A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative. 1913. John Morris-Jones (1864-1929). 2649k Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia.

 

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Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia
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Gramadegau Cymraeg

A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative
John Morris-Jones (1864-1929)
1913
 
TUDALENNAU 200-249

 

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200
ACCIDENCE
§ 121
iii. (i) In Brit. the nom.-acc. sg. neut. ending must in some cases have been *-u (instead of *-u), of.
Lat. cornu, etc. (so sometimes in Skr., see Brugmann2 II ii 144), as in *dakru > W. deigr ' teal ' (e g. Vawer deigyr a wyleis i H.M. ii 129 ' many a tear have I wept', 606 deigr Dat. vii 17 " Trdv SaKpvov"), The pi. ending might be *-oua (< *-uw) or -M (< *-uw contracted, § 63 vii (2)); deigr 'tears' from the latter is doubtful, though used byGr.O 50; the former gives the usual pi. dugrazt § 76 iii (2). See also § 125 iii Note.
(2) Qiinc 'branch' maybe a fern. w-stem with nom. sg. in -u, Thurneysen Gr. 182 ; thus cainc < *1caw1c,u, pi. cangau, Ml.W. cageu BB. 48 <,*Jcd'K>Jcouas.
iv. The pi. ending -au does not affect a preceding vowel, see § 76 iii (2); cegeu B.B. 47 is a scribal error as shown by cageu 48.
id-stems,
§ 121. i. -ion and -on come from Brit. -wnes and -ones, pL endings of tt-btems.
The Brit. forms were *-u < *-o, pi. -ones, as in Brittones; but
*-iu < -i~>, pi. -wnes, as in Verturiones, Gaul. Suessiones, seems to have predominated, as in Goidelic (Thurneysen Gr. 202). Hence the greater prevalence of -ion in W. Borrowed wolds -were of course declined like native, and Lat. latrines > Brit.
*latruws > W. lladron.
In Ar., nouns in -o(n), -zr(n), -iin^ii) (loss of -n § 101 ii (4)) were (a) nomina ageutis, frequently from adjectives with o-, w-, no-stems; thus Gk. a-rpdpw ' squinter' : o-rpa/So's 'squinting'; ovpavimv ' heavenly one' : oipdvio's' heavenly'; (b) abstract nouns, as Lat. ratio. Thus the use of -ion in W., which is added to names of persons and instiuments, and to abstract nouns, corresponds roughly to the original value of the suffix.
-on goes back to Brit. in nouns in which the vowel is affected in the sg., § 125 iii; after -hai < *-sagw, pi. -heion i e-formed for *-haeon < *-sfigwnes, and after -ydd, pi. -yddwn, re-formed for -ySon < -zwnes, as in gweryddon § 110 ii (3). But in most cases it is a new addition in "\V., as in ymerodron, pi. of ymherawdr < Lat. imperdtor. W. dyinon is also prob. an analogical formation, for Ir. duine implies
*doniws, and Bret. and Corn. use iud, tus ' people' for the pi. The adj. *domos and its pi. *donw would both give dyn, to which -ion was added to form the new pi.
ii. -ion is added to (i) many norms denoting persons, as ^7^ ' man ', pi. etymon,; mob ' boy, son', pi. meibion, Ml. meibon §35 ii (i), 0. W. mepion, § 70 ii (i) ; gwas 'servant', pi. gweision,, MI. gweisson W.M. 33; wyr ' grandson'. pi. wyrion. Ml. wyron li.B.B. 49 ; gwasimwd 'groom', pi. gwastrodyon W.M. 33 ; including derivatives in -(&)ai, -ydd, -og Ml. -awe, -or Ml. -awr, -ig, -awdr, as gwestai 'guest', pi. gwestewn IL.A. 168 ; crydd, pi. cryddion,
^ 121
 

 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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Bret. kere, pi. feereon, § 86 i (5); (fweliydd ' weaver', pi. gweJiyddion ; marchog ''knight', pi. marcJiogion; cantor ' singer', pi. cantorion.; pendefig ' chieftain', pi. pendefigion; dysgawdr ' doctor', pi. dysgodron (in Kecent W. re-formed as dysgavJd-wr,
-wyr); and adjectives used as nouns § 145 iii. In a few cases the ending is -on, as meddygon, § 118 ii; Iddew 'Jew', pi. Iddewon, Ml.W. Ibewon IL.A. 19, ISeon do. 17; at/trawon, etc. § 125 iii.
(2) Some names of implements: cyn ' chisel', pi. cymon.;
ebill ' auger ', pi. ebillion ; trosol' bar, lever', pi. trosolion,; ysgol, Ml. yscawl ' ladder ', pi. ysgolion-, Ml. yscolyon. W.M. 189 ; ysgolion 'schools ' follows this probably.
(3) Some abstract nouns : rJiyliuddion ' warnings' (Ml. rybubyeu W.M. 73}; esgiision 'excuses'; traffertJiion 'troubles';
with -on : gofalon ' cares '; cysuron ' comforts'; but most take
-aw § 120 i (4). H.M. has meddyhm ii 194, M 147/639 a., for the usual meddyliav,, Ml. W. meSy/yeu R p. 1201, 1303.
(4) ebol. Ml. ebawl ' colt', pi. ebolion. Ml. eholyon W.M. 45;
kenew, see § 125 iii; planfiigion ' plants ', sg. planhig-yn.
iii. -en < Brit. *-enes < Ar. *-enes survives only in ydien, 'oxen ', sg. ych § 69 v; and in Ml. "W. Pry den 'Picts' {Gywt a Gwyfiyl a Phryden B.A. 34 ' Danes and Irish and Picts '), 0. W. Priten GEN. xix.
Ar -en- was the F-grade of the suffix, of which -on- was the F°-grade, and -on tlie L°-grade § 63 iii.
The first occurrence of the misspelling ychain, § 31 ii (2), known to me is in Khydyc,1iam in the title of the 1690 Bible ; it did not come into common use before the i9th cent. The form is always ychen in Ml. W. and in the rhymes of the bards before the recent period. See ychen W.M. 480, E.M. 121, B.T. 59, IL.A. 109, E.P. 1241, M.A. i 230, 426 ; ryt ychen ' Oxford ' see indexes of B.M. and E.B.B.
Da'r ardd ychen mewn pen pant.—W.IL. F. 8. ' Well do oxen plough at the end of a valley.'
Dig wyf am dewi gofeg Tn pen yn Bhydycheni deg.—H.D. (m. LH.S.), P 100/125.
' I am wroth because the muse of our chief is silenced in fair Oxford.'
-See ben/ychen D Q. 400, gen/ycJien do. 318, men/ychen L.G.O. 189 ; wen/Kliydychen S.Ph. c.c. 189; rryd ycften/dalen r 54/242 a.
iv. The E-grade /i of the stem-ending became -ann- in Kelt. § 62 i (2). In Ir. it appears as -ann, in W. as a pi. ending it was affected



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
§ 122
§ 122
NOUNS
203
in every case to -ein(n), tending to become -emt or to be replaced by
-eu. The affection prob. conies from neut. dual forms, of which the ending in Pr. Ar. was *-z. Thus Ml. W. ysgyveint M.M. 2, Mn. W. ysgyfaint ' lungs' < *sqwmn-z, old neut. dual; the noun has no sg.;—O.W. anu ' name ' pi. enuein,, Ml. W. pi. enweu, with a new sg. enw, Mn. W. enw, pi. enwau (the a- survived in anwedig G.E. [122, 220], Gwyn. dial. § 112 i (2)) : Ir. aznm, pi. anmann, neut.;—cam ' step', O.W. pi. cemmein, now camau '. Ir. ceim, pi. ceimmenn, neut.;
—rhwym ' band', 0. W. pi. ruimmein, now rhzi,ymau;—gof ' smith', also gofan(n) E.T. 7, pi. Ml. W. gcweyn A.L. i 72, Mn.W. gofaint:
Ir. goba, gen. gcibann;—edn 'bird ', once ednan M A, i 195, pi. ednein, (printed ednain M.A. i 207), etneint s.v. 1245, Mn. ednaint Gr.O. 10;—llw 'oath', Ml. W. pi. cam lyein IL.A. 158, camlyeu E.P. 1301 ' false oaths', Mn. W. Won, Gwyn. dial. llyfon.
i-siems.
§ 122. i. -i, -ydd, -oedd, -odd represent the Brit. endings
of ('-, w-, fa- and ie- stems.
ii. ('-stems, (i) The vowel is not affected in the sg. All the above ending's occur in the pi.
The Ar. nom. endings were m.f. Bg. *-zs, pi. *-ezes; neut. eg. *-i, pi.
--na, *-i. In Brit. the sg. *-is, *-i became *-es, *-e and did not cause affection; the pi. *-eies became *-{ies which gave -i, -ydd or -oedd, according to tlie accentuation § 75 v, iv; the neut. pi. *-w > *-iw>-edd or
-oedd accoiding to accentuation; and *-1 affected the preceding vowel and dropped.


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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203 (a) -i and -ydd both form the pi. of tref ' town' ; thus trewl {=trefi) B.B. 54, trewit (sfrefyb) do. 91, Mn.W. trefi § 160 iii (a), and trefydd D.G. 3 ; cantnf ' cantred' makes canfrevoeb E.B.B. 407 ff., but Mn. W. cantref-l, -ydd like tref; gee § 75 iv, v.
eglwys ' church' follows tref in Mn.W. (eglwysyo p 147/5 R.), but Ml. W. has eglwysseu E.P. 1046, M.A. i 373». In. Ml. W. forest follows tref: forest! E.B.B. 199, jforesfyb E.M. 195, Mn. W. fforestydd only. plwyf I parish ' (a late meaning") also takes
-i or -ydd in Recent W., but earlier plwyvau M.A. ii 613.
-i was added to some names of persons : saer ' craftsman ', pi. seirl W.M. 189 ; maer ' steward ', pi. meiri B.B. 54 ; cawr ' giant', pi. cewrl (rarely ceuri) § 76 iv (3); mertJiyr ' martyr', pi. mertfiyri IL.A. 136; prophwydi ib.; arglwydd, pi. arglwybi M.A. i X98fl; so all in Mn. W. (in Late W. merthyron also).
-i was also added to many names of things with e or a in the sg., the -i of course affecting the latter; as llestr-i W.M. 6 'vessels'; gwernenn-z a hwylbrenn-i do. 51 ' masts and yards';
canhwyllbrenn-1', also -au, both in i Chron. xxviii 15 'candlesticks'; fenestr-i M.A. i 316a 'windows'; cethr-l I.G. 584 'nails'; pertJi-i E.P. 1373 'bushes';—banier-i M.A. i 197^ ' banners ', sg. banwr ; per-i ib. ' spears ', sg. pdr', drftt-i ' drops ' § 203 v (3), for da/new E.P. 1184; der-i E.P. 1318 ' oaks ', sg. ddr f.
The use of -i has been extended in Mn. W.; thus Ml. W. &er6eu W.M. 6 ' songs', Mn.W. ceidcli T.A. and later; Ml.W. yafoeu E.B.B. 145 ' gardens ', Mn. W. gerddi D.G. 258 ; Ml. W. llwyneu E.B.B. 40 'bushes', so llwynau D.G. 60, later llwym;
Ml. W. mem ' stones ' (sg. maen), Late Mn. W. ineini (Ml. meini in ZE. 384 is an error for mem, see E.M. 196, 1. 5) ; beddi B.cw. 59 beside the usual beddau. Ml. teteu (t = 6) B.B. 63.
(3) -ydd and -oedd are found in avon-it (=. -yS) B.B. 91 ' rivers', avow-oeo E.B.B. 40, Mn. W. afonydd; gwladoeb M.A. i J 990!, c.M. 3, E.B.B. 44, W.M. 190, later' gwledyb in the last-quoted passage in E.M. 91, Mn. W. gwledydd ; keyry^ W.M. 193 'castles', kaeroeb K.P. 1330, also caereu B.A. 36, Mn.W. keyrydd W.IL. 64, caerau G.G1. M 146/163 ; dznassoeb W.M. 190, E.M. 91, ()^,'Ma.'W.diaasoedd, rarely dinessyo p 147/5 E., G.GL p 153/301. They are added to nouns in -fa, as Mn. W. porfeydd, porfaoedd ' pastures ' (most of them with only one in use), Ml. W. fyrra/web E.P. 1341 ''crowds'; as well as -an. Ml. W. -en: presswylvaeu IL.A. 57 ' habitations ', eistebvaeu do. 63 ' seats' (-aeu later contr. to -ail).
-ydd alone occurs in meyssyS E.P. 1188 ' fields', Mn. W. meysydd (wrongly spelt meusydd), sg. maes; heolyb E.M. 175 'streets';
bro-yS E.P. 1189 'regions'; dolyb do. 1188 'meadows' (also doleu B.T. 33) ; gweuny'b E.P. 1386 ' meadows', sg. gweun, gwaun;
Iluoss-tt (s -yo) B.B. 66, E.P. 1188 'hosts', sg. lliaws; nentydd 'brooks', poet. naint D.G. 35, sg. nant; coedydd 'trees', ystormydd ' storms', etc.
(4) Old neut. nouns take -oedd or -edd, sometimes alternating with vowel-affection ; as •m6r m. (sea', pi. moroedd < *morim beside myr < *mon, § 117 i; dant m. 'tooth', pi. Sannedd < *danftM beside deint E.P. 1036, daint D.D. s.v.; deint is also sg., see iii (3). -oedd may be orig. m. or f. also, see (i).
1



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
§122
-edd and -oedd are added to nouns orig. of other declensions as follows:
-e8 in Ml. W., -oedd in Mn. W. are added to fir m. ' land' (an old neut. «-stem), pi. tiret (-< = -8) B.B. 33, fireS E.B.B. 40, (beside tirion § 35 iii), Mn.W. tiroedd D.G. 436, 524; mynydd m. 'mountain' (< *moatw-), pi. mywybeS W.M. 250, B.T. n, E.B.B. 40, Mn. mynyddoedd', dwfr m. (water' (neut. o-stem), pi. dyfreb IL.A. 54, 65, Mn. dyfroedd.
mynySeS having become mynySe in S. W. dialects (cf. eiste § 110 iv (3)), tilis was wrongly standaidized as mynyddau by some recent writers, but the traditional lit. form mynyddoedd prevails. The same remark applies to biynyddoedd, now sometimes written biynyddau for dial. bIynySe < *blynySe8. In the above words -oe8 may be old as a N. W. form, the prevailing forms in Ml. W. being S. W.
-oedd was added to cant m. 'hundred' (neut. o-stem), pi. cannoedd; nerth m. ' strength' (neut. o-stem); mil {. ' thousand ';
mm m. 'wall', pi. mwroeb W.M. 191, mwoedd 6. 337, later mitriau; llu m. ' host' (m. o-stem), pi. Iluoeb K.M. 175, Mn. llwoedd; hyd m. 'world5 (m. «-stem), pi. bydoeb M.A. i 199, Mn. bydoedd; wfer m. 'host', pi. niveroeb W.M. 54> Mn. niferoedd;
mis m. ' month', pi. misoedd; teyrnas f. ' kingdom ', pi. fyrnassoeb W.M. 50, Mn. teyi nasoedd; twr m. 'tower' (< E. < Fr.), pi. fyroeb W.M. 191, tyren do. 133, Mn. tyrau; iaith f. 'language', pi. ieithoeb W.M. 469, B.T. 4, Mn. ieithoedd; gwledd f. 'feast', pi. gwleddoedd D.G. 524, gwleddau do. 8; gwisg f. ' dress', pi. gwisgoedd; oes f. ' age', pi. 0. W. oisou (with 9 added at some distance, see fac. B.S.CH. a, for ' deest' according to Lindsay, EWS. 46), Ml. W. oessoeS IL.A. 103, oesseu B.T. 15, 19, Mn.W. oesoedd, oesau; acJioet (t =. 8) B.B. 53; Mn. achoedd, achan 'lineage' both in L.G.C. 213, sg. ach f.; dyfnderoedd 'depths', Uinder-oedd, -au ' troubles'.
iii. t'o-stems. (i) The vowel is affected in the sg.; the pi. ends in -ydd, -oedd, -edd.
The Ar. nom. endings were m. sg. *-(z)ws, pi. *-(?)?«; neut. sg.
--(z)wm, pi. *-(i)M. In Kelt. *-(z)ws gave place to *-(t)zoi > *-(•t)^^f tilis gave -yS or -oe8 according to the accent; neut. *-nd gave -e8;
-eS in m. nouns is prob. for -oe8. Where neither Bg. nor pi. had i before », we had e. g. dyn ' man ' and ' *men'; then a new dynion for the latter § 121 i.
§ m
NOUNS


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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(a) Ml.W. bugeil 'shepherd', pi. bugelyh 'IL.A. 109, E.B.B. 245 < ^boukolios pi. ^-boukolw,. This was a rare type, and in Mn. W. a new pi. was formed : bugail, pi. bugettiaid. But the f. adam ' wing' (;a-stem), pi. adanedd, had a new pi. made by affecting this, as if the word belonged to the -ji0- declension;
adam, pi. adenydd § 125 iii.
The word for ' tooth' seems partly to have passed over to this declension; thus *dantton pi. *dantiw givinp sg.deint IL.A. 67 translating "dens", Mn. W. daint, as heb wi-daint D.G. 323 'without one tooth ', pi. dannedd as for sg. duut ii (4) above. In Gwyn. dial. the sg. is daint.
ii
The ending was -oeS in brenJimoet B.B. 53 ' kings ',Mn. W. brenhinoedd; but the more usual Ml. form is breenhineb L.L. 120, brenhineb W.M. 178-9, prob. with -eS for -oeb § 78 ii. So feyrneb E.P. 1313, D.G. 181 'kings', ewythreb E.M. 140 'uncles' ; cystlwn, ' family ', pi. cystlyneS B.P. 1267.
Cystlynedd Gwynedd i gyd, Cynafon Hwlcyn hefyd.—G.G1. M I/no. 49.
' All the families of Gwynedd, and the scions of Hwlcyn too.'
iv. Fern. iJs- and (a-stems. (i) The vowel is affected in the sg. PI. ending -edd.
ie" and w-stems have R-grade forms in -z, p. St. In Lat. and Bait. they remain distinct or have become so (Lat. dwitia : durities). In Kelt. they seem to be mixed, see Thurneysen, Gr. i8of.; but as e > z in Kelt., the meaning of the facts is often obscure. In other branches -ze- and -zd- are indistinguishable. The W. sg. may come from *-w, *-ze, or *-z; pi. -eS < *-^^ds.
(2) biwyddyn ' year' (Ir. blladailt) < *bleldom, pi. biynedd < *blidmws^ 125 v (i) ; this pi. form is used only after numerals;
for other purposes a new pi. was formed by adding -edd to the sg., as bIwySyneS W.M. 37, then by metath. hlwynybeb IL.A. 105, Mn. W. Uynyddoedd, S. W. dial. 6lyny&e(6) (whence latterly a false biynyddau see ii (4)).—modryh ' aunt' < *mafr-aqv^ (Vb(p-§ 69 ii (4)), pi. modrabedd c.c. 282 (so in Gwyn. dial.; -o-<sg.) < ^matrac^iws; the form modrybeS B.r. 1362 seems to be remade from the sg., as modreped ox. 2. — edau ' thread', pi. edafedd § 76 vii (i); adam ' wing' pi. adanedd, etc., see § 125 iii.



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
§ 123
biwydd means ' a year of one's age' or adj. ' year old ' pi. biwydd-iaid, § 145 iii Note, teirblwydd 'three years old', pymthegmlwyS K.B.B. 185 'fifteen years old', etc. The use by recent writers of biwydd for ' year' is as foreign to the spoken language as it is to the literary tradition, and the forms biwyddau, Vlwyddi for ' years' are pure fabrications.
(3) -edd, later replaced by -ydd, was added to *'chioior < *suesores, the pi. of c/iwaer' sister', as chwioreb IL.A. 38, E.B.B. 39, W.M. 158 ; in the last passage c^wioryS in E.M. 326 ; Mn. W, ckwioredd T.A", Wm.S., later only cJiwiorydd; § 75 vi (2).
t-stems.
§ 123. i. -ed < Brit. *-etes occurs in merched 'daughters', Ml. W. merchet 'W.M. 469, mercJied (d 5 d) 468 ; pryfed ' worms ", Ml. W. pryved (d = d) B.B. 81. D.G. has hued 30, 93 'hounds* (sg. Jmad W.IL. 166, O.G. c 82 s.v.). In Ml. W. we also have guystviled B.B. 53 ' beasts' ; and in 0. W. cetinet tronnbreitliet ox. gl. cicadae.
The stem-form is seen in Gaul. Cing-es, gen. -etos, and Nemetes ' nobiles 1' beside the -eto- stem in nemeto- ' temple '. As it seema to have been used to form names of persons it may be original in rnerc/i, which would so be from *merke(s)s < *mer/cets (pi. *merketes) < *mer(i)k-et- : Skr. maryakdh § 101 iv (i), Vmerez- § 125 v (i).— pryf is an old i-stem §61 i (i), ending therefore in *-es (< *-is), which seems to have been mistaken for *-e(s)s < *-ets,
ii. -od. Ml. W. -ot < Brit. ^-otes occurs in llygod ' mice', sg, llyg (< *luko[s)-'i) and llygoden (Ir. luck 'mouse', gen. locJiad, Bret. logodenn, pi. logod} : Gaul. I/ucot-ios, AOVKOT-IKVOS.
The above is an example of the survival in ~W. of Brit. -ot- as seen by its cognates; but the ending -od became fertile in the formation of new plurals. It was added to diminutives, and forms with gemination, which is a peculiarity of child language, and of names of animals § 93 iii (2).
(i) It was added to most names of animals : llewot W.M. 229, IL.A. 165 'lions', now llewod; eryrot IL.A. 167 'eagles', now eryrod; llydnot E.M. 52, W.M. 73, now llydnod, sg. llwdn ' pullus' ;
/iybof W.M. 158, now hyddod 'sfcigs'; gwiberot do. 329, now gwiberod ' vipers'; ednot IL.A. 130, now ednod ' birds' (also ednaint § 121 iv, and in 0. W. cetinet i above). In Mn.W.
§ 123
NOUNS


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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207
catiod, llwynogod, ewigod (Ml. W. ewigeb R.M. 118), ysgyfarnogod, crancod (Bardsey crainc, so G-.Gr. p 77/193), colomennod, etc.
(a) It was added to some names of persons : gwiSoaof W.M. 178 'witches'; mendwyot IL.A. 117 'hermits' (also meudwyaid D.G. 409) ; gwrach 'hag', pi, gwrackiot P 13/124 li., Mn. W. gwmchwd D.G. 332, in which -od seems to be added to an old pi. *gwrec!ii (cf. the adj. gwrachiaidd).
JSr wyn a gwUn arwain glod A chywydd i •wrachlod.—I.B.H., BB. iv 104.
'For lambs and wool he brings praise and song to old women.'
It is found in genetfi.od ' girls ' sg. genetJt (old geminated form, § 93 iii (2)); and is added to diminutives in -an, as in tabanod ' babies', llebanod ' clowns ' (whence by analogy the biblical publicanod) ; in -ach, as in bwbachod ' bugbears ', coraehod 'dwarfs ' (by analogy in Late W. mynachod for myneich' monks') ; in -yn[n) or -en{n), as in llipryanod 'weaklings ', mursennod' prudes', dy/tirod ' knaves' sg. dy/tirya; and to other nouns originally in a contemptuous sense, as eurychod ' tinkers,' twrtieiod a cMarcod B.CW. 6a, Gwyddelod in Late "W. for Gwyddyl' Irishmen', Ffrancod for Ffraiwc. The substitution in Late W. of -od for another termination in the names of relatives etc. comes from child-language, as in tadmaethod Esa. xlix 23 for fadmaethau, Ml. W. tatmartheu 'W.M. 37 ; ewytJirod for ewythredd 6 122 iii (a), cyfnitherod for cyfnitheroedd W.IL. CJ.IL. 132.
(3) It occurs after a few names of things : (a) geminated forms, or what appeared to be such, as cyeJiod sg. cwoh ' boat'; nytJiod ' nests ', Ml. W. nethod (e =.y ) A.!, i 24 ; bi/fhod, sg. bwth ' hut' ; (/3) diminutive forms, as tenynnod ' halters ' sg. tennyn.; tythynnod 'cottages ', sg. bwthyn; and by false analogy Mn. W. tyddynnod ' small farms', for Ml. W. tybynwew A.L. i 168,182 ; bwlanod sg. bwlan' a vessel of straw ' ; (y) some names of coins : dimeiot B.B.B. 384 now dimeiau ' halfpennies '; ffyrlligot ib. now ffyrlmgod 'farthings'; ffloringod D.G. 387 'florins', hatlwgod ' half-farthings ' ; (8) personifications etc. : angheuod B.cw. 65 ' death-sprites '; eilunod ' idols ', erthylod ' abortions'.
^ iii. Ml. W. -awt occurs in pyscawt E.M. 52, W.M. 73, E.B.B. 149, B.T. 8, B.B. 89 'fish' < Lat. piscatus, § 118 ii (a); and in



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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§ 123
• B.T. 36 ' horses', sg. fforicyo; ehysfrawi B.T. 70 ' horses' sg. edilystr or eddestr. The first survives as pysgod, in which/ the ending is now indistinguishable from old -od.'
iv. -laid, Ml. W. -yeit, -eit, is the pi. formed by affection of the ending -w7, Ml. W. -yaf § 143 iv (5); thus cffeiriad ' priest' pi. offeiriaid, Ml. W. offeireit IL.A. 117. All names of living things in -md (except cai iad) form their pi. so; thus cemyeid M.A. i 285 ' singers', lleifyeid (t = 8) ib. now lleiddiald ' murderers', gleissyeid ib., now gleisiaid, sg. gleisiad ' salmon'; but abstract nouns in -iad have -iadau § 120 i (4); cariad 'lover' is the same as cariad ' love ' and has pi. cariadau Hos. ii 5> 7' I0'
But -iaid is also added to form the pi. of names of living things whose sg. does not end in -zad:
(1) Names of classes and descriptions of persons : per sonny eit IL.A. 117, now personiazd, sg. person ' parson'; conffessorieit do. 70 ; raclovyeit W.M. 456, Mn. W. rJiaglafiaid, sg. rJiaglaw ' deputy' ;
barwnyeit E.M. 179, now barwniaid, sg. barwn 'baron'; ma/c-wyveit W.M. 15, mackwyezt B.M. 9, sg. maccwiy(f) ' youth' ; byleyn-yeyt A.L. i 34, sg. bzlaen K.B.B. 133 'villain' ; cytlireulyeit M.A. i 351 b 'devils' ; ysgwieiyeit s.G. ii 'squires'; in Mn. W. pen-nAethiaid Ps. ii 2, sg. pennaetJi; esfroniaid ' strangers ', melstraid ' masters ', gefeilliaid ' twins', Protestanwid, MethodisHaid, etc. Also adjectives used as nouns, § 145 iii.
(2) Tribal and national names : AVianyezt E.B.B. 271, also Albanwyr do. 270, sg. Albanwr 'Scotchman'; Corannyelt E.M. 96, no sg.; Bryfanyeit do. 91, no sg. ; y Groecieit a'r Lfiadmieit J.D.E. [xiv] ' the Greeks and Latins'; RJmfeiniaid, CorintJnaid, etc. Also family and personal names : y Llwydmid, ' the Lloyds', y Lleisioniaid L.G.C. no ' the Leyshons', Koytmoriaid p 61/33 K.
(3) All names in -w of living things : pechadwyeit IL.A. 153 now pechaduriaid, sg. pechadur ' sinner'; kreaduryeit do. 4, now creadwiaid, sg. creadur ' creature' ; awdmieid J.D.B. [xiv], awduryeit B.P. 1375, sg. awdur ib. 'author' (the pi. awdwon seems to come from the gorseddic writings, the source of numerous fabrications) ; Mn. W. ffoadmiaid, cysgadvriaid, Jienitriaid, etc.
Other nouns in -w take either -taw, as gumiadurwu ' thimbles', vladuriau ' scythes ', or -au aspapurau ' papers ', mesurau ' measures', or -on as murmuron, vyauron.
r'
§ 124
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(4) Some generic names of animals; as anifeilelt IL.A. 165, •W.M. 228, now anifeiliaid, sg. anifail' animal' ; milevt B.M. 129, Mn. W. mUod, sg. mil ' animal' ; so bwystvileU R.B.B. 40 now bwysffilod, sg. bwysffil; ysgrubliaid Gen. xiv 17 ' boasts'. Also a few specific names, as cameleit IL.A. 165, Mn. W. canirfod ; Mn. "W. Ueiddiaid Matt. vii 15 'wolves', also bleiddiau T.A. 6. 233, Ml. bleySyeu M.A. ii 230 ; gwenoliaid D.G. 20, sg. gwenuol' swallow '.
Strictly, of course, -laid is not a (-stem but a /o-stem; thus -^ad from *-w.tos, pi. -mid < *-zatz.
v. -ant < Brit. *-awtes, m. f. pi. participial ending occurs in caraitt B.A. 14, B.B. 46, IL.A. 153, E.M. 130, sg. car 'kinsman' < *karants (Ir. care < *karanfs) < *^r- : Armen. ser ' progeny, family ', E. her-d, Lat. cresco, V^cer- ' grow '. In Early Ml. W. carant was already affected into kereint C. M.A. i 244, Mn. W. cerainf, later also cerynt M.K. [71] 'kinsmen' (not 'lovers'). On the analogy of this was formed the pi. of Ml. ~W. nei (now naz) ' nephew' : neyeynt A.L. i 8, nyeint W.M. 89, IL.A. i!2i,Mn.W. neianif; and ofceifn ' yd cousin ': Iceywneynt (= keivneint) B. en. 76 defined ib. as ' children of the 4th mother' (those of the and being ' cousins', etc.). Ml. W. meddweint IL.A. 55 ' drunkards' may be an old participial form. A few other nouns have -eint, Mn. W. -aint affected for an earlier *-«»», § 121 iv.
v-stems.
§ 124. i. f-ev < Brit. *-eres occurs in broder W.M. 38, R.M. 26, later affected to brodyr E.M. 140 ; broder survived, as in T.A. G. 239, Wm.S. e.g. Act. xv 23, but was at length ousted by brodyr, cf. § 123 iv (3). In Ml. "W. brodorion also is used, R.M. 203, 307. Sg. brawd ' brother', § 59 ii, § 63 iii.
brodorton also meant ' fellow-countrymen, clansmen ' B.B. 51, g5 (cf. Gk. ippaTuip); in Late Mn. W. it came to mean 'natives'; brodor 'a native' is a new sg. deduced from this pi.
-yr was added (instead of the old -Awr) to gwayw 'spear' (also in Mn. W. ' pain'), giving gwaewyr CM. 48, but more usually gwewyr K.B. 1074 (for *gweywyr).
Of era,' gwaith fu i'r gwyr •^ Ehaw 61 i wewyr.—D.N., p 99/398. )
' It was the vainest task for men to anoint the marks of bis spears.'
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§ 125
ii. -awr is common in Early Ml. W. poetry : gwaewaw B.B. 58, B.A. 9 (see fac.) ' spears', gsgwydawr B.A. 9 ( shields', clehyvawr, byUnawr, llavnawr ib. < swords, armies, blades'; later (in prose) gwaewar W.M. 183, B.M. 85.
-awr < Brit. *-wes < Ar. *-5res.
rowel Changes.
§ 125. The vowel changes which occur when an ending' is ^.dded to form the pi. are the following:
i. Mutation § 81 : brawd 'brother ', pi. brodyr; brazed 'judgement ', pi. brodiaw; daw ' son-in-law ', pi. dqfyon, E.B.B. 68 ; rhaw ' spade ', pi. rhafiau § 110 iii (i); cwrr 'edge', pi. cyrrau; di/n ' man', pi. etymon ', sail' foundation ', pi. seiliau; ffau ' den ', pi. Jfeuau; gwaun ' meadow', pi. gweunydd ; bimch ' cow ', pi. tuchod, etc. etc.
ii. Penultimate Affection § 83 iii: The endings which cause affection are -i, -ydd, -laid, -wo.: par, peri; ddr, deri; maer, meiti ;
pawr, cewri; § 132 ii (a);—caer, ceyrydd; maes, meyaydd ; do. (3) ;
—cymar ' mate', pi. cymhe'wwzd; gefell K.P. 1303 ' twin' (< Lat. gemellus), pi. gefeilliaid; pen&eirbyeif, anreigyon § 70 ii (a);
mob ' son ', pi. meibion, etc.; see § 138 ii.
iii. Reversion. In some cases the vowel is affected in the eg., but reverts to (or, historically speaking, retains) its original sound in the plural;
Pern. ie- or la-stems, with pi. ending -edd, § 123 iv; adein B.B. 83, adaiu D.G. 133, 431 'wing', pi. adafieS E.M. 155, E.B.B. 64, later affected to aden.ydd; celain ' corpse ', pi. celanedd or calan-eb K.B.B. 49 ; edeu, edaii' thread', pi. edafedd or adaveS R.M. 154 ; elain ' fawn ', pi. elanedd or alaneS A.I,, i 30 ; gwraig, Ml. W. gwreic, pi. fwrageb; neidr 'snake^, pi. nadredd, anadreo § 31 iii, later nadroedd;
Hem E.P. 1339, M.A. i 3295, 43I&, Mn. W. r/dain D.G. 39, 95, ll7, 130, 308, etc. 'maiden', pi. rianeb W.M. 166, B.P. 1383, ffiianedd D.G. 135, 334, 371.—Neut. io-stem : daint, pi. dannedd § 122 iii (3). — Fern. wa-stem, pi. ending -aw : cainc 'branch', Ml. W. ceing W.M. 108, pi. cageu B.B. 48, now cangau, see § 120 iii (3). — Neut. a-stem, pi. ending -au : deigr ' tear', pi. dagrau, see § 120 iii (i). — Mas. and fern. a-stems, pi. ending


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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^———^ '^^ • C^^^
<*^6uNS 211
-on (Brit. nom. sg. -o, pi. -ones) § 121 i: at1wo^\.. atJirawon § 76 v (5), athraon § 36 iii; keneu W.M. 483 ' whelp', pi. kanavwit W.M. 38, canaon § 36 iii, cynawon B.M. 18, cynavon li.p, 1309, late cenawon; draig 'dragon', pi. dragon, later dreigcu IL.A. 153, now dreigiau; lleidr 'thief, pi. lladron,; Sais 'Englishman', pi. Saeson § 69 ii (3), Ml. W. sg. Seis IL.A. 130, pi. Saeson ».]). 60, 66, B.B.B. 41, 71, etc., Saesson B.B. 48, 51, B.A. 4. On yc1i (affection of
*wcK), pi. yc/ien, see § 69 v.
Edn a'i draed ydwy'n y drain, A'r glud ar gil i adain.—T.A., A 14866/201.
' I am a bird with Ills feet in the thorns, yid the lime on the edge of his wing.'
Hwde un o'i hadanedd;
E heda byth hyd y bedd.—I.F., M 160/456.
' Take one of its [the swallow's] wings ; it will fly always till death' [lit, ' till the grave 'j.
Llathen heb yr adenydd Yn y saeth a dynnai sydd.—Gut.O., A 14967/50,
' There is a yard without the feathers in the arrow which he drew,'
Mdl nodwydd ym widen edau Y mae llzw hon i'm lleihau.—D.G. 296 (? T.A.).
'As a needle threaded, does her aspect make me spare.' Awr a dyf ar edafedd Ar y llwyn w mwyn a'i medd.—D.G. 87.
' Gold grows on threads on the bush [of broom] for the Ba&e of [her] who owns it.'
Ni'm cymer i fy rhiain:
Si'm gwrthyd fanwylyd fain.—D.G. 429.
' My damsel will not have me ; my slender love will not reject-tire,'
Er bod arian, rhianedd Fwy na'i bwys ar faen y bedd.—H.D. P 9 9/40 2.
' Though there be [of] maidens' money more than his weight on the gravestone.'
Fy nvrawd, mi a rois fy mryd
Ar ddau genau oedd gennyd.—G.I.H., r 77/384.
' My brother, I have set my heart on two whelps that thou hadst.'
Kedyrn ac ievainc ydynt, Kynafon aw Kynfyn. ynt.-—Gut.O., P 100/343.
' Strong and young are they; they are the golden scions of Cynfyn,' „ P 3

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NOTE.—Reversion has puzzled writers of the late modern period, and lexicographers, adain was used regularly by the Early Mn, bards; but the Bible has aden, deduced from the pi. adenydd; from aden a spurious pi. cdyn was formed, which seems to occur first in E.P., PS. Ivii i, but did not make its way into the spoken language. In the 1620 Bible ceneu is, by a slip, correctly wiitten in Esa. xi 6, elsewhere it is carefully misspelt cenew; in later editions this became cenaw, an impossible form, since -aw could not affect the original (f to e; see § 76 v (5). On athro, misspelt athraw, see ibid. Pughe gives eleinod as the pi. of elain, and actually asserts that the pi. of gwraig is gwreigedd! He also invented the singulars rhian, celan. Silvan Evans s.v. celan notes this ; but himself inseits the equally spurious dagr ' tear ' and deigron ' tears '. In his Llythyraeth p. 17 he attempted to change the spelling of Saeson to Seison.
iv. Exchange of ultimate for penultimate affection ; Ml. W. bugeil, bugel^yb, Mn. W. adain, adenydd § 132 iii (a) ; Ml. W. gwelleu E.M. 133, W.M. 483, ' shears', Mn.W'. gwellau, pi. gwell-eifiau, new lit. sg. gwellaif^ 76 vii (i).
v. Anomalous changes : (i) mcuwyn 'virgin', pi. moiynwn B.B. 61, moiynyow W.M. 99, IL.A. 109, R.B.B. 70. This was altered to morwynion in the Bible, but persists in the Spoken language as m'/Jiiwn. Note the double rhymes in
LleSyf englynyon lliw f'os gwynnyon, iloer worynyon Uawr MeiryonyS.—I.C. B.P. 1287. '
' Sad verses [to her of] the colour of white roses, the moon of the maidens of the land of Merioneth.'
The same change occurs in Um/ddyn, pi. tlynedd § 123 iv (a).
This change Eeems to be due to the survival in Brit. under different accentuations of two E-grades of ei, namely E^ ei, and ~R^ i, § 63 vii (5). Thus morwyn < Brit. *moreww < *marei- < *m^rei- ;
morynion < Brit. *mwz'itwnes < *m^'i-, \/mer7z- : Lat. marz-tus < *m.rz- with Eg z.—UwySyn, ' year', Ir. U'tadazn < *tleidom, a fern. m-stem from an adj. *blei-d-ono-s from a vb. stem *blei-d- 'to blow ', Vbhia-, extension o{*bhele-, *bhelo- whence O.H.G. Uuo-zan (< *bhlo-) ' to blossom ', Ml. W. blawt ' blossom', Lat. flos, etc. § 59 v, thus bluySyn' *budding season'; pi. hlyneS < *blidnuM , tair blyn.e& 'three
*OQac,^T,C, '
seasons
(a) cJiwaer pi. cJw'iorydd § 75 vi (2), vii (2). (3) achos pi. achosion, Ml. W. achaws pi. achwysson, see § 75 i (3).'- ->
1L.A. 129,
§ 126
NOUNS


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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(4) celfy^yd ' art', Ml. W. pi. kelvydodeu.
celfySyd < *1cdlmiw-tuts ; kelvydod- < *kdlmno-tat-es, owing to the interchange of -tut-, -W-; § 99 ii (a), § 143 iii (ro), (24).
Plural of Nouns vKitJi Singular Endings,
§ 126. Nouns with the singular endings -yn and -en fall into three classes for the purposes of pi. formation.
i. Class i. The sg. ending is dropped, with or without vowel change ; thus, without vowel change: pluen ' feather ', pi. plu ', •mocJiyn 'pig', pi. modi.', cic'ningen 'rabbit', pi. owning Q. 226 ;
Uewyn ' a hair', pi. litew. The vowel changes that take place when the ending is dropped are the following :
(1) Mutation : conyn 'stalk', pi. cawm; deilen B.T. a8, Gen. viii n, ^leaf, pi. dail; cneuen ' nut', pi. cnau; gwenynen 'bee ', pi. ffweffyn, etc.
(2) Ultimate Affection: collen 'hazel', pi. cyll; onnen 'ash', pi. yna; dalen W.M. 231, K.M. 167, Ps. i 3 'leaf, pi. dail;
chwann.e'n, ' flea ', pi. chwain; draewen ' hawthorn ', pi. drain,;
igwarcJien ' sod', pi. tyweirch, tgwyrch ;
Drylliwr cwys i droi lle'r oeirah, Daint haearn dan y tyweiroh.,*—T.A. C. i 341.
' The cutter of a furrow to turn up the bed of the corn, an iron tooth under the sods.'
(3) Reversion. As -yn causes penultimate affection, when it drops the vowel reverts to its original sound : plentyn, ' child', pi. plant; aderyn ' bird ', pi. adar.
(4) Exchange of penultimate for ultimate affection : giewyst 'sinew', pi. gian; Ml. W._ llyssewyn IL.A.. 97, 166 'plant', pi. llysseu M.M. 3, Mn. llyssau W.IL. 99, Jlj/siau.
ii. Class 3. A plural ending is substituted for the sg. ending, as diferyn, 'drop', pi. diferion; crwydryn. 'vagrant', pi. crwydraid; meddwya ' drunkard', pi. meddwon ; planhigyn ' plant', pi. planhlgion ; cwningen ' rabbit', pi. cwnmgod. The following vowel changes occur :
(i) Affection : mwren 'bramble', pi. nvieri (wiwyeri E.B.B. 48). (a) Reversion: gelya 'enemy', old pi. galon B.A.. 26, and

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aome nouns with two singulars, as deigryn {tear', pi. dagrau § 130 ii.
iii. Class 3. A pi. ending- is added to the sg. ending, aS gelyn 'enemy', pi. gelinion B.B. 71, gelynyon R.B.B. 7I> Mn. W. gelynwn; defnya Gr.O. 48, (Jefnynnau Luc xxii 44 ; dalen ' leaf', pi. dalennau Ex. xxxix 3 ; mursennod, bythymiod § 123 ii.
iv. In some nouns final —yn or -en is not the singular ending bat part of the stem; in these the n of -yn is not necessarily double when an ending is added ; and -en is affected to -yn; thus ielyn {. ' harp', pi. telynau; tyddi/n m. ' small farm', § 98 i (3), pi. Igclclynnod, Ml. W, tyoynneu A.L. i 168, 180, 183;
maharen m. c.M. 26, rnyharen D.G. 202 'ram', pi. mefieryn;
crogen, cragen,' shell', pi. cregin § 117 iii (3); elltrewyn § 76 v (5), pi. ^-yneb not found ; Uwy^yn § 123 iv (a).
Plural Formed from Derivatives.
§ 127. The pi. of a few nouns is formed by adding a pi. ending to a derivative : glaw 'rain', pi. glazpogyS B.BB. 334, Q. 98 ; Ml.W. cristawn 'Christian' pi. cnstonogion B.B. 71, Mn.W. eristwn, pi. cristionogwn, cristnogipii; lUf ' flood', pi. ll'ifogydd;
addurn 'adornment', pi. addurniadaii; orwydr 'wandering', pi. crwydr(z)adau; serch ' affection', pi. serckiadau; dychryn 'terror', pi. dychrymadau, dychrynfeydd; rfieg 'curse', pi. rliegfeydd-, dyn 'man', pi. dymaSon K.P. 1196, dyneton IL.A ii beside etymon", cas Dent. vii 10 ' hater, foe', pi. caseion W.1L. 8, also pi. cas do. 5.
Beside glawogydd the dialects have glawiau, evidently a new formation, though Bret. has glaoiou. The misspelling ywlaw occurs first about the end of the i^th cent., and was substituted in the Bible for the correct form glaw by E.M., 1746. The word always appears with gl- in Ml. W., as glow B.B. 63, glaw IL.A. 13, 42, E.M. 146, M.A. i 396, K.P. 585, 1032 •(4 times), 1055; gwlaw S.Q. 147 is of course glaw in the MS., see P 11/95^; and of course there is no trace of gw- in the spoken language. The word cannot be from *uo-lau- as is usually ai-sumed, for there is no example of the reduction of the prefix *uo- before a consonant to g- or even to gw-; and that the .same reduction took place also in Bret. glao. Corn. glaw is incredible. The etymology of the word is doubtful, but it probably represents Brit. *glou- (1 *glo-uo- : Skr. jala- ' water, rain ').
camrau is used in the Bible for ' steps'; but the true pi. of cam is camau Hi 28/96 K., Ml.W. kammeu B.B.B. 149,0. W. cemmein, § 121 iv ;
and camrau is a mere misspelling of kam-re, see § 31 ii (2).
§ 128
NOUNS • Double Plurals,


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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§ 128. Double plurals are of common occurrence, and are formed in the following ways:
i. A second pi. ending is added to the first: celam ' corpse ', pi. celanedd, double pi. celaneddau Ps. ex 6 ; deigr ' tear', pi. dagrau, double pi. dagreuoeb IL.A. 71, R.B.B. 146, 149 ; so blodeit ' flowers', double pi. Uodeuoeb K.B.B. 40, sg. llodeuyn; dieu ' days', double pi. dieuoeS do. 9, 35, sg. dy6; llysfsew ' plants', double pi. llysseuoeb IL.A. 70; dynion, double pi. dynyoneu R.P. 1303;
neges ' errand', pi. negesau, double pi. negeseuaw M.L. ii 97 ; peth 'thing', pi. pet/tau, double pi. pet/teua-u do. 113, 119 'various things'; esgid 'shoe', esgidiau 'shoes', esgideuau 'pairs of shoes';
macTk ' surety', pi. meichiau, double pi. meichiafon.
ii. A pi. ending is added to a pi. formed by affection: thus clock 'bell', pi. clych s.G. 380, double pi. clychau; sant 'saint', pi. seint B.B. 85, IL.A. 69, double pi. seimiyeu H.M. ii 3^7, Mn. W. seinfiau; angel 'angel', pi. engyl M.A. i 383, double pi. engylyon IL.A. 155, W.M. 118, B.B. 70 etc., Mn. W. angylipn (e->a- § 83 iii Note 3).
In old formations -zon affected the preceding vowel, thus the ei of meibwn is the affection of a by t, ns shown by the intermediate form mepion § 70 ii (i). But meibion seemed to be the pi. meib with -zon added; and on this analogy -wn, was added to engyl. Tlie y in angylion is not an old affection of the e by t, for that would be ei, cf. anreigyon, etc., § 70 ii (a), angelion is a new formation probably due to Wm.S., and, though used in the Bible by Dr. M. and Dr. P., has failed to supplant angylion as the spoken form. Silvan Evans's statement that angelion very frequently occurs in Ml. MSS. is a gross error, supported only by a quotation from a 17th cent. copy,H.M. ii 337, of a tract appearing iu IL.A., where the reading is egylyonn 129.
In most cases however -zon is added to the sg., and does not affect ae, e, o: fcaetfiyon E.r. 1272, ysgolion ' schools'.
iii. The diminutive pi. endings -ach (-iach) and -os are added to pi. nouns, os cryddionach Gr.O. 308, dynionach do. 93, J.D.R. [xx]; dreiniaoh 'thorns'; plantos, gwragedhos, dilhados (d/i^o, lh'=li) J.D.R. [xv] 'children, women, clothes'; cynos 'little dogs' ; more rarely to sg. nouns: iranos I!.M. 154, L.G.C. 148, 1 little crows •', caregos ' pebbles ', dernynnach ' bits'.
Sometimes a final media is now hardened before the ending: pry-fetach, merchetos. This isprob. due to late diminutive doubling (d-d> ft, etc.).



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
§ 129
iv. A noun with a pi. ending sometimes has its vowels affected as an additional sign of the pi., as eeraint for carant § 123 v, adenyb for adan.e6 § 125 iii, brodyr for broder § 124 i, which are therefore, in a sense, double plurals.
Plural Doublets.
§ 129. i. A noun not ending- in -yn or -en may have more than one pi. form in the following- ways :
(i) One pi. may be formed by affection and one by the addition of an ending-: mdr ' sea', pi. myr, moroeb § 122 ii (4); arf 'weapon', pi. arveu W.M. 97, 99, etc., poet. eirf D.G. i; esgob < bishop', pi. esgyb, later esgoUon (l5th cent., Gut.O. A 14967/87), esgobiaid (T.A. A 14975/61), the first and last now obsolete; Ml.W. Jcevynderw 'cousin', pi. kevyndyru, A.L. i 323, Mn. W. cefnder, pi. cefndyr, cefnderoedd L.G.C. 167.
In Recent Welsh new and inelegant weak forms are sometimes found, as castelli, alarchod for cestyll, elyroh. On the other hand in the late period we meet with spurious strong forms, such as edyn § 125 iii Note; and latterly emrynt for amrawnau (amrantau) § 120 i (i); brieill for briallu. § 134 ii; cieig for c.ie.una.u,
(a) Two or more plurals may be formed by adding different ending's : tref ' town ', pi. trefi, trefydd § 122 ii (a) ; Jcaer ' castle ', pi. keyrydd, kaeroedd, caereu, do. (3); acJiau, achoedd L.G.C. 213 ' ancestry'; dyn § 127, etc. See § 131 i.
(3) Two plurals with the same ending- may have different vowel changes ; thus Ml. W. ceing old pi. cangeu § 125 iii, newer pi, ceingheu IL.A. 144; these survive in Mn. W. as cainc pi. cangau, ceinciau. So cawr ' giant', pi. ceuri, cewri § 76 iv (3);
achaws, acJios ' cause' pi. achwysson § 125 v (3), acAuysyoa A.L. i 30, and achosion.
ii. A noun ending in -yn or -en may have more than one pi. form as follows:
(i) Some nouns of class i, § 126 i, have two plurals, one without and one with the vowel affected; as gw'ialen ' twig', pi. gwial or gwtail; seren 'star ', pi. s8r B.T. 36, or syr IL.A. 5, the latter now obsolete; collen ' hazel', pi. coll M.M. 33, generally cyll; onnen ' ash', pi. onn, more usually yii; mellten ' flash of lightning', pi. nielli, IL.A. 107, rarely rnyllf E.B B. 359.
§•130
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Ni thawaf, od af heb ddl,
Mwy nog eos mewn gwlal.—D.G. 418, cf. 151. ' I will not be silent, though I go without pay, moi?e than a nighting-gale in the branches.
E gaeodd Mai d gwlail
Y Uwybrau yn dyrraw, dail.—D.G. 442, cf. 87, 162, 225.
'May has blocked up with twigs the paths into masses of leaves.'
Mawr yw seren. y morwyr, Mwy yw no swrn o'r mdn s^r.—L.G.C. 459.
' Great is the star of the mariners, greater than a cluster of small stars.' Dy ryw cyn amied a'r onn, * Ms- "wr. Derwgoed yw'r'1 dreigiau dewrion.—T.A. A 1497 5/11-
' Thy kindred are as numerous as ash-trees, but the brave dragons are oaks.'
(3) A noun may fall in more than one of the classes mentioned in § 126; thus cwningen, pi. i owning, 3 cwmngod; gelyn, pi. I galon, 3 gelynion; dalen, pi. i dail, 3 dalennau; defnyn, pi. 3 dafnau, 3 defynnau,; asen 'rib', pi. I ais, 3 asau, 3 asennaii.
Khyfedd yw'r ais, a'i rhifo, Fal cronglwyd lie tynnwyd to.—I.B.H., p. 17.
' Strange are my ribs, and to be counted, like rafters where the roof has been taken away.'
JSf a wys wr fy asau Am gelu hyn im gulhau.—B.Br.1 v 82/293, cf. D.G. 295.
' It is evident from my ribs that I have become lean through concealing this [secret].'
Sion ffriw ac asennau Ffranc Sy lew brau—Sdtbri ieuanc.—T.A., A 14965/44.
' Sion, of the face and frame of a Frank, is a spirited lion—.^pung
Salesbury.'
Singular Doublets.
§ 130. i. A noun not ending in -yn or -en may have two forms of the sg. owing to various phonetic accidents: (i) -yf'.-eu § 76 vii: cle'byf B.P. 1236 ' sword', cleSeu do. 1369, pi. cleSyfeu;
neSyf do. 1237 ' adze ', and neSeu.
(2) daitt, daint ' tooth ', pi. dannedd § 122 iii (2).
(3) gwyry, gwyrf, gwerydd ' virgin', pi. gwerycldon § 110 ii (3).
b Wrongly attributed in the MS. to D.G,; see A 14967/110. 222, and the cover of Greal no. 6—Mae rhyw amwynt.



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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§ ^
(4) paret W.M. 93, parwyt B.T. 37 (the latter obsolete), pi. parwydydd ' walls' (of a house).
(5) gwartJiafl 'stirrup^, Mn. W. gwartkol {-afl> -awl>-ot), pi. gtoarthcrfleu, Mn. gwarthaflav.
(6) dydd ' day', <"7yw in dyw Sul etc., pi. dyddmu, diau.
ii. A noun may have a sg. form with, and one without, a eg. ending ; as delgr, deigryn ' tear', pi. dagrau; erfyn, arf' weapon ', pi. arfau § 129 i (i); edau, edefyn ' thread', pi. edafedd, § 125 iii. The diminutive form has sometimes a pi. of its own; as dafn 'drop', pi. dafnau § 122 ii (a), and defnyn 'drop', pi. defnynnau § 126 iii; came • branch ', pi. cangau, ceinciau § 129 i (3); cangen 'branch', pi. cangftennau T.A. G. 351.
iii. Nouns ending' in -yn or -en. Class I § 126 i, may have two singulars, (i) one formed with each ending; thus adar ' birds', Sg. m. aderyn and f. adaren B.B. 107, the latter obsolete; ysgall ' thistles ', sg. ysgellyn and y-igallen, both in use ; cawu, sg. conyn ' stalk ', cawnen ' rush '; gwtal or gwtail, eg. gw'ialen, or gwielyn c.c. 265.
(2) With different vowel changes; as dail ' leaves', old sg. deilen § 126 i (a), newer sg. deilen, re-formed from the pi. § 126 i (i).
Desynonymwd Doublets.
§ 131. i. Many pi. doublets, especially those with different endings, § 129 i (a), have been desynonymized, some early, as tronneu W.M. 94, D.G. 333 'breasts', ironnyb M.A. i 415, D.G. 70, 'hills', sg. iron 'breast, hill'; personiaid § 123 iv (i) 'parsons', per-sonav,' persons' (personyeu c.M. 19), sg. person, in both senses. The following occur in Mn. W.: canoniaid ' canons' (men), canonau 'regulations', sg. canon; cyngliorion 'counsels', cyngliorau ''councils', gg. cyngor; llu,ytnau ' tribes', llwytJti' loads' (but llwytJiau ' loads ' Ex. v 5, vi 6, llwythi 'tribes' J.D.R. 291), sg. llwyth; prydiau ' times ', prydau ' meals', sg. pryd; pwysau ' weights', pwysl ' Ibs.', sg. pwys ; ysbrydion ' spirits' (beings), ysbrydoedd ' spirits ' in other senses (but Ml. W. ysprydoeo, s.G. 308-9, ysprydyeu do. 310, both in the former sense); anrJieithiau ' spoils', anrheithi 'dear ones', sg. anrhaith 'booty; darling', § 156 ii (i).
§ 132
NOUNS


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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ii. In some cases the desynonymization is only partial: iadau means both • fathers' and ' ancestors', but teit IL.A. 131, Mn. "W. taid means the latter only, as
Penaethiaid yw dy daid oil.—G.I.H., tti 133/211.
'All thy ancestors are chieftains.5 teuliau 'ancestors' is perhaps to be treated as the pi. of taid 'grandfather', a derivative (<*faiws?) of tad, cf. naia 'grandmother' (<*nanM?). The pi. ais, while continuing to mean ' ribs', was used for ' breast * D.G. 316, and became a sg. noun, fern. (like iron), as
Am Robert y mae'r ebwch Tn f ais drom anafus drwch.—T.A., G. 230. ' For Robert is the cry in my heavy wounded broken breast.'
But asau and asennau retained their literal meaning. In the spoken language now, ais is ' laths' (sg. eisen), asennau ' ribs) (sg. asefi).
iii. Partial desynonymizafcion extends to the sg. in deilen 'leaf (of a tree only), dalen 'leaf (natural or artificial), dail-' leaves' (of trees or books), dalennau ' leaves' (artificial only, but Ml. W. dalenneu B.B. 101 'leaves' of trees). Complete desynonymization has taken place in the sg. and pi. in cors f. ' marsh', pi. corsydd, and corsen, f. ' reed', pi. cyrs (in Ml. W. 'cors, corsydd meant ' reed, reeds' also, see Silvan Evans s. v.) ;
tant 'harp-string', pi. tannau, and tennyn 'halter', p1. tenynnod.
iv. Desynonymization occurs in the sg. only in conyn ' stalk ', cawnen ' reed '; gw'ialen ' twig, wand', gw'ielyn ' osier' (used in wicker-work—the original meaning, § 75 vi (2)).
In the dialects also coeden ' tree' " vox nupemmfe ficta " D.D. and coedyn ' piece of wood'. The -word for ' ti ee ' in lit. W. is pren; cf. ny elwir coet o un prenn B.P. 1044 ' wood is not said of one tree.'
In some cases, ot course, the diminutive was from its earliest formation distinct in meaning from its base; as yden f. ' a grain of corn ' from yd ' corn' mas. sg. (yr yd hun ' this coin '), pi. ydau ' varieties of corn '.
Anomalous Plurals.
§ 132. A few anomalous plurals remain to be noticed: (i) ci ' dog ', pi. own ; ci < Kelt. *ku < *kyu < Ar. *?c(it)yo : Skr. sva § 89 iii; cww<Bnt. *&vnes<A.r. *&uues.

ACCIDENCE


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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(a) dydd ' day' < *d{wus : Lat. <%.?, and dyw ' day' in dyw Gwener ' on Friday' etc. from an oblique case (Ar. gen. *diwes, *diuos), pi. d'ieu < Brit. *dteues § 100 ii (i), beside dzeuoeb § 128 i, and dytyeu IL.A. 51, B.B.B. 9, re-formed from the sg., Mn. W. dyddwu, now the usual form, though tridiau is still in common use.
Biwitinet a hir dieu ((=8) B.B. 56 ' years and long days'; deugein niheu IL.A. 21 'forty days'; seith men.
E.B.B. 54; deugain nieu D.G. 198, etc.
(3) duw ' god', 0. W. duiu- § 78 iv (a) < *dewos (: Lat. (?eK5) is the same word as the above with different vowel grades § 63 vii (4). The Ml. pi. dwyweu IL.A. 73 is formed from the old sg.; geu-dwyeu also occurs do. 44 with loss of w; the Mn. pi. duwiau is a second re-formation.
(4) diawl 'devil', pi. d'iefyi^ 100 ii (i), also a late pi. dwwl(i)aid (loss of z by dissim. is usual); the pi. dieifl used by Gr.O. is artificial, as possibly the sg. diafl. Wm.S. invented a new sg. diafol, which was adopted in the Bible, and so is considered more respectable than the genuine form.
(5) biwyddyn ' year', pi. biynedd, blicySyneS, biynyddoedd § 123 iv (a), § 125 v (i).
(6) aren pi. ezrin § 106 ii (i), new pi. arennau; eirin ' plums', new sg. eirinen.
(7) pared, pi. parwydydd § 130 i (4); ffSr 'ankle', pi. (old dual) uffarnau, uc/iarnau § 96 iv (a), late pi. fferau, fferi, Other cases of anomalous vowel changes in § 135 v, § 117 iii.
(8) One or two examples generally quoted of irregular plurals are due to haplology, § 44 iv, and are irregular in the late period only. Mn. W. cydymaith ' companion', pi. cymdeithion ;
Ml. W. sg. cedymdeith W.M. 10, pi. cydymdeifhon do. i ;—Mn. W. credadun 'believer', pi. aedimvyr, a corrupt re-formation from credinipl for credunipl, § 77 ix, for credadunipl; Ml. W. credadun, pi. credadunion M.A. i 566.
Nouns with no Plural,
§ 133. The following nouns are used in the sg. only;— i. Many abstract nouns, simple, as gwanc 'voracity', llwne
§ 134
NOUNS


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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'swallowing', llafur 'labour', cred 'belief, tywydd ' weather';
or derivative as sycJied ' thirst', tristweh ' sadness', ffyddlondeb ' fidelity', glendid ' cleanliness'.
But a large number of abstract nouns have pi. forms: chwant ' desire', pi. chwantau', coel ' belief, pi. melion, etc.; Bee§ 120 i (4), 221ii(3),§122u(4).
ii. Nouns denoting material or substance, as mSl 'honey', glo ' coal', ymenyn ' butter', gwaed ' blood', baw ' dirt', llaeth ' milk', etc.
There are many exceptions: dyfroedd ' waters *, sg. dwfr; cigau 'meats', ydau § 131 iv, etc.
arian in the sg. means ' silver', thus yr arian hum ' this silver', anan tyw ' quicksilver'; but arian is also pi., and as pi. means ' money', as yr anan hyn ' this money', arian gwynion or arian gleision ' white ' or ' grey money', i. e. silver coins. More rarely aw is pi. in a similar sense: aur melynion or aur rhuddion W.IL. 2. Similarly heyrn the pi. of haearn means ' irons ' as fire-irons, etc. i The names of woods have the same form as the pi. of the namea of trees ; thus derw ' oak' or ' oak-trees ', sg. derwen ' oak-tree '. The same form is used (like arian, aur, haearn, etc.) as an adj.: cadazr dderw ' oak chair '; onn ' ashen ', etc. (but not i{nn etc.) :
Iilithio 'r wyd y V.ath hir onn Ar galonnau'r gelynion.—T.A., A 14975/95. ' Thou feedesfc the long ashen spear on the hearts of the enemies.'
iii. Diminutive nouns in -an, -iff, -cyw, -cen; as dynan, ' a little, person', oenig ' a little lamb', bryncyn ' hillock', llecyn ' place ', ffolcen ' foolish girl'.
If the word does not exist without the suff., or if without the suff. it is an adj., it has a pi. in -od, rarely -au ; mudanod ' deaf-mutes', llebanod, etc. § 123 ii (2), eungod do. (i); crymanau ' sickles'.
iv. Archaic and poetical words such as bun 'maid', idf 'lord', Cull 'lord', Jinan 'sun' § 113 i (5).
v. Proper names of places, months, days, feasts; as Cymru, JSbrill, Calati, Nadolig. Except Suliau 'Sundays', Sadyrnaw ' Saturdays'. Other days thus : dyddiaii Llun ' Mondays', etc.
Nouns wit/i no Singular.
§ 134. A few nouns are used in the pi. only :
i. bonedd 'gentlefolk'; rVieni 'parents'; nouns in -wys denoting' inhabitants, as Monwys ' men of M6ii' § 38 viii.



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
§§ 135,136
Bonedd ffwynedd a genais, Blodau'r f>ir heb ledryw Sais.—T.A., A 14966/277.
' I have sung the nobility of Gwynedd, flowers of the shire with no
Saxon alloy.'
The sg. rhiant (pi. rKzaint) given by Pughe seems to be his own invention.
ii. aerow' fruits'; gwariheg 'cattle'; creifion. ^parings'; gwrelcJi, ion ' sparks'; names of certain vegetables: bresych ' cabbages ', chwyn{n) 'weeds', br'iallu B.T. 25, H.M. ii -162, 'primroses'; in Mn, W. ymysgaroedd 'bowels', but ML sg. ymysgar s.e. 214,
For pi. names of vegetables a sg. is sometimes formed by adding -en, as hesg ' rushes', sg. hesgen, or -yn as Uodeu-yn, rhos-yn. The new and spurious sg. brzallen is based on the assumption that -u is a pi. ending; so also the spurious pi. brieill.
iii. Adjectives used as nouns; (i) persons; fforddolwn 'wayfarers', tlodion 'paupers'; (a) qualities: prydferthion ' beauties', § 145 iii.
TI For the pi. of compound nouns, see § 157 iiL
GEMDEB.
§ 135. The gender of a noun denoting an animate object agrees in general with the sex of the object; thus the nouns gwr ' man, husband ', wffyi' horse', brawd ' brother ', gwas ' servant, youth' are m., and gwraiyf ' woman, wife ', caseg ' mare ', cJiwaer ' sister', morwyn ' maid ' are f.
§ 138. i. When the same noun is used for both sexes it is generally epicene, that is, it has its own gender whichever sex it denotes.
The following are mas. epicenes ; pleutya' child ', baban.' babe ', barcut' kite ', eiyr ' eagle'.
The following are fern. epicenes : cennad ' messenger', calk ' cat', colomen ' dove', bran ' crow ', ysgyfarnog ' hare'. Thus we say y gennad (not *y cennad) even when we mean a man.
Kymw y gennat honn, a dwc efy dy Ernallt CM. 33 ' Take this messenger and bring him to the house of Ernault'. See also E.B.B. 68, 3L.A. in and 2 Sam. xi 1925.
These nouns do not change their gender by the addition of gwryw ' male' or benyw ' female', as old-fashioned grammarians taught. 'In


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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£83
eryr henyw ' female eagle ' the non-mutation of the b- of benyw shows that eryr remains mas. In fact the gender of a noun must be ascertained before gwryw or benyw can be added to it.
ii. There are however several nouns of common gender in Welsh, that is, nouns whose gender varies according to the sex of the individual meant. Such are dyn ' man' or ' woman', dynan ' little person ', cyfyrder ( second cousin ', wyr ' grandchild', iyst' witness ' (< Lat. testis corn.), mudan ' deaf-mute', perthynas ' relation', gefell' twin ', cywar ' mate', llatai ' love-messenger ', etc.
§ 139 v, cyw ' pnllas ', llo ' calf. Thus y m.udan. ovy tudan.;
y yerthynas or y 'berthynas ; llo gwryw or llo tenyw.
See cyw f. D.G. 94, usually m.; un gymar f. D.G. 274 ; teir wyryon E.M. 112, W.M. 468 'three granddaughters'.
T ddyn fwyn oedd ddos 'n fannerch:
Aeth yn fud weithian y ferch.—D.E., G, 117.
' The gentle lady yesterday greeted me: now the maid has become
silent.'
Wyr Cadwgon yw honw):
Wyr i fab Meilir yw fo.—L.G.C. 367.
' She is the granddaughter of Cadvvgon; he is the grandson of Meilir's
son.'
Danfmaf, o byddaf byw, At feinwen latai tenyw.—1L., iti 133/102.
' I will send, if I live, to the maiden a female messenger.'
The initial consonant of dyn is sometimes left unmutated after the art. when f., as pwy yw'r dyn <3.eg t D.G. 53 ' who is the fair lady ?' But usually y ddyn as above, cf. § 38 vi, ex. 3.
dynes is a N. Walian vulgarism which has found its way into recent literature ; it does not occur in the Bible or any standard work. The examples quoted by Silvan Evans are evident misreadings (dynes for y ddyn and dynes sad for dyn sad)', but it is found in the work of a poetaster in P 112/365 (early i7th cent.). No pi. has been invented for it. Other late formations are cymhares and wyres, the former used in the i7th cent.
iii. Some mas. nouns used as terms of endearment, etc. become fern. when applied to females ; as peth ' thing ', byd ' life', cariad • love', enaid ' soul'; thus y 'hef/i diawd ' poor thing' f.
T myd wen, mi yw dy wr, A'th was i'th burlas barlwr.—D.G. 156.
' My fair life, I am thy husband and thy servant in thy leafy parlour.'

ACCIDENCE
§ 137
.y'enaid. dios, ni ddaw nosi I adail haf y del hi.—D.G. 321.
' My beautiful soul! there comes no nightfall to the summer-honse to which she comes.'
iv. Similarly a mas. abstract noun, when personified is occa" sionally treated as fern., as doethineb in Diar. i 30, ix 1-4.
§ 137. i. Some mas. names of living objects are made fern. by the addition of -es, or by changing- -yn, to -en; thus brenivi, ' king', brew/lines ' queen'; bac/igem ' boy ', bachgennes Joel iii 3 ' girl'; llew ' lion ', llewes ' lioness '; asyn ' ass ', f. asen; coegyn ' fop', f. coegen B.CW. 14.
arglwyS' lord', arglwySes -w.M. 11 ' lady'; mnrchawc W.M. 2, Mn.W. wiarchog ' horseman, rider, knight', marchoges, wAr. 13, B.CW. 58 ; iarV, iarlles W.M.

 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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224 'earl', 'countess'; amherawdyr W.M. 178 'emperor', amherodres do. 162; cares I.Q. 557 'relative' f.; tywysoges ib. 'princess'; sanies do. 559 'saint' f.; wglwyddes a meistres m£r Gr.O. 13 ' lady and mistress of the sea'.
In old formations the -es is seen added to the original stem, as in Ueidr 'thief, f. lladrones B.ow. 21, see § 121 i; Sais 'Englishman', f. Saesnes<~Brit. '''Sam, *Saxonissa, § 113 i (2). On the vowel change in Cymro, f. Cymraes see § 65 ii (i).
ii. In the following cases the distinction of gender is irregular :
nai ' nephew', with ' niece '; cefnder{w) ' cousin', f. cyfnither{w);
oJiwegrwn ' father-in-law ', f. chwegr ; hesbwrn, f. Jieshm ' ewe';
ffol ' fool', f./olog ; gwr, gmaig; ci § 133 (i), gast § 96 ii (3).
nai < Ar. *nepots; nith < Ar. *neptis § 75 vii (2); cefnderw § 76 v11 (3) (0- ^- P^- ceintiru) and cyfmtherw are improper compounds representing ceifn derw and cyfnith Serw; for ceijn lit. ' co-nephew' see § 75 vii (i) ; cyfnith < *Jcom-ne'pt1s' co-niece'; derw is an obsolete adj. meaning ' tiue', Ir. derb ' sure' < *deryos, Ar. base *dereu-: E. true, and doubtless W. pi. derwyS-on"'' soothsayers '< *d ruiies^.Ga.vil.druides <Brit., Caesar B.&. vi 13, Ir. drm<~Brit. 1) : W. dvr 'true, certain', Ir. dw ' due' < LE *deru-s.—chwegr § 94 iv; chwegrwn< * suekru-no-;
—hesbin from W. hesb f. of hysh ' dry' § 96 iii (5); the formation of hesbwrn is not clear; perhaps for *hesbrwn formed on the analogy of cJiwegrwn;—gwr < Ar. *uwos : Lat. vw; gwraig < *wakz prob. <
*y(i}r-dk-t, a noun in -? (: -iw, cf. pi. gwrageS) from a°derivative in
-aA- of *wr-os: cf. Lat. virago. "'
'• This ia more probable as a derivation of druid than that it comes from the word for oak. There is however a distant connexion, since derw ' oak ', Gk. Spvs, etc., are probably derived from the same Aryan base *dereu- ' fast, hard'.
§ 138.
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iii. (i) As in other languages, near relations and familiar animals have names of different origin for males and females: tad ' father', warn ' mother'; brawd, chwaer; ewytfir, modryh; ceffyi, caseg ; etc.
(2) Names of birds are epicenes, mostly f. as y fwyalch or y fwy" alchen ' the blackbird', y fronfraith' the thrush', yr wydd ' tlie goohe', y gog 'the cuckoo', y frdn 'the,crow', etc.; but almost an equal number are m., as wyr ' eagle', dryw ' wren', barcut ' kite ', hedydd ' lark', alarch ' swan'. The male bird is in some cases distinguished by using ceiliog followed by the specific name in the attributive genitive, as y ceiliog bronfraith or y ceiliog mwyalch; but this cannot be done generally. Note ceilidgwydd 'gander' § 74 i. The names of one or two male animals are formed in a similar manner; as bwch gafr 'he-goat'; gwroaih 'tom-cat'.
§ 188. The gender of nouns denoting inanimate objects or abstractions can only to a very limited extent be determined by the meaning.
i. The following nouns are mas.:
(1) tymor 'season', scad the names of the seasons; gwcwvwyn, haf, hydref, gaeaf, see hydrefdwys a'r gwanwyn § 38 viii; BO y Garawys, y Grawys 'Lent' with g- as a new radical § 101 iii (z), cf. yr hoUr Arawys A L. i 338 'all Lent',
(2) mis ' month', and the names of the months, as Ohwefrol sydd iddo 28 o ddyddiau 1620 Bible Almanac ' February has 28 days'.
(3) dydd 'day', and names of days, see Difiau dw § 46 ii (4); so y Pasg ' Easter', y Nadolig ' Christmas ', y Sulgwyn, ' Whitsunday', y Calun ' New Year's Day '; but gwyl ' feast' is f,, so that Gwyl Fair ' Lady Day', etc., are f.
(4) gwynt ' wind', and the names of points of the compass : y gog-ledd ' the north', y dwyrain ' the east', y deheu ' the south', y gorllewin ' the west'.
(5) Nouns denoting material or substance : awr, arian, haearn, pres, }yren, derw, ffazvydd, glo, maen, pridd, calch, clai, tail, gwair, gwellt, yd, bwyd, baru, cig, gwaed, gwin, cwrw, dwfr, gwydr, lltdr, lliain, sidawi, glaw, eira, etc.
(6) Verbal nouns; see § 205.
ii. The following nouns are fern.:
(1) gwlad 'country', teyrnas 'kingdom', ynys 'island', and namea. of countries, etc.: Oymru Idn ' beautiful Wales', Prydain T?awT ' Great Britain ', y F6n fau Gr.O. 16 ' my Mona'. But tir ' land' is m., hence Tir Grofg m. ' Greece '.
(2) tref 'town', llan 'church', and names of towns and parishes;
Sangor 'Sawr yn, Arfon; lLanbadarn 'Eawr.
(3) afon 'liver', and names of rivers: Dyfi wendal D.IL. 'fair-browed Dovey'. ,
(4) Names of mountains and hills: yr Wyddfa ' Snowdon', C'wnedfi uoa Q



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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ACCIDENCE »
§ 139
Ddofi/dd, Moelyei; but mynydd ' mountain' and bryn ' hill' are m., and so therefore are names formed from them, as Mynyddmawr.
(5) iaith 'language', and names of languages: y Gymraeg wen E.P. 217; but when the name denotes matter written in a language it ism.: y Cymraeg hwn ' this (piece of) Wclbh '. llythyren ' letter' is fern., and names of letters and sounds : a fain ' thin a' (i. e. ' ce ').
(6) Names of trees : derwen ' oak', ddr ' oak', collen ' hazel', etc.
(7) Collective nouns denoting communities, etc. : y genedl ' the nation', y werm' the people, the crew (of a ship)', y bobi ' the people', y bendefigaeth' the nobility', y gymanfa ' the assembly', y gynulleidfa 'the congregation', y glir 'the bards' (y fdn gISr L.G-.C. 71), y dmf, y dyrfa ' the crowd', y gynhadledd ' the assembly'; with some late exceptions, as y cyngor ' the council', y bwrdd ' the board '.
§ 189. The gender of a derivative noun is determined by its en ding.
i. The following endings form m. nouns ; -ach dim. ss; -aint, -awd,
-cyn, -dab -deb, -der, -did, -dod, -dra, -dwr, -edd, -hdd, -i -ni -wni,
-iad -ad, -wnt, -inab -ineb, -rwydd, -wch (-wg\ -yd, -yn.
Examples : bwbach, henaint, traethawd, llecyn, un-c/ab, -deb, blinder, gwendid, cryndod.ffieidd-dra, cryfdzcr, amynedd, glankad, tlodi, noethni, drygioni, cariad, teimlad, mwynmnt, doethin-ab, -eh, enbydrwydd, tywi/ll-wch, {-v^g), wchyd, off'<ryn
Exceptions: awdurdod, trindod', buchedd, cyng/ianedd, trugaredd, gee § 143 iii (13); cenaduri (f. after cennad); adrzlad § 205; caniad ' gong' (f. after can} but caniad ' singing' m.; galwad (f. after galwedig-aeth)', biwyddyn, elltrewyn, odyn, telyn, twymyn. In the last group
-yn is not the eg. ending -ynn, see § 126 iv.
ii. The following endings form f. nouns : -ach (abstract), -aeth
-iaeth etc., -as, -ed, -ell, -en, -es, -fa, -wr.
Examples : cyfeillach, cosbedigaeth, athrawiaeth, teyrnas, colled, asgell, seven, llynges, porfa, natur, pladur.
There are many exceptions in -aeth and -weth; as claddedigaeth, darfodedigaeth, gwasanaeth, hiraeth, amrywiaeth, gwahamaeth, llun-iaeth.—Other exceptions are lludded, caethiwed, syched, pared; castell, cawell, hiriell 'angel' D. 43 ; maharen; banes m. in N.W.—gwmadur < thimble' is m. in N. W.; names of persons in -ur are mas. (f. -urea).
iii. The following endings form derivatives having the same gender as the noun to which they are affixed: -aid ' -ful', -an dimin., -awd,
-od 'stroke, blow'; as crochanaid m. 'potful'; llwyazd f. 'spoonful;
mahan m. ' babe', gvyreigan f. ' little woman', dynan corn. ' little person'; cleddyfod m. ' stroke of swoid.',jfonnod f. 'blow of a stick ', dyrnod m., arfod f. (cteddyfawd f. D.G. 473 is exceptional).
iv. -og (-awe) forms m. titles and designations, as tywywg ' prince', marrhog ' knight', swyddog ' officer', eymydog ' neighbour', taeog ' villain '; and f. terms of reproach, as ffolog ' fool' f., budrog ' slattern ', slebog id. Names of inanimate objects in -og are generally f., as arjfedog ' apron ', clustog ' cushion', mawnog ' bog'.
§ 140
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'ig forms m. titles, as gwledig 'prince', •pendefig 'chief, and f. diminutives as oenig, etc.
-in is m. in brenin ' king', dewin ' sage', buelin ' drinking horn ', ewtn ' (finger-)nail', gorllewin ' west'; otherwise f., as byddin, cegin, cribin, gwerin, hesbin, megin, melin.
v. -ai, Ml. W. -ei (for -hei) forms nouns of corn. gender, as llatai § 136 ii; see cicai f. D.G. 166.
§ 140. i. No useful rule can be laid down for determining by the form the gender of nouns without derivative endings. It is true that nouns having w or y in the ultima are mostly m., and those having o or e are mostly f.; thus asgwrn, arddwrn, dwrn, dwfr, ellyll, byd, bryn are m.; colofa, tow, ffordd, ffenestr, gwgn, deddf are f. But exceptions are so numerous that the rule is of no great practicar value.
The reason for the rule is that Brit. u and i, which normally give W. w and y, were affected to o and e by the lost f. ending -a, § 68, thus bringing about a preponderance of f. nouns with o and e. The reasons for the numerous exceptions are the following: (i) o and e may be original Brit., and not the result of affection at all, as in m6r m. ' sea ', penn m. ' head'; (2) y is often due to affection by the lost f, ending -?; as in biwyddyn !., telyn f. etc.; (3) endings other than -a, -t caused no affection ; hewejfrwd f., fiwch f. etc.
u seems to some extent to liave followed the analogy of w, thus W. cur in. < Lat. oura f.; most monosyllables with u are thus m.; but dud ' vehicle', tud ' people, country', hug ' covering', dun ' thigh', hun ' sleep', punt ' £i', ffust ' flail' are f.
There is no reason why a, i and the diphthongs should be distinctive of gender; and rules which make them the basis of such a distinction are arbitrary, and worse than useless. Thus Mendus Jones, Gr.2 75, states that monosyllables having a are f.; Anwyl, Gr. 28, says they are in., and names 13 exceptions (omitting gardd, sarjf, barf, nant, cad, Hath, barn, etc., etc.); actually, the proportion of m. to f. (excluding •Kng. words, and names of males and females, as tad, mam) is about 55 : 45. Similarly monos. with i are said to be in.; in reality the numbers of m. and f. are practically equal:—m., Hid, gwrid, pridd, Ilif ' flood', rhif, brig, cig, cil, mil ' animal', ffin, llin, min, gwin, glin, tir, mis, plisg, Uith ' mash ';—f., pi, crib, gwib, gwich, tid, ffridd, Ilif ' &<iw', gwig, fig, hil, mil' 1000', hin, tin, trift,, rhin, gwisg, cist, llith 'lesson '.
ii. A few doublets occur with. m. -w-, {. -o- ; as cwd m.(bag ', cod {, ' purse'. The others are borrowed words containing -or + cons.; as torf ' crowd ' < Lat. turbo,: twrf ' tumult' -,—ffwch' a fork ' < 'La.t.furca: ffwrch ' the fork, haunches';—ffordd ' way' <, Q3



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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141.142 -
OS. ford: iffwrdd ' away';—SorS ' board, table' < M.E. lord:
bwrdd id. < O.E. lord.
Also with -§137i,,
owith -yn ; -en, as ysgellyn '.^/sgallen § 130 iii, coegyn: coegen etc.,' \,ffwlcyn -.ffolcwi, and S. "W. dial. crwtyn ' boy': croten ' girl'.
§ 141. i. The gender of a compound noun is generally that of its subordinating element; thus elusendy ' almshouse' m. like ty ' house', this being the subordinating, and elusen the subordinate element. So gwmllan ' vineyard' f. like llan; can-Jmyllbren ' candlestick' m. like pren.
There are a few exceptions, possibly due to a change in the gender of the simple noun: carfref m. ' home', pentref m. 'village' (though tref is now f.)
§ 111 v (2); pmdro {.' vertigo' {tro m.), as Mae'r bendro ar y llo lleiaf'K.T. 1278.
Epithetized compounds have the same gender as the sex of the person; thus att-tud ' exile' generally m.
 {.).
ii. The above rule also holds for improper compounds, § 46, in which the subordinating element comes first; thus tref-tad ' heritage' f.; dfdd-brawd ' day of judgement' m. ; pout-brew ' wooden bridge' f.; pen-cerdd ' chief of song ' m.
§ 142. i. There are many nouns of vacillating or uncertain gender. Some of them are old neuters, like SraicA^vom Lat. bracchium. In other cases the uncertainty is due to the action of analogy.
ii. The gender sometimes varies according to meaning or use:— golwg ' sight' m., as in golwg byr ' short sight' (but f. in IL.A. 107) :
golwg 'appearance' f., as in teg yr olwg 'fair to see';—bath or math 'kind' m., as dau fath 'two kinds ': with the art. f., as y fath 'the kind', y fath beth ' the kind of thing';—man ' spot' m., aa y'r Seu van goofiyon W.M. 140 'to the two red spots', man gwan ' weak spot':
man ' place ' f. generally as in Matt. xxviii 6, often m. as in Jer. vii 3;
note yn y fan ' immediately', yn y man ' by and by'; —to ' roof' m. as in aderyn y to ' sparrow': to ' generation' sometimes f., as in L.G.C. 204;—coes 'leg' f. :coes 'stalk' or 'handle' of a spade, etc. (where there is only one) m., dim. coe'-yn m.—Unrelated pairs:
gwaith 'work' m., gwaith 'fois' f., as in dvoy waith 'twice'; Ilif m;
lliff.; mil m., mil f.; llith m., llith f. ; § 140 i.
iii. Some nouns have different genders in Ml. and Mn. W. This is sometimes due to a break in the tradition owing to the word becoming obsolete in the spoken language; in other cases it is due to, or has been helped by, analogy. Early Mn. W. generally agrees with Ml. W.;
the break comes in the Late Mn. period.
§ 143
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The following are m. in Ml.W., f. in Late W.: damwein W.M. 29, E.M. 19 'accident'; breint i.L. 121, B.B.B. 71 'privilege'; dinas C.M. 3, 8, IL.A. 44, D.G. 325 'stronghold, city', still m. in place-names;
neflL.A. 4 ' heaven ', S.Ph. (m. W.IL.) late i6th cent. has ne' gwyn, but H.S. mid. i5th already has nef f., see § 160 iii (2) (c); chwedyl E.M. 192 'tale', chwedl drwg Ps. cxii 7; gruS IL.A. 93 'cheek', y grudd, deu-rudd in the bards, but f. in Bible; gweithret A.L, i 526, B.B. 7, IL.A. 132 ; ergit E.B.B. 42 ; krevyS IL.A. 143.
The following are f. in Ml. W., m. in late W.: tangneveS W.M. 43, E.M. 30, 38 (but y fangnweS W.M. 55) 'peace', m. in Bible ; gwirioneS W.M. 29, E.M. 19 ' truth ', m. in Bible and later bards, c.c. 357 ; cygreir C.M. 18, E.M. 160 'truce', m. in Bible, Deut. xxix 14; rylit E B.B. 83 'fieedom'; 'person C.M. 19, IL.A. 3 'person'; llynn W.M. 51, E.M. 36 ' lake'; Uys W.M. 5, E.M. 3 ' court'.
In some cases the gender fluctuates in Ml. W.: breich, as in C.M. 18 ar y breich ' on the -arm', and in the next line y'r •vreich ' to the arm';
it is m. in the Bible, but now f. except in place-names;—heui ' sun', m. IL.A. 3, f. do. 161, generally f. in the bards, m. in Bible, f. in Wms. 2S'J! now m.; heulwen is an improper compound of haul wenn § 46 ii (i);—clot' praise ' m. as clot bychan W.M. 142, B.M. 212, generally f. in the bards &. 184, f. in the Bible, i Bren. x 7, now m., orig. neut. § 66 v.
iv. The difference is in some cases dialectal: ciniaw ' dinner' f. in W.M. 61, E.M. 43, now f. in S.W. but m. in N.W.; troed m. in Ml.W. e. g. deudroet always (not dwy-), m. in N.W., f. in S.W. The following are f. in S.W., m. in N.W.: cyflog, hams, garr, gwniadur, Ilyn, pwys, munud, dorian (though ar y funud, yn, y glorian in N. W. also); in Mn.Lit.W^. these are mostly m. as in N. W.; crib 'comb' now m. in N.W., but crib 'ridge' f. On the other hand in N.W. cusan (m. C.M. 58, 61) and cwpan (m. in Bible) are sometimes treated as f., doubtless a late misuse, as also the use in some parts of canhwyllbren as f. But dust m. E.B.B. 54, m. in S.W., is f. in N.W. and in the Bible. N.W. is not uniform : sach m. in Gwynedd (< Lat. saccus) is f. in Powys.
DERIVATIVE NOUNS.
§ 143. Derivative nouns are formed from simple nouns, from adjectives, and veib-stems by the addition of the following endings :
i. Diminutive endings, largely used to form singular nouns § 126 :
m. -yn, f. -en. The 0. W. forms are -inn, -win, and the n is doubled in Ml. and Mn. W. when a syllable is added, as defnynn-au Can. v 2, cunghenn-au Luc. xiii 19. They probably represent the Ar. suffixes
-ino-, -ind- with dimin. gemination § 93 iii (2), giving ^Blit. *-inno-s,
*-inna.
They may also be added to adjectives and vb.-stems, as coeg-yn ' fop', (coeg ' empty, vain'), ysgogyn ' swaggerer' (ysgog-i ' to shake').
ii. Diminutive endings added to nouns: -ach, as coirach 'dwarf' <a Brit. *-akkos, with dimin. gemination;—-an, as 'dynan 'little



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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person ', gwfeigan ' little woman'; this appears in late Brit. as -agn- ;
in Ir. it is -an; see § 104 ii (i);—-ell, as in vyrchell 'a roe',< Brit.
*-elld or *-illa ;— -ig, as in oenig ' lamb ', < Brit. *-zkd;— -cyn, f. -een, sometimes added to contracted personal names, as Hwleyn for Hywel, appears to be comparatively late, and may be from E. -kin.
iii. Abstract and collective noun endings, etc.: (i) -ach as cyfeillac'h 'friendship' cyfrinach 'secret' (< *-aksa, v.n. suffix § 203 i (3) (4)).
(2) -aeth 'act'< *-aktd, § 203 i (i), as in gwasanaeth 'senice'<
*uo-ssan-aktd < *upo-std-no-akta § 96 ii (2); as "gwasan does not occur, the suffix is here felt to be -anaeth. It takes the form -laeth from stems in -^', thus added to -aid in dysg-eid-weth ' learning'; hence Jiyndfweth 'antiquity', gofdnweth 'smithing'; hence -aniaeth in gwlybanweth' wet weather'. So -laeth as marwandtaeth ' commerce ';
*maeth as saernweth 'workmanship', mfchiitaefh 'surety'. In ar-glwyddtaeth, arglwyddzaeth both accentuations occur, seeArglwyddiaeth (4 syll.) D.G 8 ; Gwledd Dduw a'i arglwyddiarth Gut.O. M 146/397 E. ' The feast of God and his Lordship': Pe talai'r wydd arglwyddweth D.G. 210 ' If the goose paid tribute'. The form in Late W. is the last. Tlie ending ig also added to vei bal adjectives in -adwy, -edig. as ofnadwyaeth 'terror', poenedigaeth 'toiture', eriedigaeth for eriided'gaeth § 44 iv. It is also seen in -adaeth, -dabaeth, -debaeth, -wnaeth, etc.
(3) -aid, Ml. W. -eit < *-atw-s, *-afw : llwyaid § 139 iii.
(4) -aint. Ml. W. -eint : henaint ' old age ; dioddefaint ' suffering' § 203 ii (3), q.v.
(5) -an : ousan 'kiss', chwiban 'whistle', v.n. suff. § 203 vi (i).
(6) -as <*assa: teyrnas f. 'kingdom'; also -iaa, as trigviS ' residence' : Ir. -as m. < *-assu- (: Goth. -assu-} : 1*^t-tSC*-9t-tu-".
(7) -awd, -od, Ml. W. -awt < *-at- : traethawd 'treatise' < Lat. Iractdtvs; molawd 'piaise ' : Ir. wtolad ; used to denote the stroke of a weapon cleSyfawt, etc. § 139 iii < *-dtw.
(8) -deb, -dab, -dabaeth, -debaeth, •ineb, -inab all contain
*ap- < *9qW-, V oqv- like Lat. anfiquus, Skr. prdtzka-m 'face' and W. wyneb § 100 v. In -deb *ap- is added to a -ti- stem, in -ineb to Brit. -mi- (as in brenin iv (10)); '-w- > w >e § 65 vi; in -dab -inab to allied adj. stems in -to; -zno- (cf. Brugmann2 II i 285); '-oa- > '-a- > a. Silvan Evans states s.v. duwdab that -dab etc. are "local forms ", meaning that the -a- is Gwyn. a for e, § 6 iii, which is absurd, for dial. a does not extend to the penult as in -dabaeth (dial. afab, atebodd, not *atabodd). The forms with a occur before any trace of dial. a, and are used by writers of all parts : diweirdap v 14/2 E. (circa 1250), dewindabueth E.B.B. 16, 38, 41, 42, c.M. 93; doethinab Mii7B. (c. 1285), E.BB. fac. opp. p. i (c. 1310-1330); cowremdob S.T., iti 169/39 B. ; hyddb L.G.C. 195 ; geudab Ps. Ixii 9.
7 Drindod a TO a undab
" Printed dro,,
Er deigr Mair deg ar i Mob.—T.A. c. ii 78.
' The Trinity bring about union for the sake of fair Mary's tear for her Son.'
§ 143
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(9) -der, -ter < *-te'ro- cpv. suff. : dyfn-der ' depth '. (i o) -did, -tid, Ml. W. -dit, -tit < Ar. *-tut-: gwen-did ' weakness ';
—dod, -tod, Ml. W. -dawt, -tawt< Ar. *-tdt- : cryn-dod ' trembling';
— : Lat. vir-tut- (< *uiro-tut-) ; czvi-tdt-.
-dra, -tra, see (22) below.
(i r ) -dwr < *-turo-, prob. -ro; added to -tu- stem., cf. Gk. p.o.p-rvpw '. cryfdwr ' strength'.
(12) -ed, Ml. W. -et, partly < -itds, as in ciwed < Lat. cwitas;
partly < *-e-to, Ml. W. dyly-et < *dligeto-n : Ir. dliget —syched ' thil st';
nodd-ed ' protection', colled ' loss ', etc.
(13) -edd<*-i»'a : trugaredd ' mercy '< *trouga1cariia '.
Ir. trocaire',
— : Gk. -to, avap^a, etc.
Most nouns with this ending have become mas. in W. ; but many retain the orig. gender § 139 i.
(14) -eg < -ikd; as gramadeg < grammatics; so hanereg 'half-measure ' < Brit. *san-ter'-tkd. It forms the names of languages as Saesmeg, Gwyddeleg, Ffrangeg, ffwyndodeg ' the dialect of Gwynedd', Gro-eg, Cymrd-eg. In the last two contraction took place. Wm.S. took -arg for the ending in Cymrdeg, and so, beside the con-ecfc Saesneg, wrote Saesnaeg and Saesonaeg, see the headings in his Die. Gwyddelaeg, Ffrancaeg etc. were also foimed, either by him or by his imitators. D.D. s.v. aeg vehemently protests against these solecisms, and against the use of aeg as a word meaning ' language '.a—Kanys Yspaenec a Sywedei y kawr O.M. 19 ' For it was Spanish that the giant spoke'. Kymraec/cAzoec B.P. 1189. Ffrangec Sa loewdec Siletyeith do. 1225 ' Good clear pure French'.
Dysgais yr eang Ftrangeg;
Doeth yw i dysg, da iaifh deg.—I.E., r 82/309 E.
' I have learnt the rich French language; wise is its learning, fair good tongue.'
(15) -es < *issa : buches 'herd of cows, place for milking'; llynges ' fleet', lloches ' hiding-place '; cf. iv (4).
(16) -fa: i.< *-mag- ' place': por-fa 'pasture'; cam-fa 'stile';
trig-fa 'dwelling place'; cyrch-fa 'resort'.—2. Abstr. for -fan(n) v.n. ending § 203 ii (4), by loss of -nn § 110 v (2) < Ar. *-m^g,-§ 62 i (2): llosg-fa 'a burning'; lladd-fa 'slaughter'; cryn-fa 'tremor'; bodd-fa 'deluge'. The two are confused, and the second class have plurals like the first, as llosgfeydd.
(17) -i is the same as the v.n. ending -i, see § 202 ii; thus tlodi 'poverty' (also as v.n. 'to impoverish'), noethi 'nakedness' (v.n. 'to denude'), diogi 'idleness' (v.n. 'to idle'), caledi ' hardship'. gwegi ' vanity'; yrnddiffdi ' destitution'.
(18) -^ad, -ad added to verb-stems is properly -ad, as shown by
* Yr aeg is of course parallel to the ' ologies' in Eng., except that in Eng. no one imagines ology to be a real word. It is strange that the false division was not extended to -es; though a Welshwoman is Cymraes, no one has written Cfwyddelaes for Quyddeles, or called his wife yr aes.



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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such forms as carad, e.g. 7Zt< du di-garad TS.S. 86, and especially the loi in -had (for -Jia-ad), which would be *-haead if the ending were
-iad ; but with stems in -t- we have e. g. rhod^-ad (: rhodiaf); from these -wd was generalized, but too late to cause penultimate affection;
lience carwd ' love ' (-iad agent affects, see iv (5) ). -ad, pi. -adau is from *-9-tu- (Ar. *-tu- verbal-abstr. suffix) : Lat. supine genitum <
*gem-tu-m; -ad f. < *-»-ta § 203 iii (8).
(19) -iant is similarly -ant < *-nt-, participial suffix, as in Ml. W. derpwant IL.A. 152 ' stink', Mn. W. dremant; it generally appears as
•iant in Ml. and Mn. W. : meSyartt W.M. 8, Mn. W. mtddiant ' possession'.
(20) -id in addewid f.' promise ', perhaps < *-1-td ( : Lat. fzmtus);
in cadernid m. ' might' < *-^-tu- {: Lat. sup. vestztum);—rhyddid is a late re-formation of rhy(S)-did.
(21) -ni < Brit. *gmmu-, 0. W. gnim 'work' § 203 vii (4) :
mech-ni 'bail' (mack 'a surety'), noeth-ni 'nakedness'; -ioni<-toroo-ywvm- § 155 ii (i): haeUoni 'liberality'; also -oni in barddoni {bardhony A.L. i 78) ' bardism '. As •n^ is for *-yzi, and nw > n § 110 ii (i), the ending cannot be distinguished from -i after n; thus trueni ' wretchedness', gwrthuni ' unseemliness' may have -i or *-^ni.
(22) -red, lit. ' course ',< *-reto-, Vret- § 63 ii : gweithred 'action', Ml. W. britiired 'contusion' (==Ir. brechtrad 'commingling'); in a more literal sense, Jiydred ' length', lledred ' breadth'.
-rwydd, lit. 'course', < *-reido- : Gaul. •reda 'waggon' < *reidd, W. rhwydd ' easy, without let, peifunctory', lit. ' * running'; a fertile abstr. suff. in ~W. : entyd-rwydd ' peril', gwallgof-rwydd ' insanity'.
-dra, -tea, lit. 'course' < *'-trog-, Vtregh- § 65 ii (i) ^ofn-dra ' fearlessness'.
(23) -wch < *-is-qo-, v.n. ending; see § 201 iii (2) : tywyTlweh ' darkness', hfddwch ' peace'. The -wg in the by-form tywyllwg is prob. due to dissim. of continuants; see § 201 iii (3).
(24) -yd < *-o-tuts, nom. sg. of *-O-<M(- (10): bywyd 'life', Ir. bethu < Kelt. *bmotutg; mebyd 'youth'; partly perhaps <*-it1 (: Lat.
-itia, and substituted for it, as tristyd < *tr1sfitz < trzstitia).
(25) -ynt in helynt 'course'; tremynt (dremynt) 'sight'; p^ob.
*-en- + -ft.
iv
.
Endings denoting agent or person: (i) -adur < Lat. -dtorem^ as in pechadur < peccdtorem, extended to new formations : henadvr ' elder ', penadur ' chieftain '; in creadw ' creature ' it comes of course from -dtura.
(2) -ai, Ml. W. -ei, properly -hei for it hardens the preceding consonant, < *-sagw ' seeker' § 104 ii (2), as blotai ' beggar of meal' (Vlawd 'meal'), cywutai 'gatherer of firewood' (cynnud 'firewood') etc. The late artificial formation mynegai ' index' is wrong in form (it should be *mynacai) and in meaning (it should denote a ' seeker').
(3) -awdr < Lat. -dtor, as in ymherawdr < imperdtor, creawdr < creator, extended in W., as in dysgawdr 'teacher', llywwwdr 'ruler'.
NOUNS


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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For W. awdr ' author' < Lat. au(c)tor (beside awdw < ace. au{c)t8rem) the dial. form awdwr (with parasitic w § 16 v (3)) came to be used in Late W. The above words were then mistaken for compounds of this, and wrongly spelt and accented ymherdwdwr, credwdwr. Lastly the -wr was mistaken for -wr ' iiiiin ', (8) below, and a new pi. ymherawdwyr formed instead of tlie true pi. ym(Ji}erodron; but ym{h)erodraeth remains.
(4) -es < Brit. ^-issd : Lat. -issa : brenhines etc. § 137 i.
(5) -iad : Jiebryngyat W.M. 4 ' guide'; it affects a to ei : lleiddwd ' killer' (lladd ' kill'), datgeimad ' singer' ; after w tlie z is lobt § 36 v, as geilwad ' caller' (galw ' call '), ceidiviid ' keeper, saviour' (cadw 'keep'). It implies Brit. -wtis (or ntfi) : Gaul. Ntt/Aauo-ans, raAaTai : Ir. -ith, i-stem ; the buffix is -ti- (or -id) : Gk. p.avTi's, Kpi-rrj-s ; -w- or
-a- < -19- or -9-; the affection of the vowel shows that the -w- form was already generalized in Brit.
(6) -og, Ml. W. -awc<Brit. -akos adj. suffix § 153 (g) forms m. nouns as tywysog ' prince', marchog ' knight', swyddoy ' officer ', and f. nouns as jfolog, see § 139 iv; the foimer have feminities in
-Oges : tyziysoges ' plincess ', cyrnydoges ' neighbour'.
(7) -or. Ml. W. -awr < Lat. -drius as kaghellaw A.L. i 62, Mn.'W. canghellor < cancelldrius, extended in W. : telynor ' harpist', cantor ' singer '; f. -ores : cantores.
(8) -wr 'man' : pregethwr ' preacher', gweitJnwr 'worker' etc.;
-wraig ' woman ' : golchwraig ' washerwoman'. "(9) -ydd < Brit. -iw : crydd 'shoemaker' § 86 i (5), melmydd ' miller ', yrydydd ' poet'; -edydd < -atno : dringhedydd ' climber ', nqfiedydd D.Q. 502 'swimmer'; -idy8 : llemidit 'W.M. 466 UemhidyS E.M. I'l o ' leaper'; f. -yddes : prydyddes ' poetess', -adyddes :
gwmadyddes ' sempstress'.
(10) Endings of more restricted use: -ig in pendeflg 'chieftain', gzoledig 'prince', < *-i-ko-, § 153 (9).
-in in brenin < *-mi-, cf. pi. brenhinoedd ; -in from Lat. -mo- in dewin. for *diwin < dimnus, per(f)erln ' pilgrim ' < *perger~inos < peregrmus.
v. Endings denoting instrument or thing: (i) -adur, iv' (i):
Ml. W. paladur, Mn W. pladur ' scythe', gwniadur ' tliimble ' etc.
(2) -in < -zna : melin ' mill' < Lat. molma ; cegin § 89 iii ; so cribin, megin, etc. 139 iv. The m. buelin may liave -in < *-ikno-, cf. Gaul. cehcnon 'tower', Vqel- 'high' : Lat. celsus, columen.
(3) -ell < -eOa or -ilia : padell ' pan' < Lat. patella; pibell 'pipe', ffynhonwU ' fountain, source '.
(4) -og iv (6), besides names of persons, forms f. names of things, as arff'edog ' apron', clustog ' cusliion ', of plants, as tewbanog ' mullein ', of places, as mawnog ' peat-bog', brwynog ' marsh', etc., and m. names of birds as cyjfylog 'woodcock', and animals, as draenog 'hedgehog', llwynog ' fox'.
(5) -wr iv (8) ; crafwr 'scraper'.



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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NUMBEB. "*
§ 144. The pi. of adjectives is formed from the sg. as follows :
i. By change of vowel. The change is the ultimate 2-affec-tion § 83 ii; cf. § 117 i. Examples : bychan ' little ', pi. bychein n..A. i, Mn. W. iychain, so llyclan 'broad', truan 'wretched', buaii ' quick '; cadarn ' strong-', pi. kedeirn W.M. 40, Jcedyrn do. ^i, Mn. W. cedyrn; ieuanc 'young'', pi. ieueinc W.M. 181, Mn. W. ieuainc; harb 'handsome', pi. ieiro; 6yoar 'deaf pi. iybeir B.P. 1196, Mn. W. bydd.air.
ii. By adding the ending -ion. Examples: mud ' mute ', pi. mudyon B.P. 1196, Mn. W^ mitd'ipn; coch ' red ', pi. cocJiyon R.P. 7236, Mn. W. cocoon; g?ew ' bold', pi. glewion; cul' narrow', pi. culwn. ' \ .
• iii. The addition of -ion causes the following vowel changes:
(i) Mutation §81: ttawd 'poor', pi. tlodyon. R.P. 1196, Mn. W. tloclwn; trwm 'lieavy', pi. trymyon R.M. 14, Mn. W. ti'ymwn; llwm 'bare', pi. Uywwn; lli/m 'keen', pi. llymwn;
melyn 'yellow', pi. meJynwn; Mn. W.main 'slender', •p\.meinion,etc.
The comparatively late pi. mawrion is an exception ; air older form is perhaps mwyon B.T. 45 ; hut the original form motor <3rmart (like the sg. mawr<*mdros) generally remained: llojapaneu mawr W.M. 23, B.M. 14 'big boots'. A similar exception is trawsion M.A. i 544.
(a) Penultimate affection §83 iii: glas 'blue', pi, 'gleissyon B.P. 1196, now written gleision ; dall ' blind ', pi. deillyoti ib., Mn. W. delllwn; claf sick ', pi. dewy on ib., Mn. W. cleifwn;
gwag, pi. gweigion; cadr, pi. ceidryow E.P. 1169 {ceidron iv).
e is not affected: uchel ' high' pi. uchelion M.A. i 5650; see gwel-won etc. iv. a is unaffected in tlie late pi, meddalion; the old pi. is meddal like the sg.: petheu olayr meSal IL.A. 'JO "blanda et mollia ". ae remains unaffected, and the ending in some old forms is written
-on, as haelon B.B. 3, E.P. 1169, M.A. i 2830, later haelion.
iv. After the groups mentioned in § 36 v-vii, the i drops, So that the ending appears as -on : gwelw ' pale', pi. gwelwon E.P. 1196, gweddw 'widowed ', pi. gwehwon do. 1236 ; cJmerw 'bitter', pi. diwerwon; hoyw ' sprightly ', pi. /ten/won; du ' black', pi. diion; teneu ' thin ', pi. teneuoti; bwl'r ' dirty ', pi. budron ; garth ' rough', pi. geirwon.; marw ' dead ', pi. meirwofi; llathr ' bright',
§ 14§
ADJECTIVES


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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pi. lleitftron (lleitJiyryon, in w. •JV), The affection of the vowel in geirwon etc. bears witness to the lost i.
In most Ml. W. MSS. the ^, following ei, is lost after all consonants, as in S.W. dialects, § 35 ii, as deillon B.P. 1236 (beside deillyon 1196).
v. Some adjectives have two plurals, one formed by affrction, and one by adding -ion : hardd' handsome', pi. fiemid, fteirddion ;
garw ' rough', pi geirw, geirwon,; marw ' dead ', pi. mrirw, meirwon.
caled usually remains unchanged: rhai caled T.A. c. ii 79, pet1i,au caled Ex. xviii 26, cf. i Bren. x i, xiv 6; but caledion, Judas 15 (though calet here also in Wm.8.), ciedi.on c.c. 334. The spoken forms are caled and cledion. The form celyil R.G.D. 96 seems to be a recent invention; Wms. 372 has Yr hoelion geirwon caled, changed in recent hymnbooks to celyd. Similarly Cymraeg is eg. and pi.:
heniosu Kymraec s.o. 172' Welsh names'.
§ 146. i. The only pi. forms which are originally adjectival are those produced by vowel affection; where these exist they generally accompany pi. nouns, thus gwyr cedyrn, not gwyr cadarn. But we have seen that from the Ar. period *-w, pi. *-wnes formed nouns corresponding to adjectives in *-ios § 121 i ; and there can be no doubt that W. forms in -ion (from *—tones) were originally nouns, as they may still be, e.g. y tlodion ' the poor'. The distinction between these nouns and adjectives proper was obscured by the fact- that adjectives might be used as nouns, e.g. y kedyrn W.M. 51 ' the mighty ' ; then, in imitation ofgvyr cedyrn ' mighty men ', expressions like plant tlodion 'poor children ' were formed for the sake of formal agreement, as the agreement was not apparent in an adj. like ttawd which had the same form for sg. and pi. But the old tradition persisted, and the use of forms in
-ion was, and is, optional: eriron du, . . . coch, eririon gicinn, . . . glas, . . . lluid B.B. 73-3 ' black . . . , red . . . , white . • . , blue . . . , grey eagles'; dynyon mwyn E.M. 31 ( gentle folk', weirch dofiio. 31' tame horses '; and is more frequent in later than in earlier periods, thus tratteu trwm of W.M. 23 appears as bratfew trymyon in the later E.M. 14. Hence we find (i) as forms in-ion were not really needed, many adjectives remained without them, and have no distinctive pi. forms; (2) in many cases plurals in
-y>VL remain substantival.
ii. The following adjectives have no distinctive plural forms in use: j



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
^ 14S
(i) The simple adjectives (or old derivatives no longer recog-nized as such) : bach, ban, call, cas, certh, craff, cu, cun, chweg, da, dig, drwg, fflweh, gau, gwdr, gwir, gwymp, Jiafal, liagr, hawdd, hen,
lioff, llawen, llesg, How, llwyr, •mad, man, pur, rhad, serfyll, serth, sobr, swrth, teg.
iiychain is pi. of tyahan, not of tacit, which is sg. and pi. like the
others in the above list; thus plenty'n bach ' little child', pi. plant bacK.
Tr adar bach a rwydud A'th iaith dwyUodrus a'th hud.—D.G. 313.
'Thou wonldst snare the little birds with thy deceiving words and thy wile.' '
drwg is also an abstract noun, pi. drygav, 'evils'. Jtagr is included in D.'s list; Rowland's hagron is obviously spurious—it would be *heigron if genuine, hen is included because henyon IL.A. 95 is only known to occur once, and that in verse. D. y G. has hyjf as pi. of liffff, as well as agUyff, pryjf and myff as pi. of anghlqf, -praff, craff' apparently extemporized B.P. 1361 (frajf has pi. preiffion). mdn is
usually pi. as in cerrig man, ' small stones', often sg. as in gro man ' flue gravel'.
glan ' clean ' has pi. gleinyon 3L.A. 102, E.P. 1236, which is comparatively rare, and became extinct. D. 56 includes tywyll, but quotes an example of tywyllion,; this and one or two others like melysion (for melys pi., Diar. xxiii 8) are not uncommon in Late Ma W.
(a) Adjectives of the equative or comparative degree. But;
superlative adjectives have substantival plurals.
(3) Derivative adjectives in -adwy, -aid, -aidd, -ar, -gar, -in.,
-lyd, § 193. But adjectives in -ig, -og, -ol, -us have plurals in
-ion, which commonly precede their nouns, but may follow them, as gwyr bonheUggoii, s.G. 63 ' gentlemen'.
nefolyon wybodeu ac ysprydolyon gelvydodeu Ei.A. 103 'heavenly sciences and spiritual arts', cf. 102. Deddfolion ddynion a ddyfa- ' lant M.A. i 26 ' law-abiding men they deride'. o'r nefolion a'r daear-olion a thanddaearolion bethau Phil. ii 10.—JVerthoeS nefolyon ...
new wrthyeu ryveSolyon IL.A. 102 'heavenly powers or wonderful miracles'.
Y mae'r sir wedi marw Sion Yn wag o wyr enwogion.—Gut.O., G. 219. 'The county, after the death of Sion, is void of famous men.' Khoed yn un bedd m'awredd Mon— Eu deugorff urddedigion.—H.K.
' In one grave has been laid the greatness of Mon, their two noble bodies.'


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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ADJECTIVES
(4) Most compound adjectives, as liy-glyw, 'liy-glod, e-a»g,-jfrwytft-lon, melys-lais, etc. But when the second element is an adj. which may take -ion, the ending is sometimes affixed to the compound ; thus claer-wynwyoy, IL.A. 93 ' bright', gloyw-buon. do. 93 'glossy-back ' ; glas-feinwn D.G. 87 ' green and slender', tal-gryfwn Ezek. iii 7 "of an hard forehead ".
D. 56 quotes cyn-dynion, wchyllion {erch-hyllion) as exceptional forms in
Dynion oyndynion dinerth Hyllion erchyllion a cherth.—Anon.
' Stubborn (but) weak men, ugly, hideous and strange.'
iii. Many adjectives have substantival plurals used partly as abstract nouns as uchelion, Gr.O. 130 'heights', but chiefly to denote classes of persons ; the sg. is also in some cases substantival. The pi. is formed either by affection or by adding -ion or -laid, Ml. W. -yon, -yeit; the latter is used for persons only, and causes the same penult, affection as -ion, except in late formations. Thus caeth ' slave ' pi. keith, Mn. "W. caith L.G.C. 63, or Ml. W. keit/iyeit or Mn. W. caethion; byddar ' deaf pi. byddaw, later formation 'byddariaid ; balch 'proud' pi. beilch E.P. 1334 1. 46, beilchion, beilchiaid', truaii 'wretch' pi. truain, trueinion, trueiniaid; gwan 'weak', pi. gweinyon M.A. i 330^, gwelnyeit B.P. 1196, Mn. W. gweiniaid; dall' blind' pi. deillion, ddlliaid.
Ar ol y ferch ar wyl Fair 0 gloi'r bedd e glyw'r byddair.—T.A., c. ii 83.
' The deaf hear [the lamentationsJ for the maid on Lady Day at the closing of the grave.' . "" '
A'i lun gwrol yn gorwedd " ' Ef a wna i'r beilch oftvi'r bedd.—T.A., A 14975/107:
' Since his manly form lies [in it], he makes the proud fear the grave.' Be chwilid pob ach aliwn, Bylchau'n ach beilchion a wn.—T.A., A 14966/277.
' If every alien pedigree were examined I know gaps in the pedigree of proud ones.'
A phlaid o feilchiaid a fydd.—D.E., p 100/249. ' And there will be a company of the proud.'
NOTE. gweiniaid is often used adjectivally in Mn, W., as rhai gweiniaid i Cor. ix 22 ; on th6 other hand gweinion is often a noari'



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
.even as late as o.O, 338 (dated 1588), Uwyddiaid is the only form of the pi. of the adj. biwydd 'year old', and is used adjectivally, as saith, oen biwyddiaid Lev. xxiii 18; see § 122 iv (2), p. 206.
iv. Many superlatives have pi. forms which are substantival only ; one, hywvf ' elders ', is formed by affection ; the others take
-ion or -laid, as goreit/on, hynafwid (the a of -af is not affected) ;
eitliafoeb K.M. 186, L.G.C. 140, 153 (beside eithafiort) and pellafoedd are peculiar in having -oedd.
Hopcyiz ar lasfryn a'i laif, Humnw oedd fal yr hynaif.—L.G.C. 167, cf. 10.
< Hopkin on a green hill with his sword,—he was as the men of old.' Llan Nefydd, lie i hynaflaid.—T.A., A 31102/138. ' Llan Nefydd, the place of his ancestors.'
/ wyth ynys y'th aned, O'th ofn wynn eithaflon Cred.— T.A., A 14971/390,
Tor eight islands hast thou been born, the uttermost parts of Christendom tremble for fear of thee.'
v. Derivatives in -ig, -og, -ol, -us have substantival plurals in
-ion only; as y dysgedzgion ' the learned', y ci/foethogiow c the wealthy', meidrolion 'finite beings', rheidusion M.A. i 315» ' needy ones'.
Ac yr wyf inneu yn mynet yn erbyn bonheSigyon y wlat hm s.&. 293 'and I am going against the gentlemen of this country', JSfe a dywallt ddirmyg ar foneddigion Ps. cvii 40.
vi. Many compounds have plurals used as nouns only:
kyvoedyon C. M.A. i 233^ 'contemporaries', anwariaid 'savages', y ffyddloniaid ' the faithful' ; pengiyniaid and •pengrymon 'round' heads'; prydferthiori, ' beauties ', abstract.
GENDEB,.
§ 146. i. Many adjectives containing w or •v\_ have f. forms in which these vowels are affected to o or e respectively, §§ 68, 83. The change takes place chiefly in monosyllables.
ii. Monosyllables containing w or y may be classified thus :—
(i) In the following the affection takes place in the f., in the literary language:—w : bluing I.G. 198 'angry', f. blong gee ex.;
brwnt 'dirty'; bwlch (kic bwlch A.L. i 524 'meat in cut'),f. bolch,
§ 146
ADJECTIVES


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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239
E.P. 1327; crwrn 'bent'; erwn 'round*; dwfn 'deep'; Uwfr. 'cowardly'; llwm 'bare'; mwll 'sultry'; mws B.P. 1348 'stale', f. mos I.G. 406 ; pwl ' blunt', f. pdl IL. IL 133/2110; tlws ' beautii ful'; trwch I.G. 491 'maimed', f. troch do. 285; trwm 'heavy';
trwsgl 'clumsy'; twil W.M. 133, G.Gr. D.G. 247 'perforated', f. toll E.P. 1045 ; twwn, I.G. 497 ' battered ', f. tonn, see ex.—y : brych ' spotted'; byrr ' short'; wyf ' strong '; cryg ' hoarse' f. grec K.P. 1274, I.G. 628, D.G. 2 2 3 ; ffyrf ' thick '; gwlyb 'wet'; gwyn(n} ' white'; gwyrdd ' green' (but see § 68); hysb ' dry '; Uyfn ' smooth';
Ilym ' keen'; sych ' dry'; syth ' upright'; tyn(n) ' tight'. All the f. forms of the y-group are in colloquial use, except creg.
Ehoes hwrdd i'm Hong, rhoes flong floedd.—G.Gr. p 51/49, ' [The billow] gave my ship a push, and gaye an angry shout,'
Oer yw rhew ar warr heol;
Oerach yw 'mronn donn yn d'6l.—W.IL., G 300.
' Cold is the frost on the ridge of the roadway; colder is my strickeiii breast after thee.'
(2) In the following both the unaffected and the affected form are used for the f.; in some cases perhaps the affected is a conscious formation, more Or less artificial:—w : fflwch, f. in D.G. 80, but -ffloch in comp. I.G. 226 'flush'; pwdr 'rotten', f. Num. v 21, but podr I.G. 399; rhwth ' distended', geg-rwth f. D.G. 344, but roth I.G. 406; swrth, f. sorth 'prostrate' Gr.O. 59.—y: clyd 'sheltered', did f. B.B. 62, but cled D.G." 221 and later poetry, see ex., now clyd {.; crych 'curly', f. D.G. 75, -grech in comp. see iv (i); chwyrn 'whirling', f. D.G. 418, late chwern P.P.O. 344; gwydn ' tough', gwedn D.G. 50; gwymp ' fine', I.R. has gwemp says D. 54; hyll, f. D.G. 71, nos hyll 'horrid night' do. 500, later f. hell, but generally hyll, and so in spoken W. (the compound diell is not necessarily f. as D. assumed, but is for di-hyll by dissim. § 16 iv (2),' and may be mas. as diell deyrn M.A. i 4936).
.?'• Od aeth Ehys o'i glaerllys gled, Tr wyf jinnaM ar fyne'd.—D.N., M 136/109.
< If Rhys has gone [to the grave] from his warm bright home, I too am about to go.':
(3) In the following the vowel is never affected, but the unaffected form is m. and f. :—w : brwd ' warm', drwg ' bad', glwth ' gluttonous ', gwrdd ' strong', gwrm ' brown', llwgr ' corrupt'.—y : dygn, 'grievous'; grym 'strong'; gwych, f. D.G. 89, 143, 156, 315, 359 ' fine' (gwech is a late fabrication); gwychr ' victorious '; gwyllf see ex.; hy ' bold '; Jiydr ' valiant'; myg ' admirable'; rhydd ' free';
rhyn(n) f. D.G. 267 'shivering, cold'; syn(n) 'astonishing', ;'


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
Hid drosof kyda (for Es'yllt ''• * Misprinted i* 0 berfedd gwlad Wynedd wyllt.-—D.G-. 5231
Tly for my sake as far as the land of Easy lit from the heart of the wild region of Gwynedd.'
iii. The change takes place rarely in nncompbunded polysyllables :
(1) Melyn 'yellow' has f. melen always.
(2) D.D. gives "manwl et manol" s.v. but cites (from L.G.C. 318) wanwl f. ; the form manol seems a variant (i late) of manwl rather than a f. For the f. of tywyll L.G.C. and D.E. wrote tywell, which is quite certainly a spurious form, for tywyll originally had in its ult. not y but wy §38 x, § 111 i (2), and could no more take a. f. form than llwyd ' grey '. The true f. is tywyll: Stavell ffynSylan ys tywyll B.P. 1043 'The hall of 0. is dark'; Tywyll yw'r nos,... tywyll yw'r fro D.G. 267 'dark is the night, dark is the land';
rhan dywyll Luc xi 36. D. 54 states correctly that tywyll is corn.,, quoting as violating usage (" sed dixit poeta") the well-known couplet—
JVos da i'r Ynys Dywell;
Ni wn oes un ynys well. —L.G.C., 111146/140.
' Good night to the dark island; I know not if a better island be.' The name, which denotes Anglesey, is properly yr Ynys Dywyll (Ynis .Dowyll Camden'1 681, Ynys Dowyll Mona Ant,1 24). Rowland 41 gives tywell as regular, and cites the couplet as an example, borrowing it from D. or bra translator, but lacking D.'s scholarship. Some recent writers have used the form, having learnt it from these sources; and naturally Wms's tywyll nos is everywhere "CORRECTED

" to tywell nos in the new C.-M. hymnbook. The spoken language of course preserves the traditional form nos dywyll.
In Ml. and Early Mn. W. derivatives in -lyd had f. forms in -led '. woo creuled B.B. 41 'bloody cross'; y Sreic danllet s.a. 294, 329;
' the fiery dragon '; arfwywrlled G.G1. D. 59 ' gory weapon';
Ac wyiren drymled11 ledoer " Printed dremled. A'i Iluwch yn gorchuddio'r lloer.—D.G. 229.
' And a gloomy chilly sky, and its drift hiding the moon.'
(3) But the bulk of polysyllabic adjectives with w or -q in the ult., which are not conscious compounds, have no distinctive f. form ^ W: agwrdd ' strong' amiwg ' evident', chwimwth ' quick ', teilwng ' worthy', etc.;—y : melys ' sweet', dyrys ' intricate ', hysbys ' known ', echrys ' terrible ', newydd ' new', celfydd ' skilful', pybyr f. I.G. in' keen ', ufyU ' humble ', serfyll ' prostrate ', etc. etc.
iv. The affection often takes place in compounds :
(i) In the second element when it is an adj. as pen-grych E.M. 163;
'curly-haired', f. benn-grech do. 232 (but ben-grych in the earlier1


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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ADJECTIVES
W.M. 165); claerwyn M.A. i 92 'bright', f. claerwen D.G. 48;
mynygl-wen do. 137 'white-throated', drwyn-llem do. 395 'sharp-nosed'; gwallt-felyn Q. 157 'yellow-haired', f. gwallt-felen D.G. 107; dt-syinl ' artless', f. di-semi D.G. 53.
Dywed, donn Iwys-gron, las-greg, ,
Chwedl da am ferch'wiwdal 'deg.—Q.Qr. V 77/194.
' Tell ine, finely-curved blue hoarse wave, good news of the fair sweet-faced maiden.'
Sometimes the first element is affected in co-ordinate compounds, as tlos-deg D.G. 518' beautiful and fair', sech-goeg I.G. 406 ' dry and void'; and in rare cases botli elements, as won-ffwrf D.G. 38 'round and firm'.
(2) But old compounds, consisting of prefix + adj. and others which are not consciously felt to be compounds, retain their vowel unaffected : hy-dyn ' tractable', an-hydyn ' intractable', cyn-dyn 'stubborn', ed-lym 'keen', cymysg 'mixed', hy-fryd 'pleasant', dy-bryd ' ugly', cyffelyb ' like', amiwg, agwrdd, etc. iii (3).
v. The following' are irregular :
(1) brith 'speckled' has f. hraith, Ml. "W. breith, a special case of a affection, not originally irregular, see § 68. *'
(2) The change takes place in the penult in tychan 'little', f. bechan, see §101 ii (2), and cwta 'short', f. sometimes cota', and sometimes in comparatives and superlatives; see § 147 iii.
vi. There is no distinctive form for the f. pi.
COMPARISON.
§ 147. i. The adjective in W. has four degrees of comparison, the positive, the equative, the comparative, and the superlative.
As the cpv. is followed by no, later na ' than', the equative -is preceded by cyn and followed by a (unacc., ff) : cyn wynned d'r eira ''• as white as snow'; 'of after the spv. is expressed by o: y byrraf o'r
-77 Ti. c i1_ _ _1____i__^J. _i?i1,^ ^.._._ ?
• as white as snow ddau lit. ' the shortest of the two'.
ii. (i) The derived degrees are formed from the positive by the addition of -(K}ed, -act, -{fi}af respectively. The -h- of the equative and spv. disappeared after the accent § 48 ii, but hardened final -b, -d, or -g to tenues, even when these were followed by a sonant; in Late Mn. W. the hardening is extended to the cpv. Of course all mutable vowels are mutated, § 81. Thus the present-day comparison is as follows:— . - . _-f



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
§ 147
Positive
Eqtv.
Cpv.
Spv.
glan ' clean'
glaned
glanaeh
glanaf
<ey ' fair'
teced
tecach
tecaf
gwlyb ' wet'
gwlyped
gwlgpach
gwlypaj
tiawdi ' poor'
tloted
tlotach
tlotaf
budr ' dirty'
butred
tutrach
lutraf
gwyda' tough'
gwytned
gwytnach
gwytnaj
(a) But in. Ml. W. the final consonant of the positive was not hardened in the comparative; thus we have tebygach W.M. 44, B.M. 30 'more likely', tegach ' fairer' beside teekaf ' fairest' W.M. aa6, E.M. 164, JiyfrydacJi E.B.B. 50 'more pleasant', hidyach
•B.P. i a49 ' more necessary '. The tenuis is rare: kaletach B.T. 64, 69' harder'. The media remained in Early Mn. W., e.g. rywiogach L.G.C. see § 115 ii; caledach G.GL c. i 195; tegach T.A. A 14967/89 ; ttodach see ex.
Aeth cerdd dafod. yn diodach;
Aed ef i wlad nef yn iach.—H.D.,P 99/416.
' Poetry became poorer [by Ilia loss] ; may he go safe to heaven.'
The equative and superlative, however, always have the tenuis :
kyn-debycTcet W.M. 34, E.M. aa, teccet W.M. 181, R.M. 84, teccaf a gwastataf W.M. 179, E.M. 83, etc. The -h- which caused this hardening is sometimes preserved in Ml. W.: dahet E.M. 50 ' as good'; mwyhaf-WM. 179, E.M. 83 ; 1cy vawhet, gurhaw § 149 i (a) ;
pennham (-w = -f) B.B. ioa ; see § 48 iv.
*& On ^ before the ending, see § 35 ii (a).
iii. In Ml. W. f. forms of the derived degrees arose, the endings being added to the f. positive; these are new formations, and are less frequent in earlier than in later texts; thus dissymlaf of W.M. 6 becomes disemy-laf'in E.M. 4. Other examples are tromhaf W.M. 8a, E.M. 60; gwen(n)ach E.B.B. 60 ; gwennet E.P. IB39 ; do/net do. ia76. A few survive in the Mn. period, eos dlosqf~D.G. 4oa ' most beautiful nightingale'; lerrafv. 17; Wennaf Wen.
iv. (i) The comparison of adjectives in the Ar. languages is largely formed by means of the Ar. suffix *-ies-. The L°-grade *-ws gives Lat.
-ior nom. sg. m. f, of the cpv.; the F°-grade -ws gives Lat. -ius the corresponding neuter; the K-grade -is is seen in the Lat. cpv. adverb mag-is. The E-grade -is- with other suffixes gave many forms of the cpv. and spy.


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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243 147
ADJECTIVES
(2) The W. spv. -haf (==Ir. -em, -am} is from Kelt.
*-isamos,
*-isama < Italo-Kelt.
^-is^m-os, -a, cf. Lat. plurimus < *pldismos. This is formed by adding the ordinal ending *-^nas (: Lat. sept-imus) to the suffix of comparison -is-, just as the other ordinal ending -tos {: Lat. sex-tus) added to -is- forms the other spy. ending -istos familiar in Gk. and Germanic. [The -ss^- of Lat. -issimus w due to some reformation, probably -is- + -simus newly compounded, the Litter element containing -(z)s- already.]
(3) The W. cpv. -ach (Bret. -oo'h) seems to come from Biit. *-aks-for unaccented *-dks- § 74 ; probably in full *-ak'son < *-dk-ison (final *-on for *-on § 59 v) the cpv. in *-is-on (: Gk. -iw, Goth. -isa) of a derivative in *-dk-os of the adj. § 153 (5). The general substitution of the cpv. of a derivative for the ordinary cpv. in *-jps is doubtless due to the fact that, after the loss of endings, the cpv. in -tos did not differ from the pos. pi. (*Jcatai"n-v)s would give *cedeil•n),a• or in some cases from the pos. sg. (*meliss-y>s would give *melys). The suffix -&k- itself prob. liad a heightening force, as it has in Lith. when added to an adj.; in Lettish -dks is the ordinary cpv. ending. Trie suffix *-ison is formed by adding *-on to the suffix of comparison
*-is-. It occurs with loss of -i- in W. nes, haws, etc. § 148 i, q.v.;
the final *-6n is the L°-grade of a suffix -era-, which is perhaps to be seen in amgen § 148 ii and haeachen G. 234, apparently an obi. case of haeach § 220 iii (6). The final -n of the nom, sg. -son is prob. the initial of wo 'than' §113 i (i).
(4) The W. eqtv. -het (=Bret. exclamative -het) seems to be from Brit. *-is-eto-s, formed by adding the Kelt. ordinal suffix *-eto-s § 154 ii (2) to the suffix of comparison *-is-. It contains the same elements as the spv. suffix *-istos, but is a new and independent formation, in which each element preserves some measure of its significance : -is- ' superior ', -efo- ' in order'. It is equative in meaning only when cyn is prefixed; thus cyn deced d ' as beautiful as', lit. ' equally excelling-in-bdauty with '. Without cyn it is an exclamative, as uchet y kwynaf E.P. 1417 'how loudly I lament!'; so Ml. Bret. kazret den ' what a fine man!' (in the dial. of Leon the spv. is substituted for it, as brasa den ' wliat a big man!'). In W. it is largely used substantivally as the obj. of a vb. or piep., meaning not the quality denoted by the adj. but the degree of it: er i theced ' in spite of her superior beauty'.
Zimmer, KZ. xxxiv 161223, held that the eqtv. was a noun like colled, etc., which became an adj. by being compounded with cyn, which he regarded as *koin-; cf. lliuo 'colour', cyfiiw 'of a like colour'. His explanation did not account for the -h- in the suffix;
hence Stern, ZfCP. iii 164, suggests that the eqtv. is a compound, the second element being allied to Ir. sdith, Lat. safis, but this the vowel does not admit of.—The fact that teced is a noun in er i theced no more proves it to be a noun originally tlian the use of gwaethaf
1 Both survived for hen ' old ', but the pi. only as a noun ; thus Jifn ' older *<
*sm)fis, ft^it ' ancestors '•<*cem.
B2

ACCIDENCE
as (i noun in er c?y waethaf ' in spite of thy worst' proves the spv. to be a primitive noun; the ordinal itself is so used, as w wyn deuSecvef W.M. 83 ' on my twelfth ', meaning ' [I] with eleven others'. Zimmer ignoies the difference of meaning between the eqtv. and an abstract noun; er fy nhlodi is 'in spite of my poverty', but er fy nhloted is ' in spite of the degree of my poverty'; tlie former means ' though I am poor', the latter ' however poor I may be'; the idea of ' degree' is common to the W. eqtv. and Bret. exclamative, and it is absurd to assert, as Zimmer does, that it is a meaning read into tlie form by us moderns.


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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244 Some of the irregular equatives given in the next section begin with cym-, cyn-, cyf-, cy-, which are the regular forms of Kelt. *kom-in composition. These do not require cifn before them; hence Zimmer believed that ctpz before an equative in -(h)ed was identical with the above prefixes, and came from *kom: But ct[n is followed by a soft initial, and its -n (Ml. -nn) is never assimilated to the following consonant; Strachan, who accepts Zimmer's view, explains this briefly as follows: " the form cyn- with analogical lenation became the general form before all sounds," Intr. 29. Analogy usually causes the one to conform to the many; but the above explanation involves the assumption of the many conforming to the one in the generalization of the pre-dental form cyn- (which did not take place in any other compounds of *kom-); it involves the same assumption in the geneialixation of the apparent lenition in cy-w- (as in cy-wir); as the two things (-w and lenition) could not co-exist in any formation from *kom-, the two generalizations would have to be independent, so that the improbability is raised to the second degree. Further, the -n- of ci/n is not only old enough to provpct I- and r- (§ 111 i), as in cifn llonned, cyn rhated (as opposed to cyf-lawn, cyf-ran from *kom-), but is actually older than the separation of ~W. and Bret., for in Ml. Bret. it is quen. Some other explanation of cyn must therefore be sought.
ctfn ( =. cyn, in the dialects mostly km) is now a proclitic, though it may be accented for emphasis; it was also a proclitic in Ml. W. for it was generally joined to the eqtv. in writing, though often separated, see below. But its -i{- shows that originally it was a separate word sepal ately accented, and distinguishes it from all the forms of *1com-, which have y. In cyn-ddrwg, ci/n foims an improper compound with the adj., and its i[ becomes y § 46 i; this is the only case of y in cyn with lenition.—While cyf- < *kom- can be prefixed to a noun or adj. as cyf-liw, cyf-uwch, the form Wfn cannot be put before a noun ; we cannot say *ci[n harddwch, *cyra diodi, *ci{n rhaid, *c»/»i. gymdeithas, but must say cifn hardded, cyn dieted, cyn, rheitied, cynn gytymdeithaset U.M. ii 419. Zimnier notes this, loc. cit. 197, but does not draw the obvious conclusion. The only word in \V. not ending in -{K)ed used after cyn witli lenition is drwg, and that is an adj. In Bret. quen, ken (leer, /eel) comes before positive adjectives :
quen drouc, quen bras. The inference is that lorms in -{K)ed are
^ 148
ADJECTIVES


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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245
adjectives. Bret. preserves traces of a wider use of ken which shows that it is an adverb or conjunction ; ken ar re binvidik, ken ar re baour ' !es riches aussi bien que les pauvres' Troude, Die. Fr.-Biet. B.V. aussi 3. The "W. lenition is probably more original than the Bret. non-mutation, as -n tends to cause provection. The base of cynn is very probably *kom- as has been supposed, but it contains an additional element, doubtless an' adverbial suffix, probably tho loc. suffix *-dhi or "•-d/ie § 162 vi (2), thus cynn < *kon-dhi; cf. Umbr. panne, ' cum ' < *q^om-de, O.Lat. quamde ' quam '.
In Ml. W. beside kyn- as kyndebycket w.M 34, and /cynn written separately as kynn decket IL.A. 19, 67, kynn, gadarnnet do. 67, etc. we sometimes find ky- as kygyfyghet K.M. 150, ky Sruttef ib. This is due to the loss of final unaccented -nn, see § 110 v (2).
The misspelling can for ci/n arose in the i8th cent., and was adopted by Pughe; but there is absolutely no justification for it either in the earlier written language or in the spoken dialects.
The Ir. eqtv. in -ithir, -idir is not phonetically related to the W. eqtv.
§ 148. i. The following adjectives are compared irregularly :— (i) agos ' near' § 222 i (3) ; eqtv. mor agos s.G. 34, Job xli 16, kynnesset C.M. 58; cpv. nes; spv. Ml. wessaf, now spelt nesaf,
W. neasaf, Ir. nessam < *ned-'s^mo-s : Osc. nessimas ' proximae', Umb. nesimei ' proxime ' : Skr. ndhyati ' binds ' (h < *dh), Vnedh-' bind '. The cpv. nes ( s nes) < *ned-'son < *ned-'s6n; as final -on became -on § 59 v, it would not affect the vowel; see § 147 iv (3).
In the dialects agos is often compared regularly (a)gosach, (a)gosa', thus jfor' gosa' ' nearest way' for lit. fort (sfforS) ws^af M.A. i 3676. These forms sometimes crept into the written language in the late period; see Silvan Evans s.v. agos.
(a) bychan ' &mall, little' ; eqtv. bychaned, lleled; cpv. Ml. Ilei, Mn. llai; spv. lleiqf.
bychan §101 ii(2); vychanet, yr bycJianet w.M. 44 ; am beth kyn-vychanet a hynny s.Q. 107 ' for so small a thing as that'. For llai'wns § 104 ii (2). Khys Brydydd used a spv. bychanaf, see Pughe E.V. mymryn.
(3) cynnar 'early', buan 'quick'; eqtv. cyntecl-, cpv. cyuf;
spv. cyntaf.—buan is also compared regularly : buaned D.G. 133, buanach do. 325, Galarnad iv 19; so cynnar, spv. cynJiaraf ' earliest' etc.
Ni wySwn i varch gynt... no 'tvu.wn E.M. 9 'I knew of no fleeter steed than this'.
buan § 63 vii (3);—cynt (: Ir. cet, Gaul. Cintu-} is perhaps cpv. in meaning only; it is believed to be cognate with Goth. hindunj.ists.;



 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
§ 148
Eng. kmd-er, be-hind, perhaps from V keni- 'point'; cf, blaenaf 'foremost, first': blaen 'point';—cyntaf § 106 iii (3); cynnar §153 (4); cynffon ' tail' < *cynh-ffon,n shows cynt meaning 'hind'.
(4) da'good'; eqtv. Ml. iywna-B.T. IO,E.'&. 1403 ; M\..kystadyl M.A. i 390, JcystalB.T. 10, W.M. 4, 7, etc., Mn. cystacll, usually cysfal;
as a nonn Ml. fiW/ei( W.M. 70, (,?«^ B.M. 307, Mn. daed, daed;
cpv. gwell; spv. Ml. goreuhaf's.T. 65, B.B. dfl,goreuaf'sii.tL. 49, but usually gorezi, Mn. W. gorew, gorau.
da §65 ii (i); kynna < *kom-dag-; daed and daec?, disyll. and monosyll., see exx.;—cystadi § 96 ii (3), cf. distadi ibid.; the frequent use of the word caused the reduction -adi > -aZ; J.D.R.'s cysfadled, and later cystled seem to be wrongly standardized forms of Gwyn. dial. cystlud, which may well be for cysfadi by metathesis;—gwell orig. ' choice ' § 100 iii (2) prob. not cpv. in form ;—goreu appears to be formed from gor- ' super '§156i(l'7) and some form of the base *eueseu- 'good' § 75 vii (3); it is not likely that goreu is shortened from goreuhaf, for the dropping of the ending would be against all analogy; rather goreuhaf is a rhetorical form made from goreu, and apparently not largely used at any time; the Mn. form is goreu, gorau, §81 iii(i); in the Early Mn. bards it rhymes with -au, see ex.—Pughe's gorafis a fiction.
Er da-ed fo 'r gair di-werth, J\'i bydd gwir heb addaw gwerth.—I.F., M 148/59.
' However good a word without a bribe may be, it will not be [accepted as] true without the promise of a bribe.'
Gwae ni dy ddaed gan dy ddwyn.—T.A., G. 230 (7 syll.).
' Woe to. us that thou wert so good since thou art taken away.' Cf. L.G.C. 190.
0 gwyl gwr gael y gorau, Oed i 'r gwr hwn drugarhau.—T.A., A 24980/85.
' If a man sees that he has the best [of it], it is time for that man to relent.' So iau/orav, H.C.IL., IL 133/2126; H.D. r 99/498.
(5) drwg 'bad'; eqtv. kyn^rwc B.P. 1357, s.a. n, 34, 37, etc., cynddrvg Gen. xli 19 ; as a noun drycket W.M. 327, Mn. dryced D.G. 40 ; cpv. gwaeth ; spv. gwaet/iaf.
drwg, Bret. drouk, droug, Ir. droch-, drog- < Kelt. *druJco-Vdhreugh/q- : Skr. dr'uh-, dhruk ' injuring, betraying', druhyati ' buits', Germ. Trug : Lat. fraus;—cynddrwg § 147 iii (4);—gwaeth, gwaethaf, Bret. gwas, gwasa, Vann. gwac'h, Corn. gweth, gwetha ', the Bret. forms show that W. wae is for woe, so that Stokes's *uakto-s Fick4 ii 260 is inadmissible; hence probably gwaethaf < *gwoeS-haf < *v,]!W-'ped-is^'mos § 75 ii (i) : Lat. pessimus < *ped-s/nos; in that
§ 148
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case gwaeth is formed from the superlative; see llydan (ii) below. These are, then, the compared forms of gwael ' base, vile', the positive often having a euffix lost in comparison, cf. mawr, Mr, uchel;
and gwael represents *upo-ped-lo-s; its derivative gwwiawt' bottom ', 0. W. guoilaut, preserves the literal meaning (' under foot'). Of course in Ml. and MB. W. gwael is compared regularly, its relation to gwaethaf having been forgotten. •
(6) hawdd 'easy'; eqtv. hawsset IL.A. 81, Mn. hawsed; cpv. haws; spv. fiaivssaf IL.A. 81, S.G. 13, Mn. hawsaf.
hawdd, originally 'pleasant', as in hawddfyd 'pleasure', hawdit (=Aaw8-?y8) B.B. 90 'fine day ', hawdd-gar 'handsome' §153(8) for *hwawdd § 94 iv < Ar. *suddu-s : Gk. -fjSvy, Skr. svddu-h, 0. E. Mete, Lat. sudvis (< *8Uddm-s), etc.;—cpv. haws < *sudd'son <
*suddison,=Gk. ffStwv < *suddison;—spv. hawsaf < *stiad'smoa; the
-aw- instead of -o- in the penult is due to the lost w before it; cf. gwawd' song' < *uat-, Ml. pi. gwawdeu E.P. 1216. In Gaul. we find Suadu-rix, -genus (prob. -a-). For the development of the meaning cf. E. ease ' comfort; facility '.
In Recent W. we sometimes see hawddach and hawddaf which come from the most debased dialect; good speakers still use the standard forms haws, hawsaf.
Similarly an-hawdd, anawS R.T. 1327, etc. § 48 iv, Mn. anodd 'difficult', O.W. hanaud CP.; eqtv. anfidwsed; cpv. dnaws, duos;
spv. aithdwsaf.
Owing to its obvious formation the word is generally written anhawdd in the late period; but the regular Mn. form is dnodd, because h is lost after the accent § 48 iv, and unaccented aw > o § 71 ii (i). The spoken form is anoS, in some parts hanoS by early metathesis of /i, as perhaps in the O.W. form above.
Maddau un ym oedd anodd Na bai yn fyw neb un fodd.—I.D., G. 135; cf. c.c. 193.
' It was difficult for me to part with one whose like did not live.'
Eithr anos yw d'aros di.—T.A., o. i 340. ' But it is more difficult to confront thee.' ; ,
But the prefix may be separately accented § 43 iv (2), in which case the word is necessarily dn-hdwdd; this form is attested in—
0 deuaf wyl i'w dai fo, An-hawdd fydd fy nyhUddo.—Gut.O., A 14967/60.
' If I come on a holiday to his houses, it will be difficult to comfort me.'
(7) h6n 'old'; eqtv. Jiyned; cpv. hifn, B.T. a6=Mn. Jiy, liynach c.c. 343 ; spv. ^ymaf, O.W. hinham,

ACCIDENCE


 

                                                                                                                                                                           

 

 


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Mn, Ir. Ken < At. *seno-s=0-k. ?FOT, Skr. sdnah, Lith. ^raas 'old', Lat. sen-;—cpv. hyn Ir. siniu < *semos;=Lat. senior;—spv. 1iyn(h)af < *sen-is/nos, see llydan below.—The cpv. /M/W is still in colloquial use, though the later and weaker hynach is more common; in 8.W. also a still later henach, nenaf, re-formed from the pos.
(8) hir ' long'; eqtv. kyJiyt w.M. 43, cyhyd § 41 v, contr. to cyd; as a noun hyd, e.g. in er hyd1 however long'; cpv. hwy ;
epv. Jizcyaf.
1w § 72; the root is * siz-; cyJ/yd 'as long' < *ko-sit-; hyd ' length ', Ir. sith < *si-t-, lig *sz- § 63 vii (5);—cpv. hwy, Ir. sla <
*seison for *sei-ison ib.;—so spy. hwyaf, Ir. slam < *seismos.
The contracted form cijd is common in Mn.W.: ci{d a rhaffD.O. 48 ' as long as a rope', ci[d a gw[dd D.E. 0.124 ' as long as trees ', ci/d E.P. PS. xliv 23 'so long'; ci(d a phreyelh 'as long as a sermon'.—cyd < c^h^d (which gives Card. dial. ctchijd).
(9) leuanc, lefanc, ifanc § 76 iii (3) ' young'; eqtv. ieuangfiet K.M. 160, ivanghet C.M. 84; cpv. Ml. ieu B.T. 36, 38, Mn. wu;
also ieuangliach S.G. 66; wiangach Job xxx i ; spv. ieuhaf A.L. i 542, 2('?«^, ^ff/; ieuangaf.
ieuaw, Bret. iaouank, Ir. oac, contr. oc (whence W. hog-lane ' lad');
—cpv. leit < *wyws (Ir. o« with -a from tlie spv., bee 11 below):
Skr. ydmyas- ;—spv. wuaf, Ir. 6am < *vuuis^mo8.
(10) issel, now written isel' low'; eqtv. isset K.M. 94, Mn. ised ;
cpv. is (s zs); spv. wa/', 2'M/'.
W. issel == Ir. is(s)el. The origin of the word is not certain, but it is most probably cognate with Lat. wnus. Brugmann IF. xxix 2 ioff. derives zmus, Osc. imad-en ' ab imo' from *i, or *zd an adv. from the pron. stem *i-, as Lat. demus, deinuin is formed from de; and quotes other examples of ' here' becoming ' here below '. The Kelt. adj. is obviously formed after *upselo-s(> W. uchel' high ' §86 iv); if the orig. adv. was *zd, the adj. would be *^d-selo-s > *zsselo-s, which gives W. issel, Ir. issel regularly. Pedersen suggests *ped-selo-, •/ped-' foot' ;
but the connexion with Ital. Bpv. zmo- is more probable.
(11) llydan ' wide'; eqtv. cyfled, as a noun lied; cpv. lied, late lletach; spv. lletaf.
W. llydan, Ir. lethan § 63 viii (i); W. lied noun, see ibid. ; spv. lletaf < ^plet-is^no-s.—The cpv. lied, Ir. letha (-a added in Ir.) is irregular; Osthoff derived W. lied from *plet-is (Thurneysen Gr. 227), but it is not clear why the adverbial form -is should be generalized (the regular *pletws would give W. *llyd, Ir. *lithiu). As many comparatives were the same as the superlative without its ending, e. g. hwy, hwyaf, Ir. tHa, slam, the probability is that some,
§148
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which differed, were assimilated, so that lied is a re-formation of
*llyd on the analogy of lletaf. This seems also the simplest explanation of Ir. letha and similar forms. In the same way W. hynaf seems to owe its y to the comparative hyn, § 65 iv (i).
The cpv. lied in Job xi 9 is changed in late editions to llettach', the literary form is lied: thus JSidion lied no'r dunnell win IL. A 14967/20 'an ox broader than'a tun of wine '; cf. L.G.C. 429.
0 drugareddpen Calfaria, sydd yn llawer lied na'r byd.—Wins. 490. ' Oh the mercy of mount Calvary, which is mucli wider tlian the world.'
(12) mawr 'large, great'; eqtv. Ml. ki/meint, Mn. cymaint, and Ml. kymein, Mn. cymam § 106 iii (2); as a noun meint, Mn. maint;
cpv. Ml. moe § 75 i (3), Ml. and Mn. mwy, as an adv. mwyacli also;
spv. mwyhaf^ 147 ii (2), mwyaf.
W. mawr, Ir. mar, mor, Gaul. Seyo-/iapos < Kelt. *ma-ro-s;— cpv. mwy, Ir. mda, mdo, mou < *md-ws § 75 i (3); spv. mwyhaf<
*mdis mos < *md-is mos; — the eqtv. noun maint < ""ma-nti-s <
*md-nti-s § 74 iv. with the suffix of numeral substantives such as
*dekant^-s < *dekm-t'i-s : Skr. dasatzh ' a decade'; cf. the formation of eqtv. adjectives with ordinal suffixes; cf. also pa mint C.M. 78 ' how many', y meint gwyr a oeS iSaw E.B B. 46 ' the number of men that he had '=-' as many as he had', etc.—The dialectal form cymin(t) of the eqtv. is met with, though rarely, in the bards :
Nid cymin ar y min maw,
Blys gwin a bias i genau.—D.G. 317. ' Not so much on my mouth is the desire of wine as of the taste of her lips.'
(13) tren(n) ' strong-'; cpv. tt'ech ( = truc/i); spv. trecliaf.
Treohaf treisied, gwannaf gwaedded piov. ' let the strongest oppress, the weakest cry'. S.T. has a new cpv. trechacJi v. 6.
W. trenn, Ir. tren < *trek-sno-s, V stereg-: Germ. stark, strong, Eng. strong;—cpv. trech, Ir. tressa (with added -a) < *trek-'§an. < *treg-ison;—spv. Irechaf, Ir. tressam < *trek-'s/no-s.
chweg ' sweet' has Ml. cpv. chwechach W.M. 481, B.M. 121, formed like trechach fiom an old cpv. *chwech <*suek-'son.
(14) uchel' high'; eqtv. Ml. kyvudi, Mn. cyfuwch, contr. cuwc/t;
exclam. uchet K.P. 1417 ; as a noun uchet W.M. 189 ; cpv. Ml. uch, MD. uwcJi,; spv. wc/iaf.
uchel §86 iv, § 96 iv (3); uch, uwch < *up-'son; tichaf < *up-'s mos : Lat. s-ummw < *s-up-mo-s, Gr. IWUTOS < *vp-m-to-s. On the mutation uch- : •uwch see § 77 x. The form uwchaf sometimes met with in Late W. ignores the mutation ; it is a re-formation from uihch, as children say buwchod for buehod ' cows', sg. buwch.



 

                                                                                                                                                                             

 

 

 

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Adolygiadau diweddaraf: 2005-12-02


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