A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative. 1913. John Morris-Jones (1864-1929). 2650k Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia.



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A Welsh Grammar - Historical
and Comparative

John Morris-Jones (1864-1929)

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elwedd 1780)  (tudalen 250)



§ 149
ii. The following have defective comparison:— (l) Spv. eithaf' uttermost '< *ektymos : Lat. extimus, § 109 iv
(l) (to cpv. eithr 'except, hut', Ir. ec/itar < *ektro-s : Lat. extra § 99
v (4) ; to positive eh- ech- < * eks- : Lat. ex).
(a) Cpv. amgen 'other; better'; also a later amgenach s.G.
200, D.N. F.N. 91.
Ac amgen ledyr no hwnnw ny phrynei ef W.M. 67 'And other leather than that he did not buy'.
amgen, is a cpv. of similar form to hagen § 222 iii (4), and may be neg. in a(n)- of the cpv. corresponding to the spv. megys § 215 iv (3) ' like'; thus *n-sm-ak-is-en- > *amgzen > amgen § 100 vi. (As the 2nd syll. drops -is- remained and gave i not A.)
(3) prif chief'< Lat. przmus is not felt as a spv. in V.; it always forms the first element of a compound : § 155 iii (l).
iii. Equatives with the prefix cy- may have before this the prefix go-, as gogymaint, gogyfuwch etc. Thus—
A'r Hall a oe8 yn kynSuet ac yn ogymeint a 'bran s G. 99 ' and the other was as black and as large as a crow'. yn ogyfuwch a Duw, Phil. ii 6.—This form is sometimes predicated of both the thing! compared : Nid gogyhyd esgeiriau y clojfT)\w. xxvi 7.
§ 149. i. Many nouns take the endings of comparison, and thereby become adjectives of the respective degrees. (i) The following are in common use in Mn. W.:
rhaid ' need'; eqtv. cyw rheified D.G. 399 'as necessary, aa fitting'; cpv. Ml. reidyach E.P. 1349, Mn. rheitiach 'more necessary, more fitting'; spv. Ml. ^eitfaf B.P. 1148, Mn. rheitiaf.
rhaid < Kelt. *(p}rat-w- ' due, due share ' < *prat-, Vpero- ' dispose ': W. rhad see below, rhann ' share ', Lat. part- § 63 vii (2), W. barn § 101 iii (2).
elw ' profit'; cpv. elwach ' profiting more, better off', as (pa) faint elwach fyddi di ? ' how much better off wilt thou be ?'
elw is properly helw, still so pronounced in Gwynedd in phrases like ar dy helw ' in thy possession'; helw = Ir. selb ' possession ' both < *sel-w-, Vsel- ' take ': Ir. selaim ' I take', Gk. eX.eiv, Goth. saljan, 0 E. seUan, E. sell.
blaen ' point, front'; also adj. as troed Uaen ' fore-foot'; spv. blaenqf, ' foremost, first'; § 215 iii (10).
61 'rear, track ',&syaol' after, according to '§ 215 iii (6), Sltroed 'foot-print'; also adj. as troed 61 'hind foot'; spv. o/o/''last' <
*ol-is^m.os : Lat.
' < *ol-fg«ios,
§ l^





elwedd 1781)  (tudalen 251)


pen(n) 'head'; spv. pennqf 'chief; also in Ml. and Early Mn. W. cpv. pennach IL.A. 89, G.GL p 83/58 ' higher, superior';
§ 89 iii.
rhad 'gift, grace', having become an adj. 'cheap' from the phrase yn rhad ' gratis', is compared regularly.
rhad < *prat- : rhann, Skr. purtdm ' reward '; see rhaid ubove.
diwedd 'end'; spv. diwaethaf ' last' IL.A. 7, E.r. 1195, 1249, 1298, p 16/19 B., i Petr i 5 by R.D. (in Wm.S.); diwethaf IL.A. 43^ 59' p :I4/1I :R-) A•'L• 1 4> 4^) 5C)) Matt. xx 8 Wm.S.; so in Es. ii 2, xlviii la, Jer. xxiii 20 in 1620; but generally in 1620, and everywhere in late bibles, dweddaf.
A.L. i 48 dyuedafdoes not imply S, as we have pemdec for pym-tney on the same page. The form diweddaf seems to come from Wm.S.'s dyweddaf Matt. xxvii 64 ; and as it seemed to be " regular" it ousted the traditional forms in the written lang. of the i9th cent.; but the spoken forms are dwaetha' (Powys), dwytha' (Gwyn.), and dwetha (8.W.).
Caned, dy feirdd—cyntaf fum, A diwaethaf y dmtfium.—T.A., A 14901/20.
' Let thy bards sing—I was the first [of them], and I have come last'.
The O.W. diued B.B.OH. 2 and Bret. dives, Corn. dewedh, Ir. diad, dead show that the noun diwedd cannot be for *diwaedd; on the other hand diwaethaf cannot well be for diwethaf. The explanation of the former seems to be that it comes from nn intensified form with *-uo-, which survived only in the ppv.; thus diwaethaf < *diwoeS-haf < *dz-yo-(u)ed-isaTno-s, cf. gwaethaf (5) above.
diwedd is ' end' in the sense of ' close, conclusion', not a geometrical term; hence from *dz- 'out' + ued-, Vuedh- 'conduct, lead': Lith. vedu ' I conduct, lead', E. wed, etc, cf. W. gor-SiweSaf ' I overtake'. ^
(2) Many other cases occur in Ml. W.: gwhaw {~=.gwrhaf) B.B. 41 'most manly'; amserach W.M. 9, E.M. 6 'more timely';
llessach W.M. 17, B.M. ii 'more beneficial' (lies 'benefit');
dewissach C.M. ii 'preferable' (dewis ' choice' noun); pennaduryaf do. 8 ' most princely'; ky vawhet E.M. 149 ' as cowardly', bawaf if.P. 1278 'most vile' {baw 'dirt').
ii (l) Equative adjectives are formed from many nouns by prefixing cyf-, cym-, (as cyfled, cymaint}; thus kyfliw BB.B. 179 ' of the same colour'; hyvw^i W.M. 75 ' of the same rank';





elwedd 1782)  (tudalen 252)


§§ 150, 151
Jeymimv^ ib.'as noble' (&one6 ' nobility'); kyvoet do. 27 'of the Hiimo age '; cyfryw •' of the same kind, such'.
(2) In one or two cases the second element no longer exists in its simple form either as a noun or adj. : cyfred ' as swift' (rhedeg ' to run'); cyfref ' as thick' (rhefedd ' thickness ').
(3) Compounds of un- 'one'also form the equivalents of equative adjectives: unlliw a D.G. 17 'of the same colour as'; neb un. fodd § 148 i (6), ' any one like' (modd ' manner'), unwedd a 'like', etc. "
§ 150. Most adjectives may be compared regularly, including"— i. Many derivatives in -aidcl, -ig, -in, (not denoting substance), -og,-us; ssperaidd 'sweet', eqtv. cyn bereiddied, cpv. pereiddiach, spv. pereiddiaf; so pwysicaf' most important', gerioinaf roughest', cyfoetJwcaf' richest', grymuisaf' mightiest'. But those containing more than two syllables are mostly compared periphrastically.
Verbal adjectives in -adwy, -edig are not compared (except periphrastically), though caredig ' kind', no longer felt as a verbal adj., is, e. g. caredicaf ' kindest'. Adjectives in -ol are rarely compared ;' those in -aid, -in denoting material, and in -lyd are not compared.
ii. Compounds in which the second element is an adjective;
as gloyw-'buaf IL.A. 93 'of a most glossy black', llatJty-r-wyn.naf ib. ' most lustrously white', klaer-wynnaf ib. ' most brilliantly white', cyw vlaen-llymet . . . Uaen-llymaf w.M. 176 'as sharply pointed . . . most sharply pointed'.
Dwy fron mor wynion a'r 6d, G-loyw-wynnach na gwylanod.—D.G. 148.
' Two breasts as white as snow, more luminously white than sea-gulls.' . :"
But when the second element is an adj. compared irregularly, the compound cannot be compared, as maleis-ddrwg, troed-lydan, pen-uchel, etc. A few of these may, however, be compared by adding the endings to derived forms, as gwerth-fawr ' valuable', spv. gwertJivawrussaf IL.A. 80, or gwerthfawrocaf'; clod-fawr ' celebrated', spv. clodforusaf. (G.M.D. has gwerthvoraf B.P. 1195, an unusual form.)
Adj. compounds with noun final as ysgafn-dmed ' light-footed' can only be compared periphrastically.
§ 151. i. Adjectives which cannot take the endings of comparison as above may be compared periphrastically, by placing before the positive mor, nwy, mwyaf, to form the eqtv.; cpv., spy.
§ m





elwedd 1783)  (tudalen 253)


respectively, mor softens the initial of the adj. except when it is II or r1i; but mwy and mwyaf take the radical; thus mwy dymunol Ps. xix 10, Diar. xvi 16 ' more desirable '.
mwy and mwyaf me of course the cpv. and spv. of mawr. As they do not cause lenition, they represent Brit. formy ending in consonants. mwy may come directly from tlio neut. noin-iicc. form *mdis < *ma- + -is as in Lat. mag-is ; tlio corrcHpoiiding fonn of the spv. would be *m,disamon (cf. Lat. pluri/intiii,, Uk. •n'^tlirriiv), which would give mwyaf with the rad., since Hie namil mutation of mediae survived only after fy, yn and numt;raln § 107 i.
mor is probably the pos. mawr uimcrunted, forming a loose compound with the adj., thus representing Brit. *maro-; and so causing lenition. For o instead of aw me § 71 i (2). It is now generally accented, and pronounced mor; D.D. gives it as .mor (smor), but mor (cf. pub § 1U8 i (3)) may sometimes be heard, when it is emphatic. It was first used as an exclamative, thus OW. mortru ox. gl. elieu, morliaus do. gl. quam multos. The transition from the literal meaning ' *greatly sad ' of the compound mor-dru, through ' *very sad !' to ' how sad !' is easy ; and as the last meaning is equivalent to that of the exclamative eqtv., the form mor dru naturally came to be regarded as a periphrastic eqtv., and was used later with a ' as' and the compared noun. See examples below.
ii. (i) mwy and mwyaf wee only used to compare compounds and derivatives where inflexional comparison is not feasible.
mwy da, mwy drwg, etc., are not used by adult speakers; Wms/s eww mwyaf mawr 750 is a childish expression called forth by the exigencies of rhyme.
(a) On the other band forms with mor are, as shown above, different in origin from the cqnative, and have had a separate existence from the outset. Hence mor is used freely before all adjectives at all periods. Thus :
Exclamative : mortrii gl. eheu !— Mor truan genhyf mor truan a oeryv B.B. i ' How sad to me, how sad [is] what has happened.'— Poet emendigeit y gof ay digones ... mor dost yw W.M. 477 'Accursed be the smith that made it, so painful is it.'—mor Syrys yw R.M. 120 'so tangled is it.'—mor hagyr y gwelei y Sdw ry oed wnaw w.M. 2.5:1 ' so ugly. did he perceive the appearance that he bore.'—mor Siryeit... mor dec E.P. 1385 ' how bad ... how fair.'
Wylo'r wyf lower afon Darosti hi, mor drist yw hon.—Gut.O., A 14967/119.
' I weep many a river for her, so sad is she.'
Truan, mor wann yw'r einioes, Trymed yw tor amod oes!—T.A., J 17/201. ' Alas, how weak is life, how sad is the breaking of Hfe's promise.' -





elwedd 1784)  (tudalen 254)


§ 152
§ 153
Kquatlve : am gyflavan mor anweSus ac a rywn.aethoeS W.M. 30 ' for HO horrible a murder as [that] -which she had committed.'—-•iiryf mor Sielw a hwnnw do. 78 'so vile a reptile as that.'—peth mor aghywir a hywny E.M. 177 'so wrong a thing as that'.
Ni tu fyd i neb o F6n Mor oer ag y mae'r awron.—H.K. ' There has not been to any man of Mon so cold a world as it is now.'
(3) mor with a noun. forms the equivalent of an eqtv. adj., as 0. W. morliaus gl. quam multos; Ml.W. mor eisseu E.P. 1438 ' how necessary'. The construction is not common, and is now obsolete, but several examples occur in the Early Mn. bards,
The construction arises naturally from the original meaning of mor as explained above, for mor-liaws ' *great host' could as easily as mor-luosog ' *greatly numerous' come to mean as an exclamatiye ' how numerous !'
Hid mor ddihareb nebun In gwlad ni a hi i Jiun.—D.G. 440.
' No one is so proverbial in our land as she herself.'
1 dad, mor wrda ydoedd I—L.Cr.C. 93.
' His father, how noble lie was !'
Nid wiarw ef, nid mor ofud.—T.A., A 14879/20. ' He is not dead, it is not so sad [as that].'
Cwriais yr ais mor resyn.—S.T., IL i33/i7o». ' I suffered [in] my heart so sorely.'
 (4) mor with the cpv. occurs in 0 mor well Diar. xvi 16 'Oh how much better!' The usual construction is cymaint gwell! but the above may be a stray example of an idiom once in use. It is quite consistent with the explanation of mor adopted above.
(5) In S.W. dialects mor is sometimes used instead of cyn before the eqtv., as mor laned for cyn laned or mor Idn.
(6) The m- of mor is never mutated, but remains in all positions;
thus after f. sg. nouns : gyflavan mor anweous (2,) above; arch mor drahaus E.M. 337 'so insolent a request'. This may be due to its exclamative origin.
 . i. A positive adjective is sometimes repeated to enhance its meaning. As a rule the iteration forms a loose compound, the second element having its initial softened, as A da dda hyd i ddiwedd W.IL. 63 ' and very good till his death'. Very rarely it forms a strict compound, as
i| ^ :»
P611-bell, ar draws pob hyll-berth, Po bellaf, gwaethaf yw'r gwerth.—G.G1. M 146/154.





elwedd 1785)  (tudalen 255)


' Very far, across every horrid bush [I have driven my flock]; the further, the less is their worth.'
  In some cases the initial of the second adj. is not softened, so that the two do not constitute a formal compound ; aa Da da fu o grild hydfedd W.IL. 40 ' very good was she from tlio cradle to the grave'; Drwg drwg Diar xx 14. Where the adj. begins with a vowel or an immutable consonant, there is, of course, no indication of the construction ; e.g. isel iset Deut. xxviii 43.
ii. A cpv. is compounded with itself to express progressive increase in the quality denoted by the adj. When the cpv. is a monosyllable the compound is generally strict, as gwdeth-waeth ' worse and worse', llei-lai ' less and less', lled-led ' wider and wider', nes-nes 'nearer and nearer', mwy-fwy Phil. i 9 'more and more'. In present-day speech the compound is oftener loose, as lldi Idi. When the cpv. is a polysyllable, the compound is necessarily loose ; see the ex. below. ^
Ef d afon yn fWyfwy Hyd y m6r, ac nid d mwy.—L.G.O. 357.
' A river goes increasing to the sea, and goes no more.'
Gwr a wella'r gwyr wellwell, A gwyr a wna'r gwr yn well.—D.N., ir. 4, G. 161.
' ' A master who betters the men more and more, and men who make the master better.'
A Dufydd oedd yn myncd gryfach gryfach, ond ty Saul oedd yn myned wannaoh wannach.—2 Sam. iii i.
The combination always forms a compound, for the second cpv. has always its soft initial.
mwy no, mwy ' excessive', understood as 'more than more ', is doubtless originally ' more and more', the n- of no, being the final -n of the cpv. § 147 iv (3).
DERIVATIVE ADJECTIVES. Derivative adjectives are formed from the stems of nouns, ndjectives and verbs by the addition of the following suffixes :
(i) -adwy, -ediw, -edig, -awd verbal adjective suffixes, see
Ml.W. -awdyr seems to be -awd with excrescent -r § 113 i (i):





elwedd 1786)  (tudalen 256)


an.nyofii'iryuwdyr ili.A. 53 'intolerable', teirtilyawdyr do. 42 ' sensi-tivf ', rroluwdyr C.M. 14 ' regular.'
(2) -aid, Ml.W. -eit: Ir. -the participial; as in cannaid D.G. 64, Marc ix 3 ' blight'; Uathraid D.G. 386 ' shining'; euraid do. 13, 64, 88, 220, 372-3' Ml.W. eureif W.M. 180 'golden'; ariannaid, Ml.W. aryanmit B.M. 83 'silvern'; it may represent Brit. *-at-w-s, a -w-derivative of the participial -?(-. It is distinct from -aidd; euraiddy/.s a late bungle (not in D.D.).
(3) -aidd, Ml.W. -ei8 : Ir. -de; added to nouns, as teyrneiS W.M. 20 ' kingly', Mn.W, gwladaidd ' rustic ', gwasaidd ' servile'; to the v.n. caru in karueiS W.M. 145, Mn.W. caruaidd 'lovable, loving'; to adjectives as peraidd ' sweet', puraidd ' pure ', often modifying the sense, oeraidd ' coldish', tlodaidd ' poorish'; it represents Kelt. *-adws, a -w- derivative of the adj. suffix *-ado-s : cf. Lat. -idius in proper names beside adj. -idus which may be from *-ado-s, and cf. • G-k. -a.8- in juryas ' mixed', etc.
Also-iaidd in arglwyddiaidd D.G. 450 'lordly', -oniaidd in bardd-owlaidd do. 449 ' poetic '.
(4) -ar < Kelt. *-aro- < %rc>- in byddar ' deaf', Ir. bodar : Skr. badhirii-h; cynnar 'early', diweddar 'late'; cf. -ro- in mawr < "ma-ro-8, etc.
(5) Ml.W. -awe, Mn.W. -awg, -og : Ir. -ach < Kelt. *-ako-s:
Lat. -ur'iiH, Gk. -T/KOS,-axes, M]< r. -aka-1/, Lith. -fikas', added to nouns, as arvawc B.M. 270, Mn.W. arfog 'armed ', llidyawc W.M. 51, Mn.W. llidiog ' angry ', gwlanog ' woolly ', gwesog ' liot', pwyllog ' deliberate ', etc.; many of these adjectives have become nouns: marohog, swyddog, etc. § 143 iv (6), v (4).
The suffix is sometimes added to adjectives, as trugarog : trugar 'merciful'; duog, Ml.W. duawc B.M. 172 : du 'black'; geuawc : gave, ' false '. The cpv. of the derivatives ended in *-ak 'son > -ach, which was taken for the cpv. of the simple adj., and spread to all adjs., § 147 iv(3); hence added to -og itself, Mn.W. gwerthfawrocach.
(6) Ml.W. -awl, Mn.W. -awl, -ol < Kelt. *-alos : Lat. -alis in Izberdlis, etc.; an exceedingly common suffix; added to nouns, as ihefol 'heavenly'; to adjectives, as estroiwl 'foreign'; and to verb stems, as symudol ' movable, moving', dymunol ' desirable '.
(7) -8e; occurring in Ml.W. verse: tanSe, eurSe P.M. M.A. i 2926 ' fiery', ' golden '. It seems to be the Ir. -de ( s -Se : ~W. -aiS, see (3) above) borrowed during the i2th cent. bardic revival which drew its inspiration from Ireland. It does not seem to occur in prose.
(8) -gar < *-dk-aro-s < *-dq-^ro-s; thus hawS-gar ' comely ' < Brit. *syadakaros < Kelt. *su.dd(u)-ak-aro-s § 148 i (6); a combination of (5) and (4) above: added to nouns, as epilgar 'prolific' (epil 'offspring '), dialgar ' revengeful', enillgar ' gainful, lucrative ' (ennill 'gain'); added to adjectives, as meistrolgar 'masterful', trugar ' merciful ' (tru ' miserable ', for meaning cf. Lat. misericordio); added
to verb stems, as den-gar ' alluring' (denu ' to allure'), beiddgar ' daring'.





elwedd 1787)  (tudalen 257)


The idea that -gar means 'loving' (caru 'to love'), which clearly cannot be the case in epilgar, enillgar, dengar, etc., has resulted in the formation in the late period of new adjectives in which it bears that meaning ; as gwladgar ' patriotic *, ariangar ' money-loving '. But many new formations in the dialects preservo the original force of the suffix, as sgilgwr ' skilful' from E. skill. It need hardly be added that Stokes's implied explanation of tntgur i\a ' loving the wretched' Fick4 ii 138 is fanciful, as also the popular explanation of hawddgar as ' easy to love '.
(9) -ig, Ml.W. -ic < Kelt. *-zkos: 8kr. -zka-h, Lat. -w; Gk. -\K- ;
as unig 'only, lonely', deheuig 'dexterous', lloerig 'lunatic', bon-heddig ' gentle-', etc.; O.W. cisemic JUV. gl. primus.
(10) -in < Kelt. *-1nw: >Skr. -tna-h, Gk. -ivos, Lat. -znus, Lith.
-ynas (y=z)', it is added to mimes of materials, as in derwin M.A. i 191 'oaken', lletrin B.T. 9 'leathern', meinin E.P. PS. xviii 29 ' of stone ', daeerin, heyemin § 75 vi (3); and to adjectives as gerwin ' rough' (garw ' rough '), gwerthefin ' highest', cysefin ' primitive' § 95 iii (3), cf. O.W. cisemic above.
(n) -lawn, Mn.W. -lawn, -Ion ' -M'=llawn 'full', §63 vii (2) ; as jfrwythlon ' fruitful', prydlon ' punctual', heddychlon, ' peaceful', bodlon § 111 vii (i), etc.
(12) -lyd, after n or r -llyd, Ml.W. -lyt, -llyt 'covered with' <*(p)lt-, Vplethe- § 63 viii (i); as llychlyt B.M. 145 'dusty', dysdiyt chweinllyt do. 146 'dusty flea-infested', seimlyd 'greasy', rhydlyd ' rusty ', creulyd, gwaedlyd ' bloody ', tomlyd' dungy ', tanllyd ' fiery '. When added to adjectives it is the equivalent of lied- ' rather' : Ir. leth 'half, which is ultimately from the same root (' *stretch out > "'surface > *side > half); as gwanllyd ' rather weak ', oerllyd ' coldish '.
(13) -us < Lat. -dsus; originally in Lat. derivatives as dolwus 'sore' < Lat. dolwosus, llafurus, Ml.W. llafuryus < Lat. labwiosus;_ as the nouns dolur, llafur had also been borrowed the adjectives seemed to be formed from these by the addition of an adj. suff. -us, which was subsequently added to W. forms, gweddus ' seemly' (gwedd § 63 iv), clodus, clodforus 'renowned', grymus ' strong', etc.
NOTE.—melus is a late misspelling; melys 'sweet' has y, as melis (isy§ 16 ii (2)) B.B. 83, 101, melys B.A. 3, iti.A. 42, 70, B.B.B. 208, melyster Bi.A. 129, 149, B.B.B. 44. The error is due to the late levelling of u and if, §15 i, and the false notion that the word is formed from met' honey' by the addition of -us. In derived forms the sound, is y as 'melysach, as opposed to grymusach, and the v.n. is melysu D.W. 112, as opposed to grymuso, see § 202 iii, iv (Pughe's
•niefuso is a fiction), melys is cognate, with Ir. milis, and is clearly 11 direct derivative of Ar. base *meleit- § 87 ii, and so is many centuries older than any form in -us, a suffix borrowed from Laf.

• . ;' 'NUMERALS '. •' . • ' " • , '•
' • •-. • . .':.'•''' yt





elwedd 1788)  (tudalen 258)


258. i. (i) The cardinal numbers are as follows : I, m~
3. m. (to, Ml. <?ew, 0. dou; {, dwy.—3, m. tri; f. fair. Ml. tew,—
4. m. pedzoar ; f. pedair. Ml, pedeir.—5, pump, prim. Ml. pump, pymp, 0. pimp.—6, chwech, chwe.—'7, 50^, Ml. m^.—8, wy^.— 9, %ffw.—10, deg, deng, Ml. dec, deng.—ii, «» ar ddeg.—11, deuddeg, dewddeng, Ml. deubec, 0. doudec.—13, tri(f. tail) ar ddeg.
14, pedwar (f. pedair) ar ddeg.—15, yymtheg, Ml. pymthec.— 16, un ar bymtheg.—17, (?(W (f. i^wy) ar bymtheg'.—i8,deuwaw or ^/•i (f. fair) ar bymtheg.—19, pedwar (f. pedair) ar bymtheg.—so, wya»»,Ml. ugeyn, ugeint.—ai, w a?' hugain,—ys,deg ar hugaiii.— 31, un ar ddeg ar hugain,—40, deugain.—41, UM a deugain or deugain ac un.—50, ^cy a deugain. Early Ml. "W' .pym(Ji)wnt.—60, trig/aim, Ml. trugeinit).—80, pedwar ugain.—100, eaw<, <?»%»,— 101, <•»»;! ffc ?<».—iao, chwech ugain, chweugain.—140, saith ugaiw, etc,—200, deucant or daw cant.—300, try chant, Late W. trichant.— 1000, »»<'.—3000, d'wyjil.—3000, teirmil or /«M' m^.—10,000, <?e/<y OT<7, myrdd.—1,000,000, myrddiwn, miliwn.
tri (or (aw) ar bymtheg is used in counting (i. e. repeating the numerals in order); otherwise rarely, B.B.B. 404. The usual form is dewnaw C.M. 59, M.A. iii 45, Gen. xiv 14, 2 Cron. xi 21, Ezra viii 9, etc. So in all combinations : deunaw ar hugain ' 38'.— pymwnt B.A. 2, 9 from something like *pempontes for Kelt.
*q»e1aqK-onta (:Ir. coica) for Ar. *'pen<ji*'e'komt» '. Gk. n-Ei'Ti;«oyTa. For the history of the other forms consult the Index.
Forms like deuddeg, pymtheg, deunaw, deugain may be called " compound numbers ", forms like un ar ddeg, un ar hugain, " composite numbers ".
(a) Some of the cardinal numbers have pi. forms: deuoedd, deuwedd, dwyoedd ' twos ', trioedd < threes', chwechau ' sixes', degav, ' tens', ugeiniau ' scores', cannoedd ' hundreds', miloedd '• thousands', myrddvyaau ' myriads'. :.
In the spoken lang. un-ar-ddegau, un-ar-bymthegau, etc., are in use for ' £11 each', ' .616 each', etc.
ii. (i) The ordinal -numbers are as follows: i, cyntaf.—a, ail, Ml. eil.—3, trydydd, f. trydedd.—4, pedwerydd, MI. pedwery^,
•pedwyry^; f. pedwaredd, Ml. pedwareb, pedwyreS, 0. petguared.-— ^, pumed, Ml. pymhet, 0. pimphet.—6, chweched. Ml. cJiwechet,





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huechet.—7, seMifed, Ml. seithvet.—8, wythfed.—9, fiawfed.—10, deg fed. Ml. decvet.-—li, unfed ar ddeg, Ml. unvet arbec.—12, deuddegfed. Ml. deu&ecvet.—13, trydydd (f. trydedd) ar ddeg.—15, pymthegfed.—16, unfed ar bymtheg.—17, ail (or eilfeil) ar bymtheg.
18, deunawfed.—w, iigeiivfed.—30, deg fed ar hugam.—40, deitgewfed.—41, unfed, a deugain.—100, canfed.—1000, inilfed,
(2) cyntaf § 148 i (3);—a»7 § 100 iii (3);—trydydd, trydedd § 75 iv (i) ;—pedweryS < *q»eti{,^rlws; pedwyrffi (later pedwrydd H.K. 54, § 66 ii (2)) has -wy- < *-MM- re-formed for M < Up § 63 viii (i).
W. pymhet, Ir. coiced come from a Kelt. '''(^wg^os, which, like Skr. pancaiha-h, implies tlie addition of the ordinal suffix -t(h)o-s to the full form *penqVe, thus *penq^e-to-s, as opposed to Lat. quzntus, Gk. Tre/ATTTos, O.H.G. fmfto, wliich imply Ar. ^penq^-to-s. In Pr. Kelt. by the side of *q^e'oq*eto-s there arose *su,eksetos which gave Ir. sessed, W. chweched', and thus -eto-s came to be regarded as the ordinal suffix. Added to *seJctam (< *septm) it gave * sektam-eto-s, which gave Ir. sechtmad, W. seitJifed', added to *de'kam it gave *dekameto-s, which is seen in GauL-Lat. petru-decameto (ablative) ' fourteenth', and gave Ir. dechmad, W. deg fed; similarly *kntom-eto-s > Ir. cet-mad, W. canfed. Then -ameto-s or -meto-s was used to form ordinals for 8,. 9, and 20, though the cardinals did not end in -m; thus W. twwfed, Ir. nomad, may come directly from *noyameto^s; bat
*oJctameto-s would give W. *oeth-fed, so that wyth-fed was again re-formed from wyth; so ugew-fed.
iii. (i) Multiplicatives are formed by means of gwaith. Ml. gweith {. ' fois', preceded by cardinal numbers, the two generally compounded, but sometimes accented separately; as unwaith or un waith 'once', Ir. oenfecht; dwywaith 'twice', teirgwaith 'thrice', pedair gwaith ' four times', pum waith ' five times', chwe gwaith, seithwaith Lev. iv 6, 17, saith waith do. viii ii, wythwaith, nawwaith o.c. WJ, dengwaith, ugeinwaith, canwaith, milwaith.
(a) But before a comparative the m. cardinal only is generally used, the two sometimes compounded; pum mwy D.W. 146 ' five [times} more ' i. e. five times as many, saith mwy Lev. xxvi 18, 21 'seven times more'; deuwell B.P. 1271, D.G. 157 'twice UH good', daw lanach c. c. 60 ' twice as fair'; yn gant egturach B.O. 10 ' a hundred times as bright'.
Moes ugeiwinil, moes ganin'wy, A moes, 0 moes im un mwy.—Anon., M.E. i 140.
'.Give me twenty thousand [kisses], give a hundred times as many, knd give, Oh give me one more.* '





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§ 155
Tristach weithian hob cantref;
Bellach naw nigrifach wf.—G-.Gr. (m. D.G.), v.'s. 4( ' Sadder now is every cantred; henceforth nine times happier is heaven.'
(3) A m. cardinal is also used before another cardinal, as tri t(h)rychant B.B. 18 ' 3 x 300 ', tri phumcant GKii. 166 '3 x 500 ', (lau wythgant ib. ' 3 X 8oo', naw deg a saith ib.(9 x 10 + 7 '.
This method is now commonly used to read out numbers in the arabic notation ; thus 376, tri chant, saith deg a chwech.
iv. Distributives are formed by putting 606 before a cardinal, the initial of which is softened; thus bob ^n, bob beu B.M. 132 ' one by one, two by two', Ir. each Sin, each da; bob ddaw I.G-, 180, L.G.C. 381, 436; bob dri L.G.C. 148 'three by three'; also bop urn ac un CM. 49 ' one by one ', bob un a daw v. 36 ; and bob gannwr L.G.C. 383 'in hundreds', lit. 'every hundred-man', cf. Ir. each colc-er ' every five-man'. Similarly bob ail ' every other ', pob cilwers •W.M. 181 'alternately'.
In Late Mn. W. yn is inserted after 606 ; as 606 yn ddau . .. bob yn dri i Cor. xiv 27; 606 yn un ac un Es. xxvii 12, Marc xiv 19;
606 yn ddau a dau Marc vi 7; 606 yn ail ' every other'. As poh in other constructions is followed by the radical, the yn may have been introduced because it was felt that something was required to explain the lenition. But the reason for the lenition is that the original form of 606 here was an oblique case ending in a vowel.
v. Fractions: ^, banner; ^, traean; ^, pedwaran, chwarter • ^, wyififed; ^-y, canfed; |, deuparth; ^, Mn. tri chwarter ; |, tri wythfed.
Rwwn, truan : traean E.B. 973 'the share of the weakling: one* third', deuparth ., . trayan W.M. 130.
§ 156. i. Either of the elements of a compound may be a noun (n) or an adjective (a) ; thus we have four possible types : I. n-n ;
2. a-n; 3. a-a ; 4. n-a. The formation of compounds of these types is an ordinary grammatical construction, and any element's may be combined if they make sense, whether the combination is in general use or not. The relation to one another of the elements
•§ r55





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and the meaning of the resulting compound must be left to be dealt with in the Syntax; here, only the forms of compounds can be considered.
ii. (i) The second element of a compound has its initial softened ; thus: n-n hdf-ddydd ' summer's day'; a-n Jidwdd-fyd
* pleasure'; a-a glcyrdd-las ' greenish blue'; n-a pSn-gam ' wry-headed '.
The reason is that the first element in Brit. ended in a vowel, as in Brit.
Maglo-cunos > W. Mtiel-ywn ', so *samo-dne(u)s > W. haf-ddydd; *katu-markos > W. cad-farrJi, etc. In these, as generally in the Ar. languages, tlie first clement is the stem. In Kelt. when the stem ended in a consonant an -o- was added to it; thus the stem
*Jmn- ' dog' is in compounds *kuno-, as Brit. Cuno-belinos > W. Cyn-felyn; W. cyn-ddaredd ' rallies ' < *kuno-da'K>gnr^a < *-dhng*hri' : Lat. fehris < *dliey»Jtri-y, Vdheg»h- § 92 iii, cf. aren § 106 ii (i). This explains the suffix -ioni § 143 iii (21); it is a compound of a derivative in -wn,- with *gmmu-; now *'druMon-gnvmu- should give *drygwi by the usual loss of stem endings; but *dru1wmo-gnwvu- > *dvygion-yiif > drygioni (since w^n > n § 110 ii (i)). When the second' element began with a vowel, contraction took place; thus *altro+aw > *altrduo § 76 v (5), cf. Gk. Dor. o-Tparayos ' leader of an army' < *slrto + ag; Brugmann ''Hi 79.
(i) When the first element ends in n or r, and the second begins radically with II or rh, the latter is not softened : gwin-llait, per-llan, pen-rhyn see § 111 i (i); BO gwen-Uys L.G.C. 8, ewllw D.G. 13, etc.; similarly, though less regularly, in loose compounds: Mn llew, 1i§n Ilys, pur llawn § 111 i (i).
When a compound is consciously formed both II and I are found thus ysgafn-llefD.Q. 37 'light-voiced', but cur-ten D.G. 109 'cloth of gold', geir-lon do. no 'of merry word'; ir-lwyn do. 50,4, pe'r-Iwyn, do. 518.
iii. The following adjectives generally precede their nouns, and so form compounds, mostly loose, with them:
(i) prif ' chief', as prif lys W.M. I, prif-lys E.M. I ' chief court', prif Sinas W.M. 179 ' chief city', prifgaer ib. ' chief castle'; y prif ddyn ' the chief man '. It cannot be used as an ordinary adj.;
such a phrase as *dyn prif does not exist.
(a) hen, as lien wr or hew-wr1 old man'; hen ddyn id., a\soMn-ddi/n. whence E. quoth Hemding ; Hen-Haw IL.A.. 105, Hen-Hys etc., kSii yd Jos. v ii, yr hen, ffordd Job xxii 15, yr Mn derfyn, Diar.





elwedd 1792)  (tudalen 262)


§ 155
XXii aK, yr hen bobi Es. xliv 7, etc. In the comparatively rare caaoa where hen, follows its noun, some antithetic emphasis is enerally implied, as leuan Tew Hen,' leuan Tew the Elder'.
-Er daed draw, rai llawen, . Mae gwae rhai am y gwr hen.—W.IL.
' However good [they may be] yonder, genial [young] people, th& lament of some is for the old master.'
(3) gwir ' true, genuine', as gwir grefydd ' true religion '. As an ordinary adjective it means ' true to fact', as hanes gwir ' a true story'; so as the second element of a compound: geir-wir ' truthful'. gwir is also a noun ' truth '; compounded, cds-wir ' unpalatable truth'.
(4) gau ' false', the antithesis of gwir, as geu Swyew IL.A. 43 ' false gods', gau broffwyd ' false prophet'. As an ordinary adjective ' lying'; as a noun ' falsehood ' W.M. 39.
(5) cam ' wrong, unjust'; as cam farn' false judgement', cam rau ' wrongful portion ', i.e. injustice. As an adj. ' crooked', aa foil gam ' a crooked stick '; as a noun ' injustice'.
Tasgu bu twysog y byd Gam ran i Gymru ennyd.—S.T., c. ii 209. < The prince of this -world has inflicted wrong on "Wales awhile.'
(6) unig' only'; yr unig betfi ' the only thing '. As an ordinary adj. it means ' lonely', as dyn unig 'a lonely man'. Cf. Fr. seul.
(7) y naill, rhyw, y rkyw, amryw, cyfryw, mirhyw, Jioll, cwbl, y sawl, yehydig, ambell, ami, lliaws, etc., §§ 165, 168,169.
iv. The following words precede adjectives, and are compounded with them : '
(i) lied'half § 153 (ia), as tted-wac B.B. 49 'half-empty', tted-ffer M.A. ii 586 ' half-wild ', lled-ffol ' half-silly', lled-ffrom 1 half-frowning'.
Nid mawr well nad meirw i wyr,, Iiled feirw pan galled f'eryr;
Nidi byw am enaid y byd, Iiled-fyw yngweddill ddfyd.—T.A.,A 14874/127.
' It is not much better that his men are not dead, [they were] half-dead when my eagle was lost; they were not alive for [want of him who was] the soul of the world, [but] half-alive in the dregs of adversity.'
§ 156





elwedd 1793)  (tudalen 263)


In the example lied feirw is a loose, llfd-fyw a strict, compound. In Late Mn. W., lied usually forms loose compounds and means 'rather'.
lleil is also compounded with nouns, as U^il-ran ' half-share', lled-wyl ' half-holiday', lled-fryd ' listlessness ', lled-iaith ' brogue, foreign accent', lied ywyl' border near edge'.
(a) pur ' very', as jaur-Su, pm-wynn R.M. 151, pur-goch 154;
/mr-iawn (very well', now pinion,. It now forma loose compounds mostly, as pur dda ' very good'. Used utter its noun as an ordinary adj. it means '.pure '.
§ 156. i. The first ('lenient of a compound may be a prefix, which was originally iin adverb or preposition. Some other vocables of adj. or noun origin have become mere prefixes ; for convenience of reference these are included in the following list. Where the mutation of the initial after the prefix is fairly regular, it is noted in square brackets. Most of the prefixes form verb-compounds also, and some are oftener so used; hence it is convenient to include verbal nouns and verbs in the examples.
(1) ad- [soft] < Brit. ate- : Gaul. ate- < Kelt. *ati-: Skr. ati ' over, beyond '.^ati- 'very'; §222 i(3). Three distinct meanings occur in W.: {a) ' very ', dt-gas § 111 v (i) ' hateful'; (b) ' second', dt-grw ' chewing the cud', ad-ladd ' aftermath ', hence ' bad' as dd-flcis ' after-taste, ill taste '; (c) ' over again, re-', dd-lam ' a leap back ', dteb (< *ad-JieV) ' reply', ad-lais ' echo '.
(2) aS- before a vowel or / (from m) < Brit. *ad- : Lat. ad; intensive ; ddd-oer ' very cold ', ddd-fiuyn, ddd-fain § 93 ii (3). Before a tenuis it is a- followed by the spirant mutation, as dchas § 93 ii (2), dthrist ' very sad ': trist ' sad '. Before a media it is a- followed by the radical, dgarw 'very rough': garw § 93 ii (3); but before d- it is a- followed by 8, as a-Sef§ 93 iii (i) , a-Sail, etc. With initial s-it gives as-, as in as-gloff ' lame' < *ad-sKloppos < vulg. Lat. cloppus *sclopus: W. doff ' lame'. Before I- or r- followed by » it gives ei- as in «w/'§104 iv (3); eiSil 'feeble', met. for *eili8 § 102 iv (2) < *ed-tid- < *ad-led-, • Vied- : Lat. lassus, Gk. XrjSew 'to be fatigued' Hes., § 204 i. In aberth, aber § 93 ii (3) it means ' to' (or is aber < *n-bher-1; cf. Gael. Inver-).
(3) all- < Brit. *allo- : Gaul. dllo- 'other' §100 iii (2); dll-fro ' foreigner'; dll-tud 'exile '.
(4) am-, ym- [soft] < Brit. dmbe-, ambz- : Gaul. 'A/t/?i'- : Gk. i!^i, Lat. amb-, ambi- § 63 v (2);—(a) ' around': dm-gorn ' ferrule ', ihn-yylch 'circuit', dm-do 'shroud', am-ddijfyn 'defence'; hence (1>) 'on each side, mutual', ym-ladd 'battle', ym-drech 'struggle') ym-gynnull ' a gathering together'; hence (c) reflexive, as ym-olchi





elwedd 1794)  (tudalen 264)


§ 1S6
' to WftBli oneself; (d) ' round' > ' different, changeable' as dm-ryw ' of viii ious kinds', dm-yd ' corn of different kinds mixed', am-liwiog ' parti-coloured', amheu -W.M. 186 'to doubt', Mn. dmeu, vb. am-hvn-af < *mbi-sag-, V sag- : Gk. yyeo/x<u, Dor. ay- 'I think, believe', Lat. sagax.—am-c- < *am--y- by dissim; of continuants, as dm-can ' design, purpose, guess' <*am-^an < *ambi-sk9-n-, V skhe(f)- : Lat. scio, Skr. chydti ' cats off'; and amkawS W.M. 453 ' replied, said ' <
*am-^-awS § 96 iii (4).
(5) an-, en-, etc., neg. prefix < Ar. *n- (R-grade of neg. *ne);
amhdrod ' unprepared' : parod ' ready '; dmraint ' breach of privilege': 6ra»ra<; athr'&gar, anhrugdrog §99 vi (i); an-nedwy S 'un-happy': dedwyS ' happy'; angharedig ' unkind ' : caredig ' kind';
Sn-wir ' untrue, evil' < *an-uwo-s, re-formed dn-wir in Mn. W.;
dn-fwyn 'unkind' : mwyn; an-fad: mad § 99 iv (i) ; df-les § 86 i (4) : lies ' benefit'; df-raid' needless' < *am-(p)rat-w- < *n-pratw-: rhaid 'need' § 149 ii; so dfrad, dfryw;—before orig. I-, an-llygredig ;—an, + gidn should give *alan § 106 ii (i) ; this is re-formed in two ways, dn-lan, df-lan ' unclean';—b often follows the analogy of m, as ctn-fonheddig : bonheddig ' gentlemanly '. The prefix when not bearing the principal accent has often a strong secondary accent;
this might become a separate accent, as in an dllu ( = an dllu) IL.A. 33 ' want of power '; hence an hdwdd § 148 i (6), an ami § 164 i (2).
(6) ar-, er- [softj 'fore-'< Brit. *are- (< *ari-) : Gaul. are-(in 'Aprj- the YJ marks the quality rather than the quantity of the e) < *p|yt~ '• I^t- prae, Gk. wept; ar-for (in arfdr-dir ' maritime land ') < *are-mor- : Gaul. Are-morica; dr-gae ' dam ': cae (: E. hedge); dr-dreth ' chief rent', etc.—Exceptional mutation : Sr-myg ' admired ' <
*are-smi-ko-, like Sd-myg ' admired' < *ate-smi-ko-, -Vsmei- ' smile ':
Lat. admiro, mz-ru-s (-ro- suffix), Skr. smdyati ' smiles ', Gk. //.eiSao),' E. smile, 0. Bulg. smSchu 'smile'; cf. dirmyg (12) below; ar-merth, see dar-merth (13) below.—Possibly Brit. *ar- : ~Lat. per, in drtaith ' pang', by dissim. for *ar-thaith < *ar-stik-td, ^steig- : Lat. instlgo, Gk. (rTiyfw,, Skr. tiktd-h' sharp, bitter'; and dr-choll' wound' < *ar' yol'd-, Vqolad- ' strike': Lat. clades, W. cleddyf ' sword ', coll ' destruction, loss'.
(7) can(nh)- [soft] 'with, after' < Brit.
*kanta- < ^knta : Gk. Kara; cdn-lyn v.n. 'following'; canh-Srlhwy § 103 ii (i) now spelt cynhwthwy", can-hebrwng 'funeral'; hebrwng §99 vi (i); can-Haw ' balustrade; assistant in law-court'.
(8) cyd- [soft] ' together, common', is not, as is often assumed, identical with cyf-, but is the noun cyd as in i gyd ' to-gether ', also used as an adj. in tir cyd ' common land'. A few of the compounds which it forms are strict, as cyt-An < "cyd-ouun ' united', cyd-fod ' concord', cyd-wybod ' conscience'; but the bulk of those in use are loose compounds in which the form of the prefix is cyd § 45 ii (2);
in this form it is still feitile; cyd ddinesydd 'fellow-citizen', cyd genedl' kindred ', etc. The word seems to be a veibal noun *ki-tui from Vket- 'lie', cf. Ml. W. kyt gwr IL.A. 136, C.M. 21 'cohabitation





elwedd 1795)  (tudalen 265)


with a man': Gk. KtiTai ' lies ', 0. E. hseman ' lie with, espouse', O.H.G. hzwo 'husband ', E. home, W. cu, Lat. civis § 110 iii (i).
(9) cyf- before vowels and », I, r, n', oy- before w-, chw-, h-; with following s-, cys-; elsewhere cy(m)-, oyn-, oy(ng)- [nilgai] ; < Kelt.
*Jcom-: Lat. corn-; (a) 'coin-', often followed by d ' with ', cyf-ai' 'co-tillage'; cyf-liw, cyf-wrS, etc. § 149 ii; ryf-rwi ' Mlinrc ' : rhan 'part'; cymod 'concord' ; bod 'be'; cyn-'it(h)n>rf ' commotion' ;
twrf; cynghdneS 'harmony' : can 'song'; <'ynliil § 1'IH i (4).—(b) Intensive ('together' > 'fully'); vyflitiim ' comploto': llauni 'full';
cyf-lym 'fleet' : Ilym 'keen'.—A lew im-Kiilm' forniH are found, which are due to false analogy, a» ryf-fifffi' duwn ', formed after cyf-nos ' evening'.
The form *ko- (beside *kom-) goes back to Italo-Kelt. It occurs before u- as W. cyuiir, Ir. coir < *fco-inros; before m-, as W. cof ' memory', Ir. cuman < *ko-njm-, Vmen- ' mind ' (but later
*kom- as in W. cymysg (ni = mm)) ; sometimes before sq-, sq9-, s-, as W. cy-hilddo ' to accuse' : Icel. skUta, skuti ' a taunt', O.Bulg. kuditi ' to revile', Gk. KvSd^et.v 'to reproach', V(s)qeud-; see § 96 in; cy-hdfdl' co-equal' : ha fed § 94 i.
cy£i'- [soft] < *kom-(p)ro- § 113 i (2); intensive, as cyfr-goll 'utter loss, perdition'; cyfr-wys (generally mis-pronounced cyfr-vJys) 'trained, cunning': gwys 'known'; cyfr-gain (kywrgein B.B. 10) ' very fine'.—cyfr-r- > cyfrh- > cyjfr as in cyffredin ' common' <
*cyfr-red-in; amgyffred ' comprehend' < *am-gyfr-red : rhedeg '• run '; the 0."W. amcibret may represent the stage amgyfred.
(10) cyn(nh)- [soft] 'former, preceding' < Brit. *kintu- §148 i (3) '^ynh-deaf ' autumn' : gaeaf ' winter'; cyn-ddail ' first leaves ', cyn-ddelw 'prototype'; the ( is kept before h §106 iii (3), as cyntaid for *cynt-haid 'first swarm' (of bees); in Ihe form cyn it is used to construct new loose compounds BR ri/fi filer ' ex-mayor', etc.
(n) di- [soft] < Kelt.
*d'i.- < *de- : Lat. de. Two meanings : (a) ' outer, extreme, off', as di-ben. ' end, aim ' : pen ' head, end'; dt-dol, Ml. di-dawl ' cut off, separated', see below; di-noethi v.n. ' de-nude';
(b) ' without', as di-boen or dt boen ' painless', di-dduw or di ddiiw ' godless', etc. In this sense it is freely used to form new compounds, mostly loose, by being put before any noun or v.n., or even a v.n. phrase, as di alw am dano ' un-called-for'; but, though loose, the expression is still a compound, thus di gefn wyfc.c. 184 ' helpless am I', exactly like gwan wyf ' weak am I', as opposed to heb gefn yr wyf ' without help am I', the un-compounded phrase heb gefn requiring yr after it. The compound is an adj. made from a phrase in which the prep. di governs the noun; the formation is old, and gave rise at an early period to the idea that dz was a negative prefix, which therefore might be compounded with adjectives;
thus dt-og 'lazy ', O.W. di-auc : *auc ' quick, active': Gk. WKVS, Lat. Cciar ; so dz-brin ' not scarce', di-drist ' not sad ', di^-wael ' not mean', etc.—Lat. de- seems to have been identified in Brit. with the





elwedd 1796)  (tudalen 266)


§ 156.
native prefix, and gives W. di-, as dvffyg ' defect' < de-fic-.—Exceptional mutation: di-chell 'wile ' < *de-sqel(p)td, Vsqelep- : W.cel-fyd(l;f(] ' craft' etc. § 99 ii (2); dz-chlyn ' exact, cautious, circum-Hprct', as v.n. ' to choose, discriminate' < "de-sql-n-, Vsqel- ' split,
*separate '; di-chlais ' break (of day) ' < * de-s-qlfd-ti- or *de-Jekl- for
*de-1d- § 99 v (4), Vqolad- ' strike, break ': W. dais ' bruise', archoll (6) above; dtchon, dzgon § 196 ii (2); W. didawl, dvdol for *di-8awl (S . .. I > d.. .1 § 102 iii (2)) : gwd-Sawl' endowment '.Ir.fo-dali' deals out' < *dol- : W. ethol < *dol-, see § 97 ii.
dis- before t- < de-s-, where s is the initial of the second element, often lost in the simple form : dz-stadi § 96 ii (3); distrych ' foam' <
*de-st^k-, Vstereq- : W. trwyth 'wash, lye' §99 v (3); dz-staw ' silent': taw ' be silent' < *stuu-< *stup-, Vsteup/bh-: Ger. stumm ' dumb', Lat. sfupeo : E. dumb, Vdheubh- (dh/sf- alternation). Before other consonants < *de-e1cs-, as in disglaw § 201 iii (6). Also from Lat. de-s- as in disgyn(n) < de-scend-.
(12) dir- [soft] 'vehemently' Richards, ' truly '< *deru- : dir 'true', Ar. base *dereu- 'hard' § 137 ii; dir-boen or dw boen 'great pain ', dir-fawr ' very great', dvr-gel ' secret'.—Exceptional mutation : dir-myg ' contempt' < "'deru-smi-k-, V smei- 'smile'; here dir-is not ncccssaiily neg. for beside ' admiration ' as in ermyg, edmyg (6) abovu, we liuve 'mockery' fiom the same root, as in W. tre-myg 'insult', O.H.C). bi-smer 'mockery'; nor in dzr-west 'abstinence', which is literally 'haid diet', cf. E. fast.
(13) dy- [soft] 'to, together', often merely intensive < Brit.
*do-; dy-fifn ' summons' : mynnu ' to will'; dy-gynnull v.n. ' gather together', dy-gyfor W.M. i ' muster '; dy-weddi ' fiancee'. In a few cases it interchanges with ty-, as Ml. W. dy-wallaw v.n. ' to pour (into) ': Mn. W. tywallt ' pour '; dy-ret ' come !': ty-red ' come !' ;
very rarely ty- alone is found, as ty-wysog ' prince'. Except, mut.;
dy-ch- < *do-sk- or *do-kk- before r, I', as dy-chryn, ' fright': crynv, ' tremble ', yscrid B.B. 31 ' trembles ', Bret. skrija ' to tremble from fear'; dy-chlud : cludo ' to carry '. Hence dych- in dych-ldmu ' to leap up '.;—In old compounds the o of do- was retained when the vowel of the root was lost § 65 iv (2), and might in that case be affected to e, as de-dw-yS § 100 ii (i).
dad- [soft] < *d{o)-die- see (i) above : (a) intensive; dat-gan v.n. ' proclaim': canu ' sing'; (b) ' un-' (as in 'un-do') ; dad-lwytho v.n. ' to unload ', etc. The unacc. o of *do- was elided before a vowel.
dam- [soft] < *d(o)-ambe-, see (4); dam-sang ' to trample ': sengi ' to tread'; dam-wain ' accident' : ar-wain ' to lead' : ^/uegh-. Also dym-; Ml. damunet, Mn. dymumad ' desire' for *dym-fwn- :
ar-o-fun, 'intend' § 100 v. The m usually remains unchanged, but aeems to have become n by dissimil. in dan-waret § 63 vii (5), unless the prefix here is dan- below.
dan- [soft] < *d(o)-ando- ; dan-fern, see ii (i) below.
dar- [softJ < *d(o)-are- < *do-p^ri-; ddr-fod ' to have happened' § 190 i; dar-ostvmg 'to subdue ' : go-stwng 'to suppress' < *zw(s)-





elwedd 1797)  (tudalen 267)


' under' + *stong- : Goth. stiwqan' to thrust'. Tlie irregular mutation in darmerth ' provision' (of food, etc.) is due to -sm- > -mm-;
*do-are-smer-t-, Vsmer- : Lat. mereo, Gk. /xcpos, fitpk. In ddrbod, ddrpar, the prefix had the form *d(o)-aros-, see § 19(i i (3), This form may also account for the preservation of -st- in diir-sttiin ' to resound', thus *d^o)-aros-stam- : W. sain 'sound', Vstvn-,
dos- < *d(o)-uo(s)- + initial s-; dfisbarth ' divinion, arrangement, system' : gosparth B.B. ii 'rule, government ', VapKf- § 101 iv (2).
dyr- (also written dry-) in dyrchiifel 'to nnw ' < *do-(p)ro-, see §188iv; cf. cy/r-(9).
It is now generally held that the original form of the prep. is *t0, and that *do- is a pretonic or proclitic form, like W. ti ' thou', proclitic dy ' thy '. But prctonic softening, though it occurs in W. and ' Ir. cannot be proved to lie primitive, and is obviously in most cases comparatively late. The facts in thgkcase are as follows : (a) In Ir. the prep. is do, du, always with d- (as opposed to tar, mostly with <-);
the pref. is to-, tu-, at first both accented and pretonic, later pretonic do; du-. (/?) In W. pretonic d- for t- as in dy ' thy' is not mutated further (i.e. does not become *S-) ; but the prep. was *Sy (written di in O.W.) giving Ml. W. y, Mn. W. i; it starts therefore from Brit. *do, and agrees in form with the Ir.; the pref. is dy-, rarely ty-.—There is no trace of t- in the prep. proper in W. or Ir.; and the supposed original *to equates with no prep. in the Ar. languages. But in Pr. Kelt. the possibility of t- for d- is proved by W. tafod, Ir. tenge, so that *to-, which occurs only in composition, may be for *do-. Pr. Kelt.
*do : E. to, Ger. KU, Lat. en-do-, in-du-, 0.
Bulg. do, Av. -da ' to'. Cf. W. ann- ii (i) from *y-do-, which places *do beyond doubt.
(14) dy- 'bad'<*(fe<s- : Gk. Suo--; dychait ' lampoon '< *dus-kan-: can 'song'^reduced to *du- on tlie analogy of *m-, (19) below, in dy-bryd ' sha^slosB, ugly', Ir. do-chruth < *i!u-q^-tu,- : "W. pryd, Ir. cruth ' form'.
(15) eb- < *fk-ito-; in Spil for *eb-hil § 89 iii, ebrwydd 'quick' '.rhwydd 'easy' § 143 iii (22).
e-, eh-, ech-<*eJcs- § 96 iii (6); S-ofn, Ml. "W. eh-ofyn 'fearless' : Ir. esomun, Gaul. Exobnus ; e-ang ' wide, extensive' : *ang ' narrow'. ech- developed before vowels, but spread by analogy : ech-nos ' night before last', Sch-doe ' day before yesterday'. But the regular form before an explosive is es- (ys-) as in es-tron ' stranger' < Lat. extran-eus; estyn ' extend' < ex-tend-, etc.; es-gor ' to be delivered ' (of young), V(s)qer- 'separate, cut'.
(16) go-, gwo-, gwa- [soft] 'sub-' < Kelt. *uo- < *upo- : Skr. flpa, Gk. wo, Lat. s-ub, § 65 v (i); gwo-br 'prize' < *uo-pr- : prynu 'to buy' § 201 i (4); gwa-stad 'level' § 63 vi (i); go-funed, 'desire', ar-6-fun, (13) above. In Mn. W. go- freely forms loose compounds with adjectives § 220 viii (i).
BOS-< *uo-s- + initial s-; gosgorS ' retinue', MI. W. gwoscorS B.B. 10 < *uo-skor-d-, Vsqer-: dosbarth (13) above.
(17) gor-, gwor-, gwar- 'super-' < *uor- for *wr < *uper : Skr





elwedd 1798)  (tudalen 268)


§ 156
Ufdri, Gk. mrtp, Lat. s-wper § 65 v (3); gor-jfen^n) 'finish' : yewa ' end '; (/('ir-fod ' conquer' : bod ' be'; gwdr-chadw ' guard' : cadw
* keep ', etc. etc.
(i S) gwrth- [soft] ' contra-' § 66 iii (i) ; gibrthun. Ml. ~W. gwrth-vuit 'hateful' : dymuniad (13) above; gwrth-glawS 'rampart' : clawS ' dyke', etc.
(19) hy- [soft] 'well, -able ' < *SM- : Gaul. su-, Ir. su-, so- : Gk. v-(in v-Yirfs), Skr. su- (t from the base *e'uesev,- ' good' with V-grade of the first two syllables) ; hy-gar ' well-beloved, lovable': caraf'l love', hy-dyn ' tractable ': tynnaf I draw'; Hy-wel' *conspicuous ' : gwelaf ' I see '; hy-fryd ' pleasant' : bryd ' mind', etc.
(20) rhag- [soft] 'fore-' < *pra1w-, by § 65 ii (i) < *pro-qo- (i.e.
*pro- with suffix -qo-): Lat. reci-procu-s < *reco-proco-s; rhdg-farn ' prejudice ' : barn 'judgement'; rhdg-fwr ' contramure ' : mur 'wall'; -rhdg-ddor ' outer door '; rhag-luniaeth ' providence', etc.
(21) rhy- [soft] 'very, too' : Ir. ro- : Lat. pro-, Gk. v-po, Skr.^ra, Goth. fra-; rhy-wyr ' very late ' : hwyr ' late', cf. Gk. vpo-KaKw ' very bad'; rhy-gyng, Ml. W. rygig 'ambling pace' < *{p)ro-'kengh- § 101 iii ( 2). In Mn. W. it forms loose compounds with adjectives § 65 iv (2), §220viii (i).
(22) tra- [spirant] 'over, very, excessive' < *tar- < *tr6s-, § 214 iii : Jr. tur-, Skr tiras-; trd-chwant 'lust'; ird-chas 'very hateful';
trd-serrh ' great luvu, adoration '; trd-chul ' very lean'; trdnwr ' oversea ' i.u. trdmnior for *tarmmor < *f r6s mari.; trachwres B.T. 30 :
gyres § 92 iii. It foims loose compounds by being placed before any adj., § 220 viii (i). The metathesis could have taken place when the accent was on the ult.; of. § 214 iii.
traf-, as in traf-lyncu ' to gulp ' (: llyncu ' to swallow) < *tram- :
Ir. trem-, tairm-, an w-formation from the same base : cf. Lat. tarnuss, trames; see § 220 ii (10). There seems to have been some confusion of the two prefixes : tramor above and tramwy ' to wander' <
**mom- (: Lat. moveo) may have either. This would help to spread tra- for *tar-. trdnnoeth ' over night' cannot be from *tram- which would become traf- before n; irennyS ' over the day' i. e. ' next day but one ' is probably re-formed after trannoeth.
traws-, tros- § 210 x (6); Ml. W. traws-cwyS W.M. 83, 85, 'transaction '; in Mn. W. leuiting, traws-feddiant' usurpation ', prob. owing to sc > sg etc. § 111 vi (2), as in traws-gwyS B.M. 60, 6i.
(23) try- [soft] ' through, thorough '; try-dwil ' perforated '; try-loyw 'pellucid'; try-fer 'javelin' : her 'spear'. It seems to imply Brit. *tri-, weak form of *trei > trwy ' through' § 210 x (3).
ii. Some prefixes occur only in rare or isolated forms, and are not recognized as such in the historical periods. The following may be mentioned:
(i) a(n)- < *n- 'in'; dchles § 99 vi (i), anmyneS § 95 ii (3);
tinglaS ' funeral' < "n-qlad- (claddv, ' to bury') •/qo'ldd- § 101 ii (3).
§ 157





elwedd 1799)  (tudalen 269)


ann- [soft] < *ando- < *^-<fo- : Lat. en-do-, in-du-, E. in-to;
dnnedd § 63 ii; dnnerch ' greeting'< *nd(o)-erk-, Vereq- 'speak' § 63 iii; en-byd ' dangerous ' (enbyd I ' beware 1' in Festiniog quarries) < *ndo-pit- : pyd ' danger '< *q yi-1-, Vqouv^- 'bo ware' : Lat. caveo, Gk. icoew : W. rhy-buS ' warning' < "'pro-qitti-d-; dn-rheg 'gift': rheg 'gift' < *prek-, dn-rhaith 'prize, booty; *Lride, dear one' < *ndo-preJc-t-, Vpereq- 'acquire, buy' : Litli. yerlni 'I buy', Gk. •n-iTrpao-xd) t*-prq-sqo), extension of Vper- in Gk. •mi>vi]{i.i', fin-fan < *ndo-mon- § 100 iv; aman ' nature' < *nilo <},,ii- : Lut. in-gen'ivm.
dann- [soft] < *d(o)-ando-; ddnfon : anfm above ; ddn-gos ' to show' (S. "W. ddia-gos ; in N. W. witli late asHim. of -g-, ddnisos) < *d(ci)-ando-/con8-, VJcens- : Lat. censro, Skr. Sysati ' recites, praises, reports, shows'.
y-, e- [nasal] < "' e»(- ' in ' ; fmhennyS M.M. 23 (from B.B.) ' brain ', cf. M.A. ii 107, 337, emennyS B.B.B. 54, s.G. 270 < *en-qv,enmw-:
Bret. em-penn, Coin. empiivion, ympynnyon; -ink- persisted in Mn. W., see M.M. 140, o'mhoen (read o'm hun)/yinhennydd D.G. 501 '> the usual form ymennydd with abnormal loss of -h- before the accent may be due to early contamination with a form containing *eni- ; the form in Ir. is in-chinn < *eni-qv.enn-.
(2) he- < *sem-; hebrwng § 99 vi.
(3) han- < *sani- : Ir. sain ' separate', W. gwa-han-u, Lat. sine, E. sun-der, Skr. sanitur ' besides, without'; in hdn-fod ' being from, coming from, origin, essence'.
§ 157. i. No compound has more than two elements ; but any element may itself be a compound. Thus anJiyfryd ' unpleasant' is compounded not of an + 1iy + bryd but of an + hyfryd, though hyfryd itself is a compound of Jiy + hri/il; similarly hardd- d eg ymdrecJi i Tim. vi 12 is u loobo compound, each of whose elements km'dd-deg and yw-drech is itself a compound. All compounds must be so analysed by successive bisections.
Deuruddloyw fis dewisaf, Dyred a'r haul daradr haf.—G.Gr., p 51/49.
' Most exquisite bright-cheeked month, bring the sun of summer ray.' DewvSloywfis is a loose compound ; its first element is a compound of deuruS and gtoyw, deuruS itself being compounded of dau ' two ' and gru.S ' cheek '.
ii. (i) In compounds of three syllables in which the first element is a compound, as pengrych-lon D.G. 74 'curly-headed [and] merry', a strong secondary accent on the first syllable often becomes a separate accent, and the syllable breaks loose, resulting in an illogical division;
thus hir ftin-wyn D.G. 16, for hirfein-wyn, a compound of hzr-fain ' long slender' and gwyn ' white'; tew goed-attt do. 328 for tewg6ed-dllt < tfw-goed (do. 157) ' thick trees' and (g)allt' copse'; gdrw fi^edd"





elwedd 1800)  (tudalen 270)


§ 158
j'>i«( do. Hr < ydrw-floeS 'rough-voiced'+ gast 'bitch' § 103 ii (l), wi'iilr tUwth-lef do. 293 < mydr-Soeth + llef 'of rhythmical voice'];
IIMII svrl'iw Q. 129 < mdn-ser + lliw 'of the colour of small stars';
^'•>t sder-wawd do. 297 < fen-saer ' architect' -i-gwawd 'song' meaning ' of masterly song '. •
y wawr dids-ferch ry dlysfain Wrm ael a wisg wwr a main.—D.G, no.
•Dawn-bright maid, too beautifully slender,, of the dark brow, that wearest gold and [precious] stones'; gwawr diosferoh < gwawr-dlos ' dawn-beautiful' + merch ' maid ';—ri/ dlysfain is a loose compound otrhy and tlys-fain, so that its accentuation is normal;—gwm del is a loose bahuvrihi (or possessive) compound ' possessing a dark brow '.
(2) The same accentuation occurs when a compound number is compounded with a noun, as ddu cdnn-oen G.G1. M 146/313 < 200 lambs'; sdith ugdin-waith L.G.C. 421 'seven score times'. The separated syllable has the un-mutated (un-combined) form of its diphthong daw, saith (not deu, seith) § 45 ii (2).
iii. Strict compounds are inflected by inflecting' the second element, as gwindy pi. gwlndei § 117' iii, hwyl-brewni, cainhwyli-brewti § 122 ii (2), claer-zoynnyon etc. § 145 ii (4), an-wariaid etc. § 145 vi, an-hawsaf § 148 i (6), gloyw-biiaf etc. § 150 ii.
But in loose a-n compounds the adj. is often made pi., as nefolyon wybodeu etc. § 145 ii (3). Indeed these formations are so loose that the second element may be suspended, as in nefolion- a'r daearoliow- a thanddaearolion- bethau ibid.
An eqtv. or cpv. adj. before a noun is not compounded with it,
but the noun has always its rad. initial. A spv. adj. may or may not be compounded; see Syntax. . .
§ 158. The Welsh personal pronouns are either independent or dependent.
Of these main classes there are several sub-divisions, containing a form for each person sg. and pi., including two, m. and f., for the 3rd ^
The use of the 2nd pi. for the 2nd sg., so common in modern European languages, appears in W. in the i5th cent. There are
numerous examples in T.A. (e.g. § 38 vi), who mixes up sg. and pi. in addressing the same individual; :., '





elwedd 1801)  (tudalen 271)


Meined dy wasg mewn, y tant, Ch-wi a 'mdroech i'm dav, rychwant.—T.A. A 14866/105.
•' So slender is thy waist in the girdle, you would turn round in my two spans.'
§ 169. The independent personal pronouns are the forms used when the pronoun is not immediately dependent on a noun, a verb or an inflected preposition. They occur (a) at the beginning of a sentence, see § 163 vii (a); — (h) after a conjunction or uninflected preposition, including- fel, megis;—(c) after ys ' it is ', mae (mai) ' that it is', pan'i/w id., pei ' if it were ', etc., and after the uninflected heb y (said ' (heb y mi § 198 i). Independent persona] pronouns are either simple, reduplicated or conjunctive ; thus:
i. Simple: sg. i. mi, i. ti, 3. m. ef, f. hi; pi. i. ill, 3. chwi, 3. Ml. wy, wynt, Mn. hwy, hwywt (also occasionally in Late Ml. W.).
The h- of the Mn. 3rd pi. forms comes from the affixed forms ; thus ffwelant wy = gwla'nt-h wy mutated to gwelann-h wy, see § 106 iv;
the -h was transferred to the pronoun, cf. § 106 iii (2); and the independent forms borrowed the h- from the affixed.
ii. Reduplicated: (i) Ml. W., sg. I. mivi, myvi, myvy, l, tidi, tydi, 3. [m. efo\, f. liiJii; pi. i. mini, i. diwlcJiw'i, c/iwcJiwi, 3. wyntniy, hwywtwy. — Mn. W. sg. i myfi, 2. lyil'i, 3. fm. efo,fn (latcr^/e, efe eee below)], f. f/yhi; pi. i. tiyfti, a. chwycJml (often pronounced but rarely written chwchw't), 3. fiwyut-hwy.
mivi, tidi W.M. 4, myfi (see vyvi § 160 iii (i)), chwichwi B.B.B. 67, chwchwi s.Q. 164, hwyntwy E.M. 132, wyntwy S.G. 165.
(2) These pronouns are usually accented on the ultima: myft, tydi, hwynt-hwy, etc.; but they were formerly accented on the penult also, and this accentuation survives in certain phrases used in Powys. Examples of penultimate accentuation:
.^"'•- Du, serchog yw'th glog mewn glyn, 'y^ A myfi. sy'n d' ymofyn.—D.G. 521.
' Of a lovely black is thy coat in the glen, and it is I who call thee.'— To the blackbird.
Nid didolc onid tydi;
Nato Duw bod hebot ti.—S.M., Hi 133/261.
' There is none faultless but thee; God forbid [that we should] be without thee.'





elwedd 1802)  (tudalen 272)


§ 159
Tims accented they also appear as inyfi[, tydif, etc. :
Mawr oedd gennyd dy fryd fry, Mwyfwy dy son no, myfu.— G.Gr., D.G. 246.
' Greatly didst thou boast thy intention yonder; more and more noisy [art thou] than I.'
(3) The forms myft, tydi sometimes lose their unaccented y after a, no, or no, giving a m'ft, a th'di, etc.; as megys yS ymydawsSam ath ti IL.A. 148 'as we forsook thee', cf. 121, 1. 6.
Duw a'th roes, y doeth rysvyr ;
A th'di a wnaeth Duw yn w.—W.IL. 8. •' God gave thee, wise hero; and thee did God make a man.'
(4) In the spoken language ef6, hyhi became yf6, yhi; and the others followed, thus yfi, ythdi (in Gwynedd ychdz by dissim.) yni, yahi, ynhw(y). These may sometimes be seen written yfo etc. in the late period, e.g. o.c. 273, 340.
(5) Beside ef6 the reduced form fo appears in the 14th cent. The inconvenience of having different vowels in/o and a/was overcome in two ways : in N.W. fo replaced ef (except in a few stereotyped phrases, as ynti 1 for mid heff ' is it not so i', ai i ? ' is it so ? '); in S.W. e(/) remained, and fo was changed to fe. From the 8.W. fe Wm.S. made his now efe 2 Tlicsp. ii 16, which, however, he uses very rarely. Dr. M. adopted this loriii, and used it throughout his Bible for the nom. case, independent and affixed—a remarkable observance of a self-imposed rule; that the lule was arbitrary is shown by the fact that efe is used where ~W. idiom expresses ' he' by an oblique case, as am fod yn, haff' ganddo efe y hi Gen. xxix 20, o herwydd ei farw efe 2 Sam. xiii 39. In Ml. W. the only form is efo, see iv (2), which is rare compared with the simple ef. The bards also use efo, accented efo and efo, see examples; but where it does not rhyme, late copyists often change it to efe; thus in A fo doeth efe a dav, a. 144, the MS. actually used by the editor of e. has efo TB. 87.—efe S.G. 53 is ef in the MS., P H/35&; and eue C.M. 87 is euo (i.e. evo) in the MS., E.B. 474. The form efo survives in dial. efo 'with' for efo a §216ii(3). f
Nid oev offrwm, trwin yw'r fro, . Oen Duw ufydd, ond efo.—E.E., v. f.
' There is no sacrifice—sad is the case—except Him, the obedient Lamb of God.'
larll fenfro, efo rydd fdrch.—L.G.O. 355. ' The Earl of Pembroke, he will give a horse.'
iii. Conjunctive: (i) Ml. W., sg. i. mynheu, minhew, minneu, 3. fit/ten, 3. m. ynteu, f. hitheu; pi. i. nynheu, ninheu, nlwneu, a. chmtheu, 3. wyntev,. —Mn. W. sg. i. mmnau, a. tithau, 3. m« yittau, f. hithau; pi. i. niwiau, 2. chwithaw, 3. hwyntau, Jiwythau.
§ 159





elwedd 1803)  (tudalen 273)


(2) A pronoun of this series is always sot against a noun or pronoun that goes before (or is implied): Dioer, hrh tf. . . . A unben, heb ynteu W.M. 2 ' By heaven, said he. ... Ah 1 prince, said tlie other.' The series is in common use in Mn. W.; M)iiicliinen tlni milled meaning is so subtle as to be untranslatable: chwi a Blinnau ' you (ind 1', but as a rule minnau signifies 'I too',' even I', ' I for in.y))iirt ', ' but I', ' while I', etc. The firat term of tliu untitliOBDi miiy 1>c implied : Wel, dyma flnnau 'n marw Cw'Wff O.K. no ' Woll, imw rvii I am dying' [not somebody elnc thin timo; Uii« ix not miiil, Imt finnan implies it]. A conj. pron, often KimidH in nppotiitioii to 11 noun: Ynteu Pwyll W.M. n, rf. 12, 14 ' lie nlno, [uiiincly) I'wyll ' i.e. Pwyll also; a ywyr T'roi'ii wynteu II.DH. 20 'and tlie inen of Troy on their part'. The 31 d »g. yntf.u answers naill in tlie expression naill ai . . . ai yntru ' 1111 (lie (»no liand either. .... or on the other hand'. From its unaccented use as ' on the other hand' it became a conjunction 'then' : Pulium, ynteu IT-.A. 13 ' why, then?' Pwy, ynteu do. 27 ' who, tlion i' Nyt MS un wreic, ynteu A..L. i 176 'there is no woman, then'. In Ml. W. pronouns ot other persons are used instead of ynteu after ae, as kymer vedyS . . . ae titheu ymlaS C.M. 13 'receive baptism ... or else fight'; as the subject of an impv. cannot come before it, titheu here replaces ynteu in ae ynteu ymlaS ' or else fight' under the influence of ymlao ditheu 'fight then!'
iv. Origin of the independent pronouns : (i) mi, Ir. me < ace. *mS : Skr. ma, Gk. /^.e (the Ir. me seems to be "'we lengthened, as oliginol 5 > Kelt. z);—ti, Ir. tu < *tu: Lat. tu, Av. tu, Gk. rt-v-i], ().] I.d. du;
ti partly also from Ar. ace. *t(u)e;—ef, O.W. em, (Jorn. if, noni. -r, Ml. Bret.'QT, Ir. e, he; f. hi, Corn. Jiy, Brot. Iii, Ir. in, Tlu> .inl UK-pron. in Kelt. as in Germ. scorns to have bcon *ni or *»'«, f. *n1; Ilius O.H.G. w < *es : Ir. c or Ac < *es (: llinl>r. en-til- ' iBtu '); lliu (;orn. nom. postfixcd -e may rcprchent tiliB ; 1>ut in W. it linn been icphu'ed by ef; W. ef < *emen < *em-em == O.Lnl. em-rin, rpdupl. ace. of *es, cf. Skr. im-dm < *im-em. As hi kept its h-, it is unlikely that ef is for *hef, since the parallel could hardly fail to have been preserved ;
but in phrases where ef means ' so' there are traces of h-, as in N.W. yntt, S.W. ontif e ' is it not so t' for onid hef {ef); here ef may be from *semo-s ' same ' = Skr. samdh ' like, same '. W. hi < Ar. *sz : Goth. si, O.H.G. sz, si, Gk. f (Sophocles); *sz is an ablaut valiant of *s(i)y1 § 122 iv (i), f. of the pron. *s{i)ws, *s(i}w, *t(i)tod (Skr. ayah, s,i/(1, fi/dd) a derivative of *so, *sd, *tod (Skr. sd, sa, tat, Gk. o, T/, T").—J'l. m, chun, Ir. sm, sz < *s-nes, *s-ues : Lat. nos, vox. Ski. ii(ih, viih. (or, as the e-grade is not certain elsewhere, < *sm, *sw witli nom. pi. -t after o-stems);—wy, Ir. e < *ei nom. pi. of *es; wynt with -nt from the 3rd pi. of verbs (so Ml. Ir. wt).
(2) The redupl. forms are the simple forms repeated, originally as separate words : mi-vi < Brit.
*mz mz, etc. As ef seems itself to be a redupl. form it is natural that it is not found reduplicated (efe being a figment ii (5)); the emphatic form is efo. In Ml. W. this is chiefly





elwedd 1804)  (tudalen 274)


§ 160
nil nflixcd accusative § 160 iii (i) : llyma efo W.M. 160 'see him licr"'; mostly following other pronouns : gwassanaetha di evo B.M. iHf, ' serve thou him', cf. 164, 168, 170, 198, 280; the transition to the indep. use is seen in a thra guSyych ti evo, evo a'th guS ditheu B.M. 173 'and while thou hidest it, it will hide thee'. The form efo is prob. for *efae8 § 78 i (i); this implies *emiw-, and may be ace.
*em-ewm, : cf. Lat. gloss im-eum " TOV airov " < *im-ewm,.
(3) The conj. pronouns are re-formations based upon yntau which is for *hynn-teu (loss of h- on the anal. of ef} < Brit. *sendos tows ' this other, the other'; *tows < *tuuos : Skr. tvah, tuah ' other', mostly repeated tvah. . , tvah ' the one . . . the other'; the word is always unaccented in Skr.; this is also the condition to give -eu in. W. § 76 iii (2). The origin is seen clearly in naill. . . yntau from
*sendod dlliod . . . sendod touod; cf. Skr. tvad . . . tvad ' at one time ... at another' or with tvad after the second member only. When
*hynn teu came to mean ' he too ' a fern. *hih teu was formed giving hitheu ; then followed *mim teu > mynheu, minneu; *tzt teu > titheu;
and on these are modelled the pi. forms.
§ 160. Dependent personal pronouns are either prefixed,
infixed or affixed.
i. Prefixed pronouns, (i) The following stand in the genitive case immediately before a noun or verbal noun; the mutation following each is given after it in square brackets. For the aspiration of initial vowels see ii (5).
Sg. i. A, /', 'y,', [nasal], a. dy\ S [soft], 3. Ml. y, Mn. i, late misspelling ei [m. soft, f. spirant] ; pi. I. Ml. an, yn, Mn. yn., late misspelling ein [rad.], 2. Ml. awch, ych, late misspelling eicJt [rad..], 3. ew (sometimes Ml. y, Mn. i) [rad.].
These pronouns are always proclitics, and are never accented ;
when emphasis is required an affixed auxiliary pronoun is added to receive it; thus dy ben di 'thy head '.
Before a vowel fy ' my', dy ' thy' tend to lose their y, and /', d' occur frequently in poetry: f'annwyl § 38 vi, f'erchwyn § 38 ix, f'annerch § 136 ii, f'wyneb § 38 iv; d'eps § 110 iii (2), d'adwyth .. D.O. 35, d'adnabod do. 147.
fy often becomes 'y, see § 110 iii (2). This occurs only when the initial of the noun is nasalized, i. e. when its radical is an explosive (or m- in f. nouns ; 'y mam § 110 iii (2), 'y modryb B.C"W. 13 ' my aunt'), for otherwise 'y could not be distinguished from the article y ', as it is, it cannot be distinguished from unaccented yn ' in' ('y mhenn c my head', ymlienn 'at the end [of]'), except by the context.—When the/vanishes as above, the y is liable to be lost after a vowel, leaving only the following nasal initial to represent the pronoun ;
§ 160





elwedd 1805)  (tudalen 275)


' ' Dwrfu, 'r ieuenctid dirfawr;
0 deiorfu 'nydd darfu 'n am.—D.O. 529. ' Mighty youth is spent; if brave was my day, it is spent now.'
Llongwr wyfi yn ddioed ;
Ar ben yr hwylbren mae 'nhroed.—H.D., v 101/259.
' At once I am a sailor; my foot is on the top of tlie mast." See also yw 'myS § 38 vi, yw 'nvron § 146 ii (i).
Ml. y 'his, her' > Mn. i § 1G ii (3). ()criinioiii>lly i \s already found in Ml. W., as o achaws i driipaiit f/w.M. 12 'on account of his residing'. The spelling ei is duo to Win.S., § 5 (4), wlio also changed yn B.B. 108, ych do. 79 to fin, cich; tlicrc is no evidence of the earlier use of tliese forms ; and in tlic spoken language the words are i, yn, ych, as in Early Mn. W. .It ia doubtful whether the correct spelling can now be restored, as tlie misspelling is distinctive, enabling ei 'his' to be distinguished from i ' to ', and i 'I', as in gwelais i dy, and ein 'our' from yn 'in'; but the written ei, ein, eich should be read i, yn, ych.
eu ' their' is a Ml. form preserved artificially in lit. W. Already in the i4th cent. y appears for it as yfat IL.A. 117,1. 13 'their father', ypenneu, ytavodeu do. 152 'their heads, their tongues'. In Early Mn. MSS. it is generally i, distinguished from the sg. only by the rad. initial which follows it.
(a) Before hun, Jiwian 'self, § 167 i (3), the following forms occur in Ml. W. : sg. I. vy, vu, my, mu, 3. dy, du, 3. e; pi. I. ny, a. ?, 3. e.
a minneu vy hun W.M. 88 ' and I myself ; am InS o honafva. hun vy mob do. 35 '•because I myself slow my son'; namyn my hun do. 88 'except myself; buw mu hunan B.r. 1045 'I myself [am] alive'; dy anwybot dy hun W.M. 2 ' thine own ignorance ' ; du hun do. 29 'thyself; ae Swylaw ehun IL.A. 10 'with His own hands';
ehun IL.A. 77 'herself; arnam ny hunein W.M. 29 'on ourselves';
ar yn Uun ny 'hun E.P. 1368 ' on Our own image'; a gewssynt e hun W.M. 59 ' what they had had themselves'; yrygthunt e hun W.M. 42 r, y ryngtunt ehunein E.M. 272 'between themselves'.
In Mn. W. the forms do not differ from those of the gen. given in (i); but ny persisted in the sixteenth cent.; i'n pechod ny/tw» A.G. 17 ' to our own sin'; i ni la^Jiun do. 35 ' for ourselves '.
Before numerals the forms are Ml.W. pl.i. an,yn, 2. {awcJi, ych), 3. yll, ell, Mn, W. i. yn (misspelt ein), 'n, 2. yah- (misspelt eicJi), 'ch, 3. ill.
m an chwech "W.M. 29 ' us six', yn dwy IL.A. 109 ' we two' f., yll ptdwur W.M. 65 'they four'; arnaSunt wy yll seith s.a. 33 'on the
T a





elwedd 1806)  (tudalen 276)


§ 160
woven of them '; ae Swylaw yll dwyoeS do. 39 ' with both his hands' ;
iiSv.iit ell deu W.M. 182 'to them both '. In Mn. "W". ni 'n dau ' we two ', chwi 'ch tri ' you three', hwy ill tri ' they three', etc.
ii. Infixed pronouns, (i) The following stand in the genitive case before a noun or verbal noun ; mutation is noted as before :
Sg. i. -m, now written 'm [rad.] ; 3. -;'/*, 'th [soft] ; 3. Ml. W.
-e, -y, Mn. W. -»', now written 'i [m. soft ; f. spir.] ; pi. i. -u, 'n [rad.] ; i. -ch, 'ch [rad.] ; 3. Ml. -e, -y, Mn. -i,'», late misspelling 'u [rad.]. Also 3rd eg. and pi. -w, 'is after Ml. y, Mn. i ' to '; see
• below.
The Ml. 3rd Bg. and pi. -e or -y represents the second element of a diphthong ; thus oe or oy 'from his ' is simply o y contracted. The Mn. sound is w (unacc. oi), and the late spelling o'i rests on the false assumption that the full form of the pronoun is ei. This contraction may take place after any word ending in a vowel, see § 33 v, and often occurs after final -ai and even -au. Similarly 'n, 'ch may occur after any final vowel or diphthong, as Duw 'u Tad, Duw 'n Ceidwad D.G. 486 ' Ood our Futlicr, God our Saviour', since this is only the ordinary IOHH of unaccented y, m'e § 44 vii.
But 'm, 'th stiiiid on a totally different basis ; these are not for *ym,
*yth, wliicli do not exist in tlie genitive.11 But a'm, a'th are properly a m, a th' for *a my, *a thy with the old spirant mutation after a as in a mam, a thad; hence we find that in Ml. 'W. they occur only after a ' and ', a ' with' (including gyt a, tu a, etc), na ' nor', no ' than', all of which cause the spirant mutation, and after y 'to', o 'from.3, which caused gemination of the initial of a following unacc. word in Kelt., thus W. i'm, ym, 'to my' = Ir. domm 'to my'; see iv (2). In biblical Welsh this tradition is strictly followed. But in D.G. we already find yw ' is' added to the above monosyllables (if the readings are to he trusted), as yw'm serch 498, yw'm, Selyf 522, yw'th gan 137, yw'th wen 497. After other words 'm and 'th are rare in D.G., and arc possibly misreadings, as iddi'm traserch 498, yno'th ddwyn 478. After neu ' or' and trwy c through', fy and dy are always used : neu ay ladd 264, truly dy hoywiiw 180, Dyro dy ben drwy dy bais 107. So after all ordinary words ending in vowels ; the only non-syllabic forms of the pronouns being /', d' or the nasal mutation, see i (i) above; as hwde f'anfodd 114 (not hwdem an/odd), mae d' eisiau 19 (not mae'th eisiau), mae d' wyneb 107 (not mae'th wyneb), colli 'na 303 (not colli 'm da), gwanu 'mron 502 (not gwanu 'm hron). The insertion of 'm, 'th after all vocalic endings is a late misuse of these forms. The converse practice of using fy and dy after a, o, i, na (as o fy for o'm, i dy for i'th etc.) appears first in hymns to fill up the line, and is usual in the dialects; but it is a violation of the literary tradition.
"• One or two apparent examples (as yth effeiryaf o.M. 57) seem to be scribal
§ 160





elwedd 1807)  (tudalen 277)


After the prep. i (to, for' the form w is used for the 3rd sg. and pi. with the mutations proper to the usual forms, as i'w dy ' to his house ', i'w thy ' to her house ', i'w ty ' to their house '. The combination appears in B.CH. as yu, as pan el e brenyn yu estavell A.L. i 48 ' when the king goes to his chamber '; later yw voli c.M. 49 lit. ' for his praising', yw swper do. 43 'for their supper ' ; itisprob. a metathesis of *wy § 78 iv (i) from *(d')oi, an early contraction of *do I ' to Ills', '*do being the orig. form of the prep. § 65 iv (2). A later but still old contraction gives oe, as A Soei hi y gyt ac ef oe wlat ? IL.A. 125 ' would she come with him to his country t' In the i6th cent. oi ' to his' was still used in Carnarvonshire, G.R. [129]. But oe, Mn. o'i also means ' from his'; as this is an obvious meaning (o being 'from'), oe ' to his' became obsolete. A third form of the combination is y, a contraction o! y y 'to his '; this is a re-formation, with the prep. taken from other connexions after it had become y; it is the usual form in Ml. MSS., as y brenhin a aeth y ystavell o.M. 43 ' the king went to his chamber', Yntc.u Pwyll ... a Soeth y gyvoeth ac y wlat W.M. 11 ' Pwyll too came to his dominions and to his country'. In B.B. we find y eu 66 1. 5 ' to their', a rare form. The form 1 ' to his, to her, to their' survives in Gwyn. dial.; but the usual Mn. form is i'w, which is the least ambiguous, and represents the oldest contraction.
'u is quite a late spelling; it is sounded ^ in natural speech, and thus has the same form as the 3rd sg., but takes the same mutation as eu. In Ml. W. there is no trace of *au, *ou ; rarely we have o eu as in p 6/ii E., and often ac eu, oc eu, e.g. W.M. 89 ; where these are not employed, the forms met with are ae, oe or ay, oy like the sg.; in Early Mn. W. ai, oi. "Pro 'M pi. post istas particulas [a, na, o], & scribitur & pronunciatur 'i, vt, ai carodd, pro a'u curodd, &c." D. 177. The 1620 Bible always has 'i botli gen. and ace. : iach&odd hwynt, ac a'i gwaredodd o'i dinistr Ps. cvii 20.
The forms m and ^ occur after er in Ml. W. eirmoet ' during my time', eiryoet 'in his time', Mn. W. er-m-oed, er-^-6ed; the latter became tlie stereotyped form for all persons, and is the usual expression for ' ever'. But ennoed survived in Early Mn. W., see L.G.O. 194.
(a) The following stand in the accusative case before verbs; all take the radical initial of the verb except 'th, which takes the soft.-
Sg. i. -m, now written 'm; 2,. -th, 'th; 3. Ml. W. -e -y, ^s, -w, Mn. W. -i, 'i, -s; pi. i. -», 'w; 3. -ch, 'ch; 3. Ml. W. -e -y, -s, -w, Mn. W. -i, 'i (recent 'u), -s.
'm, 'th, 'n, 'ch are used after the relatives a and y, and where y is lost after a vowel, as lie for lie y ' where ', yno for yno y ' it is there that', etc.; after the affirmative particles neu, a, ef a, e, fo, fe; the negative particles ni, na; the conjunctions o 'if, oni 'unless', y 'that', andjpe 'if, Ml. pei, which is for pet y ' were it that'; and in Ml. W. tlie tense particle ry. Thus:





elwedd 1808)  (tudalen 278)


§ 160
JVi'th wyl drew i'th wdl dramawr ,' ^"th yZyw wzZ, %y<A y glow maw.—D.G. 133.
• No oye sees thee in thy vast lair; a thousand hear thee, [in] the nest of the great rain.'—To the Wind.
a'th eura di § 7 ii; lle'tb. fagwyd D.G. 323 'where thou wast reared'; ava. ssuinassei-e demit B.B. 24 'the Lord created me'; efa'sa. lias G.G1. § 175 iv (6) 'I was killed'; o'm lleddi D.G. 59 ' if thou feillest me '; o'th gaf do. 524 ' if I may have thee '; oni'fh gaf do. 29 ' if I have thee not'; beith leSit E.P. 1253 'if thou wert killed';
rym gelwir B.T. 36 'I am called '; see § 171 iii (2).
The 3rd sg. and pi. -e or -y, Mn. -i, 'i ('%) is used after the relative a and the affirmative particles a, ef a, e, fo, fe; as pawb ay dyly
•W.M. 8 ' everybody owes it'; e'i gwelir D.G 524 'it will be seen'. It also follows the relative y, and is contracted with it to y (= y y ' that . . . it'); as llyma yr weS y kejfy B.M. 2 ' this is the way that (= in which) thou shalt have it'; sefval y gumaf W.M. 3 ' this is how I will do it'; vat y herchis O.M. 89 ' as he commanded them ' (val is followed by y ' that'). In Early Mn. W. this is written '(', later ei or eu; recently it has been written y'i and y'u in order to show the construction; but there is no authority for this, and the traditional Bound appeniH to bo f (not yF).
The 3rd sg. "'"I pi- -" is used after ni, na, oni ' unless ' and o 'if;
as A i' eiSaw >U/B nrvolla.wwt u, A. 161 'and his own received him not'; onis cwplaa oe weithretoeS C.M. 15 'unless he fulfils it in his works'; os myn L.G.C. 187 'if he desires it'. It often serves to save the repetition of the object in the second of two negative sentences: ny mynneis inheu un gwr . . . ac nys mynnaf E.M. IT ' I did not want a husband, and do not want one'; nyd enwaf neb ac nys gwradwyddaf J.D.E. [xvii] ' I name no one, and disgrace him not'; and often refers to a noun or pronoun placed absolutely at the head of a sentence, as ond ef nis gwelsant Luc xxiv 24 'but [as for] him, they saw h i m not'; Safnau'r m6r nis ofnir mwy D.W. 271' tl<a mouths of the sea—one no longer fears them'. The form -s is also used after pe, thus Mn. W. pes for pei y-s ' were it that... it', sspei ys gwypwn W.M. 42 ; in Ml. W. generally written pei as, as pei as mynhut W.M. 142 'if thou wishedst it'. Similarly gwedy as gwelych C.M. 83 ' after thou hast seen it'. After affirmative neu, as neus roSes •W.M. 20 ' he has given it'; rarely after affirmative a, as As attebwys dofyS B.T. 24 'the Lord answered him'.—In Late Mn. W. nis is sometimes treated as if the s meant nothing; such a misuse is rare in Ml. W. and, where it occurs, is probably a scribal error, as Nys gwelas llygat eiroet y sawl Synyon IL.A. 117 with nyS repeated from the previous line. On os for o
•if see§ 222 v(i).
In Early Ml. verse we sometimes find nuy (s izwy) in relative sentences corresponding to nis in direct statements {nwy from an old contraction of *no z, cf. *wy (i) above, *no being the orig. form of the neg. rel., see § 162 vi (3)); as nis guibit m nuy g(u)elho B.B. 7 'he





elwedd 1809)  (tudalen 279)


will not know it who has not seen it'; cf. do. 8 11. i, 13. Later by metathesis this appears as nyw, as nyt kerKawr nyw molwy B.P. 1400 ' there is no minstrel who does not praise him '; nyw deiryt do. 1273 'which do not belong to him*. Later nyw is uncd in direct statements, as ac nywMafs.v. 1244 ' and I will not conceal it'. In B.CH. occurs enyu (s ynyw) teno tranoeth 14 (misprinted my in A.I.. i 32) ' until he removes it the following day ', formed luiiilogiciilly. We also find rwy rel., as rwy digonsei B.T. 24 ' who luxl nmde liiin '.
(3) After pan ' when ' and Ml. ki/t ' since ' Hyllnbie lu'cus. forms areused: ym,ytk,y,yn, yc/i,y. ]i) Laic Mn. W. these are written y'm, yth, ei, y'n, y'cA, eu ; the npostropho is incorrect, see iv (a). But even in Ml. W. after pan nnd other conjunctions ending- in consonants, an affixed lice', pron. sifter the verb is preferred to the infixed; see iii (i).
yr pan yth welds gynfcif-w.M. 156-7 ' since I saw thee first'; pan i'm. clywai dust Job xxix n; kid im guneit B.B. 23 (s ci{d ym, gvmi"i[8) ' since thou makest me '. In the early period also after nid ' there . . . not', as nid ann-w/8 B.B. 90 ' there will not be to us ' (ann, dat. see below).
(4) In Ml. and Early Mn. verse the forms in (a) 'and (3) are also used in the dative.
Dolur gormoS am doSyw E.G. 1127 'too much grief has come to me '; car a'm oedd, ny'm oes G. M.A. i 201 ' a friend there was to me, there is not to me' (i.e. I had but have not); Am bo forth n.n. 34 'may there be a way for me '; pan im rated -par do. 23 (/ =. 8) ' when existence was given to me'; JS'ra rhiidde.f iizv trs Iw teg D.G. 136 '[she of] the hue of summer gave me a fair pledge' ; Cerdd eos ava. dangosai 'Y mun bert do. 499 ' the nightingale's song would show me my comely maid'.
(5) Initial vowels are aspirated after the following' prefixed and infixed pronouns : all the forms of the gen. 3rd sg. fern., and gen. 3rd pi.; all the infixed forms of the ace. 3rd sg. m. and f. and 3rd pi., except -s.
oeS liw y Tatvynneb IL.A. 81 'was the colour of her face'; oc eu 'hamsser do. 119 'of their time'; mi a'i hadwaen c/Gen. xviii 19.
After 'm, '» and yn gen. and ace. both aspirated and unaspirated initials are found.
om hanvoS E.M. n, W.M. 18, om a,nvoo E.M. 30, W.M. 43 'against my will'; yn'harglwyS ni IL.A. 165, yn arSerchogrwyS ni do. 168 ' our miijehty'. So in Early Mn. W.: A'm annwyl D.G. 219, am edwyn. ibid. 'knows me', o'm Ta.anfodd D.E. G. 113, i'm oes S.T. P. 29,'





elwedd 1810)  (tudalen 280)


§ 160
»"w» hoed D.G. 498. In Late Mn. W. the h- is always used, and often wriltun BUperfluonsly after eich, 'ch.
iii. Affixed pronouns are substantive and auxiliary.
(1) Substantive affixed pronouns are used in the accusative after verbs as sole objects ; they are identical with the independent pronouns simple, reduplicated and conjunctive, with the initials of the 1st and and sg. softened.
They occur where there is no proverb to support an infixed pronoun, as when the vb. is impv.; where the preverb ends in a consonant, as pan, etc.; and in some other cases where there is no infixed pronoun ; for the details see Syntax.
dygwch vi oSyma W.M. 8 'bear me hence'; hualwyd fl D.G. 47 ' I have been shackled'; clyvo fyfy do. 100 ' hear me '; pann welsant-eflL.A. 114 'when they saw him'; ny roSassit hi do. 122 'she had not been given'. They often follow auxiliary affixed pronouns, as Pan geissych di vyvi E.M. 224' when thou seekest me'.
They are also used in the dative after interjections, as gwae fl! ' vne mihi 1'
(2) Auxiliary affixed pronouns serve as extensions of other pronorniiiiil elements ; they are .appended to words which already have either personal ending's, or prefixed or infixed pronouns. The form of the 1st sg. is i, in Early Ml. W. -e (s if) ; in Late Mn. W. it is written ji after -f, but this is an error, though sometimes found in Ml. W. j the and sg. is di, after -t ti, Early Ml. -de; yd sg. m. ef, efo, f. hi; pi. i. ni, Early Ml. -nef 1. chwi, 3. icy, wywf, later Jiwy, Jiwynt. Therb are also conjunctive , forms, innazt, ditfiau, etc.
Supplementing (a) the personal form of a verb : gueleis-e B.B. 71 ' I saw', arSuireav-e do. 36 ' I extol'; pan roddais i serch D.G. 134 ' when I set [my] affection ', andau-de B.B. 61 ' listen thou', Befh a glywaist ti t D.G. 335 ' what didst thou hear 1' y del hi § 136 iii, etc.
(&) the personal ending of a preposition': irof-e B.B. 23 'for me', "'' arnat ti D.G. 136 'on thee ', iSaw efw.M. 5 'to him', etc.
(c) a prefixed or infixed pronoun, gen., ace. or dat. : wi-llav-e B.B. 50 (s vy-Tlaw-if) 'my hand', t'enaid i D.G. 148 'my soul'; am creuys-e B.B. 82 'who created me'; nym daw-e do. 62 'there comes not to me '; dyn ni 'm wed i D.G. 173 ' a woman who does not believe me'.
Ni cheisiwn nefna'i tkrevi He gwypwn nas kai hwnn hi.—U.S., P 54/i/257 B.
' I would not seek heaven and its abodes if I knew that he would not attain it.'
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elwedd 1811)  (tudalen 281)


iv. Origin of dependent pronouns : (i) Prefixed.—fy < Ar. *mene § 113 ii;—dy ' thy'< Brit. *to(u) proclitic form of *toue < Ar.
*teue;—y ' his ' < Ar. *mo : Skr. asyd; y ' her ' < Ar. *esws : Skr. asyah, § 75 vii (2);— an ' our', Bret. hon, hor, all for *d/itr, which (like Ir. am- for *anr n-) represents regularly (§ 95 ii (3)) Kelt. *nsron <
*ns-rom : Goth. unsara, with suff. -(e)ro- : cf. Lul. •iioiitrwin witli suff.
*t(e)ro-;—ny before hun < *nes or *nos : Skr. 'nah iic.c., ({""•i dut.;— awch ' your ', formed from dvwi oil the analogy of on : m ', — fit' their', O.W. ou, Bret. ho, is probably for *'wy uimccciitcd, iinil HO from *r!von < Ar. *eis6m : Skr. esam 'their' < 'tn'm'iiii, OHC. eixun-k; for the weakening of unaccented wy to f-ii, swo § 7H iii ;—yn, ych before numerals < *esnes, *ei<'iie« : Gotli. ixims 'you ' ace. < *esuefi;—yll is a form of an ^-demonstrative § 165 vi, perhaps < ace. pi. *oll6s <
*6lw- or *olno- : Lat. nl.lns.
(2) Infixed.—Gen.—-in, -th see il (i); Brit. *men caused the rad. of tenues, the lias. of mi'diur § 1 07 iv, and as the latter was generalized for fy, the former wns for 'm;—-e or -y is merely the'prefixed y contracted witli the preceding vowel;— -n, -ch are tlie prefixed forms with the vowel elided ;— -e or -y ' their ', originally only after o 'from' and *do 'to'; thus oe or oy ' from their' < o '"wy contracted;
similarly the rarer oe ' to their '; ay ' and their, with their' is formed, on the analogy of oy, instead of the orig. ac eu which also survived, as oc eu ' from their' was formed on the analogy of the latter, instead of orig. oy (o ' from ' had no -c);—i'w ' to his ', etc., Ml. W. yw met. for
*wy < *do z ' to his' contracted after *esi6 ' his ' had become *?, but early enough for *oi to become *wy, see ii (i); the metathesis is actually attested in nuy (=. nwy) > nyw, see below.
Ace. (dat.).— -m, -th < *mm-, *tt- from ucc.
*me, *te, dat. *inoi, *loi, originally used after the neg. ny, the tunso part. ry, etc., which caused gemination of tlie initial; in Ir. iilno Ihr forms after m, ro, no, do, etc., are -mm-, -t- (=. tt) ; sue § 217 iv (i); utter the rel. a which causes lenition, -m, -th must be analogical; the rad. initial after -m is due to the analogy of -m gen.;— -n (Ir. -TOW-) < *nea,, see (i); -ch by analogy;—the syllabic forms prob. developed thus:
*pann m cl- > *pann m d- > pan ym clywai', so n > n > yn; yth, ych by anal.; cf. heb yr § 198 iii; on the whole this is more probable than that y- represents the vocalic ending of pann lost elsewhere, which is the explanation of the corresponding Ir. forms generally assumed (Thurneysen Gr. 246, Pedersen Gr. ii 145); in any case the y- is not the re], y, which is not used after pan §222 xi (2), so that the form pan y'm is misleading and wrong;— -e, -y, in ae, ay ' who. .. him ', for ai *z contracted; syllabic y < *i; *z <
*en < "em ' him'; the nasal ending caused the rad. of tenues, which was generalized; -s from the fern. ace. *szm ' her', *wds ' them ', with the initial doubled as in *mm-, *tt-, so that it gives -s (not
*/»-); in Ir. -s- is f. sg. only; in Corn. it is f. sg. and pi.; in W. extended to the m. because the m. *z was lost after ni; thus *ni eaf ef became nis caf ef on the anal. of nis cafhi; so ae ' who ... her'





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§ 161
ill-tend (if as on the anal. of ae ' who ... him';—rel. nyw < nuy ( ~ »iW/) < *no z, see ii (2).
(i) Affixed.—The substantive forms are the same as the inde-pnnlent forms. Auxiliary: i, B.B. -e (=y) < *i^. < *ego : Lat. ego, Gk. e-yni, etc.; originally used as subject after a verb, it came to supplement a ist sg. pron. in other cases;—di, B.B. -de < *tu;—ni, B.B. -ne < *nes or *nos (which may have become nom. like nos in Lat.).
^1 For pronouns suffixed to prepositions see §§ 208-213.
§ 161. i. A possessive adjective was placed after its noun, which was usually preceded by the article, as y ty tau D.G. 18 ' thy house ', sometimes by a pref. or inf. pron., as y'tla. wyndut ten R.P. iaoa 'to thy paradise'; rarely it was added to an indefinite noun, as
Ac, i wneuthur mesurau 0 bemllion mwynion man.—D.G. 289.
'And to iniiltc measures out of sweet verses of mine.'
Tlio nbove iidnominal use is common as a poetical construction ;
in prose it survived only in one or two phrases like y rei ei8aw IL.A. ao " suos ". Ordinarily the possessive adjective stands as the complement of the verbs ' to be', 'to become ', etc., as malpei teu. vei E.M. 127 ' as if it were thine'; or is used substantivally preceded by the article, as arnaf i ac ar y men. s.G. a68 ' on me and on mine'.
ii. (i) The foims of the possessive adjectives in use in Ml. "W. are the following:
Sg. I. mew PI. 1. emym a. ten 3. einwch 3. m. eioaw, f. eibi 3. eiounf
In Mn. W. the first three forms became maw, tau, eiddo, by the regular change of final syllables; and new forms of the 1st and 3nd persons arose ; see iii.
See Ml.'W. einym E.M. 132, eiSunt do. 26, eiSi W.M. 476 ; einwch etc. see below. The form eiSyaw IL.A. 129 shows ^ after ei § 35 ii; but the present N.W. sound is euddo with no trace of -t- before -o, and the intrusion is only sporadic in Ml. W.
(a) The above forms are sometimes extended by the addition of auxiliary affixed pronouns; thus mew i or mew inmu, few di or
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ten, ditheu, ei6aw) ef or ei6aw efo, etc. In Mn. W. the ist sg. takes the form Maufi mmaujinnau.
Pa Sarpar yw yr einwch chwi P B.M. 292 ' what preparation is yours 1' By ryw neges yw yr ei8aw ef? W.M. 40 'wliu< business is his t' yr meu i S.G. 34 ' to mine ', y ten. di W.M. 84 ' tliine ', // meu inneu s &. 251; A'r cwyn tail di ... ywr cwyn mau llnnau I.G. 392 ' and thy plaint is my plaint'; tlio /- in itttualed by the cynghanedd in I.G. 318 q.v.
iii. In the l5th century now formH of (lie ist and 2nd sg. ' and pi. sprang up. Sion Cent luis A\ natvr . . . ysy eiddom. yn, soddi c 7/86 ' and itw [the earth's] nature is ours to sink us ', T.A. has eiddoch A 3) 102/111. We als® find eiddod:
Gwyr yMn a g<il air o glod;
Qorau oedd y gair eiddod.—G.I.IL.F., 0 7/110.
' Fine men got a word of praise; the best was the word [spoken] of thee.'
H.B. uses the curious and sg. ein-wyd D. 185. — G.E. Ci5<?7) gives eiaofor eiddof, eiddot, einom p. [123] ; einom in A.G. 52.—J.D.R. gives eiddof, eiddoi, eiddom, eiddoch 69. These are the forms used in Late W., though mau and tau persisted in poetry.
Wm.S. used mau and tau in his N.T., which were mostly changed into eiddof and eiddot by the translators of the Bible, see e. g. loan xvii 6, 9, TO.
The forms of the 3rd sg. and pi. remain unchanged, except that eidduni is misspelt evidynl m Late W.
iv. (i) It is generally assumed that men is a new formation after teu, and that the latter comes from the Ar. gen. ^teye : Skr. tdva. But Ir. mui shows that the formation is not very new; it goes back at least to Pr. Kelt. The Ir. muz occurs as a gloss, but *tui is not found, and neither form occurs in construction. It is probable therefore that the predicative and substantival constructions so common in W. are secondary; for if original they might be expected to survive in Ir. on account of their convenience. Hence we may conclude that meu and teu were originally postfixes, a construction which disappeared in Ir. and only survived in poetry in W. They may theie-fore be derived directly from the Ar. enclitic genitives *moi, *toi : Gk. jiioi, TOI (croi), Skr. me, te (e < *ai < *o»), Lat. ml (< *moz'), sea § 75 viii (2).
(2) The Ar. 3rd sg. corresponding to *moi, *toi was *soi : Gk. oE, Av. lie, se; this gives W. *{h)eu. Beside y meu and y teu, there must have been yr *1ieu, which gives rheueS ' property, wealth' (reueS M.A. i 2440); and yr *(K)eu 'his propeity' became 'the





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§ ^S
proprrty ' whence *(h)eu ' property'. When *(h)eu became obsolete im mi enclitic it was replaced in the sense of 'property' by meu, wliicli gives meueS 'property' (meuet M.A. i 36iS). It was followed by / ' to' and a pronoun : Ae meu y mmneu dy verch di weithon 1 Meu heb ynteu E.M. 142, lit. 'is thy daughter property to me now t Property [i. e. Yes] said the other'; vy merch inneu a geffy yn veu itt do. 125 ' and my daughter thou shalt have as property to thee ', i.e. for thine own; yn veu i8aw e hun do. 207 ' as property for himself. In its orig. form the last expression would be *eu iSaw, of this eiSaw is an obvious contraction; similarly eiSi for *eu iSi', eiSunt for *eu iSunt. On the analogy of eiSaw ef (for *eu iSaw ef) arose men i, few di. In eiSaw a/the ef is of course the ordinary affixed pron. supplementing the personal ending of iSaw, see § 160 iii (2) (b).
(3) The use of yn, *eu for the later yn veu is attested in the O.W. iwu glossing genitives in M.C. ; as nomrfimou gl. rosarum = (y.)n
*eu yr ffioneu ' as the property of the roses', i. e. that of the roses (n-representing yn before a vowel is common, e.g. ivy li.L. 120 'in its' § 107 ii). It is found before the ist pi. pron.: muni gl. nostrum = (y)n
*eu (y)nny; later *eu ynny became einym on the analogy of the prepositional form of eiSaw, and of gennym '(belonging) to ua ' (mae yelinyin ' we possess'); einwch was evidently formed from einym on the unali)gy of iJennwdi,
'I'lio pnH'c-HHes which produced these forms have repeated themselves at later peiiodH: ei&o ' his' (like the old *eu 'his') became a noun meaning 'property'; it began to be used with a dependent genitive in the i4th century : a vu ei8aw dy vam di s.a. 270 'was thy mother's property'; ei8aw nep Hi.A. 35; eiddo'r Arghvydd i Cor. x 26 ; thus 0. W. n-ovi-ir-fionou would now be yn eiddo'r ffzon. From eiddo were formed the new ist and 2nd sg. and pi. forms eiddof (fi), eiddot (ti), eiddom (nf), eiddoch (chwi), carrying further the analogy of eiddo (ef). Lastly, there is a recent tendency, instead of yn eiddo (ef), to say yn eiddo iddo (ef), which exactly reproduces yn *eu iSaw (ef), which is the origin of yn eiSo (ef).
§ 162. i. The forms of the relative pronoun are—nom. ace. a [soft] ; adverbial cases, before vowels Ml. yd, yS, Mn. yr, before consonants Ml. yd [soft]. Ml. and Mn. y [rad.] ; in the genitive and in cases governed by prepositions both a and yS (yr), y are used.
Nom. : gyrru yr erchwys a laSyssei y carw eymdeifh W.M. 2 ' to send the pack tliat had killed the stag away'; Gwyn ei fyd y dyn a wnelo hyn Es. Ivi 2 ' Bles&ed is the man that doeth this'.—Ace. :
o ymgael a'r gwr a Sywedy di •W.M. 4 'to find the man whom thou
§ 162





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mentionest'; Ai dyma'r ympryd a ddewisaiii 1 Es. Iviii g ' Is this the fast that I have chosen?'—Adv. ; or lie, y8 or8 W.M. 39 'from the place where he was'; e korn eS wo e briiilu/n, A.L. i 76 'the horn from which the king drinks'.—Nom. anil »ilv.;
Af a mawl a/o melys Or tud yr wyfi'r tad }{i/s.—0,9. V BB/3'-'I will go with praise that is sweet from tlio land whore I Mn to
Father Ehys.'
The gen. rel. is supplemented by n))infi\rd prrxoiiii] pronoun to point out the case : Mob ... a Ki/livnn Ifinn ^ lutit n n. ^7 ' thn Son whose death Judas plotted'; (H . , . a fiurpiin/d niiir/i.y dat W.M. 469 '01, whose father's pigs were stolen '; brawl yr IJIW y buost nei/hwyr yn y lys do. 130 ' brother of \\w niiui in whose court thou wast last night'; y neb y maddeuwi/d oi drosedd Ps. xxxii i 'he wliose transgression is forgiven'.—Similarly a preposition takes a personal ending to show the gender nnd number of the relative : y'r neb a welei newyn a sychet arnaw IL.A. 126 lit. ' to the one wh 0111 lie saw hunger and thirst on him'; nyt cvmgen no'r prenn y dihynnawK yr arglwyS arnnaw do. 61 'no other than the tree on which the Lord was crucified'.—Dat. y followed by i with suff. : y rhai y rhoddwyd iddynt Matt. xix n 'they to whom it is given'; also without the prep.:
leuan deg a'i onwayw dwr
Y perthyn campau Arthur.—G.GL, P 83/58.
'Fair leuan with his spear of ash and steel to whom belong (lie qualities of Arthur.' Rhywia' dyn y rhoed erwd T.A. A 14967/29 ' the most generous man to whom a soul was | ovrr] nivcit'.
The form ae in E betev ae ljulich // i/lur n.ii. 63 ' The griiviin which the rain wcte' maybe an echo of O.W. 111 witli tlin rnd. iil'lcr tlio ncc., see vi (i).
By the elision of unnccented syllables a is often lost in Mn. W. verse, as Y ddraig coch ' ddyry cychwyn D.I.D. G. 177 '[it is] the red dragon that gives a leap '. T gwr lien ' gdr holl Wynedd Gut.O. G. 204 ' the learned man whom all Gwynedd loves '. The soft initial remains to represent it. In Ml. W. it may be lost before initial a-. The frequent dropping of the rel. a is a characteristic of much of the slipshod writing of the present day.
ii. (i) The usual adverbial form before a vowel in Ml. W. is yb; but gr^ though rare, appears in the i4th cent., as yno yr adeilawS Beuno eglwys IL.A. 123 ' [it was] there that Beuno built a church' ; hyt y seneS yr oeSifyn y aros do. 114 ' as far as the synod where he wasawaited'. In Mn. W.^r became the usual form, but yS remained as a poetical form, the bards using both indifferently according to the demands of the cynghanedd, as





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§ 162
0 erw i gant yr d gwr ;•'''' ':
0 ddwy i wn, ydd d aimr.—I.D., TB. 150.
'[It is] from an acre to a hundred ihat a man goes, [and] a churl
from two to one.' '
(2) Between vowels yb or yr may become '8 or 'r, e.g. wedi 'dd el L.G.C. 394 ' after [the time] when it goes'; but before 9, consonant it is always y ; unlike the article, it cannot appear as 'r after a vowel if a consonant follows. On the sound of the y in the word see § 82 ii (i).
iii. In Early Ml. W. the adverbial rel. often appears as yd ( =yd, not yb), later written yt; this occurs not only before vowels but before consonants also, the latter usually undergoing the soft' mutation.
Tec yd gan ir adaren B.B. 107 ' [it is] sweetly that the bird sings';
myn yd wo truin yd wit trev do. 83 '[it is] there where a nose is tli lit a sneeze will be'; yn Aber Cuawe yt ganant gogeu E.P. 1034 ' [it w\ lit Aher Cuawg that cuckoos sing'.
Tn <lio ii.ii. tlio soft. occurs after yd twelve times ; the rad. occurs four timoH (id p- 41, 53, id k- 85, 95), and in each case may be due to provcction. IScfurc <-, d-, ;/-, ff-, s-, m- n-, only y [rod.] occurs;
before !c-, gw-, b-, II-, both y [rad.j and yd [soft] appear; before p-, T- only yd- ; before a vowel, yS, rarely yd.
iv. (i) The pres. ind. of the verb ' to be' has a relatival form sydd, sy, Ml. W. yssyb, yssy, in the B.B. often issi (i'=y). The full form ysydd is also used in Mn. W., and is generally wrongly divided y sydd, because the accent is on the second syllable. The suffixed rel. is the subject of the verb, which always means ' who is', ' who am ', etc.
Although originally 3rd Bg., the rel. may have a noun or pron. of any number or person as antecedent; thus Diau mai chwychwi sy bobi Job xii 2 ' Doubtless it is you who are people'.
(2) In the verb pieu the interrogative element pi came to be used as a relative ; see § 193 ii (a), (3).
(3) pan, originally interrogative, is mostly relative in Ml. and , Mn. W. It is used for ' when', chiefly where no antecedent is expressed; see § 222 vi (i).—In questions and answers it expresses «whence', as o py wlat . . . pan henwyt C.M. 33 'from what country [is it] tliat (= whence) thou art sprung?' Ae o bysgotta pan deuy di do. 53 ' is it from fishing that thou comest 1' In these cases yS may be used, and yr supplants pan in Mn. "W. On pan in answers see § 163 i (6).
§ 162





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v. (i) The negative relative is nom. aco. ni, nid, Ml. W. ny, nyt; this form is also used in tlio gen., in the loc. after lie, and in cases governed by prepositions; but the adverbial form generally (e.g. after pry 3, modd, fel, meg'is, paham, pa f odd, etc., and adverbs like braidd, odid, etc.) is na, nad, Ml. W. na, nat, In Late W. there is a tendency to use the a form everywhere.
Nom. : Nyt oes yndi neb ny'th adnapo B.M. 3 ' there is in it no one who will not know thee'. Gwyn ei fyd y gwr ni rodia Ps. i I.— Ace. : yr hynn ny welsynt IL.A. 12 ' that which they had not seen ';
cenedl nid adweini Es. Iv 5 ; also with a redundant -s : llyna beth ny-s gwrthodaf-i C.M. 42 'that is a thing which I will not refuse (it)'.—-Gen. : y drws ny Sylywn ny y agori B.M. 41 ' the door which we ought not to open ', lit. ' whose its opening we ought not'.—Loc. :
lie ny wyper IL.A. 26 l [in] the place where it is not known '.—After a prep. : ny roSei hi . . . iSaw B.M. 33 ' to whom she did not give'.— Adv. : pryt na IL.A. 26, W.M. 183, n.M. 85, pryd na Jer. xxiii 7, D.G. 29, G. 297 ; mal na O.M. 20; braidd na D.G. 50.
(a) The perfective particle ry may introduce a rel. clause; see § 219 v.
vi. (i) The relative pron. a probably comes from the Ar. relative
*zos, *w, *iod : Skr. yd-h, ya, ydd, Gk. 8's, ^, S. It was a proclitic in Brit., and pretonic *io might become *za § 65 vi (2); this was meta-thesized to ai the oldest attested form, as in Inoii-oid B.S.CH. 2 ' which 'was', ai torro hao ay dimanuo y bryeint hunn L.L. 121 ' wlio breaks and who dishonours this privilege', hai bid cr. ' which will be '; iiiid <M was reduced to a, a trace of' «e occurring in Ml. W., nor i.—To explain the soft mutation aftor it we have to imsumi' tlini in Kelt. the nom. sg. m. was *w like that of *w, *mi, *t(kl: (3k. o, ^, T<! (forms witliout
*s are older, anil *w miglit bo a survival).—Tim verb syS, yssyS represents regularly *est'i,zo •= *esti w; it differs from yssit ' there is ', which sometimes precedes it, as yssit rin yssyS vwy B.T. 28 ' there ia a secret which is greater', § 189 iii (3).—The ace. a (< *wm) prob. had a radical initial after it at first, cf. ae gulich i above, and a gulich . . . 'which . . . moistens' four times in B.B. 46.
(2) In Ar. adverbs were formed from pronominal and other stems b}^ adding various suffixes, many of which began with a dental : thus, denoting place, *-dhi (Gk. Tro-Oi ' where ?' S-8i ' where'), *-dhe,, *-dha (Skr. i-ha ' here ', Gk. i(?a-yefi;s), *-ta (Gk. Kara, W. gan < *1cm-t(t);
whither, *-te(Gk. vo-a-e t < -T£, Goth. hvap 'whither?').; whence,
*-dhem (Gk. -Oev), *-tos (Skr. yd-tah ' whence', Lat. in-tus, W. hwn-t 'hence'); manner, *-ti (Skr. z-ti 'thus', Lat. iti-dem), *-tha (Skr. ka-tha 'how', ya-tha 'as', Lat. ita, < *i-ta); time, *-dd (Skr. ya-da ' when'), *-te (Gk. 8-re ' when'); Brugmann2 II ii 728-734. To these may be added the adj. of number formed with *-ti (Skr. /cd-tt. ' how many 1' W. pe-t id., Lat. quo-t, Skr. yd-ti ' as many ').





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§ 162
Tlia W. adverbial forms of the rel. proh. represent several of these tloi'iviitivuH of the rel. *zo- ; accented o would remain, and, becoming unncr. later, would give y § 65 iv (2). Distinctions of meaning were lowt, and the forms were adapted to the initials which followed them.— y8 before a vowel may represent *t6-dhi ' where' or *^6-dhem ' whence '; possibly in id thrice before aeth in B.B. 3, 97 (marg. bis) an old distinction is reflected : id < *w-te ' whither'.—yd [soft] denoting manner as Jeelvit id gan B.B. 15 ' [it is] skilfully that he
sings' < *w-ti or *jf>-thd; denoting number, as pop cant id Cuitin do.
95 '[it was] by the hundred that they fell' < *io-ti, cf. Ml. W. pet 'how many ?'—y [rad.] prob. has two sources : r. yd [soft] before t-gives *yd d- which becomes y t-, i. e. y [rad.], afterwards extended to other initials; 2. y8 must have been orig. used before consonants as well as vowels, and might take the rad. (yS ' whence' < *w-dhem); the -8 would be lost before the consonant § 110 iv (3).—As yr is not known to occur before the i4th cent. it is improbable that it represents an old r-derivative. It is most probably for Late Ml. yr as in val yr lygryssit . . . y grofdeu "W.M. 75 'the way that his crofts had been ruined ', from y ry, as pob-gwiat or y ry fuum do. 144 'every country of tliose where I have been'. (Earlier, ry is used without y as IlucJiof re tru ydhim.wm A.L. i 58.) The analogy of the art. y : yr might help to spicad IJT vv\.
Ixiforo a vowel.
(3) Tho neg. rel. iiy may be < *»to < *inzo < *ne w. It caused lenition because orig. unaccented, see § 217 iv; later the mutation after it was assimilated to tliat following ordinary ny ' not' ; probably nyt rel. is also analogical, no, is probably the same as indirect na, see ib.
vii. (i) The relative in all cases COIDPS immediately before the verb of the rel. clause (only an infixed, pron. can intervene) ; and is often preceded by the demonstratives yr hwn, yr hon, yr flym, W as well as y sawl, y neb, yr un, y rJiai. In translations these,' which are properly antecedents or stand in apposition to the antecedent, are often attracted into the relative sentence, producing a confused construction, see Syntax. Before the adverbial forms there occur similarly y lie ' [in] the place' (the rel. meaning' 'where'), model, mal, megis ' [in] the manner' (the rel. meaning ' in which'), pryd ' the time' (the rel. meaning ' when'), etc.
(2) In sentences beginning with a noun or adverb followed by a rel., the noun or adv. is the predicate and the rel. clause the subject. Thus Dafydd a welais i means ' [it is] David whom I saw ' or ' [the man] whom I saw [is] David '; yma y ganed Dafydd means ' [it is] here that D. was born '. In the spoken language the noun or adv. is always emphatic and predicative, and the literal meaning is not
§ 163





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departed from. But in lit. W. sentences of the above form are used rhetorically where the noun or adv. is not emphatic; hence some scholars have doubted that a and y8 are rcliitivff). It seems clear however that the sense preserved in the spoken liuigimgo is the literal one. This is confirmed by the use of the rol. verbs sydil, pieu, see iv(i),§ 192ii(3); cf. § 163 v.,
§ 163. i. The interrogiifive pronouns, adjectives and adverbs are the following ((lie form of the interrogative is the same whether the question lie direct or indirect) :
(i) Ml. and MI). W. pwy 'who ?'
Puy gnunt cath pntuc n.is. 96 ' wlio wounded P.'s cat?' Ac ny wnn i pwy wyt ti W.M. 3 ' and I know not who thou art'; y bwy y rooif W.M. 402 ' to whom it should be given ' ; Pwy a osododd ei mesurau hi, os gwyddost i neu pwy a estynnodd linyn ami hi ? Job xxxviii 5. Bwy W.IL. 44, 59.
In Ml. W. pwy is also used for ' what is ? ' as dayar, pwy y llet neu pwy y thewhet B.T. 20 ' the earth, what is its breadth or what is its thickness i' pwy enw y teir Jcaer do. 3 5 ' what is the name of the three forts ?' Cf, E.P. 1054. It is also found later with enw, as Pwy dy henw D.G. 365 ' what is thy name 1' This may be for py *wy where *wy is an older form of yw ' is ' § 78 iv (r); if so, in 'pwy yw dy enw ID.A. 128 the yw is redundant.
The use of pwy bfloic a noun in rnro : Pwy ystyr yw gemiyt ti kelu . . . W.M. 454 ' wha< reiison hast thou to conceal ...'?' Probably the yw here is redundant as above, and the construction was originally that in Pwy yslyr nas ugory ti do. 456 ' what is the reason that thou wilt not open it t' This type of phrase might give rise to the adjectival use of pwy, which occurs more frequently later, and is common in the dialects : pwy wr IL 30/103, pwy ryw fyd do: 480, cf. pwy un ii (i) below.
(a) Ml. W. pa, py, ba, by, Mn. W. pa, ba (rarely py) ' what . . . ?' adjectival. It causes the soft mutation (B.B. fa gw s pa 'swr).
Pa gw yv y porthaur B.B. 94 'what man is the porter?' Pa i/yvarwydd a vy8 ymi W.M. 4 ' what indication will there be to me 1' // edrych pa veSwl yw yr eiSunt do. 39 ' to see what thought is theirs';
yin mha ddinasoedd y maent yn preswylio Num. xiii 19.—Py Srwc yw hyimy B.M. 178 'what evil is that ?' i.e. what does that matter? py U pan Seuei WM. 132, E.M. 204 'whence he came'.—Ba befh





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see (,i), by Syn bynnac B.P. i2g6. Forms with b- are common in Early Mn. verse.
In Early Ml. W. pa, py is also used for ' what ?' substantival, as pa roteiste oth dud B.B. 20 'what didst thou give of thy wealth?' Pa Sarvw w.M. 58, B.M. 41 'what happened?' Pa wnaf B.P. 1045 ' what shall I do 1. ' Py gynheil magwyr dayar yn bresswyl B.T. 28 ' what supports the wall ot the earth permanently 1'—It ib also used for ' why t' as Py liuy ( = livy or liwy) di w.M. 454 ' why dost thou colour 1' Duw reen py bereist lyvwr B.P. 1032 ' Lord God, why hast thou made a coward t'
(3) Ml.W. peth ' what?' substantival, usually 'beth, also pa beth, to, beth: Mn. W. beth, pa 'beth.
A wSost ti peth wyf B.T. 2 7 ' dost thou know what thou art 1' -Net wn, heb ynteu, peth yw marchawc w.M. 118 ' I do not know, said he, what a knight is'; Peth bynnac see iv.
beth yw dy arch di W.M. 20 ' what is thy request 1' beth yw hynny do. 28, 42 ' what is that ?' beth yssyS yn y boly hwnn do. 54 ' what is in this bag 1' beth yssyS yma ib. ' what is here ?' Beth a Sarvu yn y diweS iSaw ef IL.A. 16 ' what happened in the end to him t' beth am y rei bychein do. 41 ' what about the little ones t' Beth . . . fie! 'what if 12 times in IL.A. 67-8. Beth a gavm Or. 228 ' what shall we have t' Beth a wnawn 1'n chwaer t Can. viii 8.
Rape)) bi JUV. gl. quid; papedywraac M.C. gl. quoduis; ba beth weu rac eneid B.B. 84 'what [isj best for the soul'; Pa beth a wnnant wy IL.A. 66 'what do they dot' Pa beth yw dyn i tz i'w gofio t Ps. viii 4.
(4) Early Ml. "W. pet [soft] ' how many . ; '. ?' (In Late Ml. W. and Mn. W. this gave place to pa sawl ii (4).)
pet wynt, pet ffreu, pet avon B.T. 20 ' How many winds, how many streams, how many rivers '; Gogwn . . . pet SyS ym hlwySyn, pet paladyr yg kat, pet 8os yg kawat do. 21-2 'I know how many days [there are] in a year, how many spears in an army, how many drops in a shower'.
(5) Early Ml. W. pyr ' why ? '
pir deuthoste B.B. 23 ' why hast thou come? ' pyr na'm dywedyS •B.V. 27 ' why dost thou not tell me t' pyr no, thr{d)ethwch traethawt do. 19 'why do you not make a statement?' pyr y kyverchy di w.M. 486 (in B.B. 126 Py rao . . .) 'why dost thou accost [me]?' A form pyf occurs once, and may be an error for pyr:—pyt echenis drwc B.T. 27 ' why did evil arise ?'
(6) Ml. W. pan ' whence ? ' also ban B.B. 10%. It is generally repeated before the verb in the answer.
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pan Soy di, yr yscolheic 1 Pan Soaf, nryJwyS, i> Loygyr •W.M. 76 ' Whence comest thou, clerk ? 1 come, lord, from England.' In the answer paw has become a relative, so tliat Hie original meaning would be 'whence I come, lord, [is] from England', pan i« bimilarly used in the answer when it occurs as a relative (for y8) in Ilio i|iicstiou;
o ba Ie pan Seuy di ? Pan 8euaf,Jteb yi/teu, o'r ttniifi n.ai. .'75 ' from what place [is it] that thou comest? 1 come, uaid In', fioni ilio city'. On pan ml., see § 162 iv (3).
(;) Early Ml. W. cw, cwd (cw/}, owS 'where?' 'whence?' ' whither ? '
mor, cv threia cud fchwit , . . Jtedeoauc duwyr . . . cvd a . . . cv
treigil, cv threwna{t),pd hid a, nev cud vit V.-B. 88 ' The sea, whither it ebbs, whither it Biilwidos . . . Running water, whither it goes, whither it rolls, where it settles (?), how far it goes, or where it will be '. kwt yitl plant y </wr w.M. 453 ' wliere are the children of the man ?' (in the K.W. 101 ble mae for 1cwt ynt). Keunos cwt SyuyS, kw8 Sirgel rac dyS v.v. 41 'or night, whence it comes, whither it recedes before day'; cw8 vyS nos yn arhos dyS do. 28 'where the night is, awaiting the day'. Ny wtant ewt {t =. 8) ant P.M. M.A, i 284 ' they know not where they go'. i.
(8) pi-eu ' to whom belongs ?' See § 192.
ii. Many interrogative expressions are formed by combining' pa, py with nouns and adjectives ; thus—
(i) pa un, pi. pa rai ' which?' (followed by o ' of), pwy un is also found.
Am, ba un o'r gweithredordd hynny yr ydych yn fy llabyddio i 1 loan x 32. <Jwraig i bwy un o honynt yw hi? Luc xx 33. Pa rei vu y rei hynny IL.A. 17 ' which were those ?'
pa un, is also used sometimes for ' who ? ' a& dywet titheu , . pa ' un zoyt ti s.Q. 57 ' and do thou say wlio thou art'.
pa un and pwy un are sometimes contracted to y'un and pwy'ft;
thus pun wyt B.M. 222 'who thou art' (for W.M. 154 pwy wyt);
Brig Jcwyr, pwy ni wyr pwy'u yw S.Ph. c 19/274 '(Maid of) the waxen hair, who knows not who she is ?'
(a) pa Ie, pie, ble ' where ? ' ' whither ?' o ba Ie, o ble ' whence ?' i ba Ie, i ble ' whither ?' pa du ' where ? ' ' whither ? ' (These forms supplanted cw, cwd, cwb in Late Ml. and Mn. W.)
Pa Ie y bu Babel TL.A. 44 ' where was Babel ?' ble mae plant y gwr B.M, 101, see i (7) above ; Pa Ie yS aeth ASaf yna IL.A. 13 '"quo ivit tune Adum?" Ble'dd dn' rhag blaidd o Wymdd T.A. A 14966/57





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' wliiUier will they go from the wolf of Gwynedd 1' 0 ba Ie y daw brniKwydon IL.A. 57 ' whence come dreams 1' I ble y tyn heb weled tir T.A. A 14979/143 (D.G. 296) ' whither will it (the ship) make for without seeing land ?' Pa du IL.A. 19 ' whither t' py tu W.M. 484 ' where'.
(3) pa Selw, pa we8, pa ffuryf, pa vo8, late pa sut' how ? '
Pa Selw y daw yr arglwyS y'r vrawt IL.A. 61 " qualiter veniet Dominus ad judiciuin 1" Pa we8 do. 15 " quali modo t" Pa ffuryf do. 4; pa vo8 do. 21.
pa bryd ' when ? ' pa awr (pa hawr § 112 i (a)), pa 8y8, etc., ' what hour ?' ' what day ?'
(4) pa faint 'how much? how many ?'followed by o 'of, pa hyd ' how long ? ' pa sawl [rad.] ' how many ?'
ny SiSory pa veint o wyrda ffreinc a Sivaer c.M. 78 'thou carest not how many of the nobles of France are destroyed'. Pa faint o gamweddau . . .1 Job xiii 23. Pa hyd arglwydd y'm anghofi i Ps. xiii i. Bysawl nef ysyS IL.A. 128 'how many heavens are there 1' Pysawl pechnwt a onic ASaf do. 131 'how many sins did Adam (.'oiiiinit'i' Pa Bawl llyfr, pa sawl bedd . . . a welsoch n.c'w. 70 'How many books, liuw many gruvis lia\o yon been 1'
maint and 1iyd are eiJuativc uouiib § 14K i (12), (8). pa may al&o be put before any equative adj. with cyn; as py gybellet oSyina yw y cruc w.M. 154 ' how far from here is the mound 1' Tt is also used in Mn. W. with mor and a pos. adj. pa mor Sa, etc.
(5) pa gyfryw [soft] ' what manner of . . . ?' M.n.'W.paryw fath [soft], pa fath [soft] id.
Py gytryw wr yw awch tat chwi pan aUo lleassu pawb velly W.M. 152 'what manner of man is your father when he can kill everybody sot' Pa ryw fath rai A.G. 36.—cyfryw is the equivalent of an equative § 149 ii (i).
(6) pa ryw [soft] ' what . . , ? ' adjectival.
Sometimes pa ryw means ' what kind of 1' as Pa ryw lun yssyS ar yr engylyon IL.A. 9 " qualem formam habent angeli 1" But generally it means ' what particular (thing, etc.) 1' or ' what class of (things « etc.) t' preserving the older meaning of ryw § 165 vi; as pa ryw lu sy'npoeri i lawr D.G. 409 'what host is spitting down [the snow]?' ynteu a ofynnwys pa ryw Synymz oe8 y rei hynny c.M. 14 ' and he asked what class of men those were.'
pa ryw became pa ry (cf. awry- § 165 iv (9)) wrongly written pa 'r y, as pa'r y ddyfnder M.IL. i 212 'what depth?' This is again reduced to pa r' (wrongly written pa '/•), as pa r' ofid waeth T.A. A 14866/201 ' what sonow [could be] worse i ' Perygl i wyr, pa 'r





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glwy waeth L.M. D.T. 145 'dangerous to men, what disease [is] worse?' apha'r gledi sydd arno 'rwan B.CW. 73 ' and what hardship does he suffer now 1'—pa ryw un ' which (particular) one 1' becomes par'un M.IL. i 182, which is very common in Gwynedd, and is sometimes further reduced to p'r'un.
iii. pa or py might have a postfixed preposition, ^ 47 iv. Of the expressions so formed only paham ' wliy ? ' survives ; often contracted to pam which is at least us early as w.u. Others in use in Ml. W. are pa-1w and pit rac or pi/ rac ; for references see '§ 47 iv.
Pam y Jcymerwn inhcii fn/nny gan y tayogeu lladron w.M. 68, cf. 73 'why should we take that iiom tlie thievish villains t'
Ml. W. pabiw, pyUw ' to whom ?' seems to belong to this class, but its formation is obscure, see vi.
O.W. padiu ox. ' for what t' glossing quid in " Quid tibi Pasiphae pretiosas sumere vestes ?" issit padiu itau gulat JUV. lit. ' there-is to-whom-it-is that-comes lordship' (?) glossing est cut regia in " Cunotis geuitoris gloria vestri laudetur ceisi thronus est cui regia caeli".—Ml. W. geyr eu y eyr [ef ] pa8yu y roSes [py8iw nys roSes] A.L.MS. A. [MS. D.] i 108 'his (the donor's) word is word (i.e. decides) to whom it is that he gave it, to whom it is that he did not give it'. gwynn y wyt py8iw y roSir kerennyS Duw E.P. 1056 ' Blessed is he to whom is given the grace of God'. Later with a ledundant y ' to':
y by8iw y bo gorSeroh dec i8aw C.M. 32 '[we shall know) to whom it is that there will be a fair leman'.
iv. The forms pwy bynnag, jielh h//n,Hag, belfi bijiinag, pa beth fywnag, pa. . liynnag, etc., have lost their interrogative meaning, and are used as " universal" relatives, meaning ' whosoever', ' whatsoever', ' what . .. soever \
Pwybynnac a vynnho IL.A. 138" Quicunque vult". Peth bynnac o garuei8rwy8 a vei yrungthunt W.M. 6 ' whatsoever of blandishment there was between them.' A Duw a vy8 y gyt a thi bethbynnac a wnelych TL.&.. 105-6 'And God will be with thee whatever thou doest'. By Syn bynnac vych, by gerS a vettrych B.P. 1256 'what man soever thou art, what craft [soever] thou art skilled in '. pa ddaioni bynnag a wnelo pob un Eph. vi 8.
In S.W. dialects bynnag loses its final -g, and in late 8.W. MSS. it sometimes^ appears as bynna or benna. We also find in Late Mn. W. bynnag put before pa, peth, as Bynnag beth sydd mown creadur Wms. 294 'whatsoever is in a creature'; bynnag pa'r fodd M.L. i 82, 97 'however'; though used here by W.M., it does not seem to be a N.W. construction. A dialectal form in S.W. of bynnag is gynnag,





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§ 164
and yynnag pwy, gywnag beth are found in some lesser writings of the lute period; more recently they appear in the corrupt and curiously meaningless forms gan nad pwy, gun nad beth.
v. As the interrogative is always predicative it is followed regularly in Ml. and Mn. "W. bythe relative on the analogy of affirmative sentences;
t\ius pwy a wyr ' who [is it] that knows 1' on the analogy of Duw a wyr ' [it is] God that knows', § 162 vii (2). But this appears to be an innovation in the case of the interrogative, as the oldest examples omit the relative, as puy guant i (i), pa roteiste i (2), pir deuthoste i (5).
vi. The stems of the interrogative in Ar. were *q"o-, *qne-, f. q"a-, also *qH-, *q^u- the last in adverbs only (Brugmann2 II ii 348).—W. pwy < nom. sg. mas. *qWo-i : Lat. qui < *qVo-i.—W. pa, py adj. < stem *q^o- compounded with its noun and so causing lenition; o after the labial becomes a, or remains and becomes y, cf. § 65 iv (2).—W. pa, py subst. < nom., ace. sg. neut. *qV!o-d, *q"i-d : Lat. quod, quid;
lenition is perhaps due to the analogy of the adj. pa, py.—W. peth <
*qVid-dm § 91 ii; already in Brit, the word had become indef., meaning ' something, thing', hence pa beth ' what thing 1' beth is not necessarily a shortening of this, as pa is not omitted in such phrases in Ml. W. ; but beth is for peth (= Ml. Bret. pes 'quid?') which occurs in Ml. W., sec i (j), witli b- iw in ba, by i (2), bail v.v. 55, 56.— Ml. W. pet ' how many t' Jiret. pel < *qvl',-^i § 102 vi (2).—Ml. W.pyr 'why?' < *qVio-r : Goth., O.E. hwar ' -where 1 ' < *q*o-r, Lat. cur <
*qVo-r.—W. pan < *qV:an-dc < *qVam-de : ct. 0. Lat. quanide, Umbr. ponne § 147 iv (4) p. 245.—Ml. W. cw, cwd, cwS represent different formations of *q*u- (qV > k before u § 89 ii (3)) by the addition of more than one of the suffixes named in § 162 vi (2); the different forms have been confused, and can no longer be disentangled ; similar formations are 8kr. Jeu-ha (h < dh), Gathav. ku-da ' where ?'
Lat. ubi < *q»u-dh-, 0. Bulg. kii-de ' where 1'
W. pam, pahdm < *y«(8) am < ^q^od mbhi ' what about t' paSiw or yySiw is obscure; no dative form seems possible; an analogical
*pod-do might give *pyS (as d-d > d § 93 iii (i)) and iw may be yw ' ib ' § 77 v ; so ' to whom it is' or ' for what it is'.
W. bynnag, Brct. bennak, bennag, seems to be from some such form as "q^om-de ' when' + ac ' and', so that in meaning it is the literal equivalent of Lat. cum-que, and is, like it, separable (Lat. qm cumque lit. ' who and when').
§ 164. i. (i) The demonstratives hwn ' this ', hwnnw ' that' are peculiar in having- a neuter form in the singular. Both are substantival and adjectival. The adjectival demonstrative is placed after its noun, which is preceded by the article ; thus^ gwr
§ 164





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hwn ' this man '. The different forms are—sg. mas. hwn, hwnnw, fern. fton, honno, •neut. hyn, hynny, pi. m. and f. hyn., hynny.
The following forms occur in O.W. : hiwn M.O., JUV., cp. 'hyn';
hunnoid ox., hunnuid M.O. ' hwnnw'; hmnoid ox. ' hyuny '.; hirwnn JUV. ' yr hwn ', •w hinn M.O. 'the one', m,, see iv (i); hun'iruith OP. f., hinnuith ib. m., hinnith ib. neut. and pi.
(a) Jiwnnw means ' that' person or thing out of sight, ' that' in our minds. To indicate objects in night, adverbs are added to hwn ; thus hwn, yna ' that (which you see) there, that near you ', * hwn aew, Ml. W. hwnn rac/cu ' tliiif yonder'. So hwn yma 'this here'. But yma and //iia are also used figuratively; hwn yma ' this' which 1 am speaking of, hic/i,yna ' that' which I have just mentioned. Hence we can liave the abstract hyn before these, but not before «vw which is always used literally of place.
Vy arglwy&es i yw honn racko B.M. 175' that (lady) yonder is my mistress'. Guttun Ywain a ysgrivennodd hwnnyma Gut.O. auto. a. 28/33 E. ' Guttun Owain wrote this'.
An-dml yw i hwn yma Nag ysstSr nag eisiau da.—I.D., TB. 149.
' It is rare for this one to store or to want wealth.'
These expressions are sometimes used adjectivally as y wreic we&w honn yman IL.A. 114' this widow '; o'r byt hwnn yma do. 117' from this world'; y worwyn honn yma s.o. 143 ' thiy maiden '. But for this purpose the adverb alone is generally used : y;i y byt yma IL.A. 102,155 ' in this world '; o'r exgobawt yma n.i'. 1272' from this diocese'; y vySin burwen/t racco it.M. 151 ' the white ;irmy yonder'. Any other adverb of place may be similarly employed : y fan draw, y tu hwnt, etc.
In the spoken language hwn, yna, hon yna, hyn. yna are commonly contracted to hw\na, h6\na, h'f\na (not hwnna, etc.); and these forms occur in recent writings.
(3) The neut. sg. 1iyn, hynny always denotes an abstraction ; it means ' this' or ' that' circumstance, matter, thought, statement, precept, question, reason, etc.; or'this' or 'that' number or quantity of anything ; or ' this' or' that' period or point of time.
Hynny, hep ef, ansyberwyt oeS W.M. 2 ' that, said he, was ungentle-manliness ' (meaning ' that' conduct); Pater noster . . . sef yw pwyll hynny yn tat ni IL.A. 147 ' Pater noster . . . the meaning of that is our Father'. A wnelo hyn nid ysgogir yn dragywydd Ps. xv 5 ;
wedi hyn ' after this '.





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§ 164
Nid wylais gyda'r delyn Am 'y nhad gymain a hynn.—I D. TK. 151. ' I liave not wept with the harp for my [own] father as much as this.'
ii. (i) The neut. hyn or hynny is substantival, not adjectival. In Mil. W. it is sometimes used adjectivally after certain nouns ;
but as the construction is unusual in Ml. W., it must be a neologism: yn y kyfrwg hynny B.B.B. 11 for yg kyfrwg hynny do. 319, 3ao, 331. The examples show that it i& added to nouns expressing ideas for which substantival Jiyn stands.
or chwedl Mr hyn H.A. IL 133/164 ' of this long story '; A'r peth hyn S.Ph. E.P. 275 'and this thing' [which thou knowest]; y peth hyn Dan. iii 16 ' this matter' ; ein neges hyn JOB. ii 14, so ' this our business '; y pryd hynny i Sam. xiv 18 ; ai'r pryd hyn Act. i 6.— This use of hyn, hynny never became common, but seems to have been more or less local. In Gwent hyn adj. has spread, and is now used with all nouns.—O.W. hinnith after ir loc guac in cp. 6 seems to be an error for hinnuith as in 9, n, 14, 15, a form of hwnnw, with y for w in the penult, cf. § 66 ii (i).
(a) The pi. Jiyn or hynny is both adjectival and substantival. The former usu is extremely common. The latter is comparatively rare ; examples are—
ny thebygaf i y un o hyn vynet W.M. 35 ' I do not imagine any of these will go', a hene (^hynntf) a elguyr gosJcwth e brenyn A.L. i 8 'and those are called the king's guard'. Ni phalla wn, o hyn Es. xxxiv 16 ' No one of these shall be missing'.
The reason that this use is rare is that hyn or hynny pi. was liable to be confused with hyn or hynny neut. eg.; thus Jiyn ' these' might be taken for hyn ' this (number)'. To avoid the ambiguity ' these' and ' those ' substantival were expressed by y rhai hyn and y rflai hynny, literally ' these ones' and ' those ones '. Though still commonly written in full, these expressions were contracted, early in the Mn. period, to y rhain G.G1. c. i 198 and^ rheiny do. do. 194, or y rheinil.h.. A 34980/85.
Angeu Duw fu 'Nghedewain O'i trysw hwy 'n treisiaw 'r rhain.—L.G.O. 175.
'The death [angel] of God has been at Cedewain, robbing these [i.e. the people there a} of their treasure.'
a Cf. <3e^tiJToit\5]s ij>c6yti is KfpKvpav, &v ailrwv evcpfirtfs, Thuc. i 136. "MaaBiliam pervenit, fttque ab iig receptus urbi prfteficitur," C&es. B.C. i 36. —Paul-Strong 163.





elwedd 1827)  (tudalen 297)


Mae'r henwyr f Ai wieirw 'r rheini P Bynafoll heno wyfi.—G.GL, r. 100/411.
'Where are the ciders? Are those deadi Eldest of all to-night
am I.'
iii. Adjectival hwn and hon form improper compounds with nouns of time ; thus yr awr hon > yr dwron (§ 4K iv), yr awran;
y waith hon >M1.W. e weythyon A.L. i 242 (MS. 11) nnua11y wi'-ithon, Mn. weithwn, weithwn (§ 35 n(i)) ; y Jiryii Inrii, > y pi-ylwn W.M. loa ; y wers hon >y wershon W.M. 128 ; nil Hie ubovc mean ' now'. Soy nos hon, > y nosom ' that night', and y ilydd hwn >'y dythwn, y dwthwn §66ii(:i) 'that day'. The form dythwn was still in use in the l7th cent.; see Silvan Evans, s.v. dwthwn.
A i icydd ydf/iu yr awron Wreii.ldlazo Jifiya u'r ddacar hon.—L.G.C. 206.
( If is a sign now that Khys i& spiung from this land.'
Ar bob dllawr yr awran
y givneir cost o'r gwin a'r cann.—D.N., G. 149. ' On every altar now provision is made of wine and white [bread].'
Bardd weithian i leuan wyf.—L.G.O. 275. ' I am now a bard to leuan.'
By dissimilation yr awran (pron. yr owran § 81 iii (2)) became yr owan, and is now sounded in N.W. yrwan. The loss of the r goes back to the i5th cent.:
0 bu draw 'r bywyd or ran, Mae'r Eos yina 'r OWBD.—G.I.H. P '77/384.
' If his life has been bpcnt partly away, tlie Nightingale is here now.'
As ' this day ' and ' this night' were expressed by heSiw and heno, the forms y dythwn and y noson were used for ' this day' or ' this night' of which we are speaking, i. e. ' that day ' or ' that night'. When tlie composition of the words was forgotten hwnnw and honno were added for clearness' sake; thus in A.L. i 142, where MS. A. has ni Sele y dithun kafail ateb ' he is not to have an answer that [same] day', the later MS. E. has y dythwn hwwvw. This is the Biblical construction; see y dwthwn hwnnw Jos. iv 14, vi 15, viii 25, ix 27, etc.; y noson honno Dan. v 30, vi 18. Later, noson nnd dwthwu wei e wrested from this context, and taken to mean simply ' night' and 'day'; e.g. a dreuliodd y dwthwn yn sanctaidd BH.B.S. 215 translating " who has spent his day holily ".
iv. (i) The forms yr hwn, yr hon and yr hyn (but not *yr hwnm etc.) are used before the relative, meaning, with the latter, ' the one who' or ' he who ', ' she who', and ' that which'; in the pi.





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§ 164
y r/ial ' the ones' is used, which is more strictly the pi. of yr w» ' the one'; the latter is similarly employed, as are also y neb, y sawl and definite nouns like y gwr Ps. i i, etc.
0. W. zr hinn issid M.C. ' he who is' gl. ille ; w hinn issid Christ JUV. 'he who is Christ'; hirunn sv\. gl. quern. The first two glosses show that ir hinn might be mas. in 0. W.
(2) The above forms may be qualified by superlatives : o'r hynn odidockaf a wypych B.M. 163 'of the rarest that thou kiiowest'; o'r hyn goreu a gaffer W.M. 428 ' of the best that is to be had'. When fco qualified a lei. clause need not follow : o'r hyn lleiaf Act. v 15 ' at least'; taled o'r hyn goreu. yn, eifaes ei hun etc. Ex. xxii 5. So with adverbial expressions : yr hwun y tu a Chernyw W.M. 59 ' the one towards Cornwall'.
(3) In the 16th cent. yr was often omitted before hwn in this construction : hwn a fedd fawredd WJL. G. 292 'he who possesses greatness'; Hwn a wnaeth nef E.P. PS. cxxi 2 'He who made heaven'; i hwn a'th wahoddodd Luc xiv 9; i hyn a weddille r Act. xv 17. In Gwyn. dial. yr 'hwn has been replaced by hwnnw.
v. Before relatives we also have in Ml. W. the form ar, which is sg. and pi.
lolwite ar a berr B.II. 88 'let IIB praise Him who creates'; yno kyrcheist ar a gereist o rei (Joreu G.M.I), it.r. 1202 ' there thou broughtest those whom thou lovedst of the besi' ; ar UIJ Set yn uvy8 kymmeller o nerth cleSyveu W.M. 8 'let him who will not conic obediently be compelled by force of arms'; ac a vynnwys bedyS o'r Sarasoinyeit a adwys Charlys yn vyw, ac ar nys mynnwys a laSawo C.M. 3 ' and [those] who would be baptized of the Saracens Charles left alive, and those who would not he slew.'
It is chiefly found in the form 'r after o 'of.
Ac o'r a welsei efo helgwn y byt, ny welsei cwn un lliw ac wynt W.M. i ' and of those that he had seen of the hounds of the world he had not seen dogs of the same colour as these '; o'r a Selei y'r Ilys W.M. 34 'of those who came to the court'; pob creadur o'r a wnaeth-pwyt IL.A. 4 ' every creature of those that have been created'; 606 awr o'r y hoetter C.M. 86 'every hour of those during which it is delayed'.
In Mn. W. this construction survives with o replaced by a §213iii(i).
no. dim o'r sydd eiddo dy gymydog Ex. xx 17. 'Fob peth byw a'v sydd gyda thi Gen. viii 17, see ix 16. ym, mhob dim a'v y galwom arm Deut. iv 7. dim a'v a wnaethpwyd loan i 3.
vi. hwn and hon come in tlie first instance from Brit. *sundos, *swnda; the ueut. hyn from *isindod, and the pi. hyn from either
§ 165






elwedd 1829)  (tudalen 299)


*sundz or *sindz. The -u- and -i- are undoubtedly for -o- and -<»-before -nd- § 65 in (i); we arrive, therefore, at *sondos, *sonda for hwn, hon, *sendod for hyn neut., and *8ondz or *8eii(!l for hyn pi. (In the Coligny Calendar sonno and sowna occur, Rhys CG. 6, but the context is obscure or lost.)
The most probable explanation of the above forma SWIM to be that they are adjectives formed from adverbs of place, which wore made by adding a -d{h)- suffix, § 162 vi (2), to *nem-, *w»/i- : >Skr. saiiw-h 'same', Gk, 6;u,os, Ir. som 'ipse'. The fonn of the iiilvrrb would be similar to that of Skr. sa-hd ' in the sanir plucr together ' < *fim-dhe;
but the Kelt. formations liave the full gnuk-H *scm-, *som- (instead of the E-grade *sm-} and the deinoiiBtrutivo meaning ('in this place, here'). For tlie formation of 1111 adj. *sendos from an adv. *sende cf. Lat. su/pernus : superw., and cf. the transference of the flexion to the particle -te in Lat. is-lr, etc.
It is probable that coming utter its noun tlie form of the adj. was m. *sondos, f. *so'iiJa, nrut. *sondod, pi. m. *sondt giving W. m. and neut. hwn,, f. hnn, pi. /iyn. This agrees with tlie fact that neut. adj. hyn after a noun is an innovation ii (i).—Belore a noun the form would be *sendos etc., whence the Ir. article {s)ind. This survives in only a few phrases in W.—The substantival form would also be m.
*sendos, f. *sendd, neut. *sendod, pi. m. *sendz which would give W. m. hyn, f. *hen, neut. hyn, pi. hyn. We have seen above, iv (i), that ir hinn was m. in O.W., but was already beginning to be ousted by hirunn (for *ir hunn), as "henn had perhaps been already replaced by honn, for in Corn. the forms are m. hen (= "W. hynn), f. hon (= W. hcmn\ The result is that hyn remains as the neut. subst.; but the m. and f. substantives hynn, *henn were changed to hwnn, honn on the analogy of the adjectives.
The form hwnnw comes from a derivative in '-MO- of the adj.
*sondos; thus *sondnos > hunnoiK § 75 iv (2) > hunnuiS > hwnnw § 78 i (i), (2). The "fern. *sondiw would also give the same form, which actually occurs as f. : w bloidin hunnuith cs. ' that year'; honno is therefore a re-formate on the analogy of hon; so the last syll. of hynny § 78 i (i).
ar is prob. formed in a similar manner from an adv. with the suffix
*r which was mostly locative, Brugmann2 II ii 735. The stem might be *an- § 220 ii (n); thus *aw-ro-s > *arr > ar.
§ 165. i. Pronominalia expressing alternatives are substantival and adjectival, definite and indefinite.
Subst. def.: y naill . . . y llall ' the one ... the other'; pi. y naill. . . y lleill ' these ... the others'. In Ml. W. the-first term is y neill my lleill, thus y lleill... y llall' the one . .,





Adolygiadau diweddaraf: Dÿdd Mawrth 2005-11-20, 2006-06-07

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