanouis.
The above change may be due to a doubling of w, see 62 i (2), thus
*auy > *uy > *uy > *ou > 0. "W. ou, Ml. W. eu.
(3) iou- gives W. ieu (^i^eu). Thus W. ieuanc ' young' < Brit. ^loyankos < Ar. mynkos : Lat. juvencus 100 i (i),W. leuan < *Ioydnnes for lodmies;Mn. W. Tail, Ml. W. lew ' Jove ' < Brit. gen. *Toy-os for Lat. Jovvs;Mn. W. iau, Ml. W. ieil
yoke '<*wy-6n, < *jttg-6m, see vi (i). Here we have the assimilation of y to z by which it becomes u ; cf. the assim. of i to it in
-wii in 0. W., 25 i.
An alternative form wf-, if- appears in the penult: iefanc, ifanc;
lefan, I fan. The latter is attested in the i4th cent: ivanghet o.M. 84. Later it is common : Pawb yn eu rhit yn ifanc S.C., c. i 114 'all in their [full] number young '.
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105
Ifanc, ifanc a ofyn:
IIenuiftt, at henaint y tyn.S.Ph. BB. iv 391.
' The young seeks the young: old age is drawn to old age.' The form zyf- is piobably older, but cannot be verified; Ml. W. ieu- is ambiguous, but doubtless generally meant wu-. The latter form is seen in
Paham, a min'n.eu 'n ieuanc,
Yr wyfyn rhwym, ar fy nhranc 1B.A. IL 13.3/77.
' Why, when I am young, am I bound at death's door?' The dialects now have if-, as I fan, ifanc, but ienctid for wuenctid ' youth '.
(4) The ante-vocalic form aw may occur before a consonant where the vowel after it has dropped, as in W. cawr ' giant' < Brit. *koyar6s : Gaul. K.ava.poy, Ir. caur (<W\ ?) i/keua-. We also have aw regularly for Lat. au, as in awdwr < Lat. au(c)t6iem; llawb 'praise' < laudem; Ml. W. Pawl < Paulus (the biblical Paul is merely the Eng. form, and is pronounced Pol).
W. nawn ' noon ' < *nouna possibly dial. Lat. for wna (< *noyena), cf. Pelignian Nounis ' Nonius', and Lat. old spelling nouncltnum. Sir John Rhys suggests the influence of Brit. *noyan. See 81 iii (2).
(5) Except when affected as in iv (4), v (3) (5), Brit. au gave u in W., as in bu 'has been' < *(6e)6ane < Ar. *bhebJi6ye 189 iv (3) ; caru 'to love' < *Jccna-y- 20,2 ii. When unaccented a was shortened, iii (i), 74.
iv. The penultimate affection_of_fche diphthong has the forms ew, yw, and'euT'tIius
(i) Before z or ? remaining as y or i, it appears as ew, as in mewyb 'new', Bret. nevez < *noniws < *neuiws;W. cnemyll 'kernels' < *kney- : E. nut < * knu-d- ;W.ewyfhr ' uncle'< *ayon-ter : Lat. avun-cuivs < *ay0n- (nom. * aw see v (5));
Bret. eontr (eo for eu; i lost), Corn. emtor (-tor =. h ?),W. eloyllys ' will'<*ow-, Vami-.Similarly rliewin ' ruin ' derived from the Lat. nvina.
(a) Before z when pretonic it is eu ( eu), the being lost;
thus W. breuan 'handmill' for *6reuow < * brouion.- (: Corn. brow, Bret. breo, Ir. brau all from nom. *brov.w, Ir. g'en. brooti):
Goth. quairnus, E. quern, Vg^erd-.
But when accented it is yw as in ultimate aff.; thus eyw

 

 

 


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PHONOLOGY
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76
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107
* young of an animal' < *k6m6 pi. cywwH, < *komones, seev(6);
*distrywiaf < * dt-strovza-mi, v (2);llywiaf ' I steer' : llyw ' rudder' ib.
In late formations ^ has no effect: gwrandammd 'hearing'from gwrandaw 'to listen'.
(3) Where it remained a diphthong- before a consonant iii (4), i.frs affected form is eu; thus ceuri p 94/179 B. ' giants ' now eeiri (in Tre'r Ceiri, etc.) by 77 ix, pi. of cawr;- the usual pi. cewri w. M. 441, IL.A. 44 is a re-formation;W. beudy < Brit.
*bowi-tigos, a later formation than ^boukolws ii (l) (cf. Lat. naufragws, later navi-fragus} ;Ml. W. Memuc 77 viii < Mauricius ;Ml. W. ci/ngfieitssaeth < * con-caus-t-act- : cyngaws .' lawsuit' < Lat. causa.
(4) am became ai giving' 'wy 75 i (3); as anclwyo ' to mar, spoil' met. for *ad-nwy-o < *ati- nay-i-, niwed ' injury' for
*nwyet 78 iv < nau-wt- < *u6y-t- : Lith. novjti 'to afflict'<
*ndwi-.
v. In the present ultima the diphthong, when affected, takes various forms, as follows ;
(i) /The ordinary affection is Ml. W. en, Mn. W. au; this occurs:
I. Before unaccented -?; as daw ' two ' m,, Ml. dew, 0. W. dou < *d6m < Ar. *duw(w) : Gk. Svw, Svo, Lat. duo, Ski: dwa(u);
*W. tau 'is silent' < *toyU < *(s)twp-eit, beside taw 'bo silent!' < *foue;W7. cenau ' whelp' < *kan6m < *kan6y6:
Ir. cana: from *k(u)^n- : Lat. cams.
ii. Before accented 1; as W. feneu ' thin' (Corn. tanow, Bret. tanao) < *ianouts < *f^auwis : Lat. tennis, Skr. tanuli f. tanm.
3. Before a consonant; as W. haul' sun ' < Brit. *sau'lws <
*sdyeli6s : Gk. fjeXiof, rjXtos, Dor. aeXios liitta.. sdule, Skr. swya-h, Lat. sol < * sauol< ^'sauel. ('-Ii- would have given W. II; hence we assume Brit. -lz-'; see also 113 i (5).)
Ml. W. ew, Mn. W. aw ' gold' cannot be from awrum which gave Ml. aw ( = awr), and Bret. aour. The Mn. W. aw, Ml. eur represents the adj. *awtos for aureus, which spread from expressions like modrwy awr 'gold(en) ring', etc. The noun is seen in tf guisgus aw (u'=.w) B.A. 38 'he wore gold'.
H The above is the ordinary affected form, which is used e. g. in the

 

 

 


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107 formation of the 3rd sg. pres. ind. of verbs ; thus tereu ' strikes'; taraw == saif: saf 173 iv (i). It is seen that when -eu is the result of affection as above, an a before it is affected to e; see iii (2).
(a) -6yi- gives -yw. Thus W. dilyw ' flood' (now generally misspelt diluw) < *dtldyw- < Lat. diluvium;distryw ' destruction ' < *dz-str6yi- : Goth. sfremjaw, Lat. destruo; the vb. is distrywiaf iv (a) ;W. llyw' rudder ', < *l6wo-: Ir. lue < *lu-izo-;
Gk. TrXoo?, '/pleu- ;W. clyw 'hearing' < */clow- < 'kleyesr 75 vii (i).
There is no reason to suppose that uu became iy in Brit., as stated by Pedersen, Gr. i 61 ; yw is from 6m as above. Clywaf *I hear' is a denominative from clyw, cf. clywyafCM. 32 (the pres. stem of Vkleu-meant ' to be named', and clywaf cannot come directly from it; cf. Meillet, MSL. xv 337).
(3) -am- became -ai- which gives -wy 75 i (3); thus W w!/ ' ^S' < Brit. *awwn < Ar. *owwm : Gk. wior, <jiov, Lat. ovum;Cornzcy < Cornawi-(a) -^Aethwy B.P. 1419 < * Oethwg 78 ii (3) < Octavius.
Pedersen Gr. i. 66 suggests that Ir. og is borrowed from W., but this is improbable, and does not help to explain the -g. Thurneyseu IA. xxvi 26 insists upon a Kelt. *ugos, *uges. The fact, however, seems to be that uz under certain conditions became in Ir. a spirant written g', thus Ir. ugaire 'shepherd' < *oyz-wius : oi, wi 'sheep', Lat. ovis; Mn. Ir. ughachd 'will' < *om-aJct-, Vaye^-, iv (i).Eng. egg is from Icel. egg < Pr. Germ. *ajja- < *oyw-.
(4) -ou.1 or -o'u.i-1' was similarly simplified to -o-i, -oz-\ which gives -wy ; thus W. dwy ' two ' f. < *doiyi < *duydi: Lat. duae, Skr. duve < * duydi;W. aswy ' left (hand)' < *af-soyi-d :
Skr. savya-h ' left'.
-wy as in (3) and (4) may be weakened to -eu', as Corneu, asseu', these are not direct affections, as shown by the unaffected a-; also to w, assw, see 78 iii, i.
^ _
-am.
(5) -am, -am- or -au^-' by the shortening of unacc. a became w, -ayi- or -am-' simplified to -a-t, -a-z- or -at-', which gives
-oe. The simplification here was late, so that -am did not, like
-asl, give -ei. It did not take place in Bret. and Corn., in which the groups appear as -ou (-ow). In W. -oe generally becomes
-o, 78 i (i). Examples : -(ff)no in proper names ; lud-noe L.L. 176, 187, alcfi-noe D. G. 43; Gtieithgno L.I. 144, Guifno

 

 

 


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PHONOLOGY
-76
(wrongly wr. guipno) GEN. v, Mn. W. Gwyddno; Mochno B.B. 61, Beuno IL.A. 119, Mn. W. Tudno, MacJiny, etc., all < *-gnayw-s:
Lat. Gnaeus < *gnd-yws < *gn-, /gene- ' be born '. (With the accent on the a it gave -nwy by (3), as Mochnwy B.B. 47, Gronwy ^ 78 i (2), weakened to -%6, see (4) as (.fuitweu B.B. q8, 106, Iwdnou L.L. 73, 77, etc.);W. do ' lock' <*qldw-is : Gk. K\rjis, Lat. clams, / (s)qldy-',W. aoe 'large bowl' <*ndwa : Lat. navia, ndvis, Gk. cavy, Ion. r;i5?,Skr. %/;'W,at/tro' guardian, teacher', <*-alfrdyi< *altrdy6<*altro-ayo, 155 ii (i) :; ^ayon- iv (i); pi. {ithrazoon, alltrawom < *alfrdwdnes; {. elltrewyw ' stepmother' <
* altrauom; Bret. adutrou ' seigneur', Corn. altrozt ' fosterfather'.
The mas. sg. is athro in all Ml. W. texts : B.B. 86 ; A.I,, i 338 ; W.M. 128, 452-3; B.M. ioo-i, 202; IL.A. 3, 6, 49, ^T, "3; ^P- I225, ' 11241, 1255, 1345, 1348; K-B. 975 ; I0- G- 64, etc.; and in the early edus. of the Bible. The late afhraw (Salesbury, Die.) is an artificial form deduced from the pi. Cae Athro (near Carnarvon) is so named locally; Cae-athraw is a misspelling which came through the Sunday school from late edns. of the Bible. The sg. alltraw is also artificial. (So in late W. cenaw is written for cemau in defiance of the pronunciation in all the dialects, which is cene or cena implying cenau 6 iii.) Pughe's fern. ellirewen is his own invention; -en would not affect the
*aw- to -ew-.
Other examples of the same development, though the orig. formation is not so clear in these, areW. glo ' coal' for *gwloe < Brit.
*gwldms, Vgyel^a^)-: E. coal, Skr.jvdiati ' blazes' ;W. gro ' gravel' < * grams < *ghrou-, Vghreu- : Lat. rudus, E. grit;W. tyno 'plain, meadow' for *tno, 0. W. inou L.L. 32, 44, 74, Bret. tnou (: W. teneu, Vten- 'stretch'?).
(6) Doublets occur for several reasons.i. Difference of accentuation in Brit.; thus W. gwryw ' male ', benyw ' female '< Brit. *uwowos,
*barwwos, beside guru, banu. A.L. 1272== Gwyn. dial. gwrw, banw for
*gwrwy *banwy < *uirom6s, *banom6s.2. Difference of ending, as in ceneu 'whelp' < *kan6w, see (i) above, beside cnyw 'young of an animal' < *k(a)n6mo, whence, by 101 ii (2), cyw 'young of an animal' pi. cywion < f1f(n)6mones.3. Difference of strong and weak forms; as asswy beside asseu and assw, Gronwy beside ffronw, Cwnwy beside Vorneu, see 78.
NOTE.It is. to be observed that -o does not produce i-affection in Bret.; hence W. aff. dau, but Bret. unaff. daou, < *dii,w. On the other hand W. aff. haul, Bret. aff. heol both from *sau'Uos. The assumption usually made that du gives W. -eu, -au based entirely upon these two words (taken as *d(y)au, *sau'l-) does not explain the difference in Bret.
vi. (i) tig before a vowel > uu in Brit. and developed like
- /
76
KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH


 

 

 


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ordinary uu or oy. Thus W. traw-af 'I strike ' <*trug-ami< ^prug- .for ^pwrg-, V (s)phueTeg- 97 v (3) ;afters-, iii (3), W. iau ' yoke ' : Lat. jugum; Gk. ^vyov, Skr. yugam all< Ar. *jug6m;
before i retained as y, W. llewych ' light' < *lvg-isk- ;before lost ', 0. W. poullor-aur. Ml. W. peullawr B.T. 35 ' writing-tablet ' < Lat. pugiUd'res ;before -it, W. go-leu ' light' < Brit.
*ii,o-litgu.For ug before z see 104 ii (a).
(a) But oug has the regular development of oy before a consonant, and gives *w^ > ii, as W. Uu ' host', Ir. slyag < *slovg-, 95 i ;W. tru, t'ru-an ' wretched ', Ir. truag < *froug-os ;W. bu-arth 'farmyard ' < *liou-t;arf- : Lat. ftortus 99 vi. ,;
vii. In Brit. m between vowels or sonants was already loosened to nasalized v or u ; after a vowel it is therefore treated partly as a consonant and partly as the second element of a diphthong.
(i) am generally gives af as in the spv. ending -haf' 147 iv (a), hafal 'like, equal': Ir. samail 94 i; affected it gives medially ef before a vowel, eif before z, ef or eu before n, as in defnydd or dewiydd v. 37 ' material' < *dam-mw-: Ir. damnae id., Vdemd- ' build '; cyntefig ' primitive ' : cyntaf ' first';finally, eu, as W. edan, edeu ' thread ' < *etaml, 0. W. etem (= edyS ?), pi. edafe?i <*-etamnas < *pet9-, <v/' pete- ; so Ml. W. gwelleu 'shears', Mn. W. g.wella'a^A. g-wflleijiau ; Mn. lit. gwellazf'is deduced from the pi. ; Jiynavf is doubtless analogical; so drych eif, dyrchaif, 188 iii. The variant of -eu is -yf: crog-edyf ' dropwort'.
(a) em gives ef finally, .as in nef 100 v ; medially ef as in gefell ' twin ' < Lat. gemellns ; or yf as in Dyfed < Demefa ; or (before wy) y(w) as in tywyll ^ 111 i (a), fywyo 86 i (5) ; affected, finally, -yf or -eu; as cleSyf or cleSeu ' sword '< *klad-em6 (cf. Gk. a.Kpf/J.wv), V qolad- ; pi. cleddyfau a new formation ; so nehyf or neSeu ' adze ', 130 i.
(3) om gives of as in dof ' tame ': Lat. domdre; affected, yf as in Selyf^ 69 iv (i) ; before -n- it gives af as in sqfw ' mouth' < ^stom-n-: Gk. a-TOfio.; affected, eif as in ceifn 75 vii (i), simplified to ef, 78 v, in the improper compound cefnderw, 0. W. pi. ceintiru 137 ii.
(4) um before a vowel gives -w(f), -yf-, as in tw(f) 'growth', 1yfu ' to grow': Lat. tvmeo; before n it gives aw, af or w, as in

no
PHONOLOGY
77
Ml. W. ysffawn>S.W. ysgoti, also ^^fl/%, Mn. W. and N. W. ysgafn,, Ml. W. J^W

 

 

 


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110 101 iv (3).
viii. (i) After the prefixes *ko-, *to-, *r?o-, *ro- an initial y- was heterosyllabic, and the o of the prefix becomes y regularly 65 iv (a), as in cy-wir ib., ty-wysog ' prince ', dy-wedaf 194 ' I say ', rliy-wynt( hurricane'.
(a) The vowel also develops regularly before gy, as in few '' '.thick', Ir. tiug < -^teg-it- : E. thick; cf. ii (a).
ix. (i) iu and m occurred as V- and B-grades of eu-u, eiev,, etc., Kelt. iu also<Ar. eu. The i or z appears regularly in W. as y or i. Thus byw ' live ' < giy- 63 vii (3) ;W. lliw < * Iw-:
Lat. Iwor.
(2) iuo gives W. iio or iia ( 65 v (i)) ; thus W. buan ' quick ^ -" < Brit. * bwo-no^s 63 yii (3) ;W. /(waJ ' shackle' for */ual< *f~tyol < Lat. fzbula ; original 10 > zuo > wo as in Iluossawa 75 iii (3),
LATER MODIFICATIONS OP VOWELS.
77. i. In Late Ml. W. y, when short, became i before g (then written c) or ng. Thus in the unaccented ultima innate Ml. W. we generally find ic, sometimes ing, as tebic W.M. 122, 129, 142, E.M. 164, 213, etc.; meddw W.M. 141, E.M. 113, 212, 306, E.P, 1298; kyving E.M. 110 (but Tsyvyng W.M. 46, 465, E.M. 32). Such words are rhymed by the bards with monosyllables having/ i (not y):
Ond dychmygion dynion \dig, A cham oeddpob dychyriiig.D.G. 22; see 246. ' [They were] but jealous men's fancies,! and every fancy was false.'" Khmwedd mob leuan feddig AT dy ruddfol aw a drig.L.G.C. 348.
' The virtue of Ab leuan the physician will dwell as gold on thy cheek.'
A 'i ffSg yn debig i ddn.D.E., G. 12 5.
'And its tips like fire.'To a woman's hair. See 133, and D.G., 27, 285. See tebig / diwig / cerrig / llewig / rhyfig, etc. E.P. 283.
In a monosyllable before g the vowel is long, 51 iii, and therefore remains y, as inplyg 'fold', cryg 'hoarse' see plyc W.M. 89, E.M. 65;
but before ng it is short, 51 ii, hence ing 'anguish', which is for ting E.P. 1286, 1407 ; cf. the derivative ygder E.M. 119.
The only words in which th{i vowel is sounded i{ in the unaccented ult. are compounds of plyg, cryg etc., as dyUyg D.G. 258, (g)wyrUyg 255, ogryg 244, deuSyblyc IL.A. 68; also the 3rd sing. pres. ind. of
77
LATEB VOWEL CHANGES

 

 

 


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verbs with stems ending in -og, as ysgyg D.G. 370 'shakes' (though we have ennic c.M. 13 from annoc ' incite'). In other cases the sound is ig. The late Mn. spellings meddyg, ffbyg etc., are purely artificial, deduced from meddygon, tebygu etc. A few words of this class are still written phonetically, as cerrig
The sound was i{ in Early Ml. W., as shown by the rhyme eerryg / plyg G. M.A.i 241, and the assonance metic/bid's.'s. 76 (^meSyg /bi{d};
and y the mutation of y remains in the penult. Hence we have two forms : (i) -ig for -t{g< -w-, which becomes -yg- in the penult; (2) -ig for -ig < -w-, which is -ig- in the penult. Thus (i) meddig < Lat. medioug, pi. meddygon, (2) Ueithig < Lat. lectica, pi. lleithigeu. In Mn. W. one or two words of the second class have passed over to the first: perigl ' danger' < Lat. perzc'lum; cynnig ' to offer' < Lat. con-dwo, though still sounded perigl, cynnig are written perygl, cynnyg because, by false analogy, derived forms have come to be sounded with y as peryglus, cynygwf. In Ml. W. the penult had i in these, as periglwys K.B.B. 44-5, periglus IL.A. 146, berigleu E.B.B. 121, gynig-wyt 'W.M. 168, gynnigywyt B.M. 234, kynnigywys do. 144.
ii. if becomes i in the unaccented ult. in some cases after g or ng;
thus ergyt W.M. no, in 'shot'; ergit EM. 80, 81, E.B.B. 42, now ergid (written ergyd); efengil E.IL., E. 5, E.P. 278 gospel'; so sounded now though written efengyl; megis / dis, D.G. 315; cregin for *cregyn. But as a rule (/ remains ; egyr ' opens', diogyn ' idler', negydd' denier', dengys ' shows', are so pronounced, owing to the influence of analogical forms without g or ng.
iii. In the same poeition y frequently becomes i after penultimate i or ei; thus llin-tfn W.M. 75 'string', but llinin four lines earlier, also 78, llinin E.M. 54, 56 (each time), dibin CM. 91 ' hang', amSiffin P 21/1 E. 'to defend', gwlithin W.M. 455, E.M. 102 'dewdrop', gili8 W.M. 9, 134 'other', origin IL.A. 122 'a moment', (double dim. ofawr 'hour'), dilin D.G-. 343 'to follow'.
Derfel wrth ryfel a thrin Dewr oedd, a da i wreiddin.DJ.D., G. 178.
' He was a brave Derfel in war and encounter, and of good stock.'
Herwydd nas gzonai ddyhirin Fentrio i oes o fewn, trin.S.T,, G.B. 369.
' Because a dastard would not risk his life in battle.'
But analogy has always tended to preserve the termination -yn:
Tsbyfi y dengys y dyn 0 ba radd y bo i wreiddqn.T.A., v. 33.
* Plainly does a man show of what degree his origin is.'
0 chyrch dyrfa, deca' dyn, Daw i'w harail dihirun.D.G., 173.
' If she hies to a gathering, fairest maid, a knave comes to watch her.'

 

 

 


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112
PHONOLOGY
77
LATER VOWEL CHANGES
118
The sound is now i, as llinin, dibin, amddiffin, giliS, gwreiSin, etc. tlie y written is an etymological spelling. Sometimes it, is wrongly written, as in ers meityn for ers meitin 70 v. This may also occur in Ml. W. aa in yr meityn W.M. 17, E.M. 11 beside the correct er meitin W.M. 128, 138, yr meitin B.M. 280, cf. meitin/ffin B.A. 18; dilyt beside dilit W.M. 41.
iv. In Mil. W. n followed by i in some common groupings became i; thus eery di ' thou lovest' became eeri 3.1, and ceri supplanted eery as the regular form. So wrthi/fi, wrtJiyt ti became wrthifi, wrthit ti, and the 1620 Bible has wrthif, wrthit; so gennif, gennit; but later the Ml. forms with y were restored in writing-. [The dialects developed new formations.]
v. The diphthong yw is now sounded iw after front consonants:
after c ( = k) in cyw s kiw (but pi. cywwn s qawion), after r in rhyw and its compounds amryw, cyfryw, etc., in dryw, ystryw, gwryw, after n in benyw, and initially in yw ' is', yw ' to his' now written i'w. (Gwryw, benyw, yw 'is' are not dialectal forms in N. W., but are sounded with -iw in reading or quoting.) Ml. W. nywl E.M. 46, W.M. 64 'fog' is now written niwi, 37 ii. In distryw, dilyw the -iw sound is earlier, on account of the preceding i; both are often spelt with -iw in Ml.W. After d and 8 the sound iw is still earlier ; thus ydiw, heSiw are so spelt in Ml. W. in MBS. where i and y are distinguished.
The only words remaining now with yw are byw, clyw, Uyw ' prince' and Uyw 'rudder' (also sounded lliw), gwyw 'withered' in addition to Duw which is sounded Difw in Late Mn. W.; and compounds of these lledjyw, hyglyw, etc.
vi. In the Mn. language y in the unaccented ult. is sounded i before II in some words ; as cyllyll ' knives ', gwyn'yll ' fan '; in some, as candryll 'shattered' (lit. ' 100 bits'), both y and i are heard; others have Y always, as sefytl. This modification sometimes appears in late MSS. ; but is not recognized in the rhymes of the bards.
vii. (i) In Ml.W. u, (=.u) was unrounded to i after the labial in govut 'pain'; the usual Ml. form is gomit W.M. 138 L 15; 231 ; but go/it W.M. 138 1. 4; 131, 141, etc.; Mn.W. go/id.
(2) In a few cases y came to be rounded after a labial; thus pump 'five' for an e&ilier pymp, O.W. pimp; busfl 'gall' for *bustl: Bret besti (Bret. e = W. y 16 iv (2)).
viii. As it was difficult to pronounce unrounded i or y and rounded ii, in consecutive syllables, assimilation took place : *iSwnt ' to them' (cf. iSaw ' to him') became uSunt and always^ appears so in Ml. W. see A.I. i 2 ; p 17/1 E.; IL.A./7, 8, n, 21,etc.; W.M. 6, a6 ; E.M. 4, 7, etc. The natural sound in Gwyn. is uSun, though the artificial Mn. lit. iddynt and the analogy of iddo may have influenced the pronunciation of fcome speakers. Similarly ei became eu, as in rendus W.M. 21, E.M. 13, E.P. 1238 for rheidus 'needy' ; teulv. ' household troops' for teilu, the form implied in the spelling teylu of A.L. i 2, 12, etc.; eulun often later for eilun, and now sounded eulun. In the reverse order we have Ml. W. Meuruc for Meuric.

 

 

 

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113 is. In Mn. W. u having come to be sounded y, it becomes i in tHosft positions where y would be so treated: thus bnrrug, esgus, cynnuJI are sounded barrig, esgis, cynnill.D.G. rhymes memg f sarrug 8. Before i or i it is sounded i. Dr. M. writes iwiawn Job i i ; we now say inwn, ' straight' for union, inig for unig, tostirio for tosturio, etc. Hence carut ti became carit ti, and -it in Late Mn. W. replaced -ut as the 2nd sg. impf. ending.
x. M being rounded in 0. and Ml. V., final ch after it retained its rounding; thus uch ' higher' = uVch, sometimes written uwch in Late Ml. W,; when the u was unrounded the glide remained, and the sound became i/wch as implied in ywch E.P. 1295 ; this is the present sound;
it is written uwch in Mn. W. But in the penult we have uch, as in uchel ' high '. Hence the mutation, uw : u, 81.
xi. The modern pronunciation cited in this section is that of Gwynedd, where the sound y or u is quite distinct from the sound i.
78. i. (i) The diphthong oe or oy, O.W. oi, remains finally in only two words : me' basin ', doe ' yesterday'; Ml. W. had moe ' more' also. Elsewhere it is regularly reduced to -o, as in creto ' may believe' for *cred-hoe appearing as cred-doe B.B. 53, a stray survival, 183 ii;
and in -no in personal names for -noe, do for *cloe, etc. 76 v (5); in am-do 'shroud' for *am-doe 104 ii (2); th or 8 may be lost after it as in heno ' to-night'< 0. W. henoid JUV. SK. ^henoeth E.P. 1040; it became w by assim. in hunnoid ox. > hunnuid M.O.>MI. and Mn.W. hwnnw; and hinnoid gave hynny by analogical assimilation (-d = -S in O.W.). A late example is y ddannodd' toothache' < Ml. W. y SannoeS 75 iv (2), in which however the final -8 remains.
Final -aeth>-a in the same way in yna, etwa for ynaeth, etwaeth. (2) Similarly wy, O.W. ui, may be reduced to w ; cf. hwnnw above. Thus Uw 'oath' 104 ii (a) ; Gronwy W.M. no, in >Gronw do. 101, 104, 105 ; Gronwy, fforonwy for *gwronwy < *y(jro-gnauws 76 v(5); both forms survived: font Ronw (Llanedwen) is called Font Eonwy by some, but whether the latter is of lit. origin is difficult to decide. So assw A.L. i 144 ( S assw} < asswy 'left';guru, banu <
*gwrwy,*banwy 76 v (6);raccw 210 x (3).Before a consonant:
aor. 3rd sg. -wys>-ws 175 i (5); tyngwt B.A. 4 for tyngwyt; adeilwt, rannwt a.c. 106, 108 ; and doubtless impf. 1st sg. -wn is for an earlier
*-wyn 180 iii (i); -wnfor *-wyn 215iii (i). So mwrthwl W.M. 46, E.B. 968, D.G. 430, myrthwl E.M. 32 beside mwrtuyl BCH. 77, morthwyl, mwrthwyl D.D., mwfhwyl Bible, spoken lang. mwrthwl pi. myrt'hwyUon. Late Mn. W. neithvwr 'last night' < neltJivwyr 34 ii, Ml. W. mithywyr s.a. 43.
Some cases occur of the late substitution of wy for w: madws 'high time' W.M. 22, E.M. 14 ( : Sequ. matu.., Lat. mdturus) is given by Wm.S. and D.D. s.v. as madwys, which is not attested;cyfarws,
*W.M. 454, 459-60, later cyfarwys, see Silvan Evans s.v.
ii. (i) In some words oe in the ultima was reduced to e, and wy to y ; thus *nammoen ' not more [than] ' became namen B.A. 15,16' only',
lids I

 

 

 


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PHONOLOGY
78
and namwyn, E.P. 1056 gave Ml. and Mn.W. namyn 'but, except', 222 hi (3);*mahar-oin (variant maharuin, B.S.OH. 3), Early Ml.W. maharaen A.L. i 278, Ml. and Mn.W. maharen ' ram ', pi. *meherwn> meheryn; maJiar- < *mas-cro- 'male': Lat. mas, guff. 153 (g),+oeM 65 ii (2);*adwoen (wiitten adwaen but rh. with hoen,poen B.B. 70) >adwaen, adwen 'I know';brenhinoet B.B. Q^>brenhineS, but -oe8 remains in N. W. and Mn. Lit. W.;so cefnderweS, ewythreS. The change seems to be due to unrounding by dissimilation with a .;' labial in the word (teyrneS followed the synonymous brenhineS). Later examples are Cawlwyd, Mawddwy now sounded Cowli^d, Mowdd'i[; cf. also a{w)wyf>awi{r, etc. 38 x.
(2) After a labial O.W. oi>Ml.W. ae; asO. W. guoilaut B.S.OH. 6 > Ml. gwaelawi, Mn. gwaelod;W. gwae ' woe' for *gwoe < *yai : Lat. vae, Goth. wai;W. gwaeS 'cry' for *gwoeS, Ir. filed <*y aid- : Lith. waidi 'lamentation';baeS 'boar'<*6oe8 (written baeS but rh. with oeS B.T. 26,1. 17).
"*<" After gr-, oi {oe, oy) became way, wae as in gwayw ' spear" for *goyw 75 vii (3) written gvaev but rhyming with gloev (gloyw) B.B. 72; gwaed ' blood' for *goed = Bret. goad, Leon Ae c'hoad ' his blood' (c'h<g}; see yMW< rh. with coe(, eiryoet E.P. 1046.
(3) In the penult oi (oe) became ae before wy in aelwyd ' hearth':
Corn. oilet, Bret. oaled 104 iv (3);Aethwy<,*0ethwy 76 v (3).
iii. -wy, or rather Early ~W. -ui, was liable when unaccented to he weakened to ou > Ml. W. m; thus eu 'their' for *wy from *eiwm 160 iv;meu, teu 75 viii (2), 161 iv;pi-eu 'whose is 1' with eu for *wy< *eset 179 ix (3), 192 ;asseu, Corneu, Guilneu, ludnov, 76v(4),(5); WM219i(2).
iv. (i) ui (wy) finally or before a vowel was liable to be metathesized to yw, as in yw 'is' for *wy 179 ix (3);yw 'to his, to her' for
*wy 160 iv (2);nyw ' who . . . not . . . him' for earlier nuy 160 ii (2)After a dental it became iw, 77 v, as in Ml. W. ydzw 'is' for *yd-wy ;W. wiwed ' harm' for *nwyet 76 iv (4).In Bret. and Corn. this metathesis was carried further: Bret. piou, Com.pyw, pew:
W. pwy ' who', etc.
(2) This might happen before a consonant also; but in that case
*yw became u; thus *dwyw ' god' > *dyw-w > duw; the form *dwyw is attested in B.T. 10, where, though spelt duw, it rhymes with plwyw (=plwyft); and it remained in all derivatives, as O.W. duiutit 'divinity', Wl.Vf. dwywes'goddess', dwywawl, VLn.W.dwyfol 'divine';
the forms duwies 'goddess', duwiol 'pious' etc. are late deductions from duw;similarly Early Ml. W. verbal noun deweduyt A.L. i 146, 152, etc. gwedy dywedwyd w. 150 'after saying'> Ml. W. dywedwt 'to say'; the wy remains in dywedwydat W.M. 63, E.M. 45 'saying', dywedwydyat s.G. i71 'babbler'.
v. In the penult oe, ae, ei tend to become o, a, e respectively before two consonants, more especially in Mn.W.; thus otvas.p. 1208,S.G. 303,
79
LATER VOWEL CHANGES

 

 

 


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Mn. W. odfa for oedfa ' appointment, meeting'; Mn.W. addfed ' ripe' for aeddfed, Ml.W. aeSvet W.M. 73, IL.A. 166, E.B.B. 175 ; Mn.W. glendid for Ml.W. gleindit ' cleanliness, beauty'. (Dial. gwer^/loS for gweirgloS, cossnoth sgernoth for coesnoeth esgeirnoeth.)
ae>a in aeth- 108 iv (2). ^
vi. In the ult. ae sometimes became e 31.
79. i. (i) Old and Ml.W. ei appears as ai and ei in Mn.W. With some exceptions, 81 iii (i), ai appears in the ultima and in monosyllables, and ei (pronounced i 29 iii) in other syllables. Thus Mn. W. ai stands in the syllable generally accented in 0. W., and ei in the syllable then unaccented. The natural inference is that the Mn. mutation ei/ai is an exaggeration of a difference in the pronunciation of ei going back to 0. W.
(2) O.W. ei was originally ei with open e, 69 vii. But in unaccented syllables it came to be sounded ei to avoid lowering the tongue to e and raising it again to i in the short time available. The same thing took place in accented syllables ending in a group of consonants, as beirS, since the time required to pronounce the consonants left less time to sound the diphthong. But in accented syllables with a simple or no consonantal ending the ei remained. Ml. W. ei therefore represented ei and ei; the former gave Mn.W. ei, sounded n;
the latter gave ai. The old distinction is reflected in the Gwynedd pronunciation of a preceding guttural: ceiwiog, ceirch are sounded fcainwg ksirch; but caib, cais are qaib, qais; the velar and palatal alternate in the same word : qaib, ksibw ; it may be added that before ordinary y (=. a) the consonant is the velar, thus cybyS, cynnar are qsbyS, qsnizar. It is seen therefore that the first element of si must be from close e, for it differed from that of ai which comes from open e, and also from the old y (= a). The present sound si seems to be as old as the i6th cent., for rhsir contracted for rhy-hir {rh-hir) is written rheir in G.E, 101. The present sound ai is at least as old as the 14th cent.: gwnai {<gwnaei) is rhymed with delei in E.P. 1271 ; by M.D., and with divei B.P. 1293 by G.V. The oldest appearance of the spelling ai seems to occur in the Red Book : benn raith E.P. 1194, diwair do. 1200, kain 1205, arynaic 1227, Jcain, main 1318; but Norman scribes heard the ei as ai much earlier, to judge by such a form as Trefwalkemay in the Extent of Anglesey dated 1294 (Seebohm, Tiib. 8ys. ''App. 10), Ml.W. Gwalchmei, Mn.W. Gwalchmai.
ii. 0. W. ou (= ou) has a somewhat similar histoiy. The o was probably close in unaccented and open in accented syllables. In Ml.W. it was umounded in both cases, giving a close a and an open , both written e, so that the two sounds of the diphthong were written eu. The close 9 remairy in Mn. W. eu, sounded su; the open 9 gave a in Mn. W. au. That the former was a close s and not a close e is shown by the fact that in Gwynedd ceunant, ceulo are sounded qsunant qsulo. The two sounds eu and au occur in the same positions in the word as ei and ai respectively; see 81.
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PHONOLOGY
80,81
VOWEL VARIATION IN MODERN WELSH
80. The above are the changes that have taken place in vowel sounds. Many of them depend upon accentuation or the influence of neighbouring- sounds ; hence in the Mn. language a ;
vowel may have its original sound in one form of a word, and a changed sound in another, or two different changes of an original vowel may appear in two different forms of a word. It will be convenient now to bring together the more important variations of / the same originals that occur in Mn. W.
VOWEL MUTATION'.
81. i. Vowel mutation is the regular alternation of vowels and diphthongs according to their position in a word. Certain sounds occurring in the ultima and in monosyllables are regularly modified in other positions.
The following is a table of the vowel mutations (numbered for reference). The numbers in the last column indicate the sections where the changes resulting in the mutation are dealt with.

In final,
In
yo.
and mono-,
other
Examples.


syllables.
syllables.
I
ai
ei
adail, adeilad; cazb, ceibio
79 i.
"
a
au
eu
haul, heulog ; aw euraid
79 ii.
3
aw
0
tiawd, tlodion, tlodi, tlotaf
71 i.
4
w
y
trwm, frymion, trymach
66 i.
5
Tl
y
byr, byrion, tyrcler
66 i.
6
uw
u
1iuwch, ])ucJiod, buvkes
77 x.
As a general rule the respective forms appear only in the positions indicated. The exceptions are noted below.
ii. There is no exception to the rule that ai and au appear as ei and ew in the penult. Such forms as daiar, graian, Aaiarn, rhaiadr, traian, cauad, cauodd, gauaf, cynhauaf are not exceptions but misspellings of daear, graeaii, haearn, rhaeadr, traean,, caeacf, caeodd, gaeaf, cynhaeaf, the diphthong ae (also written ay 29 ii) being one which does not undergo mutation in Lit. W., but re-
81
VOWEL MUTATION

 

 

 


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mains the same in all positions (unless affected 70 iii). See dayar K.M. 4, 5, 73, 78, etc., W.M. 100, 456, 459, daear B.B. 70, W.M. 107, E.M. 97, gaeaf E.B.B. 377, E.P. 1269, kynhaeaf W.M. 73, E.M. 53, R.B.B. ,371, P 14/11 K., kynhayaf B.T. 8, Jiaearn, E.M. 118, hay am 119, raeady-r R.P. 1355. The sound is attested in cynghanedd lusg:
Cyfled i ch&e a daear.D.G. 205. ' Her demesne is as wide as the earth.'
a Ie ma,e 'r gorsied g&ead 1L.G.C. 372 ; cf. 28, 1. i. ' Where is the closed gorget t'
The spelling ai, as in da'iar, used by Salesbury and in the early Bibles, is a mistranscription of Ml. W. ay, due to the fact that Ml. W. y sometimes represents ;(, 25 iii. (Salesbury has dayar also, and gayaf always.) gauaf is phonetically conect now that u has come to be sounded y, so that the error is only an orthographic one exactly similar to writing dun for dyn,' man'. In cauodd etc. the error was suggested by the fact that the verbal noun is cau ' to shut', a contraction of cay\u or cae\u 33 iv. Such spellings as the latter-day traithawd for the usual and correct traethawd are due to bungling etymological theories. Pedersen, Or. i 67, imagines from these false spellings that the difference between ay and ai is small in diphthongs and vanishes wheie the second element is heterosyllabic. It is not heterosyllabic in these diphthongs, see 54 iv; and i{ and i are perfectly distinct wherever the dialect distinguishes between if and i as vowels. The possible forms in the penult are ae, eu, ei, now sounded in Powys ay, ay, ai, and in Gwynedd w, 9y, si. S[o one in Powys or Gwynedd sounds an i in daear.
iii. The exceptions to the general rule are the following (' ultima ' being understood to include' monosyllable '):
(i) ei occurs in thte ultima when followed by two consonants, or by I for Zg, r for rr; thus beirdd ' bards', teifl ' throws', eithr ' except', gwelieirdd D.G. 20 'forbids', meww pi. of marw 'dead', deil 'holds' for *deilf,, cm ' cars ', pi. otcarr. Before II usage varies: lleill' others ', y naill ' the one', ereill or eraill' others'. In polysyllables it sometimes occurs before m or ch; dychleim Gr.O. 90 ' leaps up', myneich ' monks '. But ai appears before nc, nt, sg, as caino ' branch', maint ' size', henaint ' old age', braisg ' thick'; also in Aifft, enghrarfft, aillt.
As a contraction of e-i the diphthong is now written and spoken ei (that is n), as ceir, gwneir; but ai was common formerly, as cair, gwnair.
eu is now commonly written, when absolutely final, in polysyllables, except when it is a plural or pronominal ending; as goreu, goleu, dechreu for gorau, golau, dechrau. It survived from Ml. W. under the

 

 

 


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PHONOLOGY
82
influence of dialectal -e, and its use was extended in the ipth cent. because of an idea that -au suggested the pi. ending.
In Ml. W. ei and eu appear in all positions, so that the mutation is not represented in writing, 79. But -e-u, -d-u were distinct, as are contracted -eu, -du now : dzleu, parhdu, 33 iv.
(2) The mutation aw : o is not of general application. The penulti-,. mate o does not come from the ultimate aw, but both come from a;
' see 71 i. Hence when aw is an original diphthong < Brit. or Lat. ou or au, it remains aw in the penult, as in awdur < Lat. au(c)t8rem', so cawgiau pi. of cawg < late Lat. caucus; awydd, etc. 76 iii; cana-won, athrawon, 36 iii. This shows nawn which gives prynhawnol, prynhawngweith, etc., to be from *nouna 76 iii as opposed to awr which gives oriau, oriog, etc., and is from *(K)ora 71 ii (3). In late foimations aw < a is unmutated as in mawrion 144 iii (i), ardder-chawgrwydd beside ardderchogrwydd. Before a consonant, penultimate aw is sounded 9w, and sometimes written ow, as cowgiau D. 40, ardderchowgrwydd.
Where Ml. W. aw in the unaccented ult. has become o, 71, the mutation of course di&appears; thu9 it appears in Ml. W. pechawt, pechodeu, but is lost in Mn. W. pechod, pechodau. Where at the same time the aw represents a Brit. diphthong, as in gwrando, gwrandawaf, the rule of mutation is reversed. So in final -o for affected au, in afhro, athrawon 76 v (5).
(j) w appeals in the penult in some words; see 66 ii, iii. For o^her exceptions to mutations 4 and 5 see 82.
(4) The mutation ww : u occurs only before ch, 77 x. In late formations it is neglected ; thus beside Iluwch ' (snow)drift', we have the old Iluchio ' to hurl', and the new Iluwohio ' to drive (dust or snow)'. For the derivatives of duw see 78 iv (2).
(g) On unmutated forms in loose compounds see 45 ii (2).
82. j. From the table in the above section it is seen that the use of the two sounds of y is regulated by the law of vowel mutation. The general rule in its special application to these sounds may be stated as follows :
y has the y sound in monosyllables and final syllables, and the i I y sound in all syllables not final; as edrydi, edrychwch, Sryn, f biyniau, mynydd, myuyddoedd, iyrddau, pryd, prydferth, dyfod, I cyfyngder.
ii. The exceptions to the rule are
(i) A few proclitics, which, though monosyllabic, have the y sound. These are yr, y ' the', yn' in ', fy ' my', dy ' thy', yn ' our', ych' your', myn, ym 'by' (in oaths).
Pre-verbal yS, yr, y (whether the relative, 162, the affirmative particle, 219 ii, or the conjunction, 222 x) is now always sounded
82
VOWEL MUTATION

 

 

 


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with y. In B.CH. it is regularly written ed, e (implying y8, y; 16 iii) ;
see A.L. i 2, 4, 6, 12, etc. But in the i5th cent. and later it was often written ir, i, as I'r tri oessawl ir a'r teirswyS, L.G.C. B.P. 1412, o Vran i deuan do. 1411. J.D.E. and D. regularly write it with y ( = i/); hut Dr. Davies later in his D.D. (opp. p. i) says that the sound is y. The explanation doubtless is that it was originally if and y according to the accent; and both survived, the </ becoming i (like the preposition, 16 ii (3)). It is often non-syllabic after a vowel in poetry; if its vowel is written it must^ be read as i or i{ forming a diphthong with the preceding vowel, 33 v.
Hen(e)iddio ir wy', hyn oedd reid.I.G., P 33/91 B. Ac yno y trie enaid Rrys.H.D. (auto. 1), p 67/149 a.
Bitfc'n; is most commonly elided, in which case we have to assume that the lost vowel was y, 44 vii (i).
Astudio 'dd wyf, was didwyll.An., p 54/27 B. (i5th cent.). ' Meddylio 'r wyf, man ddohir.Q.G; P 64/122 E. (Auto. S.V.). Thomas ddulas, lie 'dd elwyf.H.D. (auto ?), P 67/212 E. Ac yno 'trie enaid K(!t)ys.B.C. (auto.), P 68/19 E.
ys as a proclitic is ys, as ys gwir 'it is true', often 's gwir 221 iii; when accented it is ys ' there is, people are'.
Llenwi, dros yr holl ^'nifs,
Dagrau ar ruddiau yr ys.Gut.O., A 14967/120. ' Over the wliole island, there is a shedding of tears on cheeks.'
(2) The old forms ymy, tittv, ymi, i/tti, etc. of imi, iti, etc. had if in the penult, 212 ii. gifda also has y; but this is for gi{d d, Ml. W. y gyt a, 216 ii (2). G.E. writes it gida and J.D.R. gyda (his y '= i[) ;
both th^se pronunciations survive.
(3) Non-ultimate y before a vowel is now mostly y; but originally it was y regulaily, for it may come from o as in dy-, rhy-, or was followed by 5 so that at first there was no hiatus. In many cases the y was assimilated to the following vowel 16 iv (4), and contraction took place; thus Eaily Ml. W. deodreven ( s dyodrevyn) A.I-, i 80 >doodreven do. 94 > Mn. W. dodrefn 'furniture'; f-yodres B.A. 5 > rootdres E.B B. 195 > rhodres ' pomp'; kyoeS E.P. 1206 > *cooe8 > coeS 41 v; gwelyeu > gwelyau > gweldu Ps. cxlix 5, Can. vi 2 (1588 and 1620), B.o'w. 23 ' beds '; *cyd-dy-un>Ml.W. cyt-tu-un > Mn. W. cytun 33 iv; dylyed > *dyleed > dylid 199 ii (2). But it also remained unassimilated, as in hundyeu E.M. 4, dylyet do. 5, camlyeu E.P. 1297. In that case it tended to become e 16 iv (2), thus deun E.P. 1217, deall beside dallt I.D 12, N.W. dial. dallt; godreon beside godryon 65 ii (3);
darlleaf 203 iv (3); or was raised to t[, which broke up later into ay (written eu); thus godreuon J.D R. fxxi] for godryon, lletteuodd Gen. xxxii 21, dyleuaf so printed in D.G. 35, beside gwelyeu J.D.E. (whose y^-if) [xiv, xix], dhylyei [xix, xxi], dhylyedic [xvi, xix]. Cf. rhi(<rhy 65 iv (2). (But hifawdl is a misspelling of huawdl, Ml.W,

 

 

 


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PHONOLOGY
83
huawdyl E.P. 1301.) It is probable that the misspelling boreu for bore 31 ii 2 sprang from boreuach the debased form of boryach.
(4) yw follows the rule, as byw, bywyd, bywwg ; clyw, clywed; Ui/w, Uywydd, llyww, etc., except in late formations, especially from forms in which tfw became iw 77 v, as in amrifww (sounded amrimd), distrqwwf (disiriwwf), etc. J.D.R. writes amrywio (y='y) [xvi], distrzwiaw [xix]. So wiwUog, niwioedd 37 ii.
(5) The rising diphthong wy follows the rule: gwyrdd, gwyrddwz, etc.; but wy generally becomes w 66 ii. Such a pronunciation as gwyntoedd is recent; but gwi/wo ' to wither' may be old, as the y may have resisted mutation between two we.
(6) The rule does not apply to the falling diphthong wy, in which the y is consonantal. In this y must necessarily be y always, as mwyn, mwynach, mwyn.ion ; and tlie y remains when the wy is mispronounced as wy 38 iii, as Gwynedd for Gwynedd.
iii. (i) In the words sylw, gwyry, the final w and y were non-syllabic 42, 110 ii; hence the y is i{; thus s,ylw (but sylwz), gwyry.
(2) With the exceptions mentioned in ii, the sound which is now common to y and u, if it occurs in the penult, is to be written u. Thus we write mvinud, muwadau, papur, papwau. Following this rule the translators of the Bible were misled by the late disyllabic pronunciation of sylw to write it sulw; in late editions this error is corrected.
(3) In a few cases u in the ultima has come to be mistaken for y and mutated to y in the penult; as in ysgrythyrau in the Bible (but ysgrythurau correctly in the 1727 edu.) pi. of ysgrythur (< Lat. script'{ira) regarded as ysgrythyr on the analogy of llythyr ' letter'. So testynau for testunau, Early Mn.W. festunion, pi. of testun (<Lat. testimonium) treated as testyn; corynau ' crowns', cwynfoel B.cw. 33 ' bald-headed ', from corun B.B.B. 171 (< Lat. corona) treated as coryn.
VOWEL AFFECTION.
88. The following- tables show the affected and unaffected forms of vowels as they alternate in Mn. W. i. Ultimate ff-affection, 68.
t
No.
Unaffected.
. Affected.
Examples.
I
U
e
ffwyn, {. gw'en.; cri/f, {. cref /
2
W
0
trwm, f. trom; tlws, f. flos
The affected soand occurs in,the ultima. It is occasionally found in the penult in compounds, as in cromlech (crwm ' arched') ; and in superlatives, as gwennaf, tromaf 147 iii. In bychan, f. bechan, the e
83 VOWEL AFFECTION

 

 

 


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NOTE i.In the aspirated tenues the breath was allowed to escape after the explosion; thus th was probably sounded somewhat like the t in W. tad, or like t before an accented vowel in Eng. or N. German, in all of which breath is heard as an off-glide. Aryan t on the' other hand was sounded like French or South Geiman t with no escape of breath between the explosion and the vowel.
The exact pronunciation of the aspirated mediae bh, etc., is not known. The conventional European pronunciation is b + h, etc., as in Eng. abhor, adhere. In India the element represented by h is a voiced throat spirant. But the sounds were undoubtedly simple like tlie aspirated tenues, and were probably voiced forms of the latter.
NOTE 2.It is generally held that there were as above three series of gutturals. The palatals were sounded on the hard palate like W. c in ci or E. k in king. The labiovelars were sounded between the root of the tongue and the soft palate, so far back that the lips were naturally rounded, as in the foimation of the vowel u, W. w, E. u in full. These two series are established by such equations as Skr. = Lat. c < Ar. k, and Skr. Jc, c = Lat. qu < Ar. q. But another equation often occurs: Skr. k, c == Lat. c, which points to Ar. q intermediate between the two others, too far back to give Skr. s and too far forward to give the labialized Lat. qu. In the Western languages Kelt., ItaL, Germanic, Greek, there is no difference between Ar. 'k and q; both give k which is generally accommodated to the following vowel; thus Ar. kmtom gives W. cant pronounced qant, not *kant. Where a guttural occurs in a form only found in Western languages, we can only write it k, g, etc., with no diacritic mark. In the Eastern languages (except Tocharish) the palatals became sibilants, thus 1c > Skr. s (an sh sound) ; but the velars remain, or became tch sounds (as in fetch) before front vowel?, thus q > Skr. k, or c (a tch sound), the latter before an Ar. front vowel.Meillet, Intr.2 63 ff., admits only two series, k and q*, and regards Skr. k = Lat. c as a special treatment of Ar. % in Skr. and the Eastern group. He points out that the supposed q occurs chiefly before r, before a, and after s.
The frequent alternation of k and q 101 iv(i) makes it probable that originally, at s"ny rate, the two are the same. A recent advance from q to k has taken place in Eng. before d, now sounded a,; thus old borrowings in W. have q, as iu the Anglesey dial. qap ' cap', qaban ' cabin ', qarw ' to carry ', but later borrowings have k as kab ' cab ', ^cabinet' cabinet', karej ' carriage ', the a being the same, but the k with a perceptible ^ glide. The example shows how q may become 1c before a forward vowel, and how the k, once introduced, may remain before a back vowel. The same processes might have taken place in Ar., and it is quite possible that % and q represent an original neutral k.
NOTE 3.The " sonants " play a special part in Ar. phonology;
they occupy an intermediate position between consonants and vowels, and in E-grades become vocalic; see 63.

 

 

 


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PHONOLOGY
84
NOTE i.No. i occurs only in old formations; -wd denoting the agent affects, -wd abstract does not, 143 iii (18), iv (5).No. 2, though common as a fixed affection, is comparatively rare in inflexion. No. 3 is usual in inflexion, but rare in composition, e.g. rhdn-dir 'allotment', hdf-ddydd 'summer's day', cdn-drifll 'shattered', d-d^n ' wretch ', dd-fyd' adversity', tdn-lli{d 'fiery ', hdd-ifd 'seed' (had+i/d, but hed-yn ' a seed').No. 4 is only written in old combinations, as gweiSi E.M. 174, seiri; it is rare before ^', see 144 iii (s).Nos. 5 and 6 also occur only in set forms, and ei{ is now wrongly written eu, as meusydd.
NOTE 2.In Ml. "W. a in preceding syllables had become e before y, or before one of the above affections; in Mn.W. the a is generally restored, 70 i, as enrydeS now anrhydedd ' honour ', gwerendewych, now gwrandevyi/ch. It occasionally i emains as in lleferifdd ' speech ' (.: llafar id.), and even spreads, as in llefaru for Hafaru.
NOTE 3.y in the falling diphthong wy does not affect: arwydd etc. 38 vi.
NOTE 4.v, does not affect <: canv,, parcJiu, etc. But crededun occurs E.P. 1368, 1424, beside credadun do. 1298, 1235.
THE AEYAN CONSONANTS IN KELTIC AND BRITISH
'64. The Aryan parent language had the' following' consonant system:
-
LabN.
Dental
Palatal.
Velar.
Labio-
velar.
C t
("M^
Qr.
<JS
Explosives:
Tenues
A?
t
k
q
q9
Tenues aspiratae
^ph
th
kh
qh
qh
Mediae J
-< b
d
S
8
8"
Mediae aspiratac
Ybh
dh'
en
8h
g"h
Spirants:
Voiceless
s,r
Voiced
z,S
j
Sonants:
Nasals
.
n
Liquids
l,r
Semivowels
i
[9]
u
84
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS
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NOTE i.In the aspirated tenues the breath was allowed to escape after the explosion; thus th was probably sounded somewhat like the t in W. tad, or like t before an accented vowel in Eng. or N. German, in all of which breath is heard as an off-glide. Aryan t on the' other hand was sounded like French or South Geiman t with no escape of breath between the explosion and the vowel.
The exact pronunciation of the aspirated mediae bh, etc., is not known. The conventional European pronunciation is b + h, etc., as in Eng. abhor, adhere. In India the element represented by h is a voiced throat spirant. But the sounds were undoubtedly simple like tlie aspirated tenues, and were probably voiced forms of the latter.
NOTE 2.It is generally held that there were as above three series of gutturals. The palatals were sounded on the hard palate like W. c in ci or E. k in king. The labiovelars were sounded between the root of the tongue and the soft palate, so far back that the lips were naturally rounded, as in the foimation of the vowel u, W. w, E. u in full. These two series are established by such equations as Skr. = Lat. c < Ar. k, and Skr. Jc, c = Lat. qu < Ar. q. But another equation often occurs: Skr. k, c == Lat. c, which points to Ar. q intermediate between the two others, too far back to give Skr. s and too far forward to give the labialized Lat. qu. In the Western languages Kelt., ItaL, Germanic, Greek, there is no difference between Ar. 'k and q; both give k which is generally accommodated to the following vowel; thus Ar. kmtom gives W. cant pronounced qant, not *kant. Where a guttural occurs in a form only found in Western languages, we can only write it k, g, etc., with no diacritic mark. In the Eastern languages (except Tocharish) the palatals became sibilants, thus 1c > Skr. s (an sh sound) ; but the velars remain, or became tch sounds (as in fetch) before front vowel?, thus q > Skr. k, or c (a tch sound), the latter before an Ar. front vowel.Meillet, Intr.2 63 ff., admits only two series, k and q*, and regards Skr. k = Lat. c as a special treatment of Ar. % in Skr. and the Eastern group. He points out that the supposed q occurs chiefly before r, before a, and after s.
The frequent alternation of k and q 101 iv(i) makes it probable that originally, at s"ny rate, the two are the same. A recent advance from q to k has taken place in Eng. before d, now sounded a,; thus old borrowings in W. have q, as iu the Anglesey dial. qap ' cap', qaban ' cabin ', qarw ' to carry ', but later borrowings have k as kab ' cab ', ^cabinet' cabinet', karej ' carriage ', the a being the same, but the k with a perceptible ^ glide. The example shows how q may become 1c before a forward vowel, and how the k, once introduced, may remain before a back vowel. The same processes might have taken place in Ar., and it is quite possible that % and q represent an original neutral k.
NOTE 3.The " sonants " play a special part in Ar. phonology;
they occupy an intermediate position between consonants and vowels, and in E-grades become vocalic; see 63.

 

 

 


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PHONOLOGY
85,86
It is usual to include in the Ar. nasals ia, occurring only before tc, g, Ich, gh, and occurring only before q, g, etc. These are secondary sounds due to the assimilation of m, n to gutturals ; and it is not certain that such assimilation had taken place in Ar. We find e. g. mt in *kmt6m, still remaining in Lith. ssimtas, 62 i.
THE EXPLOSIVES.
..' 85. In Pr. Kelt. the aspirated explosives fell together with the unaspirated, thus th and dh are treated as t and d respectively ; there is one exception 92 iii. The velars fell together with the palatals, thus q, like k, gave k. Hence, g, gh, g, gh all appear as g in Kelt. " "' "
' 88. i. A~r. p ('Lat. p; Gk.w; Germ./; Skr. p) and Ar. ph (Ski. ph; Gk. if)) disappeared in Kelt. (i) initially before a vowel, (a) initially before a sonant, (3) between vowels, (4) , between a vowel and a sonant, (5) between a sonant and a vowel, \^ (6) between sonants.
I Examples : (i) Ar. *pi6- > Skr. pibami ' I drink', Lat. Ube (<*pib6) : Ir. ibim ' I drink ', O.W. i6en aw. SK. ' we drink', W. yfaf ' I drink '.Ar. V'pet- ' fly' > Lat. penna, < *petsnd:
.O.W. etn, Mn. W. edn ' bird' < *petno-.Ir. athir ' father '<
*j)9ter, W. edryd ' parentage, descent' < *p9tr-t-, edrydd ' patrimony^ (e. g. M.A. i 347) < *p9friw-, edryf id. < *p9fr-m- : Lat. pater, Gk. Tra.TTJp, etc., Skr. pifrtvd-m ' paternity', pitriyah 'paternal, ancestral', Gk. vdrpios, etc.Ir. a^-, W. ar- ' fore-', Gaul. ^ are- < *p^ri-: Gk. Trapa.Ar. *prf- > Lat. pcs^s: 0. W. rit, W. ^ rhyd ' ford ', 61 i.Ar. * pin- >W. llawu, 63 vii (2).'"
(a) Ar. *pro > Lat. pro; Gk. 77/36, Skr. pro, : Ir. ro-, 0. W. ro;
W. rhy-.Kx. *plar- > 0. E. flor : Ir. l^r, W. llawr ' floor', 63 vii (a).Ar. *pruos > Goth. freis, oTE. freo, E, free : W. rhydd ' free '.W. lltahs 75 ii (a).W. llydan 63 viii (i).
(3) Ar. *nej]6f->S^r. ndpat-, Lat. nepos-.Ir. ilia, Ml. W. nei |{ 'nephew', 75 vii (a).-,^Ar. *joo->Pr. Kelt. * wo-> Gaul. uo-, ' Ir.^/o-, W. gwo-, go-.W. ticymn ' hot', twymyw ' fever '< *fepes-men; 75 vii (a).
(4) Ir. tone ' fire' < * iepnet-, W. idn id. < *^p-n- : Lat. tepeo, Skr. <op<M ' heat'.Ir. solam, W. hylaw ' handy ' < Pr. Kelt
*su-lam-os < Ar. *p[m-, 63 vii (a).W. dyro ' give' <
^W < .J
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS

 

 

 


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*do-pro-d-, Vdo-, 63 vi (i).*mpl-*mpr->*aml-,*amr->'W. af-l-, af-r-, as af-les ' harm ', Ir. am-less; thus a/"- spread for a-< ,
*n- (neg. prefix) before / and r, see 156 i (5). ^
(5) Ir. col, Bret. co^, W. cwl' fault': Lat. culpa, 0. Lat. colpa.
*Ir. cilornw gl. urceus, 0. W. ciluritn (=. cylwrnn) gl. urnam, V. celwrn., Bret. kelwn : Lat. ca/par, Calpurnius, Gk. Ka,\Tnf, Skr. karpara-h ' shell' (Kelt. ? or e in first syll. unexplained).W. ' crydd 'shoemaker' (for *cerydd 40 iii (3)), Bret. kere< j^karpuo, Ir. cairem<*karj}imo- : Lat. carpisculum, Gk. KprfTrCs:
\/' qerfflp- 'shoe'. * ij)>*m>W.f or w: W. tywydd 'weather' for *tywwy6 < * fempes-edo : Lat. tempestas.^ j) i o tv ^ h. <-'
The view that rp, contrary to every analogy, gives rr is based upon one or two examples in which the group may have been rps or even rs, as Ir. serr, W. serr ' bill-hook' (; I;at. sarpo), which may be <
*serp-s- or *ser-s- (cf., without p, Skr. srnt' sickle '), and upon such an equation as W. gwarr ' the back between the shoulders' and Lith. vdrpa ' ear of corn'.
(6) *mpl, *mpr gave *ml, *mr, W. jl,fr, as cyflawn.' full'<
* Jcotti-pln-, cyfran ' share ' <* kom-prat-sna 63 vii (a).
ii. (i) Before t, Ar. p became q9 > k ( 89 ii) in Pr. Kelt. Thus Ar. *septm>Vv. Kelt. *sekfm>lr. secht n-, W. saith: Lat. eptem, Gk. e'7n-a, etc.Ar. *-qap-tos > Pr. Kelt. */cakfos > Ir. cac/it, W. eaet/i ' serf : Lat. captus.Ar. *-iteptis > Pr. Kelt.
*nektzs > Ir. nechf, W. w?'^ f niece ': Lat. neptis.W. llithro ' to { ^ slip' < *sliktr- < *slip-fr-, V' slei-b- extension of Vslei- : E. slip,) r etc., 95 i. AjJfcJgi
Before" or after s also, p was liable to become q" in Kelt., 96 iv ; also before n, see iv below^_ &-c*< <^
*(a) Initially in anticipaHon'of medial q*, Ar. p became q" in Italo-Keltic ; as Ar. '^penq*e ' five' > Skr. panca, Gk. TTVT : Lat. quinqiie, Pr. Kelt. *qwewqfte > 0. W. pimp. Ml. W. pymp, pump, Ir. cole, Gaul. TrefiTre-.Ar. *'peq9-, ^poq9- > Gk. Trwrnv, ir&wavov:
Lat. coquo (<*yuequ6), coctus, Bret. /^, W. pobi 'to bake' (< *soq-), poeth ' hot' (< *^oq-f-).
(3) In anticipation of Jc or q, Ar. p- seems in some cases to have become t-; thus Ir. tore (beside ore), W. twroh ' boar ': Lat. porcus ;
see turio 101 iii (i) ;W. tanc ' peace' .""Lafc. pax, pango, VpaK/g-;
W. teg ' fair', Gaul. Tocos: 0. E. fcegr, E. fair, VpSk-;W. gwar-

 


 

 

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PHONOLOGY
theg ' cattle ': Lat. pecus, Lith. pekus, Skr. pdsu ' cattle';W. talch 'flake': Lat. plancus, '&. flag-stone, flake, V-pelaq-;W. twit 'hole'<:
*tuk-slo-s, tyilu ' to pierce' : 'La.t.pungo,punctum, Vpeuk/g-.It seems also as if p at the end of a root or stem beginning with a guttural sometimes became (, as W. pryd ' personal appearance', Ir. truth '. Lat. corpus, Skr. hrp- ' aspect' < *qvrp-',W. cawad ' shower ' : Ar.
*qeuep- 63 vii (3);W. caled 'hard', as a noun 'difficulty' B.B. 65:
1 Gk. ^aXen-os Q(- < qh-)-
iii. Ar. p, before disappearing in Kelt., doubtless first became / a bilabial^ then h. When the stop of the p was beginning to be loosened, any reaction in favour of the explosive articulation would naturally take the form of transferring the stop, that is, of substituting for the loosening labial p, the labiovelar <f(; or, where the word had a guttural already, the dental t. Before s, both the substitution and the regular development took place ; the former, -q^s-, attested later as -x- in Gaul. Crixos, gives W. -ch- ; the latter, -fs-, gives W. -ff-. Before t, I have assumed the former, as the substitution of q for p, known to occur, seems more likely than that of ^ for f, so that fit > q^t > )(t is more probable than pt > ft > yt.
iv. Before s, p>q'l!>at after a rounded vowel; thus *'upsel-^>
* u^ksel- > * ouksel- > W. uohel, Ir. uasal; * lopsq- > * lifksk- > W. llusgo 96 iii (5) ;similarly before n; * supw->*suy!&n->W. hun ' sleep ', Ir. suan, 63 viii (i) ; *n-uo-dup-it->^N. an-o-Sun' 'bottomless', cf. annwfn 102 iv (a), Vdhewp/b-; so possibly before t; W. tuth ' trot ' < * tupt- : 0. Bulg. tupati ' palpitare ', tuputati ' palpitare, calcare ', Gk. TVTTTW. Original q* before;' had become 1c earlier (in It.-Kelt.), and develops as k, as in poeth above, m before ,p prevents the diphthongization : W. Host <
*lompst-^9Q ii (3).
87. i. Ar. t (Lat. t; Gk. T ; Germ./, <?; Lith.;'; Skr. ;') and Ar. th (Gk. r; Skr. th) appear in Pr. Kelt. as t. Thus Ar.
* tauros > Lat. taurus, Gk. ravpos ' Ir. tarb, W. tarw ;Ar. *tep-:
W. tes, twymn, tan 86 ;Ar. * trews > Skr. trdyas, Gk. TpeTs, Lat. tres : W. tri, Ir. t'n, 'three'.Ar. *aratrom > "W. aradr 'plough' : Gk. aporpov.Ar. * piths- > Gk. TrXdravos, Gaul.
*Xiravos, 0. W. litan, W. llyflan ' broad', 63 viii (i).
ii. In Ar. the first t in the group tt had become an affricative;
this stage is represented thus ft; in Skr. it went back to tt (just as tst, with original s, gave tt in Skr.), in Gk. it became o-r, in Germ. ss, in Lat. ss, in Pr. Kelt. ss, appearing in W, generally as s. Example ; base meteit- ' honey': FB ^melit-tos ' honeyed'
<*i

88, 89 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS

 


 

 

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>W. meJys ' sweet', Ir. milis. As dt became tt, 93 i, the same result followed; thus Ar. i/ueid- 'see, know', gave *uid-t->
*'uitt->*uitst->'W. gwys 'it is known' 63 iv: Skr. vitta-h 'known';Ar. ^(s)'kheid-/(s)qheid- : B-grade nasalized > Lat. scindo, F-grade *^eid-f,->*&elfst->'W. ewys 'Jfurrow', Ir. ceis, So W.cas ' hate' < * kd-t-, Vkdd- : E. hate; F-grade, W. cawdd ' insult' : Gk. KrjSos. Similarly Ar. dd > d^ > zd, 91 ii.
88. Ar. k (Lat. o ; Gk. K ; Germ. h, -g-; Lith. sz; Skr. s), Ar. kh (Gk. )(), Ar. q (Lat. c; Gk. K ; Germ. h, -g- ; Lith. k;
Skr. k, c), Ar. qh (Gk. ^, Skr. kK) appear in Kelt. as k. Examples:
Ar. *kmt6m ' 100' > Lat. centum, Gk. e-Karov, 0. JJf. /tutid, Lith. szimtas, Skr. Satd-m: Ir. cet, W. cant < Pr. Kelt. *kntom.Ar. V qd-, F-grade Lat. carus, Skr. kayamdna-h 'fond', E,-grade W. caraf 'I love'.Ar. *^<y?->Lat. capio: W. cael 188 iv.Ar.i
*<yekt > Ir. credit, W. craitfi, 'scar' < Pr. Kelt. ^krekt-: Skr.( karjati' injures' < *qerg-, Vqereg-.Ar. *^reqt- >Pr. Kelt. *arekM >W. amith ' speech' 63 iii. T^. o^^t:
89. i. Ar. qB (Lat. qu; Gk. 73-, but r before or rj, and K before or after v ; Germ. hw, -f-, -w-, -g- ; Lith. k; Skr. k, c) and probably Ar. q^h (Skr. kh; Gk. 0, 6 ?) were q" in Pr. Kelt. This remains as q9 in the ogam inscriptions, but became cin^tr.;
in Gaul. and Brit. it appears as p.Examples : Ar. ^cpetuer- (in various grades 63 vii (4)) > Lat. yuattuor, Skr. catvdrah:
"W. pedwar, Ir. cei/iir.Ar. V q^elo^- / cf'el- > W. pell 'far' (<*c{yel-s-o-). Gk. TijXe.Ar. </se^-: Lat. inquam < *insqudm :
Ml. W. hep, heb ' says'.W. prywqf ' I buy' 201 i (4);Ar. V lei(f1- > Gk. Xewrco : W. llwyb-r 'track'': Lat. Imquo (-infix).
ii. (i) Before t, s and prob. n, Ar. q became k in Kelt. Thus Ar. *^ogr- > ^q^t- > *qokf- > W. weth^ 86 ii (a). Ar. '^nocf't- (^/nog'*-) > Kelt. *mokf- > Ir. nocht, W. noeth ' naked':
Lat. nudus < ^nog^ed/i.os.W. gwlyb, O.W. gulip ' wet' < *-uliq*-:
Lat. liqueo; W. gwlith 'dew' < *-ulikt- < ^uUc^t-; gwlych ' liquid' (such as gravy, etQ,)<*ylik-it- or ulik-s- : Vweleiq9-.
For Ar. sq^, <jfts, see 96 iii.
(a) After I or r also (but not I, ^), we have k for Ar. q ; thus W. golult ' slops', golchi ' to wash' (tv.jvlcaim) < *uolk- < ^yolq*- 100 ii (a) : *M^S-, as above.-aW. c^/nnyrch ' crop, produce' <
<M- ^*^VA It*'*"^ ^-^
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PHONOLOGY
90
91,92 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS
139
*kon-dero*-, */detect- : Gk. Speww ' I mow, reap', Spetrdvri ' sickle'. Except; in compounds, where the initial of the second element is treated as an initial, as gorjfwys, 75 vi (4).
(3) Before w it appears as k, as in ML W. civ ' where ?' < the Ar. interrog. stem *(f:u-, 163 i (7) vi.
iii. Ar. ku or qu., like q*, gives p in Brit. and Gaul. : W. prys ' brushwood' < Jurist- : 0. H. G. Jiris ' twig-', hurst, E. hurst, 0. Bulg. chvrastu ' brushwood ', Viyereis-.W. pair ' caldron' < < ^quorio-, Ir. coire id. : 0. N. hverna ' pot' < *qyer- : Lat. scrwum.Ar. *ekuo-s > Lat. equus, Gk. I'Tnros (i< ?), Skr. dsvah: i Ir. ecJi, Gaul. Epo-, W. ebol ' colt '.W. penn ' head', Gaul. IIevvo-, Ir. cenw_<^tj^ewf0^<*ijiyepf-sno- : Goth. haiibzp, E. head, Germ. Haupt, base *qayepet- met. for ^qapeyet- (Siitterlin IF. xxix 123) whence Lat. caput (<*qapyef-).In later formations:
Ar. n/' mak- ' grow': R ^nisic- > Gk. fJiaKpos ' W. mag-u ' to nurture'; *mak-uo-s > W. mab ' son, youth ', Ir. mace, ogam gen. maqi^i.W. epil ' offspring' < *eb-hil < *ek-yo-szl-, /se- 63 vi (i), cf. W. gwe-hil-wn I Bren. xiii 33 < *yo-szl-.
But before u it gives k, as in W. ci ' dog' < *ku< *kyu< *KUO = Skr. Svd; cf. ii (3) above.
In the Roman period, therefore, there -was no Brit. q* or qy, and Lat. qu gives k; as in carawys, garawys ' lent' < quadrageszina,; W. eegin ' kitchen' < coquma.
iv. It waa cleanly possible to distinguish in Ar. between o^ and qy; probably the/rounding in the latter was much more pronounced. But qy was also felt as a double consonant, and gives -mr- in Gk., whereas q^ gives -w- only.
90. Ar. bh (Lat../, -b-; Gk. 0; Germ. b; Lith, b; Skr. bh) and the rarer Ar. b (Lat. b; Gk. /?; Germ. p ; Lith. b; Skr. b) both appear as b in Pr. Kelt. Examples: bh : Ar. V bher- > Lat. fero, Gk. (pepw, E. bear, Skr. bhdratz ' bears': Ir. berimm ' I bear', W. cymeraf' I take' < *kom-ber-.Ar. ^bhrater, *bhrater- > Lat. f rater, Gk. (pparmp ' member of a clan', E. brother, Skr. Mratar-:
Ir. brathir, W. brawd 'brother'.Ar. V bherey->^isb. ferveo:
W. berwi, 63 vii (4).Ar. *^->W. bod, 63 vii (3).Ar. Venebh-: VF *webh->G}s.. ve<f)os, vecpeXry, Lat. nebula: Ir. nel 1 cloud' < *neSfo-, Ml. W. nywl ' fog' < *neblw- ; see "37 ii.
b: Ar. Vbregh- 'short': Lat. brevis, Gk. f3pa-^vs: Ir.

 


 

 


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berr, "W. tyrr 'short', see 101 ii (a).Ar. Vdheub- > Goth. diwps ' deep' : E, *-dhub- > Gaul. Dubno-, W. fi?w/% ' deep', Gaul. dubron, W. dwfr ' water'.
91. i. Ar. dh (Lat./-, -d; -b-; Gk. 0; Germ. d; Lith. d;
Skr. dh) and Ar. d (Lat. d; Gk. o; Germ. i'; Lith. d; Skr. d) appear as d in Kelt. Examples: dh : Ar. *dhwor- : *dhur- > Lat. foris, Gk. Qvpa, E. door : W. dor<*dhm-a, drws ' door'< 'S \*dhru-st-< *dhyr- 63 viii (i), Ir. dorus (intrusive of).Ar.
*clhw,b->y{. dwfn 90.Ar. V' ereudh->li&k. ruber, Gk. epvOpos:
W. rhudd 'red' < Kelt. *roud- d: Ar. Vd'ema- : TR , *dom9- > Lat. domi-tus : W. dof ' tame'; ER *4w- > Gk. d-Sd^a-ros : W. ^o/a^ ' sheep'.Ar. *deiiy > Lat. decem, Gk. 56/ca, Goth. taihun, Lith. d'eszimt, Skr. ^a'fo : Ir. ^'cA %-, W. deg 'ten'.Ar. ^ detey->^! ,duw,dydd, 63 vii (4).Ar. ^yerod-:
E2 wr^- > Lat. radtsc; VR *yr9d- > Gk. /a'aoa/troy, Lat. radius:
W. gwraidd 'roots'; RV *y,rd->lv. frem ' voot'<*yrd-ma, W. greddf 'instinct' for *gwrebf 102 iii (ri)<*yrd-md, 63 vii (3).
ii. Ar. d or t + d(h) became d^Ii), which gave zd in Kelt., and fell together with Ar. zd, giving Ir. ;' (tt), and W. th 97 ii. Thus W. peth ' some, a certain quantity of, something, thing', beth' what ?', Ir. cuit' part, share' < *q*id-dm. : cf. Lat. quid-dam.
W. rhathu ' to scrape, smooth ' < *rgd-dh- (or ^-rad-zdh-) : Lat. rado, 63 ix.W. meth ' miss, failure' < *mit-dh- : Ir. mis-, mith-'miss-', E. miss, /meit- : Lat. muto.
92. i. Ar. g (Lat. g ; Gk. y; Germ. k; Lith. !s; Skr^), Ar. gh (Lat. h; Gk. -^; Germ. g; Lith. s ; Skr. h), Ar. g (Lat. g ; Gk. y ;
Germ. A; Lith. g ; Skr. ^, j), Ar. gh (Lat. A ; Gk. ^ ; Germ. g ;
Lith. ^r; Skr. gh, K) all appear in Kelt. as g. Examples : g: Ar. mn- > Lat. granum, Goth. kaurn,, Lith. Sirnis, Ski-jimd-h: Ir. gran, W. grawn 61 ii.Ar. V'gene- > Lat. genitor, Gk. yececny, Skr. jdnati 'begets' : W. gwi 'give birth'.Ar.-v/"i5y->Lat. Mrgentum., Gk. Spyvpos, Skr. fajatd-m 'silver' : W. aiiant, Ir. inirget ' silver' < Pr. Kelt. *argnt-. gh : Ar. *ghei-em- > Lat. hiems, Gk. \'ifia : W. gaeaf, 75 vi (i).Ar. /s<^->Gk. i?X< {<*segho), Skr. sahate 'vanquishes' : W. ^ ' bold' < *seg-os, iGaul. Sego-; hael' generous '< *sag-lo- < *sJjh-lo- ; haer 'impor-
MS K
t.a y

 


 

 

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' 92
Innate' < *sag-ro-. g : Ar. /gfez- ' sticky, liquid' : Lat. ylus < *gloi-s, Gk. y\ot6s<*Y\oiFos : O.W. glow gl. liquidum, W. gloyw ' shiny', gloyw-bu ' glossy black' < *gloi-y,o-s 75 ii (i), lr.gle,glae ' bright' <*glei-uos, *gloi-ws, 0. Corn. digluiuflit ox. a gl. eliqua, W. gloyici ' to drain (after boiling), to clarify, to polish'; E, *^'->Lat. gli-s, Gk. y\[-vrj, Lith. gli-tws 'smooth, sticky', Ir. g/enim, W. glynaf'l adhere'.Ar. </(s)t?ieg1->T-i&t. tego, Gk. oTeyo?, reyoy, Skr. stJidgati ' covers' : Ir. tecJi, teg, 0. W. lig, W. /y ' house '< *tegos ; T *(s)tJiog->~Lwh. toga, W. to 'roof, 104 ii (2). gh: Ar. VgJiabfi->~LisAi. habeo, Lith. gabaiia ' armful': W. gafael' to take hold ', Ir. gabim ' I take'. Ar. Viegh- 'lie'>Lat. lectus, Gk. \e\os : W. lie ' place', Ir. lige ' bed', W. gwe-ly ' bed'; L *leg7t->~Lit'h.palegis ' confinement to bed'; P *logh- 58 v.
ii. Ar. g" (Lat. v, gu after n, g before cons. and u; Gk. f3, S before e or r), y before or after v; Germ. kw ; Lith. g ; Skr. g,J) gave Pr. Kelt. b. Thus Ar. -/^CTe->Lat. mvo, Gk. fSios :
"W. byw, etc., 63 vii (3).Ar. *^'ow>Lat. bos (Umbr.-Samn. form for true Lafc. *ws), Gk. 13ovs : Ir. bo, W. &w, pi. bu.
iii. But Ar. gSh (Lat../-, -^-, -6-, ^w after n; Gk. 0, 6; Germ. w, w; Lith. g; Skr, ^, It) forms an exception to the general rule, 85,\and does not fall together with (he unaspirated consonant. It remamed a rounded guttural in Pr. Kelt., and gave g in Ir. with loss ofJounding; but the rounding was retained in Brit., and we have in W. initially gw, medially f ^=v) between vowels. Thus Ar. / g^hen- > Gk Oelvw, (j)bvos, Lat. de-fen-do : Ir. gonim ' I wound', W. gwanu ' to stab' < *gwon- 65 v, gwanaf ' swathe ' (hay cut at one sweep).Ar. -/^e-->Lat. formus, Gk. 0ep/x6?,S> E. warm : Ir. gorim ' I warm ', W. gori (< *-gwori 36 iii), Bret. gori, gwiri 'to incubate', W. gori 'to suppurate', gor 'pus', W. gwres 'heat', 95 iii (i).Ar. V g^hele- 'green, yellow'-
>Lat. flams : W. gwelw 'pale', gwellt 'straw, grass', Ir. gelim 'I graze', gelt- 'fodder'; the doublet *y^e^->Skr. hari-h 'yellow, greenish', Gk. y\of) ' verdure, grass', )(\6os 'green': ~W. gledd 'turf, glas 'green', glas-wellt 'grass', 101 iv (i).Ar.
Vgyiedh->G^.. TroQew, 0e<ro-acr0ai : Ir. guidim 'I pray', W. gweddi 'prayer'.Medially: Ar. Vsneigv/i->'La,t. ningnit, nix,
nivis, Gk. v[(f>a : Ir. snigid
'rains
snechta ' snow', W. nyf

 


 

 

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THE ARYAN CONSONANTS
'snow'.Ar. /o?/?^->Lat. foveo, Gk. re^pa : Ml. Ir. daig ' fire', W. deifo ' to singe'.
iv. Unlike Jcu, which is treated as q* in Kelt., Ar. gy {gu, gn) does not fall together with g9. The change q*>p is Gaul.-Brit. but not Goidelic, while the change g*>b is'Pankeltic, and there- , fore much earlier. The double consonant gy remained, and gives medially W. w, Ir. g, as in W. few ' thick' < *teguos, Ir. tiug :
E. tJiick 76 viii.Ar. ghy develops like^^, giving initially W. gw-,lr.g-; thusAr. *g/tuel-t->'W. ^w^^.L^g^^wild' : Goth. wilpeis, E. wild, parallel to Ar. ghuer- > 'La.t.^'erus, Qk. Or/p.
v. "When the guttural follows a nasal we have tne following results:
ng >W. m (for mm), Ir. mb; as Ar. ^ug^eii- > Ir. imb, "W. ymen-yn ' butter' : Lat. unguen.
ngSh >W. ng (=), Ir. ng ; as W. llyngyr ' lumbrici' : Lat. lumbrwus.W. angerdd ' heat' < *n-gy!/ter-d-; angar ' heat' < ^-^e^"' ^ g^er-, see iii; ager ' steam ' 99 vi (i).
nghy >W. w, Ir. ng; as W. ewm 'nail', Ir. ingen < *nghw,-, -/' onoqli/gJi- : Skr. naMd-h ' nail', Gk. Svv^, Lat. unguis,
nghy > W. f, Ir. ng ; as W. tafod ' tongue ', Ir. tenge : 0. Lat. dmgua. (Lat. lingua), E. tongue < Ar. ^dngJim.W. llyfu 'to lick' < *lingK-u-: Ir. Izgim, Gk. \e[\a, \f)(vevw, Lat. lingo, */leig&-.\ r
The first two groups contain two consonants each; g* > b, and consequently the nasal became m; but gvh remained a guttural so that the nasal became , and the group became *, which was unrounded in W. as in Ir. The other groups contain three consonants ;
in Ir. the u dropped as^isual, leaving M ; but in W. the u remained, wo > K> before a consonant, and v> dropped, 106 ii (i).
93. i. In Ar., when two explosives came together, a tennis before a media became a media, and a media before a tenuis became a tenuis; thus p+d > bd, and b+t>pt. Only the second could be aspirated, and the aspiration, if any, of the first was tr'in'-iferred to it;^thus bh+d > bdh. In this case if the second was a tenuis^it became an aspirated media, thus bh +1 > bdh ; this however only survives in Indo-Iran. ; elsewhere we have two tenues; thus Gk. has KT from gn+t, as in evKTOs '. e'Svop.a.i, Meillet, Intr.2 106. So in Italic and K8

 

 

 

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93
Keltic; thus Lat. lectus, Ir. 'lecht 'grave', -</leg1i-; W. gwaitJt ' fois ', lv.fecht< Pr. Kelt. *MC^-, -/we^- 100 i (%).
(i) Ar. -pt-, -kt-, -qt-, -qt-, all gave -kt- in Pr. Kelt.,
11.
86 ii, 88, 89 if; tElTappearsTS'TE'ai'-c^^ in W. as -ith, etc? 108 iv (i).
(a) In other groups of dissimilar explosives the first was assimilated to the second in Pr. Kelt. ; thus tk > kk > Ir. cc, W. ch; as W. achas ' hated', Ir. accais ' curse' < *akkass- < *ad-- (/^ t', SL...<~kad-t- S 87 ii.W. achar ' loves '< *akkar- < *ad-Q9r- : Lat. earns
o \ vWf9^ '
V.. 88. Lat. -pt- was introduced too late to become -kt- as above, and so became tt, as the habit of assimilation persisted in Brit. ;
this gives W. th ; as pregeth ' sermon ' < preeeptum, ysgn/thw <3-scTiptwa. i~(, ^ tf L.-wts i1'- <~
(3) When the group consisted of mediae, the double media became a single tenuis in Brit., giving a media in W.; thus dg > gg > Brit. c > W. g; it gives Ir. c or cc sounded gg, Mn. Ir. g. Examples: Ir. acarb, W. agarw ' rough, rocky, unfertile ' W.M. 180 < ^aggary- < '^ad-gh.r'sy- : Ir. garb, W. garw ' rough' <
*gh^r''su-: Gk. ^epo-o?, Skv./tfsifdA 'bristling', Av. zarstva- ' stone', Lat. horreo, hirsutus, ^/gheres-, 95 iv (3).W. aber, 0. W. aper 'confluence', aberth 'sacrifice' < *abber- < ^ad-bher-, V' bher-.
\
Thereseems no good reason to suppose that gd, db could give g8, 8/ in W. W. gwydd ' goose ' cannot come from Stokes's *gegda (if g were not assimilated, eg would give ei, not wy, in W.), and Pederseu's breuddwyd < ^Tyrogd- (Gr. i 109) is not convincing. "W. 8/can only come from b, or ssg 97 iii, iv, or from dm; words like addfwyn, addfain come from ad-m- (mwyn ' gentle', main ' slender'), not from
*ad-b-. U Two soft spirants coming together, where no vowel has fallen out between them, can only occur when the first was already the spirant 8 < a in Brit., or when the second was the sonant m.
.^/" iii- (i) Ar. tt became ft, and Ar. dd(h) became d'd(h), 87 ii, 91 ii, giving W. s (ss) and th respectively. But when d+t or t +1 came together in Kelt., they became tt, which, like Lat. tt, ^ -appears in W. as th ; thus W. athecli 'skulking' < *ad-teg-s-:
W. techu 'to skulk, lie hidden', V' (s)theg- 92 i.W. saeth ' arrow' < Lat. sagitta.For tt + liquid see 99 v (4).
Similarly d-d when they came together in Kelt. > Brit. t > W. d; as in edvfar ' repentant' < *acl-d^-bar- : W. Mr 'indigna-
THE AKYAN CONSONANTS

 

 

 


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tion', Ir. Sara : Lat. ferio."W. credaf 'I believe', Ir. cretim. (t = d-d) < *kred d-: Skr. Srad dhd-' confide, believe'.
Ar. *1cred dhe- lit. ' set (one's) heart (on) ' was not a fast compound (cf. Skr. mad asmdi dhatta 'believe in him'); thus the W. credaf is explained by the d-d coming permanently together in Kelt. (for Ar. d-dh>W. th 91 ii), Brugmann2 I d^o, 691. Last. credo is also irregular, as if *do ' give ' had been substituted for *dhe ' put', Sommer 251.
When d-d came together later in Brit., they seem to have been simplified to d giving W. 8, as in a^ysg ' education' < Lat. addisc- ;
so W. aSef ' home' < *ad-dem-, Vdemd- 91 i.
(2) The change of the first t in tt to the affricative t9 was perhaps due to the tendency in Ar. to avoid double consonants, which in other cases seem to have been simplified. Gemination however was a special characteristic of diminutives and hypo-coristic or pet names, and of child-language, which was in a sense a language apart; and in these even tt remained unchanged. Thus Gk. NIKOTTW (for NiKoTeXeia), ALKKW, QEOKKW, ^(\\ios, Kp^Tris, S6evvts, 0. H. G. Sicco (for Sigench or Sigbertus), Lat. Farro (beside Tdrus), Brit. Commios (beside Comnx, Gaul. Comus), W. lol-lo (with double I in Ml. W. 33 ii, for lorwertK), Quito (for GrwffuS) ;Gk. arras, Lat. atta. 'papa' ; Skr. akkd 'mama', Gk. 'AKKW, Lat. Acca Ldrentia (: W. y nawfed ach' the ninth degree of consanguinity', lit. ' the ninth *mother', cf. " the 4th mother " 133 v; ach ac edryd 'descent', lit. ' *mat- and pat-ernity';
achoedd, achau 'lineage'). As the above examples show, the habit of doubling in such forms persisted in new creations, and, may account for the (j^c^ in the ogam maq^q^ and for the tt in Brit. *genettd >\V.geneth a. p. 1359 'girl'. So in tribal names :
Brittones beside Britanm; Galli beside FaXa-Tcii. Also in names 'of animals: Lat. t'acca; W. hwcJi, 'buck' (o^ < AA),Skr. huJckas\&.;
Gaul. cattos, W. cath; Ml. W. buck ' cow' < *boukka ; W. mocJiyii, ' pig', Ir. mucc, Germ. dial. mocke 'sow'; Ir. socc, W. hwch ' pig, BOW '; 0. E. dogga ' dog'; Persson, IF. xxvi 68. ^
THE SPIRANTS./
84. i. Ar. s was of very frequent occurrence. It remained generally in Pr. Kelt. Initially Ar. s before a vowel (Lat. s, Gk. ', Germ. s, Lith. s, Skr. s) appears in Ir. as s-, in W. gene-

 

 

 


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94
rally as h-, sometimes as s-. Examples: Ir. samail 'likeness', W. hafal' like' < *V</- : Lat. similis, Gk. ofiaXos, V sera- l one '.
\t.sam, W. ^o/" 'summer': 0. H. G. sumar, E. summer, Skr. ,'wffff ' year '.Ir. sen, W. hen ' old ' : Lat. senex, Gk. e'yoy, Skr. , sdua-h 'old ', Lith. senas' old '.W. ,<W :,Lat. .sa^w 63 vi (l). W. 1iun ' sleep' : Lat. somnns, Gk. VJrvof, 63 viii (l).W. Jiynt ' way ', Ir. set, 65 iii.W. Mr ' long', Ir. sw : Lat. servs, 73. Ir. secht it-, W. saz'^ ' seven.' : Lat. septem, Gk. wra., otc.<Ar. *septm 86 ii (l).W. s^'prog'eny, seed', beside Jvil . < *se-l-, Vse- 63 vi (i)-^.'5!!??,^. serr, 86 i (5).W.| .sffcr, Ir. sder<*saj;)ero-^ : Lat. MJOZO.W. sugnaf, Ir. w^m 'I|
suck' : Lat. (, sugo, 0. E. sugan, mean ' suck'. | y;
ii. Medially between vowels Ar. s remained after the separa- ;:
tion of the P and Q divisions; and is found in. Gaulish, as in ;
Isarno-. In Ir. and W. it became h, and generally disappeared, except where it became initial by metathesis, as in W. JiaeartL. though it is in some cases still written in Ml. W.; thus W. eog, Ml. W. eliawo, Ir. eo, gen. ?'c/< < Kelt. *esdk-<*esok-, Lat. esox < Kelt. The reduction of vowel-flanked s gave rise to new diphthongs in Brit., which developed largely like original diphthongs ;
\see 75 i, ii, vi, vii, 76 ii (3).
iii. The change of s to h differs from the soft mutation; in the latter a voiceless consonant becomes voiced, thus t > d; the corresponding change of s would be to 8. But s did not become'voiced ;
it remained voiceless, but was pronounced loosely, and ultimately became h. It must have been loosened already in the Roman period, for Lat. intervocalic s introduced at that period remains, as in caws < caseus. Now Lat. explosives undergo the soft mutation; the loosening of Brit. s is therefore earlier, and so the interchange s/h does not enter into that system. Before such a system of interchanges was organized it was natural to choose one or the other sound for the same word; and the postvocalic reduced s was chosen for most in Brit., the postconsonantal full s for others. It is quite possible that the two forms persisted in many words for a considerable period, so that we have e. g. W. llafren beside Brit. (-Lat.) Sabrma. There is only one .. certain example of Lat. initial s- giving h-; that is hestawr < sextdrius ;
this either was a trade term borrowed early, or has followed the analogy of words like Eafren. Possibly a transition stage is represented by Ixarninus, Isxarninus beside Isarninus Ehys LWPh.2 418. (The Ir. reduction of s is independent, and is included in the Ir. system of initial mutation.)
95 .THE ARYAN CNSONANTS

 

 

 


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iv. Ar. su-^'emained in Pr. Kelt., and gives s in Ir., chw-, hw- v^-. -4^ /' in "W., 26 vi. Thus Ar. *syesor > Ir. siur, 'W. chwaer ' sister' SS Je^X c^-75 vii' (2).Ar. *suid-t- > *suit8f- > W. c/iwys 'sweat' : Skr. ' svidyati 'sweats' : Lat. sudor< *suoid- : E. sweat.Ar. *sye'ks > W/^ cliwedi, Ir. se : Gk. 'Fe^, 101 ii (a).Ar. *sueK(u)r- >"W. diwegrwn, ' father-in-law ', chwegr ' mother-in-law ' : 'Lat. socer, socrus, Gk. Kvpas, eKvpa, Skr. SvaSurah, svasruh,W. cJiwi ' you' < *s-v,es:
Lat. vos 159 iv.Before o from a it was unrounded to h., as in hawdd < *suad- 148 i (6).
Medial -us->^ >W. w 76 ii (3). y' 85. i. Ar. sm-, sn-, sl-, sr-remained in Pr. Kelt. and appear in Ir. unchanged, in W. as m-, n-, 11-, rh-. Thus, sm-: Ir, smer 'blackberry', W. mwyar 'blackberries' 75 vi (a).Ir. smir gen. smera ' marrow', W. mer id. : Gk. (ry.vpi^a, p.vpi^ai 'I anoint', E. smear, Lith. smarsas 'fat'.sn-: Ir, snechta, '" W. flyf snow' : Lat. ninguit, 0. H. G. sneo, E. snow 92 iii. Ir. sndim ' I swim', W. nawf ' swimming' : Lat. ndre, Skr. snati 'bathes'.Ar. Vsene(i)- 'thread' : Ir. snum, W. nyddaf ' I spin', Ir. sndtJiat, W. nodwydd 'needle' : Lat. were, E. snare, Skr. snayu ' bowstring '.sl- : Ir. slemitn, W. llyfn ' smooth':
Lat. lubricus < *sloi6ricos, E. slip.Ir. sluag, W. llu ' retinue':
0. Bulg. sluga 'servant'.sr-: Ar. * sreu- : Ir. sruth 'stream', W. rkwcl 'dung-water' (rhwd fomydd I.G. 338), rnewyn. 'gutter':
Lith. sruta 'dung-water', Gk. PVTOS, pen/ia, etc. 58 vi, 76 iv (l).Ir. sron ' nose' < *srokn-, W. rTioch ' snore' < *srokn- 99 vi (3): Gk. peyyw, peynw 'I snore', p6'y\os ' snoring', pvyvos 'pig's snout', 97 v (3).
As s- before a vowel sometimes remains in 'W; so a few examples occur of s- before a sonant, as (y)snoden ' band, lace ', Ir. swathe gl. filum < *snt-, /sena^C)-;(y)slath beside llath 'lath', Ir. slat:
E. lath, O.H.G. latta "without s-. The N. W. dial. slywen 'eel' is prob. for *syttywen: Corn. selyas, syllyes ' eels ',Bret. silienn (stiaonenn) ' eel'; the Mn. lit. W. llysywen, S. W. dial. llyswen, seems to be a metathesized form; prob. 'Vselei- : Lat. limax. The second element is perhaps -mghy- : Ir. esc-wing ' eel' : Gk. e'-y^eA.DS ' eel' (the root has many forms, see Walde2 s.v. anguis). /
^_^ ii. (l) Medial -sm-, -sn-, -al-, -sr- probably remained in Pr. Kelt., but became -mm-, -nn-, -11-, -rr- in both Ir. and "W. . (In W. -mm- is written -m-, and U is now the voiceless It,

ifek-i^.^ . ...-i?i4-i



 

 

 




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95

properly double tt 54 i (a)). Examples: sm: W. twymyn ' fever '< *tepes-men- 86 i (3).W. ym 'we are', Ir. ammi < Kelt. *esmesi 179 ix (3).sn: W. own-en ' ash', Ir. hztinn-ws < *-os-n- : Lafc. ornus<*osinus, 0. H. G. ffs-/^ E. ash. W. ^yo ' breast', Ir. truinne id. < *triis-n- : 0. H. G. brus-t ' breast'.sl: W. co^ ' hazel', Ir. coll < *qos-l- : Lat. corulufi '.' < *cosulas, 0. H. G. hasal, E. 'hazel, Lith. kaswias ' spear'.sr:
W. fferru ' to congeal' < *spis-r- : Lat. spissus ' thick'.After a long vowel or diphthong n or r is simplified, as va.ffw 'breath' < *spois-n- 96 iv (f);^wawr ' dawn' < *yos-r- : Lat. ver ' spring '< *ues-r, V eues-. But the simplification took place too late to give */, *l for m, II in twymyn, pwyll, etc.; and -m, -II ^ remained double after simple vowels and shortened them as in. drum 100 v, dull (a) below.
(2) An explosive before one of the above groups simply disappears ; thus *pra-t-sna > W. rhann 63 vii (a);*tuk-slo-s > W. iwll 86 ii (3);*c!rk-smd > W. drew, ' sight', ^' deric- 61 i ;W. rJiwym' band ' < *reig-smen, '/reig- : Lat. corrigia; W. pwyll, Ir. clall' thought' < *qeif-sl- : Skr. cit-td-m 'thought', caityah ' soul'; W. dull ' manner, appearance ' < *doik-sl^, V'' dezk-: Gk. SeiKrvfii.
(3) But a sonant in the above position remains. Examples :
W. garm 'shout', Ir. gairm < *gar-smn, V gar- : Lat. garrio ; W. telm ' snare', Ir. tailm, gen. telmo. < *tel-sm- : Gk. reXauwv ' thong';Ml. W. annyneb (now amynedcT), Ir. ainmne ' patience ' < *n-smeniM, Vmenez ' thought', pref. n- ' in';W. mymryn ' a ^S little bit', Ir. mw 'a bit of flesh '< *memsro-m, (z shortened in ^y Blifc., m lost in Ir.) : Lat. membrum < *mSmsrom, Gk. /if)p6s // < *memsros or *mesros, Skr. mas ' flesh';-'W. cern ' back of cheek' < *'kersn- :4-iat. cermws < ^Jcevsn-, Gk. Kdpnvov< *^ rasnom Lafc. cerebrum < ^kerasrom; "W. carr yr en. 'jawbone' either < *k/s-r- (: cf. Lat. cerebrum) or simply *^r's-;W. amnaid ' nod ' (for *anmeid), 0. W. pi. enmeituou, 0. Bret. enmetiam gl. innuo < *en-smet-: Ir. smetim 'I nod' < *sment It is to be observed that OT in these groups = mm, and is not mutated toy. (^^rc iii. (I) Ar. -ms-, -ns- became -as- in Pr. Kelt., and appear so V',/ in Gaul., Ir., and W. Thus Gaul. esseda ' war-chariot' < *en-sed-a / 63 ii; and ace. pi. -ass in artuass (like Lat. -as) < *-ans. In
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS


 

 

 


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W., where -ss- became final by loss of the ending, it became -s early ; but medially it is still double, though now written -s- 54 i (2). Examples: W. crasu. Ml. W. crassu ' to bake', eras ' baked '< */crams- < *grm-s-, Vqerem-: Lat. cremo, Gk. Kepa/^os", i W. cramwyth ' pancake ' < *kram-pok-{t;W. wis ' month ', Ir. nit gen. rms < *mensis : Lat. mensis, Gk. pr^v, Lith. m&wu, mSnesis' moon, month ';W. gwies ' heat' < ^g^hrens-os, V g*her-, 93 iii : Skr. ghrasdh ' heat of the sun' < *g/irefis-os ;Ml. "W. cysseb ' sitting together' < *kon-sed-.
(2) The same change takes place before an explosive ; thus nst > st; nsq" > sp ; as W, cystadi, cystal' as good' 96 ii (3); cosp .( i^aJaruA^ t1 < */con^- 96 iii (5). ^ . / ..., ^ (^ ^. ^ ,,
(3) The nasal also disappears when an explosive came between it and the s, as in W. cysefin ' primitive', Ml. W. cyssefin < *kint' sammos, beside cyntaf 'first' 106 iii (3), cytitefin 'Spring' < *kint'tt-samlno-.
iv. (i) Ar. -Is-, -rs- probably became -11-, -rr- in Pr. Kelt. Examples of the former are uncertain in W., because -In-, '-li-also give W. II; perhaps W. pell' far' < *q*el-s- : Gk. re\os. W. carr, Ir. carr, Gaul. carr-(us) < ^tji^r'sos 63 iii;W. twrr ' crowd' (a. B. 44, 45),' heap' < *'tur'-s-, ur< u^r 63 viii, v/' tuer-:
Lat. turia, turma (W. ^oy/^Lat.).
(2) An explosive between the two sounds disappears, giving ^the same result; probably the majority of W. rr's come ^from such groups as -rks-, -rts Examples : W. gyrr ' a drove' (of cattle) < *gerks- <". ^'^erg's- : Gk. yepyepa voXXa. Hes., Lat. green, W. gre ;W. torri ' to break, cut' < *-torq-s-, /fereq-:
Lat. truncus < *tronqos, W. trwch ' broken, cut' < *fronqos ;W. carreg ' stone '< *^;^r'q-s-ika, VJcereq- : Skr. Sdrkarah 'pebble', Gk. KpoKaXr) ' pebble ', W. crogen ' shell', craig ' rock' < *^; oqi- ;
W. torr 'belly' (generally of an animal), torrog 'pregnant', Ir. torrach ' pregnant' <*for ks- : Lat. tergus ' body of an animal, hide';W. gwarr ' upper part of back', gwarr heol Q. 300 ' ridge of the roadway ' < *uorf-s- : Lat. vortex, W. gwarthaf ' summit' < *yort^mo- ;W. corr ' dwarf '<*qort-s- : Lat. car-fus, Ir, cert ' little', V (s)/j/er-.Possibly we have 11 from -Iks- in W. callestr ' flint' < *q/qs- : Lat. calx, Gk. \dXi^, V q{ft)eleic[- parallel to
/'kereq- above.



 

 

 


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(3) An explosive following the group remains, and the s disappears ; thus W. forth ' loaf, Ir. tort < *torsf- ' baked' : Lat. tostus < ^tors(i)tos : torreo < *torseio; W. tarth ' vapour, mist' (ta/rth mwg Act. ii 19 ' vapour of smoke ', tan twym tarth B.T. 38 'hot scorching- fire') < ^t/s-t- : Gk. Tepa-afvw, Vferes- 'dry up';W. garth, 'promontory, hill', Ir. gart < *gh^r'st- : Gk. ^epa-os, Vg/ieres- 93 ii (3) (not to be confused with garth 'enclosure' : Lat. hortus 99 vi (i), 76 vi (a)). -A*.
96. i. Ar. s+tenuis remained in Pr. Kelt. In Brit. the group either remained or became a double spirant; thus sk gave either (i) sk or (2) ^X > aIM^ s^ g^e either (i) st or (a) a sound between// and ss, which became ss, It is probable that form (i) occurred after a consonant, and form (2) after a vowel, being
*caused by a loose pronunciation of the s. Both forms occur initially and medially, and in the latter case form (i) can be shown in a large number of cases to have followed a consonant now vanished. In Ir. st gave ss, initially s-, and the other groups remained unchanged.
Tenuis+s also became a double spirant in Brit. A media before s had become a tenuis in Ar., and gives the same result. An aspirated media before s changed it to z in Ar., thus dhs > dhz (dzV) ; the < group became tenuis+s in Kelt., with the same result.
When s is combined with two explosives in any order it is the first explosive that drops: thus Host < *lompst- ii (3); asgwrn<
*ast-korn- ii (4) ; aos< *nots< *nocf'ts ii (5). The same simplification took place later in words borrowed from Lat. : W. estron ' stranger ''< extra-news, astrus < abstrusus, etc., 103 i (5).
ii. (i) Ar. st- became s- in Ir., st- or s- in Bret., Corn,, and W. Examples: Ir. sal, W. sawdl, Bret. sewl ' heel' < *std-tl- 63 vi (i) ;Bret. steren, Corn. steren, W. seren 'star' : Lat. stella <
*ster-ld, Gk. da-Trjp, 0. H .G. sterno, E. star : Ar. *sl,gr-;Bret. staon ' palate ', W. safn ' mouth' : Gk. a-rop.o.;Ir. sere, W. serch 'love ', Bret. serc'h ' concubine ' : Gk. o-repyco: Ar. *sterk/g- ;W. (y)sfarn, Bret. starn, stern ' harness' beside W. sarn ' causeway' 63 vii (a), V stero- ' spread out'. It is not to be supposed that st- became s- in W. in seren etc. after the separation of W. and Corn., since Lat. st- generally remains (not always; swmbwl
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS


 

 

 


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66 ii (i)); but rather that st- and s- existed side by side, and one form or the other prevailed ; cf. 94 iii. The lisped form /' is attested in Gaul. in the name Birona, also spelt Sirona (? star-goddess, < ^ster-).
(2) Medial -st- gave Ir. ss, Bret., Corn., W. ss. When ss became final in W. it was simplified early ; but it remained double medially, and is still double after the accent, though now written s 54 i (2). Examples : Ir. ross ' promontory, forest', W. rJios ' mountain meadow ' (Richards),' moor' < *pro-sth- : Skr. prasthah ' table-land on a mountain, plain ', '/stJia- ' stand'; Ir. cas-achtach ' cough', W. pas ' whooping-cough', Bret. pas 'cough' < *^W- : 0. E. hwosta. Germ. Husten 'cough' : Lith. koseti ' to cough ', Skr. kasate ' coughs';Ir. foss ' servant', W> gwas ' servant', gwasanaeth ' service ' < ^wpo-sthd-n-akt- 203 i (4):
Skr. upa-stha-na-m ' attendance, service';W. gwas B. T. 4' abode', S^ t, Ir. foss 'rest, stay' < *yost- : Gk. aarv < Fda-Tv, Skr. vasfu '-" 'dwelling-place, homestead'.The alternative lisped form // is attested in Brit. AOOedomaros beside gen. Assedomari CIL. iii 5291 (Rhys CB.2 277), W. Guynn-assed B.B. 67, with a66-, ass^ 'perhaps < *ast- \ Gk. OCTTCOV, Skr. dsthi 'bone', W. asen 'rib', aits 'breast'. ^^'
(3) When -st- is preceded by a nasal or explosive or both, the whole group gives W. st. Examples : W. cystal, older cystadi ' as good' < '^icom-stha-dfilo- ' standing together' : Lat. stabulum < ^-stha-dftlo-m;W. trwst ' tumult' < ^trum-st- (ru < w 63 viii (i)), Vfuer- : Lat. twma, turba, Gk. a-vpfSr], Att. rvp/3?? ; Ir. loss, los (i. erball) 'tail', Bret. lost 'tail', lostenn, 'petticoat', lostek ' tailed, trailing ', W. Host ' tail' in llost-lydau ' beaver', arllost' the butt end of a spear' < *lomp-st-, </ leb- ' hang down':
Skr. Idmbate 'hangs down', Lat. limbus 'hem of a garment'< ^lembos, E. lop in lop-eared, lop-sided: W. llusgo ' to trail, drag behind' < *lop-sq- ; W. cynliwst' kennel' < ^kun-o-loq-st-, Viegfi-' lie' ;W. gast' bitch' < ^ganst- for *kan-st- 101 iii (2) < *Jc(u)^n-' dog' 76 v (i) ;W. dust ' ear', Ir. cluass<*'kle'ut-st-, a Kelt. formation < Ar. *'kleutom ' hearing ' : Av. sraota-m, Goth. hlivf. (For the group after a liquid, see 95 iv (3).)
After a prefix both forms occur : W. gwa-sarn 'litter', Vsfero-;
gwa-stad' level', V sthd-' stand'; di-serc/i 'unlovely', Vsterk/g- (i)

 

 

 


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96
96
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS


above ; di-stadi' insignificant', lit.' without standing-', cf. cystadi above.
We have perhaps to assume *uos- (cf. Lat. sus-) beside w- and
*des- beside *de-, giving *-sst- beside *-st-, resulting in -st- beside -s-. It is however to be borne in mind that forms with prefixes were not originally fast compounds; and thus the form after a prefix may represent the old initial.
(4) Before r or 1, Ar. st remains in all positions in W. Thus W.ystrad< *sfr9-t-, V sfero- 63 vii (a);W..ysfrew, trew 'sneeze' < *streus- 76 ii (a), Vpsterev- : Lat. sternuo, Gk. TrTapw/Jii; W. ysilys ' side', Ir. sliss ' side' < *sflf-s- : Lat. latus < *sll9t-os, Vsfel(a)-;W. avwesfr 'band, (apron-) string '< *are-yest-i a:
Gk. Dor. FecrTpa (yeo'Tpa' a-ToXrj Hes.), Lat. vestis ;W. rhwysfr ' obstacle' < ^reig-s-tro- ' *snare ' : W. rhwym 95 ii (a) ;W. iusfl ' gall' (u for y 77 vii (2)), Corn. Ustel, Bret. bestt< *bis-tl-:
Lat. bzlis <*6is-lis (different suffixes -tl- : -I-) ;W. desti'-aesA, trim', di-dde&tl 'clumsy, unskilful' D.G. 196, 240 < *deks-tl-:
Lat. dexter, Gk. oe^io?, W. dehau ' right', etc.It is seen that a consonant before the group drops.
On the other hand when st came before an explosive the t dropped ; thus stk > sk, as in W. asgwrn. Ml. ascivrn ' bone' <
*ast-korn : Gk. ocrreov, see (a) above (initial a/o altern. 63 v (2)) ; and llosgwrn ' tail' similarly formed from *lompst-, see (3);
*W. gwisg ' dress ' < *yesf-q-, di-osg ' to undress ' < ^de-yosi-q-, V'yes- : Lat. vestis, etc.
(5) Ar. ts gives ss in Ir. and W. Original ds and dhz became ts, giving the same result.W. blys ' strong desire ' < ^mlif-s-, noun in -s- beside melys ' sweet' participle in -t- 87 ii, base
*meleit- ;W. Ilys ' court', Ml. Bret. les, Ir. liss, less<*(p)lt-'s-, with an -s- suffix which lost its vowel, added to *-plfh- 63 viii (i);W. aswy, Ml.W. asswy, asseu' left (hand)' < ^at-souzo-s < *ad-seyi^s : Skr. savyah ' left'.An explosive before the group drops ;
thus W. nos ' night' < nom. *not-s < *-noq^t-s beside noeth in frannoeth 'the following day', heno, 0. W. Jienoiil (=henoyth) 'to-night' from oblique cases *nokt- ; so glas- ' milk ' < *gl9kt-s, 63 vii (3); ies ' heat' < *tekts < *tep-t-s : Lat. tepeo, etc. A nasal before the group drops, 95 iii (3) ; but a liquid remains, and the group becomes II or rr, 95 iv (a). " ' iii. (i) Ar. sk- appears as sc- in Ir., as sc- or h- (< \) in "W.

 

 

 


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141 In W. sc has become sg, and initially ysg-, 23 ii. Thus W. ysgien, Ir. sewn ' knife ', V skJiel^- : Skr. cfiydti ' cuts off" Ml. W. isgaud B.B. '35 'darkness', Ir. scafh 'shadow' < *skdt- : Gothi sJcadus, E. shade, Gk. CTKOTOS, Skr. chdddyati ' covers';W. hegl ' shank '< *skek-l- : E. shank s/' skeq/g- : W. ysgog'z 'stir, shake',, E. shake, Lith. szokti ' to leap, dance'.
After a prefix : W. cysgod, guasgod ' shade' < *skdt-, as above. (a) Ar. sq- gives Ir. sc-, W. sc- (ysff-) or chw- (or before a round vowel h-). Thus W. ysgwyd ' shield', Ir. sciath < *sqeit-om :
Lat. scutum < *sqoit-om, 0, Bulg. stitu ' shield ' < *sqeif-om ;W. ysgar 'to separate', Ir. scaraim, Vsqer- : Lith. skwti 'to separate';
W. chwifh ' left (hand)' < ^sql-in-, chwidr ' perverse, fickle' <
*-sqz-tr-, Mn. Ir. ciotach 'left-handed' <*-sqi-tn-, "W. ysgoewan f. ' fickle one' < *sqai-y-, all E-grades of *sqez- ' left, oblique ' : Lat. | scaevw, Gk, o-/cai(/")6?, E. shy;W. chwalti 'to scatter', Bret. skttia, > Ir. scailim ' I scatter', V' sqel- 101 iv (a) : hollt' split' iv (i) (/3). ' With a prefix: W. gwa-sgar-af11 scatter ',Vsqer- 101 iv^aJV
cy-chwynn-af ' I rise, start', Ir. scendim : Lat. scando, Skr. skdndati 'leaps, bounds', /sqend-;W. osgo 'slant', nyt osco-es B.T. a5 ' he swerved not' < *of-sqaiy-; Ml. W. amry-scoyw^ Mn. W. amrosgo ' diagonal, awkward' < *sqaiy- : Lat. scaevus, see above;W. cy-huddo ' to accuse ' : Icel. skuta ' a taunt', 156i(9).
ski-, skr-, where they remained in Brit., survived in W., now ysgl- ysgr-, as ysglyfaeth 101 iv (a), ysgrafell' rasp' : E. scrape, iv (3). But these were mostly reduced early to sl-, sr-, 101 ii (3). Medially we may have -chl-, -chr-, 156 i (ii), (13).
(3) Ar. sq- gives Ir. sc-, W. chw-. Thus Ir. seel, W. chwedl, Corn. whethi 'news, a tale' < ^sq^-e-tio-, V'seep- 'say'. With a prefix: Ml. W., ky-chwedfl B.T. 38 'news'=ML Bret. quehezi, ,, Bret. kel;W. dym-chwel-af ' I overthrow' : Gk. o-(f)a.\\w, Skr. I skhalati ' stumbles', ^ sifhel- ;W. dy-chwel-af ' I return'< E ^do-sq^el-, V q^el- ' turo ', 101 iv (2).sp in the old compound ' cosp, see (5).
(4) Medially between vowels Ar. -sk- > W. ch, but is hardly to be found except in old compounds Mkegochel' to guard (against)', ym-och'el' to take shelter' < *upo-s-kel-, /'kel- 63 iii.Ar. -sq-,
-sq.- gave y^, generally unrounded to ch ; in Ir. all appear as ss.

 

 

 


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Thus Ar. verbal suffix *-sqe- (: Skr. -ccha-, Gk. -cr/c, Lat. -.wo), appears as ch in- W. cJiwenycJiaf'; finally -well < *-y*\ < *-i-sq-{: Gk. -i-a-Kco) 201 iii (a);Ml. W. am&awS W.M. 453 'replied'
< ^am-^-^wS 156 i (4) < *mM-sqlt-, -v/' seq*- ' say'; suffix 183 iii.
(5) After an explosive or nasal, however, Ar. -sk-, -sq->W.
-so- (-sg-), and Ar. -sq- > W. -sp- ; in Ir. -so-. Thus W. mysgu, cymysgu ' to mix ', Ir. mescaim ' I mix' < ^mik-sq- : Lat. misceo, Gk. fif'yvv/J.i, Skr. miSrd-h 'mixed',^ V meik/g-;W. llusgo 'to drag'' < *lop-sq- ii (3) above ;W. liesg ' sedges', Ir. sescenn. ' swamp '< ^seq-sq- '. E. sedge, 0. E. secg V' seq/g- ' cut': Lat. seco etc.;W. llesg 'languid, infirm, sluggish', Ir. le-so 'slothful '<
*le q-sq-, V{s)leg- : Skr. lawga-J). 'lame' < *leng-, Lat. langueo < *lang-, Gk. Aayapor ;W. gwrysg 'twigs' < *wd-sq- : Lat. ramvs < *wd-mo-s, Vuerffd- 91;W. diaspad f. 'a cry' < ^de-ad-sq^-gtd, Vseq9-, guff. 143 iii (18); W. cosy 'punishment', Ir. cose ' correction, reprimand ' < *kon-sq"- ' talk with '. '^fe^'
As the group -sky- or -squ- contains three distinct consonants, it gives -sp- in W. (not -oh-); thus W. Jiysp ' dry' (without milk), di-hysb-yddu ' to bail' (a boat, a well, etc.), di-Jiysb-ydd ' inexhaustible '< *sisq-yo- rednpl. of V seiq- 'dry' : Avest. /lisku- f. hi^kvz-, Lat. siccus < *sicos (W. sycJt, Ir. secc < Lat. ?). (6) Ar. -ks-, -qs-, -qs- give Ir. ss, W. Bret. Corn. -ch- or -h-. Thus Ir. ^^ng'hfr^hand) '<*deks-, W. deheu 'right, south'< *deksomos, Gaul*. Seaesiva Sea : Lat. dexter, Gk. Se^ios, Goth. tai^swa, 0. H. G. zesawa;Ir. ess-, W. eh-, ecTi- 156 i (15) :
Lat. ex, Gk. e^;W. ych 'ox' (Ml. Ir. oss)<*uqso : Skr. -u/csd, 0. H. G. ohso, 69 v.So finally : W. cJiwech ' six ', Ir. se, sess-< *sueJcs : Av. assvas, Gk. e'^ ('fe^), Lat. sex, Goth. saihs, E. sine < Ar. *sueks, *se&s 101 ii (2).
As before ts, an explosive or nasal before the group dropped;
but in that case -ks- probably, like"-^-, did net become ^, but remained and developed like Lat. -x-; so perhaps trais 'oppression' < *treks- < *trenk-s- : W. trenw, Ger. strong 148 i (13).
A liquid before the group remains, 95 iv (%) ; -ksl-, -1csm- etc., 95ii(a).
iv. After s, Ar. p in Kelt. either (a) became *f as usual;" or (/?) was altered to q and deYelopedaccordjngly.

 

 

 


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(1) (a) Ar. spTh^->W. fp-, Ir. s- (mutated to/-). Thus W. jfun ' breath' < *8pois-n- : Lat. spzro < *speis-o;"W. jfer ' ankle ', Ir. sew ' heel' (ace. du. di pkerid) <*sper- : Gk. ir(fivp6v ' ankle, \ heel' < *sp&u^r- : Lat. jserna, Gk. Trrepi'a. < *j3uer-n- (Jacobsohn, - . KZ. xlii 275), V' sphyere- see (2) below ;~W. jfonn ' stick', Ir. tf4 J^^-' sonn ' stake '< *sponcU- : E. spoon, 0. E. spoil. ' cnip of wood', w __^ Icel. spann, sponn 'chip', Gk. cnrd0T] 'spatula', tr(f>rjv 'wedge', Vsp(Ji)e-, spend- ' hew'. Similarly before a liquid: W. ffraeth' eloquent, witty '< ^sphrakt-, </spherSg- : Germ. sprecken, 0. E. sprecan; E. speak, see 97 v (3);W. ffrwst ' haste '<
*sprut-st- : Goth. sprauto ' quickly', W. ffricd 101 ii (3); ^f. fflochen ''splinter' <*sfhloq-n- : Skr. pMlakam ' board, plank', I'</sp(/t)el- : Germ. spalfen, E. split, cf. W. talch 86 ii (3). f (/3) sp^)->Kelt. sq">W. chw- (h-) or sp-, Ir. sc-. Thus ?'W. dwynn ' weeds' (prob. originally ' furze', as E. whin which | comes from it) < *sq^itin- < *spid-m- : Lat. pinna < *pid-sna; Ir.
^sce'-geQ.. pi. sciad, W. yspyddad 'hawthorn' < ^sy^i-at- : Lat. spina, sjfica, V spei- ;W. chwydu 'to vomit', chwyd 'vomit' 100 ii (3), Vspeley- : Lat. spS'b, E. spew, etc.;W. hollt' split', hotttit ' to split', beside (a) Bret. faouta ' to split' < *spol-t-, Vspel- 101 iv (2);W. yspar ' spear', Bret. sparr : Lat. sparws, 0. H. G. sper, E. spear, VspJiuere- 97" v (3);W. chwyrn, ' swift' ;-', < ^sp/iern-, Aw8 ' a violent push ' < *spJwn- 100 iii (2).
(2) Medially, Ar. -sp- gives (a) W. -S-, or (/?) W. -ch-, Ir. -sc-. Thus W. dual (a) wffarnau (/?) ucharnau ' ankles' <*yi-sp(u)^r-n- . : eg. jfer, Lat. perna above;(/3) W. ucJi.er 'evening', Ir./escor : Lat. vesper, Gk. wrrepos 66 iii.
After a consonant (as) -sp->W. ff; unlike -st-, -sk-, which preserve the explosive, sp had become -sf-, and there was no explosive to preserve. Thus W. effro ' awake' < *e&sprog- dissim. from ^eks-pro-gr- : Lat. easpergiscor for '^ex-pro-gnscor (Walde, s. v.) : Av. fra-yrissmno ' waking', Skr. jdrate ' wakes ', Gk. ' eyetpw, V ger-, gerez-.
(3) Ar. -ps- also gives (a) W. -ff-, or (/?) W. -ch-, but Ir.
-ss-. Thus (a) "W. craff 'sharp, keen' < *qrap-s- < *qrab-s- :
Icel. s&arpr, 0. E. scearp, E. sharp, E. scrape, W. crafu 'to -scratch';W. praff ' burly '< q^r^p-s- : Lat. corpus, etc.; (f3) W. uwch ' higher', uchel ' higli', Ir. uasal, vassal, Gaul.
! .-- . ^>.

 

 

 


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Uasello-duntim < ^ups-, ^iipsel- : Lat. sus-, Gk. S^lri, v\fft]\6s 'high', {i^frCwi/ 'higher';W. crych 'early', Gaul. Crixus, Criscsus : Lat. crispus (prob. < *cripsos) : Lith. kreipti 'to'turn', Vger-' turn', extd. *qreip- ;W. llachar ' bright', Ir. lassciir < ^-laps^r-; Gk. Xa.fJi.Trca;W. crack 'scabs' < *qrap-s- : craff above, see 101 ii (a). As in the case of -1cs-, see iii (6), the *-ch- may
become -h-, as in caJi-el beside caff-el< *qap-s- 188 iv. Uf^ 97. i. Before a media or aspirated media, s had become z
medially in Pr. Ar. Thus the V-grade of </' s'ed- was -zd-. Ar. z became 8 in Pr. Kelt. This remained in Brit., and the media following- it was reduced later to the corresponding' voiced spirant.
ii. Ar. -zd- > Kelt. bd. In W. this became th, through 88; in Ir. it appeal's as t, ft (s d-d), Mn. Ir. d. Thus Ar. *"mzdos ^nest' >Ir. net, nett, Mn. Ir. nead, W. nyth : Lat. mdus, 0. H. G. nest, E. nest, Skr. mdd-k, v/' sed- 63 ii;W. si/tJi 'upright', sytkv, ' set erect', Ir. seta ' tall' < *sizd- : Lat. sido < *sizdo, Skr. stdati 'sits' for *szdati < *sizd-, Gk. 'i^w<*slzdo, /sed-, redupl.
sizd-;W. gwyth ' anger', ad-wyth ' hurt, mischief, misfortune ' < *gheizd-. Ml. Ir. goet' wound ' < *gJioizd- : Skr. heda-h ' anger' < ^-gheizd-os, Mdati ' angers, vexes, hurts', Lith. zdizda ' wound', zeidzw ' I wound ', Av. zoizda- ' hateful';W. brathu' ' to stab, bite ', brat/i' a stab, a bite' < ^bhrazd^t}- : Russ. brozdd 'bit, bridle' < *lhrazd(h)-, 0. Bulg. bruzda id.< *bhfzd(h)- : with -st-, Skr. bhrsti-h 'tooth, point', Lat. fastzgmm for *farsti- (<*frasti-?), VMera-s-? Walde2 375, extension of ^/6&er- 'prick' : W. Mr ' spear, spit'; -d- presents : W. cJiwythaf ' I blow' < ^suiz-d-, Ir. setim id. < *syeiz-d- : Skr. Jcsvedati ' utters an inarticulate sound, hisses, hums' < *lcsueiz-d- : with -t-, 0. Bulg. svistati ' sibilare'.
After a consonant the result is the same, for the consonant had dropped in Brit.^ and though st of that period remains (e. g. Lat. -st-), the mutation d>6 is later, so that Brit. -8^>88>th. Thus the prefix *e&s- + d- gave *e(g)zd- > *eSd- > etii- as in ethol ' to elect' < ^egz-dol- : E. tale, Ger. Zahl ' number ', W. didoli
' to segregate ', Skr. ddlam ' piece', Lith. dalis ' part', VdSl-' divide'.
iii. Ar. -zg(h)-, -29(h)- > Kelt. -Sg-; in Ir. it appears as dg. (=83); in W.*8g became ^8 by met., after w, *8g>8f. Thus
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS

 

 

 


1675_jmj_welsh_grammar_1913_145

(d
elwedd 1675) (tudalen 145)

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SGANIAD AMRWD: TESTUN HEB EI GYWIRO ETO
ESCANEJAT SENSE CORREGIR
RAW SCAN: TEXT NOT YET CORRECTED

145
W. maidd ' whey' < *eg8-, met. for *meS^-, Ir. meclg 'whey', Gallo-Lat. mesga (s for 8 ? of. 96 ii (l)) : Lat. mergo, Lith. mazg6ti 'to wash', Skr. majjati 'sinks' < *mezg- ;"W. Jiauld ' barley'< ^se-zg-, redupl. of *seg- : Lat. seges;perhaps W. twddf 'a swelling' for *tu^-<'sttu^g-, s-stem of /tew- (: Goth. pus-) + -g- suff. : Lat. turgeo (Walde2 rejects his first suggestion that this is from. *fuzg- in favour of Solmsen's *turigo, IF. xxvi naff., with -igo (: ago), though this is usually ist conj., as navigare).
W. gw&f 'throat', N. W. dial. gwSw, pi. gySfe, gySfa, S. W. dial. gwSwg, pi. gy^ge, gyfhce, Bret. goussoug, with -g for -g, 111 vii (4), seemg to require *gug- ; 1 ghu-s-, /ghevr, (: Lat. fauces') + -g-, as in mwn-g ' mane'.
iv. Ar. -zb(h)- > Kelt. 8& > Ir. dl, W. 8f. Thus W. oddf 'knag, knot, nodule', Ir. odb : Gk. 6a'(f>vs (< *ost-bhu- ?).
v. (i). The above groups are found only medially. Initially Ar. s- did not become z-, but changed a following media to a tennis ; thus sb- > sp-, sbJi- > sph, etc., Siebs, KZ. xxxvii 2,77 ff. Hence the initial alternations b- : sp- and" dh-: sth-, etc., as in Germ. dumm, E. dum6<*dA- : Germ. stumm, W. di-staw < sth-, 156 i (n).
(2) As s- could, be prefixed or dropped in Ar. and for a long time after the dispersion, 101 ii (i), Siebs 1,'c. holds that the above explains the initial alternation of a media and tenuis. In a large number of cases it undoubtedly does so. "Where the media is general and the tenuis exceptional, it affords a satisfactory explanation, as in the case of the Kelt. (- in tafod' tongue ' corresponding to d- elsewhere (0. Lat. dingua), which is parallel to the t in taw I 'he silent' (s still kept in di-staw) corresponding to the *Sh- which gives the d- of E. dumb. But it hardly explains the alternation when tlie tenuis is general and the media, exceptional, as in W. craidd, Lat. cord-, Lith. ssirdzs, E. heart, Gk. KapSia < *k- : Skr. hrd-, Av. sarada < *gh-, since & < sick, without a trace of the s- in the whole of Europe, is improbable. But whatever the explanation may be, the fact of the alternation can hardly be called in question.
(3) As an example of the variety of forms produced by variable s-, we may take Vbhuere-, extd. *bhyerS-g-/-gh-/-q-, orig. meaning i. ' hurl', 2.' smite'; hence from i.' sprinkle, cast (seed) ; roar, suore;
rattle ; talk'; from 2. ' break ; crash, break out, burst; smell'. bh.- :
W. T)wrw 'hurl, smite ', bzorw glaw 'to rain', bwrw had 'to cast seed'1 < *bhur'g- (wr < u^r); Lat. frango < *bhrmg-, fragor < *bh^g-, fra-
iita I'

 

 

 


1676_jmj_welsh_grammar_1913_146

(d
elwedd 1676) (tudalen 146)

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SGANIAD AMRWD: TESTUN HEB EI GYWIRO ETO
ESCANEJAT SENSE CORREGIR
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146
PHONOLOGY
98
grave, E. break, burst, W. brych, brith ' speckled';sph- ; W. JiwrS 100 iii (2), chwyrn 'swift' 96 iv (i), diwyrnu ' to roar, snore';
Skr. sphurdti ' spurns, darts, bounds ', sphurjati' rumbles, roars, rattles, crashes' < *spJwrg-; Lat. sperno, spargo ; E. spurn, sprinkle; Gk. a-<f)dpa.yo<i; ^ff.jfraeth 96 iv (i), ffroen < *spJirug-nd (ru < yr) ; p(h)-: W. erch ' speckled', Gk. vepKvo's; W. arch-fix' stench' < *ph^q- ;
arogleu 'a smell', compound p^roqo-prag-1(p .. . g > t. . . g 86 ii (3)) tfywyS ' scent', trwyn ' nose ' < *prug-no-, trawaf ' I strike ' <
*prug- {ru < yr);spr > sr 101 ii (3): W. rhuo 'roar, talk loudly' < *srog^-, Gk. pey^a, PC-VKW, poy^o's, pvwos, W. rhoch ' snore '.
98. i. (i) In Gk. and Kelt. a dental explosive sometimes appears after a guttural where the other languages have s ; this is explained by the supposition that Ar. possessed after gutturals another spirant, similar to E. th in think, W. th, whiah is written ]>. After an aspirated media, as s became z, 96 i, so J? became
S ; thus g1if> >gft9 (g9K). Brugmann2 I 790 ff.
(2) Ar. k)?- (Lat. s-, Gk. KT-, Skr. is-) ga,ve Kelt. t-. Thus W. tydwet, fydweda B B. 20, 36 ' soil, land' < ^tit- : Lat. situs ' site', Gk. Krivis ' settlement', KT^CO ' I found', Skr. ksiti-h 'abode, earth, land' : Vkpel- 'earth', see (3) below.
Ar. -k)5- (Lat. -x-, Gk. -KT-, Skr. -ks-) gave Kelt. -kt-. Thus W. arth ' bear', Ir. art < *artos < *arktos : Gk. apKros, Lat. ii'rsus <*wrcsos, Skr. rksafi : Ar. *ar^os, *r^os 63 v (a).
(3) Ar. gh'S- (Lat. h-, Gk. ^6-, Skr. h-, Germ. g-, Lifch. z-) gave Kelt. d-. Thus Ir. indhe, W. doe ' yesterday ' < *desz = Lat. fieri : Gk. \6es, Skr. hydJi, 75 vii (a) ; this occurs medially in W. neithzm/r 'last night' 78 i (a) for *'neith-bi'wyr < *nokti dieserai (assuming the case to be loc.) : 0. H. G. gestaron, E. yester-, Lat. hesternus : Ar. *gfi9ies-, suff. *-ero-/-tero-.W. ty-byn ' a measure of land, a small farm' lit. ' *house-land ', iref-Syn B.T. 14, gwely-byn (gwelitiw B.B. 64), Ml. pi. fybynneu for *-Symew < *domi- : Lat. humus, Gk. ^Qoov : Ar. *ghifem- ' earth'; allied to this as meaning ' terrestrial' are the names for ' man' : W. dyn, Ir. dume < *donw- < *g/t8/omt- : Lat. homo, Lith. zmu, zmo-gus pi. zmones, Goth. guma pi. gumans : Ar. *gh9em-. This may be for *gh9wm- as Pedersen suggests, Gr. i 89-90 ; in that case the root must be *g1^ye^-, which therefore must be the same as
' In Late W. wrongly spelt tudwedd from a fancied relation to tud ' people ', whence ' country*. The examples in B.B. both rhyme with -ed.
99
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS


 

 

 

1677_jmj_welsh_grammar_1913_147

(d
elwedd 1677) (tudalen 147)

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147
V^pez- above, with Ar. alternation 'k-/gh-; hence W. daear ' earth' < ^-ghSfij-frd, ^' gJi'Sez-.
(4) g^hS- (Gk. (f)6-) gave Kelt. d-. Thus W. dar-fod 'to waste away, perish ', dar-fodedigaeth' phthisis' < *-dar- < ^g^iS^r-: Gk. (pOdpm < ^g^JiSer-; W. dyddfu ' to pine, waste away' < ^di-d-m- redupl., -m- suff. : Gk. (f>Qtw, d-iro-diOiOa; in Skr. with *^-, as ksdrati ' flows, passes away, perishes', ksiyate ' decreases, wanes'.
ii. In Gk. we sometimes find ^- where the other languages have z-. This equation is held to imply an Ar. palatal spirant j (the sound which is written 5, i. e. palatal g, in other connexions in this book; it differs from i in being pronounced'with more friction of the breath). Examples are "W. wu ' yoke'' yii&t.jugum, Skr. yugd-m, Gk. ^vyov, all < Ar. *jug6m;W. MS ' a seething', Skr. ydsyati ' seethes, bubbles', Gk. ^w : Ar. Vjes-;W. uwd ' porridge', Ml. W. wt 37 ii, Bret. iot, Lat. jus, Skr. yusa-m ' broth', Gk. ^vfir] : Ar. ^jeu-;W. wrch, 0. Corn. yorch : Gk. ^opS 65 iu (a) 'w- wli Gk- ^os- 201 iii (a).
THE SONANTS.
99. i. Initially before vowels, and medially between vowels, Ar. 1, r, m, n (so in most of the languages, but r- > ep- in Gk.) remained unchanged in Pr. Kelt. In W. initial 1- and r-became 11- and rh-, 103 i (4). Many examples occur in the above sections; as W. Host < *lompst- 96 ii (3); W. halen ' salt' 58 ii; W. rhwym, Vreig- 95 ii (a); W. adferaf, V' bher- 58 iii; W. mis ' month' 95 iii (i); W. haf, Ir. sam ' summer' 94 i; W. maw ' nine' 76 iii (i); W. ychen' oxen' 69 v. The treatment of these sonants in combination with s has been ' discussed in 95, and in combination with s and an explosive in 96. There remains the combination of sonants with. one another and with explosives.
ii. (i) Ar. ml-, mr- remained in Pr. Kelt., but in Brit. they became bl-, br- and appear so in W.; in Ir. both m- and 6-appear. Thus W. Uys< *mlit-s- 96 ii (5) ;W. tro' region', Ir. mruig ' boundary' < *mrog- : Lat. marge, 0. H. G. marka, 0. E. mearc, E. march 65 ii (i);~W. trag ' malt', Ir. mraick i2





 

 

 


1678_jmj_welsh_grammar_1913_148

(d
elwedd 1678) (tudalen 148)

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SGANIAD AMRWD: TESTUN HEB EI GYWIRO ETO
ESCANEJAT SENSE CORREGIR
RAW SCAN: TEXT NOT YET CORRECTED

148
PHONOLOGY
99
<*mra<f-, W. braenu 'to rot' <*mratj/-n-, i/merfflq- 'decay' : Lat. fraces ' oil-dregs ', Gk. d^pyr] (< *a/^op^a, whence Lat. amm'ca Walde2 464).Similarly Ar. m- before 1 or r, short or long-:
W. UttJi ' milk, milch', Ir. mlicht, blicht < *m^t-, 61 i ; W. Uawcl ' flour' < *mlt- 61 ii.The same change probably took place medially also ; in that position both m and b would now appear &sf, but in 0. W. v from m is written m, while v from b appears as b; and such a form as amcibret ox. < *m6i-ioni-(p)ro-'ret- 156 i (9) implies v<6; so Brit. Sabrina probably contains
*sam-. In the Coligny calendar tio-cobrextio very probably contains *kom-rekt- = W. cyfrait/i, Rhys CG. 16. But. W. cy'S-< *kom- persisted by analogy : cymreith (m = v) L.L. 120 ; cf. 16 iv (3). (Lat. m.., I became mb., .1 in cumulus, stimulus 66 ii(i).)
(a) Ar. medial -1m-, -rm- remained in Pr. Kelt,, and -Imp-,
*rmp- became -1m-, -rm- ; they appear so in Ir.; in W. the m appears as f or w. Thus W. celfydd' skilful', celfyddyd' craft', 0. Bret. celmed gl. efficax, Ir. Mima 'doughty'< *q^l'mp- : Lat. scalpo, Lith. sklempiu ' I polish', Skr. kalpand ' fashioning, invention', IdptdJi' arranged, trimmed, cut': E. skill, Goth. skllja ' butcher';
V' (s)qel-, extd. ^(s^cielep- ;W. cwrf, cwrw, Ml. W. kwryf, coll. cwrw for cwrwf or cwrw ' beer', Ir. cuirm, Gaul. KovpfJii, <
*korm- : Lat. cremor ' thick juice obtained from vegetables '; lit. ' *decoction', Vqerem- 95 iii (i);W. serfyll 'prostrate' <
*f^rm- : Lat. stramen, Gk. o-rpco/xa, Skr. stdnman- ' strewing', Vstero- 63 vii (2).So in old compounds : W. gorfynt 'envy', Bret. gourvent, Ir. format <*yer-ment- : Lat. gen. mentis, E. mind : Gk. vrrep-fiev-rjs with same pref. and root: Vmen-; but later compounds may have rm, as gor-mob ' too much'.
Probably the m was already somewhat loose in Brit., as Gaul. ceruesia ' beer' beside xoSp/Ai shows it to have been in Gaul. Hence new formations with a new m might be treated differently. Thus, in Lat. loanwords, while we have usually If, rf, as in palf < palma, terfyn < terminus, we may have Im, rm, as in Garmon < Germdnus, salm < psalmus, prob. borrowed later.
iii. (i) Ar. -nl-, -nr- became -11-, -rr- respectively in Pr. Kelt;
Thus W. gwall ' want, defect', gioallus TL.A. 154 ' negligent', now ' faulty ', Bret. gwall' defect '< ^wan-Id-, '/ySn- : Lat. vdnvs,^
99
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS


 

 

 

1679_jmj_welsh_grammar_1913_149
(d
elwedd 1679) (tudalen 149

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SGANIAD AMRWD: TESTUN HEB EI GYWIRO ETO
ESCANEJAT SENSE CORREGIR
RAW SCAN: TEXT NOT YET CORRECTED

149
E. want;W. garr ' knee ', Bret. garr 'jambe '< *gan-4'~ 63 vii (4).But in compounds in which the sounds came together after the Brit. period, the n remains, and the group becomes -nil-, -nrh- in W., as in an-llad, aw-r/teg, 111 i (i).
(2) Ar. -In- also became -11- in Pr. Kelt. Thus W. dall ' blind ', Ir. dall' blind ', cluas-dall ' deaf' < *dh(u}al'-no- : Goth. dwals ' foolish ', 0. E. ge-dwelan ' to err ', V dhyelcv"-.But -rn-remained, as in W. cJiwyrn 'swift' < *sp/tern- 96 iv (i); W. earn 'hoof, Bret. learn, Galat. Kapvov ' rfjv o-aXTnyya, Hes. < *^r'n-, Vkerdxu- ; W. darn, sarn, etc. 63 iii;Kelt. suffix ^-arn- < *-^r'n-, as in W. Jiaearw, cadarn.
iv. (i) Ar. -mn-, -nm- remained in Pr. Kelt., and appear so in Ir. (or with an epenthetic vowel) ; in W. the mutated form f (or w 102 iii (i)) takes the place of m. Thus W. safw 'mouth', Bret. staon 'palate' < *-stom-n- : Gk. o-TOyua 76 vii (4) ;W. cyfnesaf 'kinsman' < *kom-nessam-, 148 i (i) ;Ir. ainm 'name', 0. W. anu < ^an'mn 63 v (a) ;W, menw-yd ' mind, pleasure ', Ir. menme ' mind ' < *men-m- : Skr. mdnman-' mind, thought' ;W. an-fad ' atrocious ' (: mad, ' good'), Gaul. (Sequ.) awmaf... ' unlucky' < *n-maf- : Lat. mdtwus orig. ' in good time ' Walde2 470.
An explosive probably dropped before the group : W. pythefnos, pythewnos ' fortnight' lit. ' 15 nights ' for *pymthevnoeth (dissim. of nasals) < *pempede{k)m-noktes < Kelt. *qve'K>q'l!edekm noJctes.
(2) Ar. -rl- and -Ir- can hardly be traced ; we should expect them to give -II- and -rr-. Late -rl- gave -rll- 111 i (i).
v. (i) A group consisting of 1, r, m. or n and a single explosive remained in Pr. Kelt. (except that p dropped, 86, and a nasal assumed the position of a following explosive). The further development of such groups in W. is dealt with in 104-6.
(a) When a liquid came before two explosives the first explosive dropped; thus W. peyth 'bush' < ^-perta < ^q^erq^-t- : Lat. quercus< *perqus 86 ii (i): 0. H. G.forha, 0. ~E.fur&, Kfir, Skr. parkafi ' ficus religiosa ' ;W. cellt ' flint' < *qelq-t- : Lat. calx 95 iv (a) ;W. arth, Ir. art< *arktos 98 i (2).
(3) But when a nasal came before two explosives, the nasal dropped ; thus W. trwyth ' wash, lye, urine' < *tronkt- : W. trwnc ' urine' < *tronq- : Lith, trenkw ' I wash' (W. trochi ' to bathe' <



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