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ACCIDENCE
§ 149
ii. The following have defective comparison:— (l) Spv. eithaf' uttermost
'< *ektymos : Lat. extimus, § 109
iv
(l) (to cpv. eithr 'except, hut', Ir. ec/itar < *ektro-s : Lat. extra § 99
v (4) ; to positive eh- ech-
< * eks- : Lat. ex).
(a) Cpv. amgen 'other; better'; also a later amgenach s.G.
200, D.N. F.N. 91.
Ac amgen ledyr no hwnnw ny phrynei ef W.M. 67 'And other leather than that he did not buy'.
amgen, is a cpv. of similar form to hagen
§ 222 iii (4), and may be neg. in a(n)- of the
cpv. corresponding to the spv. megys § 215 iv (3) '
like'; thus *n-sm-ak-is-en- > *amgzen > amgen § 100 vi. (As the 2nd
syll. drops -is- remained and gave i not A.)
(3) prif chief'< Lat.
przmus is not felt as a spv. in V.; it always forms the first element of a
compound : § 155 iii (l).
iii. Equatives with the prefix cy- may have before this the prefix go-, as
gogymaint, gogyfuwch etc. Thus—
A'r Hall a oe8 yn kynSuet ac
yn ogymeint a 'bran s G. 99 '
and the other was as black and as large as a crow'. yn ogyfuwch a Duw, Phil.
ii 6.—This form is sometimes
predicated of both the thing! compared : Nid gogyhyd esgeiriau y clojfT)\w.
xxvi 7.
§ 149. i. Many nouns take the
endings of comparison, and thereby become adjectives of the respective
degrees. (i) The following are in common use in Mn. W.:
rhaid ' need'; eqtv. cyw rheified D.G. 399 'as necessary, aa fitting'; cpv. Ml. reidyach E.P. 1349, Mn. rheitiach 'more necessary,
more fitting'; spv. Ml. ^eitfaf B.P. 1148,
Mn. rheitiaf.
rhaid < Kelt. *(p}rat-w- ' due, due share ' < *prat-, Vpero- ' dispose
': W. rhad see below, rhann ' share ', Lat. part- § 63 vii (2), W.
barn § 101 iii (2).
elw ' profit'; cpv. elwach ' profiting more, better off', as (pa) faint
elwach fyddi di ? ' how much better off wilt thou be ?'
elw is properly helw, still so pronounced in Gwynedd in phrases like ar dy
helw ' in thy possession'; helw = Ir. selb ' possession ' both < *sel-w-,
Vsel- ' take ': Ir. selaim ' I take', Gk. eX.eiv, Goth. saljan, 0 E. seUan, E. sell.
blaen ' point, front'; also adj. as troed Uaen ' fore-foot'; spv. blaenqf, '
foremost, first'; § 215 iii (10).
61 'rear, track ',&syaol'
after, according to '§ 215 iii
(6), Sltroed 'foot-print';
also adj. as troed 61 'hind
foot'; spv. o/o/''last' <
*ol-is^m.os : Lat.
' < *ol-fg«ios,
§ l^
ADJECTIVES
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pen(n) 'head'; spv. pennqf 'chief; also in Ml. and Early Mn. W. cpv. pennach
IL.A. 89, G.GL p 83/58 ' higher, superior';
§ 89 iii.
rhad 'gift, grace', having become an adj. 'cheap' from the phrase yn rhad '
gratis', is compared regularly.
rhad < *prat- : rhann, Skr. purtdm ' reward '; see rhaid ubove.
diwedd 'end'; spv. diwaethaf ' last' IL.A. 7, E.r. 1195, 1249, 1298, p 16/19 B., i Petr i 5 by R.D. (in Wm.S.); diwethaf IL.A.
43^ 59' p :I4/1I :R-) A•'L• 1 4> 4^) 5C)) Matt. xx 8 Wm.S.; so in Es. ii 2, xlviii la, Jer. xxiii 20 in 1620; but generally in 1620,
and everywhere in late bibles, dweddaf.
A.L. i 48 dyuedafdoes not
imply S, as we have pemdec for pym-tney on the same page. The form diweddaf
seems to come from Wm.S.'s dyweddaf Matt. xxvii 64 ; and as it seemed to be " regular" it ousted the
traditional forms in the written lang. of the i9th cent.; but the spoken forms are dwaetha' (Powys), dwytha'
(Gwyn.), and dwetha (8.W.).
Caned, dy feirdd—cyntaf fum, A diwaethaf y dmtfium.—T.A., A 14901/20.
' Let thy bards sing—I was the first [of them], and I have come last'.
The O.W. diued B.B.OH. 2 and
Bret. dives, Corn. dewedh, Ir. diad, dead show that the noun diwedd cannot be
for *diwaedd; on the other hand diwaethaf cannot well be for diwethaf. The
explanation of the former seems to be that it comes from nn intensified form
with *-uo-, which survived only in the ppv.; thus diwaethaf < *diwoeS-haf
< *dz-yo-(u)ed-isaTno-s, cf. gwaethaf (5) above.
diwedd is ' end' in the sense of ' close, conclusion', not a geometrical
term; hence from *dz- 'out' + ued-, Vuedh- 'conduct, lead': Lith. vedu ' I
conduct, lead', E. wed, etc, cf. W. gor-SiweSaf ' I overtake'. ^
(2) Many other cases occur in
Ml. W.: gwhaw {~=.gwrhaf) B.B. 41
'most manly'; amserach W.M. 9,
E.M. 6 'more timely';
llessach W.M. 17, B.M. ii
'more beneficial' (lies 'benefit');
dewissach C.M. ii 'preferable' (dewis ' choice' noun); pennaduryaf do. 8 ' most princely'; ky vawhet E.M. 149 ' as cowardly', bawaf if.P. 1278 'most vile' {baw 'dirt').
ii (l) Equative adjectives are formed from many nouns by prefixing cyf-,
cym-, (as cyfled, cymaint}; thus kyfliw BB.B. 179 ' of the same colour'; hyvw^i W.M. 75 ' of the same rank';
/•'
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ACCIDENCE
§§ 150, 151
Jeymimv^ ib.'as noble' (&one6
' nobility'); kyvoet do. 27
'of the Hiimo age '; cyfryw •' of the same kind, such'.
(2) In one or two cases the
second element no longer exists in its simple form either as a noun or adj. :
cyfred ' as swift' (rhedeg ' to run'); cyfref ' as thick' (rhefedd '
thickness ').
(3) Compounds of un- 'one'also
form the equivalents of equative adjectives: unlliw a D.G. 17 'of the same colour as'; neb un.
fodd § 148 i (6), ' any one like' (modd '
manner'), unwedd a 'like', etc. "
§ 150. Most adjectives may be
compared regularly, including"— i. Many derivatives in -aidcl, -ig, -in,
(not denoting substance), -og,-us; ssperaidd 'sweet', eqtv. cyn bereiddied,
cpv. pereiddiach, spv. pereiddiaf; so pwysicaf' most important', gerioinaf roughest',
cyfoetJwcaf' richest', grymuisaf' mightiest'. But those containing more than
two syllables are mostly compared periphrastically.
Verbal adjectives in -adwy, -edig are not compared (except periphrastically),
though caredig ' kind', no longer felt as a verbal adj., is, e. g. caredicaf
' kindest'. Adjectives in -ol are rarely compared ;' those in -aid, -in
denoting material, and in -lyd are not compared.
ii. Compounds in which the second element is an adjective;
as gloyw-'buaf IL.A. 93 'of a
most glossy black', llatJty-r-wyn.naf ib. ' most lustrously white',
klaer-wynnaf ib. ' most brilliantly white', cyw vlaen-llymet . . . Uaen-llymaf
w.M. 176 'as sharply pointed .
. . most sharply pointed'.
Dwy fron mor wynion a'r 6d,
G-loyw-wynnach na gwylanod.—D.G. 148.
' Two breasts as white as snow, more luminously white than sea-gulls.' .
:"
But when the second element is an adj. compared irregularly, the compound
cannot be compared, as maleis-ddrwg, troed-lydan, pen-uchel, etc. A few of
these may, however, be compared by adding the endings to derived forms, as
gwerth-fawr ' valuable', spv. gwertJivawrussaf IL.A. 80, or gwerthfawrocaf'; clod-fawr ' celebrated', spv.
clodforusaf. (G.M.D. has gwerthvoraf B.P. 1195, an unusual form.)
Adj. compounds with noun final as ysgafn-dmed ' light-footed' can only be
compared periphrastically.
§ 151. i. Adjectives which
cannot take the endings of comparison as above may be compared
periphrastically, by placing before the positive mor, nwy, mwyaf, to form the
eqtv.; cpv., spy.
§ m
ADJECTIVES
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respectively, mor softens the initial of the adj. except when it is II or r1i; but mwy and mwyaf take the
radical; thus mwy dymunol Ps. xix 10,
Diar. xvi 16 ' more desirable
'.
mwy and mwyaf me of course the cpv. and spv. of mawr. As they do not cause
lenition, they represent Brit. formy ending in consonants. mwy may come
directly from tlio neut. noin-iicc. form *mdis < *ma- + -is as in Lat.
mag-is ; tlio corrcHpoiiding fonn of the spv. would be *m,disamon (cf. Lat.
pluri/intiii,, Uk. •n'^tlirriiv), which would give mwyaf with the rad., since
Hie namil mutation of mediae survived only after fy, yn and numt;raln § 107 i.
mor is probably the pos. mawr uimcrunted, forming a loose compound with the
adj., thus representing Brit. *maro-; and so causing lenition. For o instead
of aw me § 71 i (2). It is now generally accented,
and pronounced mor; D.D. gives it as .mor (smor), but mor (cf. pub § 1U8 i (3)) may
sometimes be heard, when it is emphatic. It was first used as an exclamative,
thus OW. mortru ox. gl. elieu, morliaus do. gl. quam multos. The transition
from the literal meaning ' *greatly sad ' of the compound mor-dru, through '
*very sad !' to ' how sad !' is easy ; and as the last meaning is equivalent
to that of the exclamative eqtv., the form mor dru naturally came to be
regarded as a periphrastic eqtv., and was used later with a ' as' and the
compared noun. See examples below.
ii. (i) mwy and mwyaf wee only used to compare compounds and derivatives
where inflexional comparison is not feasible.
mwy da, mwy drwg, etc., are not used by adult speakers; Wms/s eww mwyaf mawr 750 is a childish expression called
forth by the exigencies of rhyme.
(a) On the other band forms with mor are, as shown above, different in origin
from the cqnative, and have had a separate existence from the outset. Hence
mor is used freely before all adjectives at all periods. Thus :
Exclamative : mortrii gl. eheu !— Mor truan genhyf mor truan a oeryv B.B. i '
How sad to me, how sad [is] what has happened.'— Poet emendigeit y gof ay
digones ... mor dost yw W.M. 477
'Accursed be the smith that made it, so painful is it.'—mor Syrys yw R.M. 120 'so tangled is it.'—mor hagyr y
gwelei y Sdw ry oed wnaw w.M. 2.5:1 ' so ugly. did he perceive the appearance that he bore.'—mor
Siryeit... mor dec E.P. 1385 '
how bad ... how fair.'
Wylo'r wyf lower afon Darosti hi, mor drist yw hon.—Gut.O., A 14967/119.
' I weep many a river for her, so sad is she.'
Truan, mor wann yw'r einioes, Trymed yw tor amod oes!—T.A., J 17/201. ' Alas, how weak is life, how sad is the breaking of Hfe's
promise.' -
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ACCIDENCE
§ 152
§ 153
ADJECTIVES
855
Kquatlve : am gyflavan mor anweSus ac a rywn.aethoeS W.M. 30 ' for HO horrible a murder as
[that] -which she had committed.'—-•iiryf mor Sielw a hwnnw do. 78 'so vile a reptile as that.'—peth
mor aghywir a hywny E.M. 177
'so wrong a thing as that'.
Ni tu fyd i neb o F6n Mor oer
ag y mae'r awron.—H.K. ' There has not been to any man of Mon so cold a world
as it is now.'
(3) mor with a noun. forms the
equivalent of an eqtv. adj., as 0.
W. morliaus gl. quam multos; Ml.W. mor eisseu E.P. 1438 ' how necessary'. The construction is not common, and is
now obsolete, but several examples occur in the Early Mn. bards,
The construction arises naturally from the original meaning of mor as
explained above, for mor-liaws ' *great host' could as easily as mor-luosog '
*greatly numerous' come to mean as an exclamatiye ' how numerous !'
Hid mor ddihareb nebun In gwlad ni a hi i Jiun.—D.G. 440.
' No one is so proverbial in our land as she herself.'
1 dad, mor wrda ydoedd
I—L.Cr.C. 93.
' His father, how noble lie was !'
Nid wiarw ef, nid mor ofud.—T.A., A 14879/20. ' He is not dead, it is not so
sad [as that].'
Cwriais yr ais mor resyn.—S.T., IL i33/i7o». ' I suffered [in] my heart so
sorely.'
(4) mor with the cpv. occurs in 0 mor well Diar. xvi 16
'Oh how much better!' The usual construction is cymaint gwell! but the above
may be a stray example of an idiom once in use. It is quite consistent with
the explanation of mor adopted above.
(5) In S.W. dialects mor is
sometimes used instead of cyn before the eqtv., as mor laned for cyn laned or
mor Idn.
(6) The m- of mor is never
mutated, but remains in all positions;
thus after f. sg. nouns : gyflavan mor anweous (2,) above; arch mor drahaus E.M. 337 'so insolent a request'. This may be due to its exclamative
origin.
. i. A positive adjective is sometimes
repeated to enhance its meaning. As a rule the iteration forms a loose
compound, the second element having its initial softened, as A da dda hyd i
ddiwedd W.IL. 63 ' and very
good till his death'. Very rarely it forms a strict compound, as
i| ^ :»
P611-bell, ar draws pob
hyll-berth, Po bellaf, gwaethaf yw'r
gwerth.—G.G1. M 146/154.
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' Very far, across every horrid bush [I have driven my flock]; the further,
the less is their worth.'
In some cases the initial of the
second adj. is not softened, so that the two do not constitute a formal
compound ; aa Da da fu o grild hydfedd W.IL. 40 ' very good was she from tlio cradle to the grave'; Drwg drwg
Diar xx 14. Where the adj.
begins with a vowel or an immutable consonant, there is, of course, no
indication of the construction ; e.g. isel iset Deut. xxviii 43.
ii. A cpv. is compounded with itself to express progressive increase in the
quality denoted by the adj. When the cpv. is a monosyllable the compound is
generally strict, as gwdeth-waeth ' worse and worse', llei-lai ' less and
less', lled-led ' wider and wider', nes-nes 'nearer and nearer', mwy-fwy
Phil. i 9 'more and more'. In
present-day speech the compound is oftener loose, as lldi Idi. When the cpv.
is a polysyllable, the compound is necessarily loose ; see the ex. below. ^
Ef d afon yn fWyfwy Hyd y m6r,
ac nid d mwy.—L.G.O. 357.
' A river goes increasing to the sea, and goes no more.'
Gwr a wella'r gwyr wellwell, A gwyr a wna'r gwr yn well.—D.N., ir. 4, G. 161.
' ' A master who betters the men more and more, and men who make the master
better.'
A Dufydd oedd yn myncd gryfach gryfach, ond ty Saul oedd yn myned wannaoh
wannach.—2 Sam. iii i.
The combination always forms a compound, for the second cpv. has always its
soft initial.
mwy no, mwy ' excessive', understood as 'more than more ', is doubtless
originally ' more and more', the n- of no, being the final -n of the cpv. § 147 iv (3).
DERIVATIVE ADJECTIVES. Derivative adjectives are formed from the stems of
nouns, ndjectives and verbs by the addition of the following suffixes :
(i) -adwy, -ediw, -edig, -awd verbal adjective suffixes, see
{aou.
Ml.W. -awdyr seems to be -awd with excrescent -r § 113 i (i):
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ACCIDENCE
§163
an.nyofii'iryuwdyr ili.A. 53
'intolerable', teirtilyawdyr do. 42
' sensi-tivf ', rroluwdyr C.M. 14
' regular.'
(2) -aid, Ml.W. -eit: Ir. -the
participial; as in cannaid D.G. 64,
Marc ix 3 ' blight'; Uathraid
D.G. 386 ' shining'; euraid
do. 13, 64, 88, 220, 372-3' Ml.W. eureif W.M. 180
'golden'; ariannaid, Ml.W. aryanmit B.M. 83 'silvern'; it may represent Brit. *-at-w-s, a -w-derivative
of the participial -?(-. It is distinct from -aidd; euraiddy/.s a late bungle
(not in D.D.).
(3) -aidd, Ml.W. -ei8 : Ir. -de; added to nouns, as
teyrneiS W.M. 20 ' kingly',
Mn.W, gwladaidd ' rustic ', gwasaidd ' servile'; to the v.n. caru in karueiS
W.M. 145, Mn.W. caruaidd
'lovable, loving'; to adjectives as peraidd ' sweet', puraidd ' pure ', often
modifying the sense, oeraidd ' coldish', tlodaidd ' poorish'; it represents
Kelt. *-adws, a -w- derivative of the adj. suffix *-ado-s : cf. Lat. -idius
in proper names beside adj. -idus which may be from *-ado-s, and cf. • G-k.
-a.8- in juryas ' mixed', etc.
Also-iaidd in arglwyddiaidd D.G. 450
'lordly', -oniaidd in bardd-owlaidd do. 449 ' poetic '.
(4) -ar < Kelt. *-aro- <
%rc>- in byddar ' deaf', Ir. bodar : Skr. badhirii-h; cynnar 'early',
diweddar 'late'; cf. -ro- in mawr < "ma-ro-8, etc.
(5) Ml.W. -awe, Mn.W. -awg,
-og : Ir. -ach < Kelt. *-ako-s:
Lat. -ur'iiH, Gk. -T/KOS,-axes, M]< r. -aka-1/, Lith. -fikas', added to nouns, as arvawc B.M. 270, Mn.W. arfog 'armed ', llidyawc
W.M. 51, Mn.W. llidiog ' angry
', gwlanog ' woolly ', gwesog ' liot', pwyllog ' deliberate ', etc.; many of
these adjectives have become nouns: marohog, swyddog, etc. § 143 iv (6), v (4).
The suffix is sometimes added to adjectives, as trugarog : trugar 'merciful';
duog, Ml.W. duawc B.M. 172 :
du 'black'; geuawc : gave, ' false '. The cpv. of the derivatives ended in
*-ak 'son > -ach, which was taken for the cpv. of the simple adj., and
spread to all adjs., § 147 iv(3); hence added to -og itself, Mn.W.
gwerthfawrocach.
(6) Ml.W. -awl, Mn.W. -awl,
-ol < Kelt. *-alos : Lat. -alis in Izberdlis, etc.; an exceedingly common
suffix; added to nouns, as ihefol 'heavenly'; to adjectives, as estroiwl
'foreign'; and to verb stems, as symudol ' movable, moving', dymunol '
desirable '.
(7) -8e; occurring in Ml.W. verse: tanSe, eurSe P.M. M.A. i 2926 ' fiery', ' golden '. It seems
to be the Ir. -de ( s -Se : ~W. -aiS, see (3) above) borrowed during the i2th cent. bardic revival which drew its inspiration from Ireland.
It does not seem to occur in prose.
(8) -gar < *-dk-aro-s <
*-dq-^ro-s; thus hawS-gar ' comely ' < Brit. *syadakaros < Kelt.
*su.dd(u)-ak-aro-s § 148 i (6); a combination of (5) and (4) above: added to nouns, as epilgar 'prolific' (epil 'offspring
'), dialgar ' revengeful', enillgar ' gainful, lucrative ' (ennill 'gain');
added to adjectives, as meistrolgar 'masterful', trugar ' merciful ' (tru '
miserable ', for meaning cf. Lat. misericordio); added
to verb stems, as den-gar ' alluring' (denu ' to allure'), beiddgar '
daring'.
§153
ADJECTIVES
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The idea that -gar means 'loving' (caru 'to love'), which clearly cannot be
the case in epilgar, enillgar, dengar, etc., has resulted in the formation in
the late period of new adjectives in which it bears that meaning ; as
gwladgar ' patriotic *, ariangar ' money-loving '. But many new formations in
the dialects preservo the original force of the suffix, as sgilgwr ' skilful'
from E. skill. It need hardly be added that Stokes's implied explanation of
tntgur i\a ' loving the wretched' Fick4
ii 138 is fanciful, as also
the popular explanation of hawddgar as ' easy to love '.
(9) -ig, Ml.W. -ic < Kelt.
*-zkos: 8kr. -zka-h, Lat. -w;
Gk. -\K- ;
as unig 'only, lonely', deheuig 'dexterous', lloerig 'lunatic', bon-heddig '
gentle-', etc.; O.W. cisemic JUV. gl. primus.
(10) -in < Kelt. *-1nw: >Skr. -tna-h, Gk. -ivos,
Lat. -znus, Lith.
-ynas (y=z)', it is added to mimes of materials, as in derwin M.A. i 191 'oaken', lletrin B.T. 9 'leathern', meinin E.P. PS. xviii 29 ' of stone ', daeerin, heyemin § 75 vi (3); and to adjectives as gerwin ' rough' (garw ' rough '),
gwerthefin ' highest', cysefin ' primitive' § 95 iii (3), cf.
O.W. cisemic above.
(n) -lawn, Mn.W. -lawn, -Ion ' -M'=llawn 'full', §63 vii (2) ; as
jfrwythlon ' fruitful', prydlon ' punctual', heddychlon, ' peaceful', bodlon
§ 111 vii (i), etc.
(12) -lyd, after n or r -llyd,
Ml.W. -lyt, -llyt 'covered with' <*(p)lt-, Vplethe- § 63 viii (i); as llychlyt B.M. 145 'dusty', dysdiyt chweinllyt do. 146 'dusty flea-infested', seimlyd
'greasy', rhydlyd ' rusty ', creulyd, gwaedlyd ' bloody ', tomlyd' dungy ',
tanllyd ' fiery '. When added to adjectives it is the equivalent of lied- '
rather' : Ir. leth 'half, which is ultimately from the same root (' *stretch
out > "'surface > *side > half); as gwanllyd ' rather weak ',
oerllyd ' coldish '.
(13) -us < Lat. -dsus;
originally in Lat. derivatives as dolwus 'sore' < Lat. dolwosus, llafurus,
Ml.W. llafuryus < Lat. labwiosus;_ as the nouns dolur, llafur had also
been borrowed the adjectives seemed to be formed from these by the addition
of an adj. suff. -us, which was subsequently added to W. forms, gweddus '
seemly' (gwedd § 63 iv),
clodus, clodforus 'renowned', grymus ' strong', etc.
NOTE.—melus is a late misspelling; melys 'sweet' has y, as melis (isy§ 16 ii (2)) B.B. 83, 101, melys B.A. 3, iti.A. 42, 70, B.B.B. 208, melyster Bi.A. 129, 149, B.B.B. 44.
The error is due to the late levelling of u and if, §15 i, and the false notion that the word is formed from met'
honey' by the addition of -us. In derived forms the sound, is y as 'melysach,
as opposed to grymusach, and the v.n. is melysu D.W. 112, as opposed to grymuso, see § 202 iii, iv (Pughe's
•niefuso is a fiction), melys is cognate, with Ir. milis, and is clearly 11 direct derivative of Ar. base
*meleit- § 87 ii, and so is
many centuries older than any form in -us, a suffix borrowed from Laf.
uoi
ACCIDENCE
• . ;' 'NUMERALS '. •' . • ' " • , '•
' • •-. • . .':.'•''' yt
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258. i. (i) The
cardinal numbers are as follows : I, m~
3. m. (to, Ml. <?ew, 0. dou; {, dwy.—3, m. tri; f. fair. Ml. tew,—
4. m. pedzoar ; f. pedair. Ml,
pedeir.—5, pump, prim. Ml.
pump, pymp, 0. pimp.—6, chwech, chwe.—'7, 50^, Ml. m^.—8,
wy^.— 9, %ffw.—10, deg, deng, Ml. dec, deng.—ii, «»
ar ddeg.—11, deuddeg,
dewddeng, Ml. deubec, 0.
doudec.—13, tri(f. tail) ar
ddeg.
—14, pedwar (f. pedair) ar
ddeg.—15, yymtheg, Ml.
pymthec.— 16, un ar bymtheg.—17, (?(W (f. i^wy) ar bymtheg'.—i8,deuwaw or ^/•i (f. fair) ar
bymtheg.—19, pedwar (f.
pedair) ar bymtheg.—so, wya»»,Ml. ugeyn, ugeint.—ai, w a?' hugain,—ys,deg ar
hugaiii.— 31, un ar ddeg ar
hugain,—40, deugain.—41, UM a deugain or deugain ac un.—50, ^cy a deugain. Early Ml.
"W' .pym(Ji)wnt.—60,
trig/aim, Ml. trugeinit).—80,
pedwar ugain.—100, eaw<,
<?»%»,— 101, <•»»;! ffc
?<».—iao, chwech ugain, chweugain.—140,
saith ugaiw, etc,—200, deucant
or daw cant.—300, try chant,
Late W. trichant.— 1000,
»»<'.—3000, d'wyjil.—3000, teirmil or /«M' m^.—10,000, <?e/<y OT<7,
myrdd.—1,000,000, myrddiwn, miliwn.
tri (or (aw) ar bymtheg is used in counting (i. e. repeating the numerals in
order); otherwise rarely, B.B.B. 404.
The usual form is dewnaw C.M. 59,
M.A. iii 45, Gen. xiv 14, 2 Cron. xi 21,
Ezra viii 9, etc. So in all
combinations : deunaw ar hugain ' 38'.—
pymwnt B.A. 2, 9 from something like *pempontes for
Kelt. *q»e1aqK-onta (:Ir. coica)
for Ar. *'pen<ji*'e'komt»
'. Gk. n-Ei'Ti;«oyTa. For the history of the other forms consult the Index.
Forms like deuddeg, pymtheg, deunaw, deugain may be called " compound
numbers ", forms like un ar ddeg, un ar hugain, " composite numbers
".
(a) Some of the cardinal numbers have pi. forms: deuoedd, deuwedd, dwyoedd '
twos ', trioedd < threes', chwechau ' sixes', degav, ' tens', ugeiniau '
scores', cannoedd ' hundreds', miloedd '• thousands', myrddvyaau ' myriads'.
:.
In the spoken lang. un-ar-ddegau, un-ar-bymthegau, etc., are in use for ' £11 each', ' .616 each', etc.
ii. (i) The ordinal -numbers are as follows: i, cyntaf.—a, ail, Ml. eil.—3, trydydd, f. trydedd.—4, pedwerydd, MI. pedwery^,
•pedwyry^; f. pedwaredd, Ml. pedwareb, pedwyreS, 0. petguared.-— ^, pumed, Ml. pymhet, 0. pimphet.—6,
chweched. Ml. cJiwechet,
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259NUMERALS
huechet.—7, seMifed, Ml.
seithvet.—8, wythfed.—9, fiawfed.—10, deg fed. Ml. decvet.-—li, unfed ar ddeg, Ml. unvet arbec.—12, deuddegfed. Ml. deu&ecvet.—13, trydydd (f. trydedd) ar ddeg.—15, pymthegfed.—16, unfed ar bymtheg.—17, ail (or eilfeil) ar bymtheg.
—18, deunawfed.—w,
iigeiivfed.—30, deg fed ar
hugam.—40, deitgewfed.—41, unfed, a deugain.—100, canfed.—1000, inilfed,
(2) cyntaf § 148 i (3);—a»7 § 100 iii (3);—trydydd, trydedd § 75
iv (i) ;—pedweryS < *q»eti{,^rlws; pedwyrffi (later pedwrydd H.K. 54, § 66 ii (2)) has
-wy- < *-MM- re-formed for M < Up § 63 viii (i).
W. pymhet, Ir. coiced come from a Kelt. '''(^wg^os, which, like Skr.
pancaiha-h, implies tlie addition of the ordinal suffix -t(h)o-s to the full
form *penqVe, thus *penq^e-to-s, as opposed to Lat. quzntus, Gk. Tre/ATTTos,
O.H.G. fmfto, wliich imply Ar. ^penq^-to-s. In Pr. Kelt. by the side of
*q^e'oq*eto-s there arose *su,eksetos which gave Ir. sessed, W. chweched',
and thus -eto-s came to be regarded as the ordinal suffix. Added to *seJctam
(< *septm) it gave * sektam-eto-s, which gave Ir. sechtmad, W. seitJifed',
added to *de'kam it gave *dekameto-s, which is seen in GauL-Lat.
petru-decameto (ablative) ' fourteenth', and gave Ir. dechmad, W. deg fed;
similarly *kntom-eto-s > Ir. cet-mad, W. canfed. Then -ameto-s or -meto-s
was used to form ordinals for 8,.
9, and 20, though the cardinals did not end in -m; thus W. twwfed, Ir.
nomad, may come directly from *noyameto^s; bat
*oJctameto-s would give W. *oeth-fed, so that wyth-fed was again re-formed
from wyth; so ugew-fed.
iii. (i) Multiplicatives are formed by means of gwaith. Ml. gweith {. '
fois', preceded by cardinal numbers, the two generally compounded, but
sometimes accented separately; as unwaith or un waith 'once', Ir. oenfecht;
dwywaith 'twice', teirgwaith 'thrice', pedair gwaith ' four times', pum waith
' five times', chwe gwaith, seithwaith Lev. iv 6, 17, saith
waith do. viii ii, wythwaith, nawwaith o.c. WJ, dengwaith, ugeinwaith,
canwaith, milwaith.
(a) But before a comparative the m. cardinal only is generally used, the two
sometimes compounded; pum mwy D.W. 146
' five [times} more ' i. e. five times as many, saith mwy Lev. xxvi 18, 21 'seven times more'; deuwell B.P. 1271, D.G. 157
'twice UH good', daw lanach c. c. 60
' twice as fair'; yn gant egturach B.O. 10 ' a hundred times as bright'.
Moes ugeiwinil, moes ganin'wy, A moes, 0 moes im un mwy.—Anon., M.E. i 140.
'.Give me twenty thousand [kisses], give a hundred times as many, knd give,
Oh give me one more.* '
s2
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ACCIDENCE
§ 155
Tristach weithian hob cantref;
Bellach naw nigrifach wf.—G-.Gr. (m. D.G.), v.'s. 4( ' Sadder now is every cantred; henceforth nine times happier
is heaven.'
(3) A m. cardinal is also used
before another cardinal, as tri t(h)rychant B.B. 18 ' 3 x 300 ', tri phumcant GKii. 166 '3 x 500 ', (lau
wythgant ib. ' 3 X 8oo', naw deg a saith ib.(9 x 10 + 7 '.
This method is now commonly used to read out numbers in the arabic notation ;
thus 376, tri chant, saith deg
a chwech.
iv. Distributives are formed by putting 606 before a cardinal, the initial of which is softened; thus
bob ^n, bob beu B.M. 132 ' one
by one, two by two', Ir. each Sin, each da; bob ddaw I.G-, 180, L.G.C. 381, 436; bob dri
L.G.C. 148 'three by three';
also bop urn ac un CM. 49 '
one by one ', bob un a daw v. 36
; and bob gannwr L.G.C. 383
'in hundreds', lit. 'every hundred-man', cf. Ir. each colc-er ' every
five-man'. Similarly bob ail ' every other ', pob cilwers •W.M. 181 'alternately'.
In Late Mn. W. yn is inserted after 606
; as 606 yn ddau . .. bob yn
dri i Cor. xiv 27; 606 yn un ac un Es. xxvii 12, Marc xiv 19;
606 yn ddau a dau Marc vi 7; 606 yn ail ' every other'. As poh in other constructions is
followed by the radical, the yn may have been introduced because it was felt
that something was required to explain the lenition. But the reason for the
lenition is that the original form of 606
here was an oblique case ending in a vowel.
v. Fractions: ^, banner; ^, traean; ^, pedwaran, chwarter • ^, wyififed; ^-y,
canfed; |, deuparth; ^, Mn. tri chwarter ; |, tri wythfed.
Rwwn, truan : traean E.B. 973
'the share of the weakling: one* third', deuparth ., . trayan W.M. 130.
COMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES
§ 156. i. Either of the
elements of a compound may be a noun (n) or an adjective (a) ; thus we have
four possible types : I. n-n ;
2. a-n; 3. a-a ; 4. n-a. The formation of compounds of these types is an ordinary
grammatical construction, and any element's may be combined if they make
sense, whether the combination is in general use or not. The relation to one
another of the elements
•§ r55
COMPOUNDS
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261
and the meaning of the resulting compound must be left to be dealt with in
the Syntax; here, only the forms of compounds can be considered.
ii. (i) The second element of a compound has its initial softened ; thus: n-n
hdf-ddydd ' summer's day'; a-n Jidwdd-fyd
* pleasure'; a-a glcyrdd-las ' greenish blue'; n-a pSn-gam ' wry-headed '.
The reason is that the first element in Brit. ended in a vowel, as in Brit. Maglo-cunos > W.
Mtiel-ywn ', so *samo-dne(u)s > W. haf-ddydd; *katu-markos > W.
cad-farrJi, etc. In these, as
generally in the Ar. languages, tlie first clement is the stem. In Kelt. when
the stem ended in a consonant an -o- was added to it; thus the stem
*Jmn- ' dog' is in compounds *kuno-, as Brit. Cuno-belinos > W. Cyn-felyn;
W. cyn-ddaredd ' rallies ' < *kuno-da'K>gnr^a < *-dhng*hri' : Lat.
fehris < *dliey»Jtri-y, Vdheg»h- § 92
iii, cf. aren § 106 ii (i).
This explains the suffix -ioni § 143
iii (21); it is a compound of
a derivative in -wn,- with *gmmu-; now *'druMon-gnvmu- should give *drygwi by
the usual loss of stem endings; but *dru1wmo-gnwvu- > *dvygion-yiif > drygioni (since w^n > n §
110 ii (i)). When the second'
element began with a vowel, contraction took place; thus *altro+aw >
*altrduo § 76 v (5), cf. Gk. Dor. o-Tparayos ' leader
of an army' < *slrto + ag; Brugmann ''Hi 79.
(i) When the first element ends in n or r, and the second begins radically
with II or rh, the latter is not softened : gwin-llait, per-llan, pen-rhyn
see § 111 i (i); BO gwen-Uys
L.G.C. 8, ewllw D.G. 13, etc.; similarly, though less
regularly, in loose compounds: Mn llew, 1i§n Ilys, pur llawn § 111
i (i).
When a compound is consciously formed both II and I are found thus
ysgafn-llefD.Q. 37
'light-voiced', but cur-ten D.G. 109
'cloth of gold', geir-lon do. no 'of merry word'; ir-lwyn do. 50,4, pe'r-Iwyn, do. 518.
iii. The following adjectives generally precede their nouns, and so form
compounds, mostly loose, with them:
(i) prif ' chief', as prif lys W.M. I, prif-lys E.M. I ' chief court', prif
Sinas W.M. 179 ' chief city',
prifgaer ib. ' chief castle'; y prif ddyn ' the chief man '. It cannot be
used as an ordinary adj.;
such a phrase as *dyn prif does not exist.
(a) hen, as lien wr or hew-wr1
old man'; hen ddyn id., a\soMn-ddi/n. whence E. quoth Hemding ; Hen-Haw
IL.A.. 105, Hen-Hys etc., kSii
yd Jos. v ii, yr hen, ffordd Job xxii 15,
yr Mn derfyn, Diar.
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ACCIDENCE
§ 155
XXii aK, yr hen bobi Es. xliv 7,
etc. In the comparatively rare caaoa where hen, follows its noun, some
antithetic emphasis is enerally implied, as leuan Tew Hen,' leuan Tew the
Elder'.
-Er daed draw, rai llawen, . Mae gwae rhai am y gwr hen.—W.IL.
' However good [they may be] yonder, genial [young] people, th& lament of
some is for the old master.'
(3) gwir ' true, genuine', as
gwir grefydd ' true religion '. As an ordinary adjective it means ' true to
fact', as hanes gwir ' a true story'; so as the second element of a compound:
geir-wir ' truthful'. gwir is also a noun ' truth '; compounded, cds-wir '
unpalatable truth'.
(4) gau ' false', the
antithesis of gwir, as geu Swyew IL.A. 43 ' false gods', gau broffwyd ' false prophet'. As an ordinary
adjective ' lying'; as a noun ' falsehood ' W.M. 39.
(5) cam ' wrong, unjust'; as
cam farn' false judgement', cam rau ' wrongful portion ', i.e. injustice. As
an adj. ' crooked', aa foil gam ' a crooked stick '; as a noun ' injustice'.
Tasgu bu twysog y byd Gam ran i Gymru ennyd.—S.T., c. ii 209. < The prince of this -world
has inflicted wrong on "Wales
awhile.'
(6) unig' only'; yr unig betfi
' the only thing '. As an ordinary adj. it means ' lonely', as dyn unig 'a
lonely man'. Cf. Fr. seul.
(7) y naill, rhyw, y rkyw,
amryw, cyfryw, mirhyw, Jioll, cwbl, y sawl, yehydig, ambell, ami, lliaws,
etc., §§ 165, 168,169.
iv. The following words precede adjectives, and are compounded with them : '
(i) lied'half § 153 (ia), as
tted-wac B.B. 49 'half-empty',
tted-ffer M.A. ii 586 '
half-wild ', lled-ffol ' half-silly', lled-ffrom 1 half-frowning'.
Nid mawr well nad meirw i wyr,, Iiled feirw pan galled f'eryr;
Nidi byw am enaid y byd, Iiled-fyw yngweddill ddfyd.—T.A.,A 14874/127.
' It is not much better that his men are not dead, [they were] half-dead when
my eagle was lost; they were not alive for [want of him who was] the soul of
the world, [but] half-alive in the dregs of adversity.'
§ 156
COMPOUNDS
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In the example lied feirw is a loose, llfd-fyw a strict, compound. In Late
Mn. W., lied usually forms loose compounds and means 'rather'.
lleil is also compounded with nouns, as U^il-ran ' half-share', lled-wyl '
half-holiday', lled-fryd ' listlessness ', lled-iaith ' brogue, foreign
accent', lied ywyl' border near edge'.
(a) pur ' very', as jaur-Su, pm-wynn R.M. 151, pur-goch 154;
/mr-iawn (very well', now pinion,. It now forma loose compounds mostly, as
pur dda ' very good'. Used utter its noun as an ordinary adj. it means '.pure
'.
§ 156. i. The first ('lenient
of a compound may be a prefix, which was originally iin adverb or
preposition. Some other vocables of adj. or noun origin have become mere
prefixes ; for convenience of reference these are included in the following
list. Where the mutation of the initial after the prefix is fairly regular,
it is noted in square brackets. Most of the prefixes form verb-compounds
also, and some are oftener so used; hence it is convenient to include verbal
nouns and verbs in the examples.
(1) ad- [soft] < Brit. ate-
: Gaul. ate- < Kelt. *ati-: Skr. ati '
over, beyond '.^ati- 'very'; §222
i(3). Three distinct meanings
occur in W.: {a) ' very ', dt-gas § 111
v (i) ' hateful'; (b) ' second', dt-grw ' chewing the cud', ad-ladd '
aftermath ', hence ' bad' as dd-flcis ' after-taste, ill taste '; (c) ' over
again, re-', dd-lam ' a leap back ', dteb (< *ad-JieV) ' reply', ad-lais '
echo '.
(2) aS- before a vowel or /
(from m) < Brit. *ad- : Lat. ad; intensive ; ddd-oer ' very cold ',
ddd-fiuyn, ddd-fain § 93 ii (3). Before a tenuis it is a-
followed by the spirant mutation, as dchas § 93 ii (2),
dthrist ' very sad ': trist ' sad '. Before a media it is a- followed by the
radical, dgarw 'very rough': garw § 93
ii (3); but before d- it is a-
followed by 8, as a-Sef§ 93 iii (i) , a-Sail, etc. With
initial s-it gives as-, as in as-gloff ' lame' < *ad-sKloppos < vulg.
Lat. cloppus *sclopus: W. doff ' lame'. Before I- or r- followed by » it
gives ei- as in «w/'§104 iv (3); eiSil 'feeble', met. for *eili8 § 102 iv (2) <
*ed-tid- < *ad-led-, • Vied- : Lat. lassus, Gk. XrjSew 'to be fatigued'
Hes., § 204 i. In aberth, aber
§ 93 ii (3) it means ' to' (or is aber <
*n-bher-1; cf. Gael. Inver-).
(3) all- < Brit. *allo- : Gaul. dllo- 'other' §100 iii (2); dll-fro
' foreigner'; dll-tud 'exile '.
(4) am-, ym- [soft] < Brit.
dmbe-, ambz- : Gaul. 'A/t/?i'- : Gk. i!^i,
Lat. amb-, ambi- § 63 v (2);—(a) ' around': dm-gorn ' ferrule
', ihn-yylch 'circuit', dm-do 'shroud', am-ddijfyn 'defence'; hence (1>) 'on each side, mutual',
ym-ladd 'battle', ym-drech 'struggle') ym-gynnull ' a gathering together';
hence (c) reflexive, as ym-olchi
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ACCIDENCE
§ 1S6
' to WftBli oneself; (d) ' round' > ' different, changeable' as dm-ryw '
of viii ious kinds', dm-yd ' corn of different kinds mixed', am-liwiog '
parti-coloured', amheu -W.M. 186
'to doubt', Mn. dmeu, vb. am-hvn-af < *mbi-sag-, V sag- : Gk. yyeo/x<u,
Dor. ay- 'I think, believe', Lat. sagax.—am-c- < *am--y- by dissim; of
continuants, as dm-can ' design, purpose, guess' <*am-^an < *ambi-sk9-n-, V skhe(f)- : Lat. scio, Skr.
chydti ' cats off'; and amkawS W.M. 453
' replied, said ' <
*am-^-awS § 96 iii (4).
(5) an-, en-, etc., neg.
prefix < Ar. *n- (R-grade of
neg. *ne);
amhdrod ' unprepared' : parod ' ready '; dmraint ' breach of privilege': 6ra»ra<; athr'&gar,
anhrugdrog §99 vi (i);
an-nedwy S 'un-happy': dedwyS ' happy'; angharedig ' unkind ' : caredig '
kind';
Sn-wir ' untrue, evil' < *an-uwo-s, re-formed dn-wir in Mn. W.;
dn-fwyn 'unkind' : mwyn; an-fad: mad § 99 iv (i) ; df-les § 86
i (4) : lies ' benefit';
df-raid' needless' < *am-(p)rat-w- < *n-pratw-: rhaid 'need' § 149 ii; so dfrad, dfryw;—before
orig. I-, an-llygredig ;—an, + gidn should give *alan § 106 ii (i) ; this is re-formed in
two ways, dn-lan, df-lan ' unclean';—b often follows the analogy of m, as
ctn-fonheddig : bonheddig ' gentlemanly '. The prefix when not bearing the
principal accent has often a strong secondary accent;
this might become a separate accent, as in an dllu ( = an dllu) IL.A. 33 ' want of power '; hence an hdwdd
§ 148 i (6), an ami § 164 i (2).
(6) ar-, er- [softj
'fore-'< Brit. *are- (< *ari-) : Gaul. are-(in 'Aprj- the YJ marks the
quality rather than the quantity of the e) < *p|yt~ '• I^t- prae, Gk.
wept; ar-for (in arfdr-dir ' maritime land ') < *are-mor- : Gaul. Are-morica; dr-gae ' dam ': cae (: E. hedge);
dr-dreth ' chief rent', etc.—Exceptional mutation : Sr-myg ' admired ' <
*are-smi-ko-, like Sd-myg ' admired' < *ate-smi-ko-, -Vsmei- ' smile ':
Lat. admiro, mz-ru-s (-ro- suffix), Skr. smdyati ' smiles ', Gk. //.eiSao),'
E. smile, 0. Bulg. smSchu
'smile'; cf. dirmyg (12)
below; ar-merth, see dar-merth (13)
below.—Possibly Brit. *ar- : ~Lat. per, in drtaith ' pang', by dissim. for *ar-thaith
< *ar-stik-td, ^steig- : Lat. instlgo, Gk. (rTiyfw,, Skr. tiktd-h' sharp,
bitter'; and dr-choll' wound' < *ar' yol'd-, Vqolad- ' strike': Lat.
clades, W. cleddyf ' sword ', coll ' destruction, loss'.
(7) can(nh)- [soft] 'with,
after' < Brit. *kanta- < ^knta : Gk. Kara; cdn-lyn v.n. 'following'; canh-Srlhwy § 103 ii (i) now spelt
cynhwthwy", can-hebrwng 'funeral'; hebrwng §99 vi (i); can-Haw ' balustrade; assistant in law-court'.
(8) cyd- [soft] ' together,
common', is not, as is often assumed, identical with cyf-, but is the noun
cyd as in i gyd ' to-gether ', also used as an adj. in tir cyd ' common
land'. A few of the compounds which it forms are strict, as cyt-An <
"cyd-ouun ' united', cyd-fod ' concord', cyd-wybod ' conscience'; but the
bulk of those in use are loose compounds in which the form of the prefix is
cyd § 45 ii (2);
in this form it is still feitile; cyd ddinesydd 'fellow-citizen', cyd genedl'
kindred ', etc. The word seems to be a veibal noun *ki-tui from Vket- 'lie',
cf. Ml. W. kyt gwr IL.A. 136,
C.M. 21 'cohabitation
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COMPOUNDS
with a man': Gk. KtiTai ' lies ', 0.
E. hseman ' lie with, espouse', O.H.G. hzwo 'husband ', E. home, W. cu, Lat.
civis § 110 iii (i).
(9) cyf- before vowels and »,
I, r, n', oy- before w-, chw-, h-; with following s-, cys-; elsewhere cy(m)-,
oyn-, oy(ng)- [nilgai] ; < Kelt.
*Jcom-: Lat. corn-; (a) 'coin-', often followed by d ' with ', cyf-ai'
'co-tillage'; cyf-liw, cyf-wrS, etc. § 149 ii; ryf-rwi ' Mlinrc ' : rhan 'part'; cymod 'concord' ; bod
'be'; cyn-'it(h)n>rf ' commotion' ;
twrf; cynghdneS 'harmony' : can 'song'; <'ynliil § 1'IH i (4).—(b)
Intensive ('together' > 'fully'); vyflitiim ' comploto': llauni 'full';
cyf-lym 'fleet' : Ilym 'keen'.—A lew im-Kiilm' forniH are found, which are
due to false analogy, a» ryf-fifffi' duwn ', formed after cyf-nos ' evening'.
The form *ko- (beside *kom-) goes back to Italo-Kelt. It occurs before u- as
W. cyuiir, Ir. coir < *fco-inros; before m-, as W. cof ' memory', Ir.
cuman < *ko-njm-, Vmen- ' mind ' (but later
*kom- as in W. cymysg (ni = mm)) ; sometimes before sq-, sq9-, s-, as W. cy-hilddo ' to accuse'
: Icel. skUta, skuti ' a taunt', O.Bulg. kuditi ' to revile', Gk. KvSd^et.v
'to reproach', V(s)qeud-; see § 96
in; cy-hdfdl' co-equal' : ha fed § 94
i.
cy£i'- [soft] < *kom-(p)ro- § 113
i (2); intensive, as cyfr-goll
'utter loss, perdition'; cyfr-wys (generally mis-pronounced cyfr-vJys)
'trained, cunning': gwys 'known'; cyfr-gain (kywrgein B.B. 10) ' very fine'.—cyfr-r- >
cyfrh- > cyjfr as in cyffredin ' common' <
*cyfr-red-in; amgyffred ' comprehend' < *am-gyfr-red : rhedeg '• run ';
the 0."W. amcibret may
represent the stage amgyfred.
(10) cyn(nh)- [soft] 'former,
preceding' < Brit. *kintu- §148
i (3) '^ynh-deaf ' autumn' :
gaeaf ' winter'; cyn-ddail ' first leaves ', cyn-ddelw 'prototype'; the ( is
kept before h §106 iii (3), as cyntaid for *cynt-haid 'first
swarm' (of bees); in Ihe form cyn it is used to construct new loose compounds
BR ri/fi filer ' ex-mayor', etc.
(n) di- [soft] < Kelt. *d'i.- < *de- : Lat. de. Two meanings : (a) ' outer, extreme, off', as
di-ben. ' end, aim ' : pen ' head, end'; dt-dol, Ml. di-dawl ' cut off,
separated', see below; di-noethi v.n. ' de-nude';
(b) ' without', as di-boen or dt boen ' painless', di-dduw or di ddiiw '
godless', etc. In this sense it is freely used to form new compounds, mostly
loose, by being put before any noun or v.n., or even a v.n. phrase, as di alw
am dano ' un-called-for'; but, though loose, the expression is still a
compound, thus di gefn wyfc.c. 184
' helpless am I', exactly like gwan wyf ' weak am I', as opposed to heb gefn
yr wyf ' without help am I', the un-compounded phrase heb gefn requiring yr
after it. The compound is an adj. made from a phrase in which the prep. di
governs the noun; the formation is old, and gave rise at an early period to
the idea that dz was a negative prefix, which therefore might be compounded
with adjectives;
thus dt-og 'lazy ', O.W. di-auc : *auc ' quick, active': Gk. WKVS, Lat. Cciar
; so dz-brin ' not scarce', di-drist ' not sad ', di^-wael ' not mean',
etc.—Lat. de- seems to have been identified in Brit. with the
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ACCIDENCE
§ 156.
native prefix, and gives W. di-, as dvffyg ' defect' <
de-fic-.—Exceptional mutation: di-chell 'wile ' < *de-sqel(p)td, Vsqelep-
: W.cel-fyd(l;f(] ' craft' etc. § 99
ii (2); dz-chlyn ' exact,
cautious, circum-Hprct', as v.n. ' to choose, discriminate' <
"de-sql-n-, Vsqel- ' split,
*separate '; di-chlais ' break (of day) ' < * de-s-qlfd-ti- or *de-Jekl-
for
*de-1d- § 99 v (4), Vqolad- ' strike, break ': W. dais ' bruise', archoll (6) above; dtchon, dzgon § 196 ii (2); W. didawl, dvdol for *di-8awl (S . .. I > d.. .1
§ 102 iii (2)) : gwd-Sawl' endowment
'.Ir.fo-dali' deals out' < *dol- : W. ethol < *dol-, see § 97 ii.
dis- before t- < de-s-, where s is the initial of the second element,
often lost in the simple form : dz-stadi § 96 ii (3);
distrych ' foam' <
*de-st^k-, Vstereq- : W. trwyth 'wash, lye' §99 v (3); dz-staw
' silent': taw ' be silent' < *stuu-< *stup-, Vsteup/bh-: Ger. stumm '
dumb', Lat. sfupeo : E. dumb, Vdheubh- (dh/sf- alternation). Before other
consonants < *de-e1cs-, as
in disglaw § 201 iii (6). Also from Lat. de-s- as in
disgyn(n) < de-scend-.
(12) dir- [soft] 'vehemently'
Richards, ' truly '< *deru- : dir 'true', Ar. base *dereu- 'hard' § 137 ii; dir-boen or dw boen 'great
pain ', dir-fawr ' very great', dvr-gel ' secret'.—Exceptional mutation :
dir-myg ' contempt' < "'deru-smi-k-, V smei- 'smile'; here dir-is not
ncccssaiily neg. for beside ' admiration ' as in ermyg, edmyg (6) abovu, we liuve 'mockery' fiom
the same root, as in W. tre-myg 'insult', O.H.C). bi-smer 'mockery'; nor in
dzr-west 'abstinence', which is literally 'haid diet', cf. E. fast.
(13) dy- [soft] 'to,
together', often merely intensive < Brit.
*do-; dy-fifn ' summons' : mynnu ' to will'; dy-gynnull v.n. ' gather
together', dy-gyfor W.M. i ' muster '; dy-weddi ' fiancee'. In a few cases it
interchanges with ty-, as Ml. W. dy-wallaw v.n. ' to pour (into) ': Mn. W.
tywallt ' pour '; dy-ret ' come !': ty-red ' come !' ;
very rarely ty- alone is found, as ty-wysog ' prince'. Except, mut.;
dy-ch- < *do-sk- or *do-kk- before r, I', as dy-chryn, ' fright': crynv, '
tremble ', yscrid B.B. 31 '
trembles ', Bret. skrija ' to tremble from fear'; dy-chlud : cludo ' to carry
'. Hence dych- in dych-ldmu ' to leap up '.;—In old compounds the o of do-
was retained when the vowel of the root was lost § 65 iv (2), and
might in that case be affected to e, as de-dw-yS § 100 ii (i).
dad- [soft] < *d{o)-die- see (i) above : (a) intensive; dat-gan v.n. '
proclaim': canu ' sing'; (b) ' un-' (as in 'un-do') ; dad-lwytho v.n. ' to
unload ', etc. The unacc. o of *do- was elided before a vowel.
dam- [soft] < *d(o)-ambe-, see (4);
dam-sang ' to trample ': sengi ' to tread'; dam-wain ' accident' : ar-wain '
to lead' : ^/uegh-. Also dym-; Ml. damunet, Mn. dymumad ' desire' for
*dym-fwn- :
ar-o-fun, 'intend' § 100 v. The
m usually remains unchanged, but aeems to have become n by dissimil. in
dan-waret § 63 vii (5), unless the prefix here is dan-
below.
dan- [soft] < *d(o)-ando- ; dan-fern, see ii (i) below.
dar- [softJ < *d(o)-are- < *do-p^ri-;
ddr-fod ' to have happened' § 190
i; dar-ostvmg 'to subdue ' : go-stwng 'to suppress' < *zw(s)-
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COMPOUNDS267
' under' + *stong- : Goth. stiwqan' to thrust'. Tlie irregular mutation in
darmerth ' provision' (of food, etc.) is due to -sm- > -mm-;
*do-are-smer-t-, Vsmer- : Lat. mereo, Gk. /xcpos, fitpk. In ddrbod, ddrpar,
the prefix had the form *d(o)-aros-, see § 19(i i (3), This
form may also account for the preservation of -st- in diir-sttiin ' to
resound', thus *d^o)-aros-stam- : W. sain 'sound', Vstvn-,
dos- < *d(o)-uo(s)- + initial s-; dfisbarth ' divinion, arrangement,
system' : gosparth B.B. ii 'rule, government ', VapKf- § 101 iv (2).
dyr- (also written dry-) in dyrchiifel 'to nnw ' < *do-(p)ro-, see §188iv; cf. cy/r-(9).
It is now generally held that the original form of the prep. is *t0, and that *do- is a pretonic or
proclitic form, like W. ti ' thou', proclitic dy ' thy '. But prctonic
softening, though it occurs in W. and ' Ir. cannot be proved to lie
primitive, and is obviously in most cases comparatively late. The facts in
thgkcase are as follows : (a) In Ir. the prep. is do, du, always with d- (as
opposed to tar, mostly with <-);
the pref. is to-, tu-, at first both accented and pretonic, later pretonic
do; du-. (/?) In W. pretonic d- for t- as in dy ' thy' is not mutated further
(i.e. does not become *S-) ; but the prep. was *Sy (written di in O.W.)
giving Ml. W. y, Mn. W. i; it starts therefore from Brit. *do, and agrees in
form with the Ir.; the pref. is dy-, rarely ty-.—There is no trace of t- in
the prep. proper in W. or Ir.; and the supposed original *to equates with no
prep. in the Ar. languages. But in Pr. Kelt. the possibility of t- for d- is
proved by W. tafod, Ir. tenge, so that *to-, which occurs only in
composition, may be for *do-. Pr. Kelt.
*do : E. to, Ger. KU, Lat. en-do-, in-du-, 0. Bulg. do, Av. -da ' to'. Cf. W. ann- ii (i) from *y-do-, which places *do
beyond doubt.
(14) dy- 'bad'<*(fe<s- :
Gk. Suo--; dychait ' lampoon '< *dus-kan-: can 'song'^reduced to *du- on tlie
analogy of *m-, (19) below, in
dy-bryd ' sha^slosB, ugly', Ir. do-chruth < *i!u-q^-tu,- : "W. pryd,
Ir. cruth ' form'.
(15) eb- < *fk-ito-; in
Spil for *eb-hil § 89 iii,
ebrwydd 'quick' '.rhwydd 'easy' § 143
iii (22).
e-, eh-, ech-<*eJcs- § 96
iii (6); S-ofn, Ml. "W.
eh-ofyn 'fearless' : Ir. esomun, Gaul. Exobnus
; e-ang ' wide, extensive' : *ang ' narrow'. ech- developed before vowels,
but spread by analogy : ech-nos ' night before last', Sch-doe ' day before
yesterday'. But the regular form before an explosive is es- (ys-) as in
es-tron ' stranger' < Lat. extran-eus; estyn ' extend' < ex-tend-,
etc.; es-gor ' to be delivered ' (of young), V(s)qer- 'separate, cut'.
(16) go-, gwo-, gwa- [soft]
'sub-' < Kelt. *uo- < *upo- : Skr. flpa, Gk. wo, Lat. s-ub, § 65 v (i); gwo-br 'prize' <
*uo-pr- : prynu 'to buy' § 201
i (4); gwa-stad 'level' § 63 vi (i); go-funed, 'desire', ar-6-fun, (13) above. In Mn. W. go- freely forms loose compounds with
adjectives § 220 viii (i).
BOS-< *uo-s- + initial s-; gosgorS ' retinue', MI. W. gwoscorS B.B. 10 < *uo-skor-d-, Vsqer-:
dosbarth (13) above.
(17) gor-, gwor-, gwar-
'super-' < *uor- for *wr < *uper : Skr
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ACCIDENCE
§ 156
Ufdri, Gk. mrtp, Lat. s-wper § 65
v (3); gor-jfen^n) 'finish' :
yewa ' end '; (/('ir-fod ' conquer' : bod ' be'; gwdr-chadw ' guard' : cadw
* keep ', etc. etc.
(i S) gwrth- [soft] ' contra-' § 66
iii (i) ; gibrthun. Ml. ~W. gwrth-vuit 'hateful' : dymuniad (13) above; gwrth-glawS 'rampart' :
clawS ' dyke', etc.
(19) hy- [soft] 'well, -able '
< *SM- : Gaul. su-, Ir. su-, so- : Gk.
v-(in v-Yirfs), Skr. su- (t from the base *e'uesev,- ' good' with V-grade of
the first two syllables) ; hy-gar ' well-beloved, lovable': caraf'l love',
hy-dyn ' tractable ': tynnaf I draw'; Hy-wel' *conspicuous ' : gwelaf ' I see
'; hy-fryd ' pleasant' : bryd ' mind', etc.
(20) rhag- [soft] 'fore-' <
*pra1w-, by § 65 ii (i) < *pro-qo- (i.e.
*pro- with suffix -qo-): Lat. reci-procu-s < *reco-proco-s; rhdg-farn '
prejudice ' : barn 'judgement'; rhdg-fwr ' contramure ' : mur 'wall';
-rhdg-ddor ' outer door '; rhag-luniaeth ' providence', etc.
(21) rhy- [soft] 'very, too' :
Ir. ro- : Lat. pro-, Gk. v-po, Skr.^ra, Goth. fra-; rhy-wyr ' very late ' :
hwyr ' late', cf. Gk. vpo-KaKw ' very bad'; rhy-gyng, Ml. W. rygig 'ambling
pace' < *{p)ro-'kengh- § 101
iii ( 2). In Mn. W. it forms
loose compounds with adjectives § 65
iv (2), §220viii (i).
(22) tra- [spirant] 'over,
very, excessive' < *tar- < *tr6s-,
§ 214 iii : Jr. tur-, Skr
tiras-; trd-chwant 'lust'; ird-chas 'very hateful';
trd-serrh ' great luvu, adoration '; trd-chul ' very lean'; trdnwr ' oversea
' i.u. trdmnior for *tarmmor < *f r6s
mari.; trachwres B.T. 30 :
gyres § 92 iii. It foims loose
compounds by being placed before any adj., § 220 viii (i). The metathesis could have taken place when the
accent was on the ult.; of. § 214
iii.
traf-, as in traf-lyncu ' to gulp ' (: llyncu ' to swallow) < *tram- :
Ir. trem-, tairm-, an w-formation from the same base : cf. Lat. tarnuss,
trames; see § 220 ii (10). There seems to have been some
confusion of the two prefixes : tramor above and tramwy ' to wander' <
**mom- (: Lat. moveo) may have either. This would help to spread tra- for
*tar-. trdnnoeth ' over night' cannot be from *tram- which would become traf-
before n; irennyS ' over the day' i. e. ' next day but one ' is probably
re-formed after trannoeth.
traws-, tros- § 210 x (6); Ml. W. traws-cwyS W.M. 83, 85, 'transaction '; in Mn. W. leuiting, traws-feddiant'
usurpation ', prob. owing to sc > sg etc. § 111 vi (2), as in
traws-gwyS B.M. 60, 6i.
(23) try- [soft] ' through,
thorough '; try-dwil ' perforated '; try-loyw 'pellucid'; try-fer 'javelin' :
her 'spear'. It seems to imply Brit. *tri-, weak form of *trei > trwy '
through' § 210 x (3).
ii. Some prefixes occur only in rare or isolated forms, and are not
recognized as such in the historical periods. The following may be mentioned:
(i) a(n)- < *n- 'in'; dchles § 99
vi (i), anmyneS § 95 ii (3);
tinglaS ' funeral' < "n-qlad- (claddv, ' to bury') •/qo'ldd- § 101 ii (3).
§ 157
COMPOUNDS
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ann- [soft] < *ando- < *^-<fo- : Lat. en-do-, in-du-, E. in-to;
dnnedd § 63 ii; dnnerch '
greeting'< *nd(o)-erk-, Vereq- 'speak' § 63 iii; en-byd ' dangerous ' (enbyd I ' beware 1' in Festiniog quarries) <
*ndo-pit- : pyd ' danger '< *q yi-1-,
Vqouv^- 'bo ware' : Lat. caveo, Gk. icoew : W. rhy-buS ' warning' <
"'pro-qitti-d-; dn-rheg 'gift': rheg 'gift' < *prek-, dn-rhaith
'prize, booty; *Lride, dear one' < *ndo-preJc-t-, Vpereq- 'acquire, buy' :
Litli. yerlni 'I buy', Gk. •n-iTrpao-xd) t*-prq-sqo), extension of Vper- in
Gk. •mi>vi]{i.i', fin-fan < *ndo-mon- § 100 iv; aman ' nature' < *nilo <},,ii- : Lut. in-gen'ivm.
dann- [soft] < *d(o)-ando-; ddnfon : anfm above ; ddn-gos ' to show' (S.
"W. ddia-gos ; in N. W. witli late asHim. of -g-, ddnisos) <
*d(ci)-ando-/con8-, VJcens- :
Lat. censro, Skr. Sysati ' recites, praises, reports, shows'.
y-, e- [nasal] < "' e»(- ' in ' ; fmhennyS M.M. 23 (from B.B.) ' brain ', cf. M.A.
ii 107, 337, emennyS B.B.B. 54, s.G. 270 < *en-qv,enmw-:
Bret. em-penn, Coin. empiivion, ympynnyon; -ink- persisted in Mn. W., see
M.M. 140, o'mhoen (read o'm
hun)/yinhennydd D.G. 501 '>
the usual form ymennydd with abnormal loss of -h- before the accent may be
due to early contamination with a form containing *eni- ; the form in Ir. is
in-chinn < *eni-qv.enn-.
(2) he- < *sem-; hebrwng § 99 vi.
(3) han- < *sani- : Ir.
sain ' separate', W. gwa-han-u, Lat. sine, E. sun-der, Skr. sanitur ' besides,
without'; in hdn-fod ' being from, coming from, origin, essence'.
§ 157. i. No compound has more
than two elements ; but any element may itself be a compound. Thus anJiyfryd
' unpleasant' is compounded not of an + 1iy + bryd but of an + hyfryd, though hyfryd itself is a
compound of Jiy + hri/il; similarly hardd- d eg ymdrecJi i Tim. vi 12 is u loobo compound, each of
whose elements km'dd-deg and yw-drech is itself a compound. All compounds
must be so analysed by successive bisections.
Deuruddloyw fis dewisaf, Dyred a'r haul daradr haf.—G.Gr., p 51/49.
' Most exquisite bright-cheeked month, bring the sun of summer ray.'
DewvSloywfis is a loose compound ; its first element is a compound of deuruS
and gtoyw, deuruS itself being compounded of dau ' two ' and gru.S ' cheek '.
ii. (i) In compounds of three syllables in which the first element is a
compound, as pengrych-lon D.G. 74
'curly-headed [and] merry', a strong secondary accent on the first syllable
often becomes a separate accent, and the syllable breaks loose, resulting in
an illogical division;
thus hir ftin-wyn D.G. 16, for
hirfein-wyn, a compound of hzr-fain ' long slender' and gwyn ' white'; tew
goed-attt do. 328 for tewg6ed-dllt < tfw-goed (do. 157) ' thick trees' and (g)allt'
copse'; gdrw fi^edd"
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270
ACCIDENCE
§ 158
j'>i«( do. Hr < ydrw-floeS 'rough-voiced'+ gast 'bitch' § 103 ii (l), wi'iilr tUwth-lef do. 293 < mydr-Soeth + llef 'of
rhythmical voice'];
IIMII svrl'iw Q. 129 <
mdn-ser + lliw 'of the colour of small stars';
^'•>t sder-wawd do. 297
< fen-saer ' architect' -i-gwawd 'song' meaning ' of masterly song '. •
y wawr dids-ferch ry dlysfain Wrm ael a wisg wwr a main.—D.G, no.
•Dawn-bright maid, too beautifully slender,, of the dark brow, that wearest
gold and [precious] stones'; gwawr diosferoh < gwawr-dlos '
dawn-beautiful' + merch ' maid ';—ri/ dlysfain is a loose compound otrhy and
tlys-fain, so that its accentuation is normal;—gwm del is a loose bahuvrihi (or possessive)
compound ' possessing a dark brow '.
(2) The same accentuation
occurs when a compound number is compounded with a noun, as ddu cdnn-oen G.G1. M 146/313 < 200 lambs'; sdith ugdin-waith L.G.C.
421 'seven score times'. The separated syllable
has the un-mutated (un-combined) form of its diphthong daw, saith (not deu,
seith) § 45 ii (2).
iii. Strict compounds are inflected by inflecting' the second element, as
gwindy pi. gwlndei § 117' iii,
hwyl-brewni, cainhwyli-brewti § 122
ii (2), claer-zoynnyon etc. § 145 ii (4), an-wariaid etc. § 145
vi, an-hawsaf § 148 i (6), gloyw-biiaf etc. § 150 ii.
But in loose a-n compounds the adj. is often made pi., as nefolyon wybodeu
etc. § 145 ii (3). Indeed these formations are so
loose that the second element may be suspended, as in nefolion- a'r
daearoliow- a thanddaearolion- bethau ibid.
An eqtv. or cpv. adj. before a noun is not compounded with it,
but the noun has always its rad. initial. A spv. adj. may or may not be
compounded; see Syntax. . .
PRONOUNS
PEBSONAL PBONOUNS. ,
§ 158. The Welsh personal
pronouns are either independent or dependent.
Of these main classes there are several sub-divisions, containing a form for
each person sg. and pi., including two, m. and f., for the 3rd ^
The use of the 2nd pi. for the
2nd sg., so common in modern
European languages, appears in W. in the i5th cent. There are
numerous examples in T.A. (e.g. § 38
vi), who mixes up sg. and pi. in addressing the same individual; :., '
PRONOUNS
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271
Meined dy wasg mewn, y tant, Ch-wi a 'mdroech i'm dav, rychwant.—T.A. A 14866/105.
•' So slender is thy waist in the girdle, you would turn round in my two
spans.'
§ 169. The independent
personal pronouns are the forms used when the pronoun is not immediately
dependent on a noun, a verb or an inflected preposition. They occur (a) at
the beginning of a sentence, see § 163
vii (a); — (h) after a conjunction or uninflected preposition, including-
fel, megis;—(c) after ys ' it is ', mae (mai) ' that it is', pan'i/w id., pei ' if it were ',
etc., and after the uninflected heb y (said ' (heb y mi § 198 i). Independent persona]
pronouns are either simple, reduplicated or conjunctive ; thus:
i. Simple: sg. i. mi, i. ti, 3.
m. ef, f. hi; pi. i. ill, 3.
chwi, 3. Ml. wy, wynt, Mn.
hwy, hwywt (also occasionally in Late Ml. W.).
The h- of the Mn. 3rd pi.
forms comes from the affixed forms ; thus ffwelant wy = gwla'nt-h wy mutated
to gwelann-h wy, see § 106 iv;
the -h was transferred to the pronoun, cf. § 106 iii (2); and
the independent forms borrowed the h- from the affixed.
ii. Reduplicated: (i) Ml. W., sg. I. mivi,
myvi, myvy, l, tidi, tydi, 3.
[m. efo\, f. liiJii; pi. i. mini, i. diwlcJiw'i, c/iwcJiwi, 3. wyntniy, hwywtwy. — Mn. W. sg. i
myfi, 2. lyil'i, 3. fm. efo,fn (latcr^/e, efe eee below)],
f. f/yhi; pi. i. tiyfti, a. chwycJml (often pronounced but rarely written
chwchw't), 3. fiwyut-hwy.
mivi, tidi W.M. 4, myfi (see
vyvi § 160 iii (i)), chwichwi
B.B.B. 67, chwchwi s.Q. 164, hwyntwy E.M. 132, wyntwy S.G. 165.
(2) These pronouns are usually
accented on the ultima: myft, tydi, hwynt-hwy, etc.; but they were formerly
accented on the penult also, and this accentuation survives in certain
phrases used in Powys. Examples of penultimate accentuation:
.^"'•- Du, serchog yw'th glog mewn glyn, 'y^ A myfi. sy'n d'
ymofyn.—D.G. 521.
' Of a lovely black is thy coat in the glen, and it is I who call thee.'— To
the blackbird.
Nid didolc onid tydi;
Nato Duw bod hebot ti.—S.M., Hi 133/261.
' There is none faultless but thee; God forbid [that we should] be without
thee.'
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ACCIDENCE
§ 159
Tims accented they also appear as inyfi[, tydif, etc. :
Mawr oedd gennyd dy fryd fry, Mwyfwy dy son no, myfu.— G.Gr., D.G. 246.
' Greatly didst thou boast thy intention yonder; more and more noisy [art
thou] than I.'
(3) The forms myft, tydi
sometimes lose their unaccented y after a, no, or no, giving a m'ft, a th'di,
etc.; as megys yS ymydawsSam ath ti IL.A. 148 'as we forsook thee', cf. 121, 1. 6.
Duw a'th roes, y doeth rysvyr ;
A th'di a wnaeth Duw yn w.—W.IL. 8.
•' God gave thee, wise hero; and thee did God make a man.'
(4) In the spoken language ef6, hyhi became yf6, yhi; and the others followed,
thus yfi, ythdi (in Gwynedd ychdz by dissim.) yni, yahi, ynhw(y). These may sometimes
be seen written yfo etc. in the late period, e.g. o.c. 273, 340.
(5) Beside ef6 the reduced form fo appears in the
14th cent. The inconvenience
of having different vowels in/o and a/was overcome in two ways : in N.W. fo
replaced ef (except in a few stereotyped phrases, as ynti 1 for mid heff ' is it not so i', ai
i ? ' is it so ? '); in S.W. e(/) remained, and fo was changed to fe. From
the 8.W. fe Wm.S. made his now
efe 2 Tlicsp. ii 16, which, however, he uses very
rarely. Dr. M. adopted this loriii, and used it throughout his Bible for the
nom. case, independent and affixed—a remarkable observance of a self-imposed
rule; that the lule was arbitrary is shown by the fact that efe is used where
~W. idiom expresses ' he' by an oblique case, as am fod yn, haff' ganddo efe
y hi Gen. xxix 20, o herwydd
ei farw efe 2 Sam. xiii 39. In Ml. W. the only form is efo,
see iv (2), which is rare
compared with the simple ef. The bards also use efo, accented efo and efo,
see examples; but where it does not rhyme, late copyists often change it to
efe; thus in A fo doeth efe a dav, a. 144,
the MS. actually used by the editor of e. has efo TB. 87.—efe S.G. 53
is ef in the MS., P H/35&;
and eue C.M. 87 is euo (i.e.
evo) in the MS., E.B. 474. The
form efo survives in dial. efo 'with' for efo a §216ii(3). f
Nid oev offrwm, trwin yw'r fro, . Oen Duw ufydd, ond efo.—E.E., v. f.
' There is no sacrifice—sad is the case—except Him, the obedient Lamb of
God.'
larll fenfro, efo rydd fdrch.—L.G.O. 355.
' The Earl of Pembroke, he will give a horse.'
iii. Conjunctive: (i) Ml. W., sg. i. mynheu, minhew, minneu, 3. fit/ten, 3. m. ynteu, f. hitheu; pi. i. nynheu, ninheu, nlwneu, a.
chmtheu, 3. wyntev,. —Mn. W.
sg. i. mmnau, a. tithau, 3. m«
yittau, f. hithau; pi. i. niwiau, 2.
chwithaw, 3. hwyntau,
Jiwythau.
§ 159
PEONOUNS
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(2) A pronoun of this series
is always sot against a noun or pronoun that goes before (or is implied):
Dioer, hrh tf. . . . A unben, heb ynteu W.M. 2 ' By heaven, said he. ... Ah 1 prince, said tlie other.' The series is in common use in Mn.
W.; M)iiicliinen tlni milled meaning is so subtle as to be untranslatable:
chwi a Blinnau ' you (ind
1', but as a rule minnau
signifies 'I too',' even I', ' I for in.y))iirt ', ' but I', ' while I', etc.
The firat term of tliu untitliOBDi miiy 1>c implied : Wel, dyma flnnau 'n marw Cw'Wff O.K. no ' Woll,
imw rvii I am dying' [not somebody elnc thin timo; Uii« ix not miiil, Imt
finnan implies it]. A conj. pron, often KimidH in nppotiitioii to 11 noun: Ynteu Pwyll W.M. n, rf. 12, 14 ' lie nlno, [uiiincly) I'wyll ' i.e. Pwyll also; a ywyr
T'roi'ii wynteu II.DH. 20 'and
tlie inen of Troy
on their part'. The 31 d »g.
yntf.u answers naill in tlie expression naill ai . . . ai yntru ' 1111 (lie (»no liand either. .... or
on the other hand'. From its unaccented use as ' on the other hand' it became
a conjunction 'then' : Pulium, ynteu IT-.A. 13 ' why, then?' Pwy, ynteu do. 27 ' who, tlion i' Nyt MS un wreic, ynteu A..L. i 176 'there is no woman, then'. In
Ml. W. pronouns ot other persons are used instead of ynteu after ae, as kymer
vedyS . . . ae titheu ymlaS C.M. 13
'receive baptism ... or else fight'; as the subject of an impv. cannot come
before it, titheu here replaces ynteu in ae ynteu ymlaS ' or else fight'
under the influence of ymlao ditheu 'fight then!'
iv. Origin of the independent pronouns : (i) mi, Ir. me < ace. *mS : Skr.
ma, Gk. /^.e (the Ir. me seems to be "'we lengthened, as oliginol 5 > Kelt. z);—ti, Ir. tu <
*tu: Lat. tu, Av. tu, Gk. rt-v-i], ().] I.d. du;
ti partly also from Ar. ace. *t(u)e;—ef, O.W. em, (Jorn. if, noni. -r, Ml.
Bret.'QT, Ir. e, he; f. hi, Corn. Jiy, Brot. Iii, Ir. in, Tlu> .inl
UK-pron. in Kelt. as in Germ. scorns to have bcon *ni or *»'«, f. *n1; Ilius O.H.G. w < *es : Ir. c
or Ac < *es (: llinl>r. en-til- ' iBtu '); lliu (;orn. nom. postfixcd
-e may rcprchent tiliB ; 1>ut
in W. it linn been icphu'ed by ef; W. ef < *emen < *em-em == O.Lnl.
em-rin, rpdupl. ace. of *es, cf. Skr. im-dm < *im-em. As hi kept its h-,
it is unlikely that ef is for *hef, since the parallel could hardly fail to
have been preserved ;
but in phrases where ef means ' so' there are traces of h-, as in N.W. yntt,
S.W. ontif e ' is it not so t' for onid hef {ef); here ef may be from *semo-s
' same ' = Skr. samdh ' like, same '. W. hi < Ar. *sz : Goth. si, O.H.G.
sz, si, Gk. f (Sophocles); *sz is an ablaut valiant of *s(i)y1 § 122 iv (i), f. of the pron. *s{i)ws, *s(i}w, *t(i)tod (Skr.
ayah, s,i/(1, fi/dd) a
derivative of *so, *sd, *tod (Skr. sd, sa, tat, Gk. o, T/, T").—J'l. m,
chun, Ir. sm, sz < *s-nes, *s-ues : Lat. nos, vox. Ski. ii(ih, viih. (or,
as the e-grade is not certain elsewhere, < *sm, *sw witli nom. pi. -t
after o-stems);—wy, Ir. e < *ei nom. pi. of *es; wynt with -nt from the 3rd pi. of verbs (so Ml. Ir. wt).
(2) The redupl. forms are the
simple forms repeated, originally as separate words : mi-vi < Brit. *mz mz, etc. As ef seems itself to be a redupl. form it is
natural that it is not found reduplicated (efe being a figment ii (5)); the emphatic form is efo. In
Ml. W. this is chiefly
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ACCIDENCE
§ 160
nil nflixcd accusative § 160
iii (i) : llyma efo W.M. 160
'see him licr"'; mostly following other pronouns : gwassanaetha di evo
B.M. iHf, ' serve thou him', cf. 164,
168, 170, 198, 280; the transition to the indep.
use is seen in a thra guSyych ti evo, evo a'th guS ditheu B.M. 173 'and while thou hidest it, it
will hide thee'. The form efo is prob. for *efae8 § 78 i (i);
this implies *emiw-, and may be ace.
*em-ewm, : cf. Lat. gloss im-eum " TOV airov " < *im-ewm,.
(3) The conj. pronouns are
re-formations based upon yntau which is for *hynn-teu (loss of h- on the
anal. of ef} < Brit. *sendos tows ' this other, the other'; *tows <
*tuuos : Skr. tvah, tuah ' other', mostly repeated tvah. . , tvah ' the one .
. . the other'; the word is always unaccented in Skr.; this is also the
condition to give -eu in. W. § 76
iii (2). The origin is seen
clearly in naill. . . yntau from
*sendod dlliod . . . sendod touod; cf. Skr. tvad . . . tvad ' at one time ...
at another' or with tvad after the second member only. When
*hynn teu came to mean ' he too ' a fern. *hih teu was formed giving hitheu ;
then followed *mim teu > mynheu, minneu; *tzt teu > titheu;
and on these are modelled the pi. forms.
§ 160. Dependent personal
pronouns are either prefixed,
infixed or affixed.
i. Prefixed pronouns, (i) The following stand in the genitive case
immediately before a noun or verbal noun; the mutation following each is
given after it in square brackets. For the aspiration of initial vowels see
ii (5).
Sg. i. A, /', 'y,', [nasal], a. dy\ S [soft], 3. Ml. y, Mn. i, late misspelling ei [m. soft, f. spirant] ; pi.
I. Ml. an, yn, Mn. yn., late misspelling ein [rad.], 2. Ml. awch, ych, late misspelling eicJt [rad..], 3. ew (sometimes Ml. y, Mn. i)
[rad.].
These pronouns are always proclitics, and are never accented ;
when emphasis is required an affixed auxiliary pronoun is added to receive
it; thus dy ben di 'thy head '.
Before a vowel fy ' my', dy ' thy' tend to lose their y, and /', d' occur
frequently in poetry: f'annwyl § 38
vi, f'erchwyn § 38 ix,
f'annerch § 136 ii, f'wyneb § 38 iv; d'eps § 110 iii (2), d'adwyth .. D.O. 35,
d'adnabod do. 147.
fy often becomes 'y, see § 110
iii (2). This occurs only when
the initial of the noun is nasalized, i. e. when its radical is an explosive
(or m- in f. nouns ; 'y mam § 110
iii (2), 'y modryb B.C"W.
13 ' my aunt'), for otherwise
'y could not be distinguished from the article y ', as it is, it cannot be
distinguished from unaccented yn ' in' ('y mhenn c my head', ymlienn 'at the
end [of]'), except by the context.—When the/vanishes as above, the y is liable
to be lost after a vowel, leaving only the following nasal initial to
represent the pronoun ;
§ 160
PRONOUNS
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' ' Dwrfu, 'r ieuenctid dirfawr;
0 deiorfu 'nydd darfu 'n
am.—D.O. 529. ' Mighty youth
is spent; if brave was my day, it is spent now.'
Llongwr wyfi yn ddioed ;
Ar ben yr hwylbren mae 'nhroed.—H.D., v 101/259.
' At once I am a sailor; my foot is on the top of tlie mast." See also
yw 'myS § 38 vi, yw 'nvron § 146 ii (i).
Ml. y 'his, her' > Mn. i § 1G
ii (3). ()criinioiii>lly i
\s already found in Ml. W., as o achaws i driipaiit f/w.M. 12 'on account of his residing'. The
spelling ei is duo to Win.S., § 5
(4), wlio also changed yn B.B.
108, ych do. 79 to fin, cich; tlicrc is no
evidence of the earlier use of tliese forms ; and in tlic spoken language the
words are i, yn, ych, as in Early Mn. W. .It ia doubtful whether the correct
spelling can now be restored, as tlie misspelling is distinctive, enabling ei
'his' to be distinguished from i ' to ', and i 'I', as in gwelais i dy, and
ein 'our' from yn 'in'; but the written ei, ein, eich should be read i, yn,
ych.
eu ' their' is a Ml. form preserved artificially in lit. W. Already in the i4th cent. y appears for it as yfat
IL.A. 117,1. 13 'their father', ypenneu, ytavodeu do. 152 'their heads, their tongues'. In Early Mn. MSS. it is generally
i, distinguished from the sg. only by the rad. initial which follows it.
(a) Before hun, Jiwian 'self, § 167
i (3), the following forms
occur in Ml. W. : sg. I. vy, vu, my, mu, 3. dy, du, 3. e; pi. I. ny, a. ?, 3. e.
a minneu vy hun W.M. 88 ' and
I myself ; am InS o honafva. hun vy mob do. 35 '•because I myself slow my son'; namyn my hun do. 88 'except myself; buw mu hunan B.r. 1045 'I myself [am] alive'; dy
anwybot dy hun W.M. 2 ' thine
own ignorance ' ; du hun do. 29
'thyself; ae Swylaw ehun IL.A. 10
'with His own hands';
ehun IL.A. 77 'herself; arnam
ny hunein W.M. 29 'on
ourselves';
ar yn Uun ny 'hun E.P. 1368 '
on Our own image'; a gewssynt e hun W.M. 59 ' what they had had themselves'; yrygthunt e hun W.M. 42 r, y ryngtunt ehunein E.M. 272 'between themselves'.
In Mn. W. the forms do not differ from those of the gen. given in (i); but ny
persisted in the sixteenth cent.; i'n pechod ny/tw» A.G. 17 ' to our own sin'; i ni la^Jiun
do. 35 ' for ourselves '.
Before numerals the forms are Ml.W. pl.i. an,yn, 2. {awcJi, ych), 3.
yll, ell, Mn, W. i. yn (misspelt ein), 'n, 2. yah- (misspelt eicJi), 'ch, 3. ill.
m an chwech "W.M. 29 ' us
six', yn dwy IL.A. 109 ' we
two' f., yll ptdwur W.M. 65
'they four'; arnaSunt wy yll seith s.a. 33 'on the
T a
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ACCIDENCE
§ 160
woven of them '; ae Swylaw yll dwyoeS do. 39 ' with both his hands' ;
iiSv.iit ell deu W.M. 182 'to
them both '. In Mn. "W". ni 'n dau ' we two ', chwi 'ch tri ' you
three', hwy ill tri ' they three', etc.
ii. Infixed pronouns, (i) The following stand in the genitive case before a
noun or verbal noun ; mutation is noted as before :
Sg. i. -m, now written 'm [rad.] ; 3.
-;'/*, 'th [soft] ; 3. Ml. W.
-e, -y, Mn. W. -»', now written 'i [m. soft ; f. spir.] ; pi. i. -u, 'n
[rad.] ; i. -ch, 'ch [rad.] ; 3.
Ml. -e, -y, Mn. -i,'», late misspelling 'u [rad.]. Also 3rd eg. and pi. -w, 'is after Ml. y,
Mn. i ' to '; see
• below.
The Ml. 3rd Bg. and pi. -e or
-y represents the second element of a diphthong ; thus oe or oy 'from his '
is simply o y contracted. The Mn. sound is w (unacc. oi), and the late
spelling o'i rests on the false assumption that the full form of the pronoun
is ei. This contraction may take place after any word ending in a vowel, see
§ 33 v, and often occurs after
final -ai and even -au. Similarly 'n, 'ch may occur after any final vowel or
diphthong, as Duw 'u Tad, Duw 'n Ceidwad D.G. 486 ' Ood our Futlicr, God our Saviour', since this is only the
ordinary IOHH of unaccented y, m'e § 44
vii.
But 'm, 'th stiiiid on a totally different basis ; these are not for *ym,
*yth, wliicli do not exist in tlie genitive.11 But a'm, a'th are properly a m, a th' for *a my, *a thy with
the old spirant mutation after a as in a mam, a thad; hence we find that in
Ml. 'W. they occur only after a ' and ', a ' with' (including gyt a, tu a,
etc), na ' nor', no ' than', all of which cause the spirant mutation, and
after y 'to', o 'from.3, which
caused gemination of the initial of a following unacc. word in Kelt., thus W.
i'm, ym, 'to my' = Ir. domm 'to my'; see iv (2). In biblical Welsh this tradition is strictly followed. But
in D.G. we already find yw ' is' added to the above monosyllables (if the
readings are to he trusted), as yw'm serch 498, yw'm, Selyf 522,
yw'th gan 137, yw'th wen 497. After other words 'm and 'th
are rare in D.G., and arc possibly misreadings, as iddi'm traserch 498, yno'th ddwyn 478. After neu ' or' and trwy c
through', fy and dy are always used : neu ay ladd 264, truly dy hoywiiw 180,
Dyro dy ben drwy dy bais 107.
So after all ordinary words ending in vowels ; the only non-syllabic forms of
the pronouns being /', d' or the nasal mutation, see i (i) above; as hwde
f'anfodd 114 (not hwdem
an/odd), mae d' eisiau 19 (not
mae'th eisiau), mae d' wyneb 107
(not mae'th wyneb), colli 'na 303
(not colli 'm da), gwanu 'mron 502
(not gwanu 'm hron). The insertion of 'm, 'th after all vocalic endings is a
late misuse of these forms. The converse practice of using fy and dy after a,
o, i, na (as o fy for o'm, i dy for i'th etc.) appears first in hymns to fill
up the line, and is usual in the dialects; but it is a violation of the
literary tradition.
"• One or two apparent examples (as yth effeiryaf o.M. 57) seem to be scribal
§ 160
PRONOUNS
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277
After the prep. i (to, for' the form w is used for the 3rd sg. and pi. with the mutations
proper to the usual forms, as i'w dy ' to his house ', i'w thy ' to her house
', i'w ty ' to their house '. The combination appears in B.CH. as yu, as pan
el e brenyn yu estavell A.L. i 48
' when the king goes to his chamber '; later yw voli c.M. 49 lit. ' for his praising', yw
swper do. 43 'for their supper
' ; itisprob. a metathesis of *wy § 78
iv (i) from *(d')oi, an early contraction of *do I ' to Ills', '*do being the
orig. form of the prep. § 65
iv (2). A later but still old
contraction gives oe, as A Soei hi y gyt ac ef oe wlat ? IL.A. 125 ' would she come with him to his
country t' In the i6th cent.
oi ' to his' was still used in Carnarvonshire, G.R. [129]. But oe, Mn. o'i also means ' from his'; as this is an
obvious meaning (o being 'from'), oe ' to his' became obsolete. A third form
of the combination is y, a contraction o! y y 'to his '; this is a
re-formation, with the prep. taken from other connexions after it had become
y; it is the usual form in Ml. MSS., as y brenhin a aeth y ystavell o.M. 43 ' the king went to his chamber',
Yntc.u Pwyll ... a Soeth y gyvoeth ac y wlat W.M. 11 ' Pwyll too came to his dominions and to his country'. In
B.B. we find y eu 66 1. 5 ' to their', a rare form. The form 1 ' to his, to her, to their' survives in Gwyn. dial.; but the
usual Mn. form is i'w, which is the least ambiguous, and represents the
oldest contraction.
'u is quite a late spelling; it is sounded ^ in natural speech, and thus has
the same form as the 3rd sg.,
but takes the same mutation as eu. In Ml. W. there is no trace of *au, *ou ;
rarely we have o eu as in p 6/ii
E., and often ac eu, oc eu, e.g. W.M. 89
; where these are not employed, the forms met with are ae, oe or ay, oy like
the sg.; in Early Mn. W. ai, oi. "Pro 'M pi. post istas particulas [a,
na, o], & scribitur & pronunciatur 'i, vt, ai carodd, pro a'u curodd,
&c." D. 177. The 1620 Bible always has 'i botli gen.
and ace. : iach&odd hwynt, ac a'i gwaredodd o'i dinistr Ps. cvii 20.
The forms m and ^ occur after er in Ml. W. eirmoet ' during my time', eiryoet
'in his time', Mn. W. er-m-oed, er-^-6ed;
the latter became tlie stereotyped form for all persons, and is the usual
expression for ' ever'. But ennoed survived in Early Mn. W., see L.G.O. 194.
(a) The following stand in the accusative case before verbs; all take the
radical initial of the verb except 'th, which takes the soft.-
Sg. i. -m, now written 'm; 2,.
-th, 'th; 3. Ml. W. -e -y, ^s,
-w, Mn. W. -i, 'i, -s; pi. i. -», 'w; 3.
-ch, 'ch; 3. Ml. W. -e -y, -s,
-w, Mn. W. -i, 'i (recent 'u), -s.
'm, 'th, 'n, 'ch are used after the relatives a and y, and where y is lost
after a vowel, as lie for lie y ' where ', yno for yno y ' it is there that',
etc.; after the affirmative particles neu, a, ef a, e, fo, fe; the negative
particles ni, na; the conjunctions o 'if, oni 'unless', y 'that', andjpe 'if,
Ml. pei, which is for pet y ' were it that'; and in Ml. W. tlie tense
particle ry. Thus:
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ACCIDENCE
§ 160
JVi'th wyl drew i'th wdl dramawr ,' ^"th yZyw wzZ, %y<A y glow
maw.—D.G. 133.
• No oye sees thee in thy vast lair; a thousand hear thee, [in] the nest of
the great rain.'—To the Wind.
a'th eura di § 7 ii; lle'tb.
fagwyd D.G. 323 'where thou
wast reared'; ava. ssuinassei-e demit B.B. 24 'the Lord created me'; efa'sa. lias G.G1. § 175 iv (6) 'I was
killed'; o'm lleddi D.G. 59 '
if thou feillest me '; o'th gaf do. 524
' if I may have thee '; oni'fh gaf do. 29 ' if I have thee not'; beith leSit E.P. 1253 'if thou wert killed';
rym gelwir B.T. 36 'I am
called '; see § 171 iii (2).
The 3rd sg. and pi. -e or -y,
Mn. -i, 'i ('%) is used after the relative a and the affirmative particles a,
ef a, e, fo, fe; as pawb ay dyly
•W.M. 8 ' everybody owes it';
e'i gwelir D.G 524 'it will be
seen'. It also follows the relative y, and is contracted with it to y (= y y
' that . . . it'); as llyma yr weS y kejfy B.M. 2 ' this is the way that (= in which) thou shalt have it';
sefval y gumaf W.M. 3 ' this
is how I will do it'; vat y herchis O.M. 89 ' as he commanded them ' (val is followed by y ' that'). In
Early Mn. W. this is written '(', later ei or eu; recently it has been
written y'i and y'u in order to show the construction; but there is no
authority for this, and the traditional Bound appeniH to bo f (not yF).
The 3rd sg. "'"I pi-
-" is used after ni, na, oni ' unless ' and o 'if;
as A i' eiSaw >U/B nrvolla.wwt u, A. 161 'and his own received him not'; onis cwplaa oe weithretoeS
C.M. 15 'unless he fulfils it
in his works'; os myn L.G.C. 187
'if he desires it'. It often serves to save the repetition of the object in
the second of two negative sentences: ny mynneis inheu un gwr . . . ac nys
mynnaf E.M. IT ' I did not want a husband, and do not want one'; nyd enwaf
neb ac nys gwradwyddaf J.D.E. [xvii] ' I name no one, and disgrace him not';
and often refers to a noun or pronoun placed absolutely at the head of a
sentence, as ond ef nis gwelsant Luc xxiv 24 'but [as for] him, they saw h i m not'; Safnau'r m6r nis ofnir mwy D.W. 271' tl<a mouths of the sea—one
no longer fears them'. The form -s is also used after pe, thus Mn. W. pes for
pei y-s '
were it that... it', sspei ys gwypwn W.M. 42 ; in Ml. W. generally written pei as, as pei as mynhut W.M. 142 'if thou wishedst it'. Similarly gwedy as gwelych C.M. 83 ' after thou hast seen it'. After
affirmative neu, as neus roSes •W.M. 20
' he has given it'; rarely after affirmative a, as As attebwys dofyS B.T. 24 'the Lord answered him'.—In Late
Mn. W. nis is sometimes treated as if the s meant nothing; such a misuse is
rare in Ml. W. and, where it occurs, is probably a scribal error, as Nys
gwelas llygat eiroet y sawl Synyon IL.A. 117 with nyS repeated from the previous line. On os for o
•if see§ 222 v(i).
In Early Ml. verse we sometimes find nuy (s izwy) in relative sentences
corresponding to nis
in direct statements {nwy from an old contraction of *no z, cf. *wy (i)
above, *no being the orig. form of the neg. rel., see § 162 vi (3)); as nis
guibit m nuy g(u)elho B.B. 7
'he
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will not know it who has not seen it'; cf. do. 8 11. i, 13. Later by metathesis this appears
as nyw, as nyt kerKawr nyw molwy B.P. 1400
' there is no minstrel who does not praise him '; nyw deiryt do. 1273 'which do not belong to him*.
Later nyw is uncd in direct statements, as ac nywMafs.v. 1244 ' and I will not conceal it'.
In B.CH. occurs enyu (s ynyw) teno tranoeth 14 (misprinted my in A.I.. i 32) ' until he removes it the following day ', formed
luiiilogiciilly. We also find rwy rel., as rwy digonsei B.T. 24 ' who luxl nmde liiin '.
(3) After pan ' when ' and Ml.
ki/t ' since ' Hyllnbie lu'cus. forms areused: ym,ytk,y,yn, yc/i,y. ]i) Laic
Mn. W. these are written y'm, yth, ei, y'n, y'cA, eu ; the npostropho is
incorrect, see iv (a). But even in Ml. W. after pan nnd other conjunctions
ending- in consonants, an affixed lice', pron. sifter the verb is preferred
to the infixed; see iii (i).
yr pan yth welds gynfcif-w.M. 156-7 ' since I saw thee first'; pan
i'm. clywai dust Job xxix n; kid im guneit B.B. 23 (s ci{d ym, gvmi"i[8) ' since thou makest me '. In the early period also after nid
' there . . . not', as nid ann-w/8
B.B. 90 ' there will not be to
us ' (ann, dat. see below).
(4) In Ml. and Early Mn. verse
the forms in (a) 'and (3) are
also used in the dative.
Dolur gormoS am doSyw E.G. 1127
'too much grief has come to me '; car a'm oedd, ny'm oes G. M.A. i 201 ' a friend there was to me,
there is not to me' (i.e. I had but have not); Am bo forth n.n. 34 'may there be a way for me '; pan
im rated -par do. 23 (/ =. 8) ' when existence was given to
me'; JS'ra rhiidde.f iizv trs Iw teg D.G. 136 '[she of] the hue of summer gave me a fair pledge' ; Cerdd
eos ava. dangosai 'Y mun bert do. 499
' the nightingale's song would show me my comely maid'.
(5) Initial vowels are
aspirated after the following' prefixed and infixed pronouns : all the forms
of the gen. 3rd sg. fern., and
gen. 3rd pi.; all the infixed
forms of the ace. 3rd sg. m.
and f. and 3rd pi., except -s.
oeS liw y Tatvynneb IL.A. 81
'was the colour of her face'; oc eu 'hamsser do. 119 'of their time'; mi a'i hadwaen c/Gen. xviii 19.
After 'm, '» and yn gen. and ace. both aspirated and unaspirated initials are
found.
om hanvoS E.M. n, W.M. 18, om
a,nvoo E.M. 30, W.M. 43 'against my will'; yn'harglwyS ni
IL.A. 165, yn arSerchogrwyS ni
do. 168 ' our miijehty'. So in
Early Mn. W.: A'm annwyl D.G. 219,
am edwyn. ibid. 'knows me', o'm Ta.anfodd D.E. G. 113, i'm oes S.T. P. 29,'
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ACCIDENCE
§ 160
»"w» hoed D.G. 498. In
Late Mn. W. the h- is always used, and often wriltun BUperfluonsly after
eich, 'ch.
iii. Affixed pronouns are substantive and auxiliary.
(1) Substantive affixed
pronouns are used in the accusative after verbs as sole objects ; they are
identical with the independent pronouns simple, reduplicated and conjunctive,
with the initials of the 1st
and and sg. softened.
They occur where there is no proverb to support an infixed pronoun, as when
the vb. is impv.; where the preverb ends in a consonant, as pan, etc.; and in
some other cases where there is no infixed pronoun ; for the details see
Syntax.
dygwch vi oSyma W.M. 8 'bear
me hence'; hualwyd fl D.G. 47
' I have been shackled'; clyvo fyfy do. 100 ' hear me '; pann welsant-eflL.A. 114 'when they saw him'; ny roSassit hi do. 122 'she had not been given'. They
often follow auxiliary affixed pronouns, as Pan geissych di vyvi E.M. 224' when thou seekest me'.
They are also used in the dative after interjections, as gwae fl! ' vne mihi 1'
(2) Auxiliary affixed pronouns
serve as extensions of other pronorniiiiil elements ; they are .appended to
words which already have either personal ending's, or prefixed or infixed
pronouns. The form of the 1st
sg. is i, in Early Ml. W. -e (s if) ; in Late Mn. W. it is written ji after
-f, but this is an error, though sometimes found in Ml. W. j the and sg. is
di, after -t ti, Early Ml. -de; yd sg. m. ef, efo, f. hi; pi. i. ni, Early
Ml. -nef 1. chwi, 3. icy, wywf, later Jiwy, Jiwynt.
Therb are also conjunctive , forms, innazt, ditfiau, etc.
Supplementing (a) the personal form of a verb : gueleis-e B.B. 71 ' I saw', arSuireav-e do. 36 ' I extol'; pan roddais i serch
D.G. 134 ' when I set [my]
affection ', andau-de B.B. 61
' listen thou', Befh a glywaist ti t D.G. 335 ' what didst thou hear 1' y del
hi § 136 iii, etc.
(&) the personal ending of a preposition': irof-e B.B. 23 'for me', "'' arnat ti D.G. 136 'on thee ', iSaw efw.M. 5 'to him', etc.
(c) a prefixed or infixed pronoun, gen., ace. or dat. : wi-llav-e B.B. 50 (s vy-Tlaw-if) 'my hand', t'enaid
i D.G. 148 'my soul'; am
creuys-e B.B. 82 'who created
me'; nym daw-e do. 62 'there
comes not to me '; dyn ni 'm wed i D.G. 173 ' a woman who does not believe me'.
Ni cheisiwn nefna'i tkrevi He gwypwn nas kai hwnn hi.—U.S., P 54/i/257 B.
' I would not seek heaven and its abodes if I knew that he would not attain
it.'
§ 160
PEONOUNS
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281:
iv. Origin of dependent pronouns : (i) Prefixed.—fy < Ar. *mene § 113 ii;—dy ' thy'< Brit. *to(u)
proclitic form of *toue < Ar.
*teue;—y ' his ' < Ar. *mo : Skr. asyd; y ' her ' < Ar. *esws : Skr.
asyah, § 75 vii (2);— an ' our', Bret. hon, hor, all
for *d/itr, which (like Ir. am- for *anr n-) represents regularly (§ 95 ii (3)) Kelt. *nsron <
*ns-rom : Goth. unsara, with suff. -(e)ro- : cf. Lul. •iioiitrwin witli suff.
*t(e)ro-;—ny before hun < *nes or *nos : Skr. 'nah iic.c.,
({""•i dut.;— awch ' your ', formed from dvwi oil the analogy of on
: m ', — fit' their', O.W. ou, Bret. ho, is probably for *'wy uimccciitcd,
iinil HO from *r!von < Ar. *eis6m
: Skr. esam 'their' < 'tn'm'iiii, OHC. eixun-k; for the weakening of
unaccented wy to f-ii, swo § 7H
iii ;—yn, ych before numerals < *esnes, *ei<'iie« : Gotli. ixims 'you '
ace. < *esuefi;—yll is a form of an ^-demonstrative § 165 vi, perhaps < ace. pi. *oll6s <
*6lw- or *olno- : Lat. nl.lns.
(2) Infixed.—Gen.—-in, -th see
il (i); Brit. *men caused the rad. of tenues, the lias. of mi'diur § 1 07 iv, and as the latter was generalized for fy, the former wns
for 'm;—-e or -y is merely the'prefixed y contracted witli the preceding
vowel;— -n, -ch are tlie prefixed forms with the vowel elided ;— -e or -y '
their ', originally only after o 'from' and *do 'to'; thus oe or oy ' from
their' < o '"wy contracted;
similarly the rarer oe ' to their '; ay ' and their, with their' is formed,
on the analogy of oy, instead of the orig. ac eu which also survived, as oc
eu ' from their' was formed on the analogy of the latter, instead of orig. oy
(o ' from ' had no -c);—i'w ' to his ', etc., Ml. W. yw met. for
*wy < *do z ' to his' contracted after *esi6 ' his ' had become *?, but early enough for *oi to become *wy,
see ii (i); the metathesis is actually attested in nuy (=. nwy) > nyw, see
below.
Ace. (dat.).— -m, -th < *mm-, *tt- from ucc. *me, *te, dat. *inoi, *loi, originally used after the neg. ny, the tunso
part. ry, etc., which caused gemination of tlie initial; in Ir. iilno Ihr
forms after m, ro, no, do, etc., are -mm-, -t- (=. tt) ; sue § 217 iv (i); utter the rel. a which
causes lenition, -m, -th must be analogical; the rad. initial after -m is due
to the analogy of -m gen.;— -n (Ir. -TOW-) < *nea,, see (i); -ch by
analogy;—the syllabic forms prob. developed thus:
*pann m cl- > *pann m d- > pan ym clywai', so n > n > yn; yth,
ych by anal.; cf. heb yr § 198
iii; on the whole this is more probable than that y- represents the vocalic
ending of pann lost elsewhere, which is the explanation of the corresponding
Ir. forms generally assumed (Thurneysen Gr. 246, Pedersen Gr. ii 145);
in any case the y- is not the re], y, which is not used after pan §222 xi (2), so that the form pan y'm is misleading and wrong;— -e, -y,
in ae, ay ' who. .. him ', for ai *z contracted; syllabic y < *i; *z <
*en < "em ' him'; the nasal ending caused the rad. of tenues, which
was generalized; -s from the fern. ace. *szm ' her', *wds ' them ', with the
initial doubled as in *mm-, *tt-, so that it gives -s (not
*/»-); in Ir. -s- is f. sg. only; in Corn. it is f. sg. and pi.; in W.
extended to the m. because the m. *z was lost after ni; thus *ni eaf ef
became nis
caf ef on the anal. of nis
cafhi; so ae ' who ... her'
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ACCIDENCE
§ 161
ill-tend (if as on the anal. of ae ' who ... him';—rel. nyw < nuy ( ~
»iW/) < *no z, see ii (2).
(i) Affixed.—The substantive forms are the same as the inde-pnnlent forms.
Auxiliary: i, B.B. -e (=y) < *i^. < *ego : Lat. ego, Gk. e-yni, etc.;
originally used as subject after a verb, it came to supplement a ist sg.
pron. in other cases;—di, B.B. -de < *tu;—ni, B.B. -ne < *nes or *nos
(which may have become nom. like nos in Lat.).
^1 For pronouns suffixed to
prepositions see §§ 208-213.
POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES.
§ 161. i. A possessive
adjective was placed after its noun, which was usually preceded by the
article, as y ty tau D.G. 18 '
thy house ', sometimes by a pref. or inf. pron., as y'tla. wyndut ten R.P.
iaoa 'to thy paradise'; rarely it was added to an indefinite noun, as
Ac, i wneuthur mesurau 0
bemllion mwynion man.—D.G. 289.
'And to iniiltc measures out of sweet verses of mine.'
Tlio nbove iidnominal use is common as a poetical construction ;
in prose it survived only in one or two phrases like y rei ei8aw IL.A. ao " suos ".
Ordinarily the possessive adjective stands as the complement of the verbs '
to be', 'to become ', etc., as malpei teu. vei E.M. 127 ' as if it were thine'; or is used substantivally preceded
by the article, as arnaf i ac ar y men. s.G. a68 ' on me and on mine'.
ii. (i) The foims of the possessive adjectives in use in Ml. "W. are the
following:
Sg. I. mew PI. 1. emym a. ten 3. einwch 3. m. eioaw, f. eibi 3.
eiounf
In Mn. W. the first three forms became maw, tau, eiddo, by the regular change
of final syllables; and new forms of the 1st and 3nd
persons arose ; see iii.
See Ml.'W. einym E.M. 132,
eiSunt do. 26, eiSi W.M. 476 ; einwch etc. see below. The
form eiSyaw IL.A. 129 shows ^
after ei § 35 ii; but the
present N.W. sound is euddo with no trace of -t- before -o, and the intrusion
is only sporadic in Ml. W.
(a) The above forms are sometimes extended by the addition of auxiliary
affixed pronouns; thus mew i or mew inmu, few di or
§ 161
PEONOUNS
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ten, ditheu, ei6aw) ef or ei6aw efo, etc. In Mn. W. the ist sg.
takes the form Maufi mmaujinnau.
Pa Sarpar yw yr einwch chwi P B.M. 292
' what preparation is yours 1'
By ryw neges yw yr ei8aw ef?
W.M. 40 'wliu< business is
his t' yr meu i S.G. 34 ' to
mine ', y ten. di W.M. 84 '
tliine ', // meu inneu s &. 251;
A'r cwyn tail di ... ywr cwyn mau llnnau I.G. 392 ' and thy plaint is my plaint'; tlio /- in itttualed by the
cynghanedd in I.G. 318 q.v.
iii. In the l5th century now
formH of (lie ist and 2nd sg. '
and pi. sprang up. Sion Cent luis A\ natvr . . . ysy eiddom. yn, soddi c 7/86 ' and itw [the earth's] nature is ours to sink us ', T.A. has
eiddoch A 3) 102/111. We als® find eiddod:
Gwyr yMn a g<il air o glod;
Qorau oedd y gair eiddod.—G.I.IL.F., 0
7/110.
' Fine men got a word of praise; the best was the word [spoken] of thee.'
H.B. uses the curious and sg. ein-wyd D. 185. — G.E. Ci5<?7) gives eiaofor eiddof, eiddot,
einom p. [123] ; einom in A.G.
52.—J.D.R. gives eiddof,
eiddoi, eiddom, eiddoch 69.
These are the forms used in Late W., though mau and tau persisted in poetry.
Wm.S. used mau and tau in his N.T., which were mostly changed into eiddof and
eiddot by the translators of the Bible, see e. g. loan xvii 6, 9, TO.
The forms of the 3rd sg. and
pi. remain unchanged, except that eidduni is misspelt evidynl m Late W.
iv. (i) It is generally assumed that men is a new formation after teu, and
that the latter comes from the Ar. gen. ^teye : Skr. tdva. But Ir. mui shows
that the formation is not very new; it goes back at least to Pr. Kelt. The
Ir. muz occurs as a gloss, but *tui is not found, and neither form occurs in
construction. It is probable therefore that the predicative and substantival
constructions so common in W. are secondary; for if original they might be
expected to survive in Ir. on account of their convenience. Hence we may
conclude that meu and teu were originally postfixes, a construction which
disappeared in Ir. and only survived in poetry in W. They may theie-fore be
derived directly from the Ar. enclitic genitives *moi, *toi : Gk. jiioi, TOI
(croi), Skr. me, te (e < *ai < *o»), Lat. ml (< *moz'), sea § 75 viii (2).
(2) The Ar. 3rd sg. corresponding to *moi, *toi
was *soi : Gk. oE, Av. lie, se; this gives W. *{h)eu. Beside y meu and y teu,
there must have been yr *1ieu,
which gives rheueS ' property, wealth' (reueS M.A. i 2440); and yr *(K)eu 'his propeity' became 'the
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ACCIDENCE
§ ^S
proprrty ' whence *(h)eu ' property'. When *(h)eu became obsolete im mi
enclitic it was replaced in the sense of 'property' by meu, wliicli gives
meueS 'property' (meuet M.A. i 36iS).
It was followed by / ' to' and a pronoun : Ae meu y mmneu dy verch di weithon
1 Meu heb ynteu E.M. 142, lit. 'is thy daughter property
to me now t Property [i. e. Yes] said the other'; vy merch inneu a geffy yn
veu itt do. 125 ' and my
daughter thou shalt have as property to thee ', i.e. for thine own; yn veu i8aw e hun do. 207 ' as property for himself. In
its orig. form the last expression would be *eu iSaw, of this eiSaw is an
obvious contraction; similarly eiSi for *eu iSi', eiSunt for *eu iSunt. On
the analogy of eiSaw ef (for *eu iSaw ef) arose men i, few di. In eiSaw a/the
ef is of course the ordinary affixed pron. supplementing the personal ending
of iSaw, see § 160 iii (2) (b).
(3) The use of yn, *eu for the
later yn veu is attested in the O.W. iwu glossing genitives in M.C. ; as
nomrfimou gl. rosarum = (y.)n
*eu yr ffioneu ' as the property of the roses', i. e. that of the roses
(n-representing yn before a vowel is common, e.g. ivy li.L. 120 'in its' § 107 ii). It is found before the ist
pi. pron.: muni gl. nostrum = (y)n
*eu (y)nny; later *eu ynny became einym on the analogy of the prepositional
form of eiSaw, and of gennym '(belonging) to ua ' (mae yelinyin ' we
possess'); einwch was evidently formed from einym on the unali)gy of
iJennwdi,
'I'lio pnH'c-HHes which produced these forms have repeated themselves at
later peiiodH: ei&o ' his' (like the old *eu 'his') became a noun meaning
'property'; it began to be used with a dependent genitive in the i4th century : a vu ei8aw dy vam di s.a. 270 'was thy mother's property'; ei8aw nep Hi.A. 35; eiddo'r Arghvydd i Cor. x 26 ; thus 0. W. n-ovi-ir-fionou would now be yn eiddo'r ffzon. From eiddo
were formed the new ist and 2nd
sg. and pi. forms eiddof (fi), eiddot (ti), eiddom (nf), eiddoch (chwi),
carrying further the analogy of eiddo (ef). Lastly, there is a recent
tendency, instead of yn eiddo (ef), to say yn eiddo iddo (ef), which exactly
reproduces yn *eu iSaw (ef), which is the origin of yn eiSo (ef).
THE RELATIVE PKONOUN.
§ 162. i. The forms of the
relative pronoun are—nom. ace. a [soft] ; adverbial cases, before vowels Ml.
yd, yS, Mn. yr, before consonants Ml. yd [soft]. Ml. and Mn. y [rad.] ; in
the genitive and in cases governed by prepositions both a and yS (yr), y are
used.
Nom. : gyrru yr erchwys a laSyssei y carw eymdeifh W.M. 2 ' to send the pack tliat had
killed the stag away'; Gwyn ei fyd y dyn a wnelo hyn Es. Ivi 2 ' Bles&ed is the man that
doeth this'.—Ace. :
o ymgael a'r gwr a Sywedy di •W.M. 4
'to find the man whom thou
§ 162
PEONOUNS
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mentionest'; Ai dyma'r ympryd a ddewisaiii 1 Es. Iviii g ' Is this the fast that I have chosen?'—Adv. ; or
lie, y8 or8 W.M. 39 'from the place where he was'; e korn eS wo e briiilu/n, A.L.
i 76 'the horn from which the
king drinks'.—Nom. anil »ilv.;
Af a mawl a/o melys Or tud yr wyfi'r tad }{i/s.—0,9. V BB/3'-'I will go with praise that is
sweet from tlio land whore I Mn to
Father Ehys.'
The gen. rel. is supplemented by n))infi\rd prrxoiiii] pronoun to point out
the case : Mob ... a Ki/livnn Ifinn ^ lutit n n. ^7 ' thn Son whose death Judas plotted'; (H . , . a fiurpiin/d
niiir/i.y dat W.M. 469 '01, whose father's pigs were stolen
'; brawl yr IJIW y buost nei/hwyr yn y lys do. 130 ' brother of \\w niiui in whose court thou wast last night';
y neb y maddeuwi/d oi drosedd Ps. xxxii i 'he wliose transgression is
forgiven'.—Similarly a preposition takes a personal ending to show the gender
nnd number of the relative : y'r neb a welei newyn a sychet arnaw IL.A. 126 lit. ' to the one wh 0111 lie saw hunger and thirst on
him'; nyt cvmgen no'r prenn y dihynnawK yr arglwyS arnnaw do. 61 'no other than the tree on which
the Lord was crucified'.—Dat. y followed by i with suff. : y rhai y rhoddwyd
iddynt Matt. xix n 'they to whom it is given'; also without the prep.:
leuan deg a'i onwayw dwr
Y perthyn campau Arthur.—G.GL, P 83/58.
'Fair leuan with his spear of ash and steel to whom belong (lie qualities of
Arthur.' Rhywia' dyn y rhoed erwd T.A. A 14967/29 ' the
most generous man to whom a soul was | ovrr] nivcit'.
The form ae in E betev ae ljulich // i/lur n.ii. 63 ' The griiviin which the rain wcte' maybe an echo of O.W. 111 witli tlin rnd. iil'lcr tlio
ncc., see vi (i).
By the elision of unnccented syllables a is often lost in Mn. W. verse, as Y
ddraig coch ' ddyry cychwyn D.I.D. G. 177
'[it is] the red dragon that gives a leap '. T gwr lien ' gdr holl Wynedd
Gut.O. G. 204 ' the learned
man whom all Gwynedd loves '. The soft initial remains to represent it. In
Ml. W. it may be lost before initial a-. The frequent dropping of the rel. a
is a characteristic of much of the slipshod writing of the present day.
ii. (i) The usual adverbial form before a vowel in Ml. W. is yb; but gr^
though rare, appears in the i4th
cent., as yno yr adeilawS Beuno eglwys IL.A. 123 ' [it was] there that Beuno built a church' ; hyt y seneS yr
oeSifyn y aros do. 114 ' as
far as the synod where he wasawaited'. In Mn. W.^r became the usual form, but
yS remained as a poetical form, the bards using both indifferently according
to the demands of the cynghanedd, as
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ACCIDENCE
§ 162
0 erw i gant yr d gwr ;•''''
':
0 ddwy i wn, ydd d aimr.—I.D.,
TB. 150.
'[It is] from an acre to a hundred ihat a man goes, [and] a churl
from two to one.' '
(2) Between vowels yb or yr
may become '8 or 'r, e.g. wedi
'dd el L.G.C. 394 ' after [the
time] when it goes'; but before 9,
consonant it is always y ; unlike the article, it cannot appear as 'r after a
vowel if a consonant follows. On the sound of the y in the word see § 82 ii (i).
iii. In Early Ml. W. the adverbial rel. often appears as yd ( =yd, not yb),
later written yt; this occurs not only before vowels but before consonants
also, the latter usually undergoing the soft' mutation.
Tec yd gan ir adaren B.B. 107
' [it is] sweetly that the bird sings';
myn yd wo truin yd wit trev do. 83
'[it is] there where a nose is tli lit a sneeze will be'; yn Aber Cuawe yt
ganant gogeu E.P. 1034 ' [it
w\ lit Aher Cuawg that cuckoos sing'.
Tn <lio ii.ii. tlio soft. occurs after yd twelve times ; the rad. occurs
four timoH (id p- 41, 53, id k- 85, 95), and in
each case may be due to provcction. IScfurc <-, d-, ;/-, ff-, s-, m- n-,
only y [rod.] occurs;
before !c-, gw-, b-, II-, both y [rad.j and yd [soft] appear; before p-, T-
only yd- ; before a vowel, yS, rarely yd.
iv. (i) The pres. ind. of the verb ' to be' has a relatival form sydd, sy,
Ml. W. yssyb, yssy, in the B.B. often issi (i'=y). The full form ysydd is
also used in Mn. W., and is generally wrongly divided y sydd, because the
accent is on the second syllable. The suffixed rel. is the subject of the
verb, which always means ' who is', ' who am ', etc.
Although originally 3rd Bg.,
the rel. may have a noun or pron. of any number or person as antecedent; thus
Diau mai chwychwi sy bobi Job xii 2
' Doubtless it is you who are people'.
(2) In the verb pieu the
interrogative element pi came to be used as a relative ; see § 193 ii (a), (3).
(3) pan, originally
interrogative, is mostly relative in Ml. and , Mn. W. It is used for ' when',
chiefly where no antecedent is expressed; see § 222 vi (i).—In questions and answers it expresses «whence', as o
py wlat . . . pan henwyt C.M. 33
'from what country [is it] tliat (= whence) thou art sprung?' Ae o bysgotta
pan deuy di do. 53 ' is it
from fishing that thou comest 1'
In these cases yS may be used, and yr supplants pan in Mn. "W. On pan in
answers see § 163 i (6).
§ 162
PRONOUNS
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v. (i) The negative relative is nom. aco. ni, nid, Ml. W. ny, nyt; this form
is also used in tlio gen., in the loc. after lie, and in cases governed by
prepositions; but the adverbial form generally (e.g. after pry 3, modd, fel, meg'is, paham, pa f
odd, etc., and adverbs like braidd, odid, etc.) is na, nad, Ml. W. na, nat,
In Late W. there is a tendency to use the a form everywhere.
Nom. : Nyt oes yndi neb ny'th adnapo B.M. 3 ' there is in it no one who will not know thee'. Gwyn ei fyd y
gwr ni rodia Ps. i I.— Ace. : yr hynn ny
welsynt IL.A. 12 ' that which
they had not seen ';
cenedl nid adweini Es. Iv 5 ;
also with a redundant -s : llyna beth ny-s gwrthodaf-i C.M. 42 'that is a thing which I will not
refuse (it)'.—-Gen. : y drws ny Sylywn ny y agori B.M. 41 ' the door which we ought not to
open ', lit. ' whose its opening we ought not'.—Loc. :
lie ny wyper IL.A. 26 l [in]
the place where it is not known '.—After a prep. : ny roSei hi . . . iSaw
B.M. 33 ' to whom she did not
give'.— Adv. : pryt na IL.A. 26,
W.M. 183, n.M. 85, pryd na Jer. xxiii 7, D.G. 29, G. 297 ; mal
na O.M. 20; braidd na D.G. 50.
(a) The perfective particle ry may introduce a rel. clause; see § 219 v.
vi. (i) The relative pron. a probably comes from the Ar. relative
*zos, *w, *iod : Skr. yd-h, ya, ydd, Gk. 8's, ^, S. It was a proclitic in Brit., and pretonic *io might
become *za § 65 vi (2); this was meta-thesized to ai the
oldest attested form, as in Inoii-oid B.S.CH. 2 ' which 'was', ai torro hao ay dimanuo y bryeint hunn L.L. 121 ' wlio breaks and who dishonours
this privilege', hai bid cr. ' which will be '; iiiid <M was reduced to a,
a trace of' «e occurring in Ml. W., nor i.—To explain the soft mutation aftor
it we have to imsumi' tlini in Kelt. the nom. sg. m. was *w like that of *w,
*mi, *t(kl: (3k. o, ^, T<!
(forms witliout
*s are older, anil *w miglit bo a survival).—Tim verb syS, yssyS represents
regularly *est'i,zo •= *esti w; it differs from yssit ' there is ', which
sometimes precedes it, as yssit rin yssyS vwy B.T. 28 ' there ia a secret which is greater', § 189 iii (3).—The ace. a (< *wm) prob. had a radical initial after it
at first, cf. ae gulich i above, and a gulich . . . 'which . . . moistens'
four times in B.B. 46.
(2) In Ar. adverbs were formed
from pronominal and other stems b}^ adding various suffixes, many of which
began with a dental : thus, denoting place, *-dhi (Gk. Tro-Oi ' where ?' S-8i ' where'), *-dhe,, *-dha (Skr.
i-ha ' here ', Gk. i(?a-yefi;s), *-ta (Gk. Kara, W. gan < *1cm-t(t);
whither, *-te(Gk. vo-a-e t < -T£, Goth. hvap 'whither?').; whence,
*-dhem (Gk. -Oev), *-tos (Skr. yd-tah ' whence', Lat. in-tus, W. hwn-t
'hence'); manner, *-ti (Skr. z-ti 'thus', Lat. iti-dem), *-tha (Skr. ka-tha
'how', ya-tha 'as', Lat. ita, < *i-ta); time, *-dd (Skr. ya-da ' when'),
*-te (Gk. 8-re ' when');
Brugmann2 II ii 728-734. To these may be added the adj. of number formed with *-ti
(Skr. /cd-tt. ' how many 1' W.
pe-t id., Lat. quo-t, Skr. yd-ti ' as many ').
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ACCIDENCE
§ 162
Tlia W. adverbial forms of the rel. proh. represent several of these
tloi'iviitivuH of the rel. *zo- ; accented o would remain, and, becoming
unncr. later, would give y § 65
iv (2). Distinctions of
meaning were lowt, and the forms were adapted to the initials which followed
them.— y8 before a vowel may
represent *t6-dhi ' where' or
*^6-dhem ' whence '; possibly
in id thrice before aeth in B.B. 3,
97 (marg. bis) an old
distinction is reflected : id < *w-te ' whither'.—yd [soft] denoting
manner as Jeelvit id gan B.B. 15
' [it is] skilfully that he
sings' < *w-ti or *jf>-thd; denoting number, as pop cant id Cuitin do.
95 '[it was] by the hundred
that they fell' < *io-ti, cf. Ml. W. pet 'how many ?'—y [rad.] prob. has
two sources : r. yd [soft] before t-gives *yd d- which becomes y t-, i. e. y
[rad.], afterwards extended to other initials; 2. y8 must have
been orig. used before consonants as well as vowels, and might take the rad.
(yS ' whence' < *w-dhem); the -8
would be lost before the consonant § 110
iv (3).—As yr is not known to
occur before the i4th cent. it
is improbable that it represents an old r-derivative. It is most probably for
Late Ml. yr as in val yr lygryssit . . . y grofdeu "W.M. 75 'the way that his crofts had been
ruined ', from y ry, as pob-gwiat or y ry fuum do. 144 'every country of tliose where I have been'. (Earlier, ry is
used without y as IlucJiof re tru ydhim.wm A.L. i 58.) The analogy of the art. y : yr might help to spicad IJT
vv\. Ixiforo a vowel.
(3) Tho neg. rel. iiy may be <
*»to < *inzo < *ne w. It caused lenition because orig. unaccented, see
§ 217 iv; later the mutation
after it was assimilated to tliat following ordinary ny ' not' ; probably nyt
rel. is also analogical, no, is probably the same as indirect na, see ib.
vii. (i) The relative in all cases COIDPS immediately before the verb of the
rel. clause (only an infixed, pron. can intervene) ; and is often preceded by
the demonstratives yr hwn, yr hon, yr flym, W as well as y sawl, y neb, yr
un, y rJiai. In translations these,' which are properly antecedents or stand
in apposition to the antecedent, are often attracted into the relative
sentence, producing a confused construction, see Syntax. Before the adverbial
forms there occur similarly y lie ' [in] the place' (the rel. meaning'
'where'), model, mal, megis ' [in] the manner' (the rel. meaning ' in which'),
pryd ' the time' (the rel. meaning ' when'), etc.
(2) In sentences beginning
with a noun or adverb followed by a rel., the noun or adv. is the predicate
and the rel. clause the subject. Thus Dafydd a welais i means ' [it is] David
whom I saw ' or ' [the man] whom I saw [is] David '; yma y ganed Dafydd means
' [it is] here that D. was born '. In the spoken language the noun or adv. is
always emphatic and predicative, and the literal meaning is not
§ 163
PRONOUNS
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departed from. But in lit. W. sentences of the above form are used
rhetorically where the noun or adv. is not emphatic; hence some scholars have
doubted that a and y8 are
rcliitivff). It seems clear however that the sense preserved in the spoken
liuigimgo is the literal one. This is confirmed by the use of the rol. verbs
sydil, pieu, see iv(i),§ 192ii(3); cf. § 163 v.,
INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS, ADJECTIVES AND ADVEKBS.
§ 163. i. The interrogiifive
pronouns, adjectives and adverbs are the following ((lie form of the
interrogative is the same whether the question lie direct or indirect) :
(i) Ml. and MI). W. pwy 'who ?'
Puy gnunt cath pntuc n.is. 96
' wlio wounded P.'s cat?' Ac ny wnn i pwy wyt ti W.M. 3 ' and I know not who thou art'; y bwy y rooif W.M. 402 ' to whom it should be given ' ;
Pwy a osododd ei mesurau hi, os gwyddost i neu pwy a estynnodd linyn ami hi ?
Job xxxviii 5. Bwy W.IL. 44, 59.
In Ml. W. pwy is also used for ' what is ? ' as dayar, pwy y llet neu pwy y
thewhet B.T. 20 ' the earth,
what is its breadth or what is its thickness i' pwy enw y teir Jcaer do. 3 5 ' what is the name of the three forts ?' Cf, E.P. 1054. It is also found later with
enw, as Pwy dy henw D.G. 365 '
what is thy name 1' This may
be for py *wy where *wy is an older form of yw ' is ' § 78 iv (r); if so, in 'pwy yw dy enw
ID.A. 128 the yw is redundant.
The use of pwy bfloic a noun in rnro : Pwy ystyr yw gemiyt ti kelu . . . W.M.
454 ' wha< reiison hast
thou to conceal ...'?' Probably the yw here is redundant as above, and the construction
was originally that in Pwy yslyr nas ugory ti do. 456 ' what is the reason that thou wilt not open it t' This type
of phrase might give rise to the adjectival use of pwy, which occurs more
frequently later, and is common in the dialects : pwy wr IL 30/103, pwy ryw fyd do: 480,
cf. pwy un ii (i) below.
(a) Ml. W. pa, py, ba, by, Mn. W. pa, ba (rarely py) ' what . . . ?'
adjectival. It causes the soft mutation (B.B. fa gw s pa 'swr).
Pa gw yv y porthaur B.B. 94
'what man is the porter?' Pa i/yvarwydd a vy8 ymi W.M. 4 '
what indication will there be to me 1'
// edrych pa veSwl yw yr eiSunt do. 39
' to see what thought is theirs';
yin mha ddinasoedd y maent yn preswylio Num. xiii 19.—Py Srwc yw hyimy B.M. 178 'what evil is that ?' i.e. what does that matter? py U pan
Seuei WM. 132, E.M. 204 'whence he came'.—Ba befh
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ACCIDENCE
§163
see (,i), by Syn bynnac B.P. i2g6. Forms with b- are common in Early
Mn. verse.
In Early Ml. W. pa, py is also used for ' what ?' substantival, as pa
roteiste oth dud B.B. 20 'what
didst thou give of thy wealth?' Pa Sarvw w.M. 58, B.M. 41 'what
happened?' Pa wnaf B.P. 1045 '
what shall I do 1. ' Py
gynheil magwyr dayar yn bresswyl B.T. 28
' what supports the wall ot the earth permanently 1'—It ib also used for ' why t' as Py liuy ( = livy or liwy) di
w.M. 454 ' why dost thou
colour 1' Duw reen py bereist
lyvwr B.P. 1032 ' Lord God,
why hast thou made a coward t'
(3) Ml.W. peth ' what?'
substantival, usually 'beth, also pa beth, to, beth: Mn. W. beth, pa 'beth.
A wSost ti peth wyf B.T. 2 7 ' dost thou know what thou art 1' -Net wn, heb ynteu, peth yw
marchawc w.M. 118 ' I do not
know, said he, what a knight is'; Peth bynnac see iv.
beth yw dy arch di W.M. 20 '
what is thy request 1' beth yw
hynny do. 28, 42 ' what is that ?' beth yssyS yn y
boly hwnn do. 54 ' what is in
this bag 1' beth yssyS yma ib.
' what is here ?' Beth a Sarvu yn y diweS iSaw ef IL.A. 16 ' what happened in the end to him
t' beth am y rei bychein do. 41
' what about the little ones t' Beth . . . fie! 'what if 12 times in IL.A. 67-8. Beth a gavm Or. 228
' what shall we have t' Beth a wnawn 1'n
chwaer t Can.
viii 8.
Rape)) bi JUV. gl. quid; papedywraac M.C. gl. quoduis; ba beth weu rac eneid
B.B. 84 'what [isj best for
the soul'; Pa beth a wnnant wy IL.A. 66
'what do they dot' Pa beth yw dyn i tz i'w gofio t Ps. viii 4.
(4) Early Ml. "W. pet
[soft] ' how many . ; '. ?' (In Late Ml. W. and Mn. W. this gave place to pa
sawl ii (4).)
pet wynt, pet ffreu, pet avon B.T. 20
' How many winds, how many streams, how many rivers '; Gogwn . . . pet SyS ym
hlwySyn, pet paladyr yg kat, pet 8os
yg kawat do. 21-2 'I know how many days [there are]
in a year, how many spears in an army, how many drops in a shower'.
(5) Early Ml. W. pyr ' why ? '
pir deuthoste B.B. 23 ' why
hast thou come? ' pyr na'm dywedyS •B.V. 27 ' why dost thou not tell me t' pyr no, thr{d)ethwch traethawt
do. 19 'why do you not make a
statement?' pyr y kyverchy di w.M. 486
(in B.B. 126 Py rao . . .)
'why dost thou accost [me]?' A form pyf occurs once, and may be an error for
pyr:—pyt echenis drwc B.T. 27
' why did evil arise ?'
(6) Ml. W. pan ' whence ? '
also ban B.B. 10%. It is
generally repeated before the verb in the answer.
§ 163
PRONOUNS
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pan Soy di, yr yscolheic 1 Pan
Soaf, nryJwyS, i> Loygyr •W.M. 76
' Whence comest thou, clerk ? 1
come, lord, from England.'
In the answer paw has become a relative, so tliat Hie original meaning would
be 'whence I come, lord, [is] from England', pan i« bimilarly used
in the answer when it occurs as a relative (for y8) in Ilio i|iicstiou;
o ba Ie pan Seuy di ? Pan 8euaf,Jteb
yi/teu, o'r ttniifi n.ai. .'75
' from what place [is it] that thou comest? 1 come, uaid In', fioni ilio city'. On pan ml., see § 162 iv (3).
(;) Early Ml. W. cw, cwd (cw/}, owS 'where?' 'whence?' ' whither ? '
mor, cv threia cud fchwit , . . Jtedeoauc duwyr . . . cvd a . . . cv
treigil, cv threwna{t),pd hid a, nev
cud vit V.-B. 88 ' The sea,
whither it ebbs, whither it Biilwidos . . . Running water, whither it goes,
whither it rolls, where it settles (?), how far it goes, or where it will be
'. kwt yitl plant y </wr w.M. 453
' wliere are the children of the man ?' (in the K.W. 101 ble mae for 1cwt
ynt). Keunos cwt SyuyS, kw8
Sirgel rac dyS v.v. 41 'or
night, whence it comes, whither it recedes before day'; cw8 vyS nos yn arhos dyS do. 28 'where the night is, awaiting the
day'. Ny wtant ewt {t =. 8)
ant P.M. M.A, i 284 ' they
know not where they go'. i.
(8) pi-eu ' to whom belongs ?'
See § 192.
ii. Many interrogative expressions are formed by combining' pa, py with nouns
and adjectives ; thus—
(i) pa un, pi. pa rai ' which?' (followed by o ' of), pwy un is also found.
Am, ba un o'r gweithredordd hynny yr ydych yn fy llabyddio i 1 loan x 32. <Jwraig i bwy un o honynt yw hi? Luc xx 33. Pa rei vu y rei hynny IL.A. 17 ' which were those ?'
pa un, is also used sometimes for ' who ? ' a& dywet titheu , . pa ' un
zoyt ti s.Q. 57 ' and do thou
say wlio thou art'.
pa un and pwy un are sometimes contracted to y'un and pwy'ft;
thus pun wyt B.M. 222 'who
thou art' (for W.M. 154 pwy
wyt);
Brig Jcwyr, pwy ni wyr pwy'u yw S.Ph. c 19/274 '(Maid of)
the waxen hair, who knows not who she is ?'
(a) pa Ie, pie, ble ' where ? ' ' whither ?' o ba Ie, o ble ' whence ?' i ba
Ie, i ble ' whither ?' pa du ' where ? ' ' whither ? ' (These forms
supplanted cw, cwd, cwb in Late Ml. and Mn. W.)
Pa Ie y bu Babel
TL.A. 44 ' where was Babel ?' ble mae plant y
gwr B.M, 101, see i (7) above ; Pa Ie yS aeth ASaf yna
IL.A. 13 '"quo ivit tune
Adum?" Ble'dd dn' rhag blaidd o Wymdd T.A. A 14966/57
v2
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ACCIDENCE
§ ISS
' wliiUier will they go from the wolf of Gwynedd 1' 0 ba Ie y daw
brniKwydon IL.A. 57 ' whence
come dreams 1' I ble y tyn heb
weled tir T.A. A 14979/143 (D.G. 296) ' whither will it (the ship) make for without seeing land
?' Pa du IL.A. 19 ' whither t'
py tu W.M. 484 ' where'.
(3) pa Selw, pa we8, pa ffuryf, pa vo8, late pa sut' how ? '
Pa Selw y daw yr arglwyS y'r vrawt IL.A. 61 " qualiter veniet Dominus ad judiciuin 1" Pa we8 do. 15 "
quali modo t" Pa ffuryf do. 4;
pa vo8 do. 21.
pa bryd ' when ? ' pa awr (pa hawr § 112
i (a)), pa 8y8, etc., ' what hour ?' ' what day
?'
(4) pa faint 'how much? how
many ?'followed by o 'of, pa hyd ' how long ? ' pa sawl [rad.] ' how many ?'
ny SiSory pa veint o wyrda ffreinc a Sivaer c.M. 78 'thou carest not how many of the nobles of France are destroyed'. Pa faint o
gamweddau . . .1 Job xiii 23. Pa hyd arglwydd y'm anghofi i
Ps. xiii i. Bysawl nef ysyS IL.A. 128
'how many heavens are there 1'
Pysawl pechnwt a onic ASaf do. 131
'how many sins did Adam (.'oiiiinit'i' Pa Bawl llyfr, pa sawl bedd . . . a
welsoch n.c'w. 70 'How many
books, liuw many gruvis lia\o yon been 1'
maint and 1iyd are eiJuativc
uouiib § 14K i (12), (8). pa may al&o be put before any equative adj. with cyn; as
py gybellet oSyina yw y cruc w.M. 154
' how far from here is the mound 1'
Tt is also used in Mn. W. with mor and a pos. adj. pa mor Sa, etc.
(5) pa gyfryw [soft] ' what
manner of . . . ?' M.n.'W.paryw fath [soft], pa fath [soft] id.
Py gytryw wr yw awch tat chwi pan aUo lleassu pawb velly W.M. 152 'what manner of man is your
father when he can kill everybody sot' Pa ryw fath rai A.G. 36.—cyfryw is the equivalent of an
equative § 149 ii (i).
(6) pa ryw [soft] ' what . . ,
? ' adjectival.
Sometimes pa ryw means ' what kind of 1'
as Pa ryw lun yssyS ar yr engylyon IL.A. 9 " qualem formam habent angeli 1" But generally it means ' what particular (thing, etc.) 1' or ' what class of (things «
etc.) t' preserving the older meaning of ryw § 165 vi; as pa ryw lu sy'npoeri i lawr D.G. 409 'what host is spitting down [the
snow]?' ynteu a ofynnwys pa ryw Synymz oe8 y rei hynny c.M. 14
' and he asked what class of men those were.'
pa ryw became pa ry (cf. awry- § 165
iv (9)) wrongly written pa 'r
y, as pa'r y ddyfnder M.IL. i 212
'what depth?' This is again reduced to pa r' (wrongly written pa '/•), as pa
r' ofid waeth T.A. A 14866/201 ' what sonow [could be] worse i
' Perygl i wyr, pa 'r
PRONOUNS
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glwy waeth L.M. D.T. 145
'dangerous to men, what disease [is] worse?' apha'r gledi sydd arno 'rwan B.CW. 73 ' and what hardship does he suffer now 1'—pa ryw un ' which (particular)
one 1' becomes par'un M.IL. i 182, which is very common in
Gwynedd, and is sometimes further reduced to p'r'un.
iii. pa or py might have a postfixed preposition, ^ 47 iv. Of the expressions so formed only paham ' wliy ? '
survives ; often contracted to pam which is at least us early as w.u. Others
in use in Ml. W. are pa-1w and
pit rac or pi/ rac ; for references see '§ 47 iv.
Pam y Jcymerwn inhcii fn/nny gan y tayogeu lladron w.M. 68, cf. 73 'why should we take that iiom tlie thievish villains t'
Ml. W. pabiw, pyUw ' to whom ?' seems to belong to this class, but its
formation is obscure, see vi.
O.W. padiu ox. ' for what t'
glossing quid in " Quid tibi Pasiphae pretiosas sumere vestes ?"
issit padiu itau gulat JUV. lit. ' there-is to-whom-it-is that-comes
lordship' (?) glossing est cut regia in " Cunotis geuitoris gloria
vestri laudetur ceisi thronus est cui regia caeli".—Ml. W. geyr eu y eyr
[ef ] pa8yu y roSes [py8iw nys roSes] A.L.MS. A. [MS. D.] i
108 'his (the donor's) word is
word (i.e. decides) to whom it is that he gave it, to whom it is that he did
not give it'. gwynn y wyt py8iw
y roSir kerennyS Duw E.P. 1056
' Blessed is he to whom is given the grace of God'. Later with a ledundant y
' to':
y by8iw y bo gorSeroh dec i8aw C.M. 32 '[we shall know) to whom it is that there will be a fair
leman'.
iv. The forms pwy bynnag, jielh h//n,Hag, belfi bijiinag, pa beth fywnag, pa.
. liynnag, etc., have lost their interrogative meaning, and are used as
" universal" relatives, meaning ' whosoever', ' whatsoever', ' what
. .. soever \
Pwybynnac a vynnho IL.A. 138"
Quicunque vult". Peth bynnac o garuei8rwy8 a vei
yrungthunt W.M. 6 ' whatsoever
of blandishment there was between them.' A Duw a vy8 y gyt a thi bethbynnac a wnelych TL.&.. 105-6 'And God will be with thee whatever thou doest'. By Syn bynnac
vych, by gerS a vettrych B.P. 1256
'what man soever thou art, what craft [soever] thou art skilled in '. pa
ddaioni bynnag a wnelo pob un Eph. vi 8.
In S.W. dialects bynnag loses its final -g, and in late 8.W. MSS. it sometimes^ appears as
bynna or benna. We also find in Late Mn. W. bynnag put before pa, peth, as
Bynnag beth sydd mown creadur Wms. 294
'whatsoever is in a creature'; bynnag pa'r fodd M.L. i 82, 97 'however'; though used here by W.M., it does not seem to be a
N.W. construction. A dialectal form in S.W. of bynnag is gynnag,
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§ 164
and yynnag pwy, gywnag beth are found in some lesser writings of the lute
period; more recently they appear in the corrupt and curiously meaningless
forms gan nad pwy, gun nad beth.
v. As the interrogative is always predicative it is followed regularly in Ml.
and Mn. "W. bythe relative on the analogy of affirmative sentences;
t\ius pwy a wyr ' who [is it] that knows 1' on the analogy of Duw a wyr ' [it is] God that knows', § 162 vii (2). But this appears to be an innovation in the case of the
interrogative, as the oldest examples omit the relative, as puy guant i (i),
pa roteiste i (2), pir
deuthoste i (5).
vi. The stems of the interrogative in Ar. were *q"o-, *qne-, f.
q"a-, also *qH-, *q^u- the last in adverbs only (Brugmann2 II ii 348).—W. pwy < nom. sg. mas. *qWo-i : Lat. qui <
*qVo-i.—W. pa, py adj. < stem *q^o- compounded with its noun and so
causing lenition; o after the labial becomes a, or remains and becomes y, cf.
§ 65 iv (2).—W. pa, py subst. < nom., ace.
sg. neut. *qV!o-d, *q"i-d : Lat. quod, quid;
lenition is perhaps due to the analogy of the adj. pa, py.—W. peth <
*qVid-dm § 91 ii; already in
Brit, the word had become indef., meaning ' something, thing', hence pa beth
' what thing 1' beth is not
necessarily a shortening of this, as pa is not omitted in such phrases in Ml.
W. ; but beth is for peth (= Ml. Bret. pes 'quid?') which occurs in Ml. W.,
sec i (j), witli b- iw in ba, by i (2),
bail v.v. 55, 56.— Ml. W. pet ' how many t' Jiret.
pel < *qvl',-^i § 102 vi (2).—Ml. W.pyr 'why?' < *qVio-r :
Goth., O.E. hwar ' -where 1 '
< *q*o-r, Lat. cur <
*qVo-r.—W. pan < *qV:an-dc < *qVam-de : ct. 0. Lat. quanide, Umbr. ponne § 147 iv (4) p. 245.—Ml. W. cw, cwd, cwS represent
different formations of *q*u- (qV > k before u § 89 ii (3)) by the
addition of more than one of the suffixes named in § 162 vi (2); the
different forms have been confused, and can no longer be disentangled ;
similar formations are 8kr.
Jeu-ha (h < dh), Gathav. ku-da ' where ?' Lat. ubi <
*q»u-dh-, 0. Bulg. kii-de ' where 1'
W. pam, pahdm < *y«(8) am
< ^q^od mbhi ' what about t' paSiw or yySiw is obscure; no dative form
seems possible; an analogical
*pod-do might give *pyS (as d-d > d § 93 iii (i)) and iw may be yw ' ib ' § 77 v ; so ' to whom it is' or ' for what it is'.
W. bynnag, Brct. bennak, bennag, seems to be from some such form as
"q^om-de ' when' + ac ' and', so that in meaning it is the literal
equivalent of Lat. cum-que, and is, like it, separable (Lat. qm cumque lit. '
who and when').
DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.
§ 164. i. (i) The demonstratives
hwn ' this ', hwnnw ' that' are peculiar in having- a neuter form in the
singular. Both are substantival and adjectival. The adjectival demonstrative
is placed after its noun, which is preceded by the article ; thus^ gwr
§ 164
PRONOUNS
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hwn ' this man '. The different forms are—sg. mas. hwn, hwnnw, fern. fton,
honno, •neut. hyn, hynny, pi. m. and f. hyn., hynny.
The following forms occur in O.W. : hiwn M.O., JUV., cp. 'hyn';
hunnoid ox., hunnuid M.O. ' hwnnw'; hmnoid ox. ' hyuny '.; hirwnn JUV. ' yr
hwn ', •w hinn M.O. 'the one', m,, see iv (i); hun'iruith OP. f., hinnuith
ib. m., hinnith ib. neut. and pi.
(a) Jiwnnw means ' that' person or thing out of sight, ' that' in our minds.
To indicate objects in night, adverbs are added to hwn ; thus hwn, yna ' that
(which you see) there, that near you ', * hwn aew, Ml. W. hwnn rac/cu '
tliiif yonder'. So hwn yma 'this here'. But yma and //iia are also used
figuratively; hwn yma ' this' which 1
am speaking of, hic/i,yna ' that' which I have just mentioned. Hence we can
liave the abstract hyn before these, but not before «vw which is always used
literally of place.
Vy arglwy&es i yw honn racko B.M. 175'
that (lady) yonder is my mistress'. Guttun Ywain a ysgrivennodd hwnnyma
Gut.O. auto. a. 28/33 E. ' Guttun Owain wrote this'.
An-dml yw i hwn yma Nag ysstSr nag eisiau da.—I.D., TB. 149.
' It is rare for this one to store or to want wealth.'
These expressions are sometimes used adjectivally as y wreic we&w honn
yman IL.A. 114' this widow ';
o'r byt hwnn yma do. 117' from
this world'; y worwyn honn yma s.o. 143
' thiy maiden '. But for this purpose the adverb alone is generally used :
y;i y byt yma IL.A. 102,155 ' in this world '; o'r exgobawt
yma n.i'. 1272' from this
diocese'; y vySin burwen/t racco it.M. 151 ' the white ;irmy yonder'. Any other adverb of place may be
similarly employed : y fan draw, y tu hwnt, etc.
In the spoken language hwn, yna, hon yna, hyn. yna are commonly contracted to
hw\na, h6\na, h'f\na (not
hwnna, etc.); and these forms occur in recent writings.
(3) The neut. sg. 1iyn, hynny always denotes an
abstraction ; it means ' this' or ' that' circumstance, matter, thought,
statement, precept, question, reason, etc.; or'this' or 'that' number or
quantity of anything ; or ' this' or' that' period or point of time.
Hynny, hep ef, ansyberwyt oeS W.M. 2
' that, said he, was ungentle-manliness ' (meaning ' that' conduct); Pater
noster . . . sef yw pwyll hynny yn tat ni IL.A. 147 ' Pater noster . . . the meaning of that is our Father'. A
wnelo hyn nid ysgogir yn dragywydd Ps. xv 5 ;
wedi hyn ' after this '.
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§ 164
Nid wylais gyda'r delyn Am 'y nhad gymain a hynn.—I D. TK. 151. ' I liave not wept with the
harp for my [own] father as much as this.'
ii. (i) The neut. hyn or hynny is substantival, not adjectival. In Mil. W. it
is sometimes used adjectivally after certain nouns ;
but as the construction is unusual in Ml. W., it must be a neologism: yn y
kyfrwg hynny B.B.B. 11 for yg
kyfrwg hynny do. 319, 3ao, 331. The examples show that it i& added to nouns expressing
ideas for which substantival Jiyn stands.
or chwedl Mr hyn H.A. IL 133/164 ' of this long story '; A'r peth
hyn S.Ph. E.P. 275 'and this
thing' [which thou knowest]; y peth hyn Dan. iii 16 ' this matter' ; ein neges hyn JOB. ii 14, so ' this our business '; y pryd
hynny i Sam. xiv 18 ; ai'r
pryd hyn Act. i 6.— This use
of hyn, hynny never became common, but seems to have been more or less local.
In Gwent hyn adj. has spread, and is now used with all nouns.—O.W. hinnith
after ir loc guac in cp. 6
seems to be an error for hinnuith as in 9, n, 14, 15, a form of hwnnw, with y for w in
the penult, cf. § 66 ii (i).
(a) The pi. Jiyn or hynny is both adjectival and substantival. The former usu
is extremely common. The latter is comparatively rare ; examples are—
ny thebygaf i y un o hyn vynet W.M. 35
' I do not imagine any of these will go', a hene (^hynntf) a elguyr gosJcwth
e brenyn A.L. i 8 'and those
are called the king's guard'. Ni phalla wn, o hyn Es. xxxiv 16 ' No one of these shall be
missing'.
The reason that this use is rare is that hyn or hynny pi. was liable to be
confused with hyn or hynny neut. eg.; thus Jiyn ' these' might be taken for
hyn ' this (number)'. To avoid the ambiguity ' these' and ' those '
substantival were expressed by y rhai hyn and y rflai hynny, literally '
these ones' and ' those ones '. Though still commonly written in full, these
expressions were contracted, early in the Mn. period, to y rhain G.G1. c. i 198 and^ rheiny do. do. 194,
or y rheinil.h.. A 34980/85.
Angeu Duw fu 'Nghedewain O'i trysw hwy 'n treisiaw 'r rhain.—L.G.O. 175.
'The death [angel] of God has been at Cedewain, robbing these [i.e. the
people there a} of their treasure.'
a Cf. <3e^tiJToit\5]s ij>c6yti is KfpKvpav, &v ailrwv evcpfirtfs, Thuc. i 136. "MaaBiliam pervenit,
fttque ab iig receptus urbi prfteficitur," C&es. B.C. i 36. —Paul-Strong 163.
§164
PRONOUNS
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Mae'r henwyr f Ai wieirw 'r rheini P Bynafoll heno wyfi.—G.GL, r. 100/411.
'Where are the ciders? Are those deadi Eldest of all to-night
am I.'
iii. Adjectival hwn and hon form improper compounds with nouns of time ; thus
yr awr hon > yr dwron (§ 4K
iv), yr awran;
y waith hon >M1.W. e
weythyon A.L. i 242 (MS. 11) nnua11y wi'-ithon, Mn. weithwn, weithwn (§ 35 n(i)) ; y Jiryii Inrii, > y pi-ylwn W.M. loa ; y wers hon
>y wershon W.M. 128 ; nil
Hie ubovc mean ' now'. Soy nos hon, > y nosom ' that night', and y ilydd
hwn >'y dythwn, y dwthwn §66ii(:i)
'that day'. The form dythwn was still in use in the l7th cent.; see Silvan Evans, s.v. dwthwn.
A i icydd ydf/iu yr awron Wreii.ldlazo Jifiya u'r ddacar hon.—L.G.C. 206.
( If is a sign now that Khys i& spiung from this land.'
Ar bob dllawr yr awran
y givneir cost o'r gwin a'r cann.—D.N., G. 149. ' On every altar now provision is made of wine and white
[bread].'
Bardd weithian i leuan wyf.—L.G.O. 275.
' I am now a bard to leuan.'
By dissimilation yr awran (pron. yr owran § 81 iii (2))
became yr owan, and is now sounded in N.W. yrwan. The loss of the r goes back
to the i5th cent.:
0 bu draw 'r bywyd or ran,
Mae'r Eos yina 'r OWBD.—G.I.H. P '77/384.
' If his life has been bpcnt partly away, tlie Nightingale is here now.'
As ' this day ' and ' this night' were expressed by heSiw and heno, the forms
y dythwn and y noson were used for ' this day' or ' this night' of which we
are speaking, i. e. ' that day ' or ' that night'. When tlie composition of
the words was forgotten hwnnw and honno were added for clearness' sake; thus
in A.L. i 142, where MS. A.
has ni Sele y dithun kafail ateb ' he is not to have an answer that [same]
day', the later MS. E. has y dythwn hwwvw. This is the Biblical construction;
see y dwthwn hwnnw Jos. iv 14,
vi 15, viii 25, ix 27, etc.; y noson honno Dan. v 30, vi 18. Later,
noson nnd dwthwu wei e wrested from this context, and taken to mean simply '
night' and 'day'; e.g. a dreuliodd y dwthwn yn sanctaidd BH.B.S. 215 translating " who has spent
his day holily ".
iv. (i) The forms yr hwn, yr hon and yr hyn (but not *yr hwnm etc.) are used
before the relative, meaning, with the latter, ' the one who' or ' he who ',
' she who', and ' that which'; in the pi.
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ACCIDENCE
§ 164
y r/ial ' the ones' is used, which is more strictly the pi. of yr w» ' the
one'; the latter is similarly employed, as are also y neb, y sawl and
definite nouns like y gwr Ps. i i, etc.
0. W. zr hinn issid M.C. ' he
who is' gl. ille ; w hinn issid Christ JUV. 'he who is Christ'; hirunn sv\.
gl. quern. The first two glosses show that ir hinn might be mas. in 0. W.
(2) The above forms may be qualified
by superlatives : o'r hynn odidockaf a wypych B.M. 163 'of the rarest that thou kiiowest'; o'r hyn goreu a gaffer
W.M. 428 ' of the best that is
to be had'. When fco qualified a lei. clause need not follow : o'r hyn lleiaf
Act. v 15 ' at least'; taled
o'r hyn goreu. yn, eifaes ei hun etc. Ex. xxii 5. So with adverbial expressions : yr hwun y tu a Chernyw W.M. 59 ' the one towards Cornwall'.
(3) In the 16th cent. yr was often omitted
before hwn in this construction : hwn a fedd fawredd WJL. G. 292 'he who possesses greatness';
Hwn a wnaeth nef E.P. PS. cxxi 2
'He who made heaven'; i hwn a'th wahoddodd Luc xiv 9; i hyn a weddille r Act. xv 17. In Gwyn. dial. yr 'hwn has been replaced by hwnnw.
v. Before relatives we also have in Ml. W. the form ar, which is sg. and pi.
lolwite ar a berr B.II. 88
'let IIB praise Him who creates'; yno kyrcheist ar a gereist o rei (Joreu
G.M.I), it.r. 1202 ' there
thou broughtest those whom thou lovedst of the besi' ; ar UIJ Set yn uvy8 kymmeller o nerth cleSyveu W.M. 8 'let him who will not conic
obediently be compelled by force of arms'; ac a vynnwys bedyS o'r
Sarasoinyeit a adwys Charlys yn vyw, ac ar nys mynnwys a laSawo C.M. 3 ' and [those] who would be
baptized of the Saracens Charles left alive, and those who would not he
slew.'
It is chiefly found in the form 'r after o 'of.
Ac o'r a welsei efo helgwn y byt, ny welsei cwn un lliw ac wynt W.M. i ' and
of those that he had seen of the hounds of the world he had not seen dogs of
the same colour as these '; o'r a Selei y'r Ilys W.M. 34 'of those who came to the court'; pob creadur o'r a
wnaeth-pwyt IL.A. 4 ' every
creature of those that have been created'; 606 awr o'r y hoetter C.M. 86 'every hour of those during which it is delayed'.
In Mn. W. this construction survives with o replaced by a §213iii(i).
no. dim o'r sydd eiddo dy gymydog Ex. xx 17. 'Fob peth byw a'v sydd gyda thi Gen. viii 17, see ix 16. ym, mhob dim a'v y galwom arm Deut. iv 7. dim a'v a wnaethpwyd loan i 3.
vi. hwn and hon come in tlie first instance from Brit. *sundos, *swnda; the
ueut. hyn from *isindod, and the pi. hyn from either
§ 165
PEONOUNS
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299
*sundz or *sindz. The -u- and -i- are undoubtedly for -o- and -<»-before
-nd- § 65 in (i); we arrive,
therefore, at *sondos, *sonda for hwn, hon, *sendod for hyn neut., and *8ondz or *8eii(!l for hyn pi. (In the Coligny Calendar sonno and sowna
occur, Rhys CG. 6, but the
context is obscure or lost.)
The most probable explanation of the above forma SWIM to be that they are
adjectives formed from adverbs of place, which wore made by adding a -d{h)-
suffix, § 162 vi (2), to *nem-, *w»/i- : >Skr.
saiiw-h 'same', Gk, 6;u,os,
Ir. som 'ipse'. The fonn of the iiilvrrb would be similar to that of Skr.
sa-hd ' in the sanir plucr together ' < *fim-dhe;
but the Kelt. formations liave the full gnuk-H *scm-, *som- (instead of the
E-grade *sm-} and the deinoiiBtrutivo meaning ('in this place, here'). For
tlie formation of 1111 adj.
*sendos from an adv. *sende cf. Lat. su/pernus : superw., and cf. the
transference of the flexion to the particle -te in Lat. is-lr, etc.
It is probable that coming utter its noun tlie form of the adj. was m.
*sondos, f. *so'iiJa, nrut. *sondod, pi. m. *sondt giving W. m. and neut.
hwn,, f. hnn, pi. /iyn. This agrees with tlie fact that neut. adj. hyn after
a noun is an innovation ii (i).—Belore a noun the form would be *sendos etc.,
whence the Ir. article {s)ind.
This survives in only a few phrases in W.—The substantival form would also be
m.
*sendos, f. *sendd, neut. *sendod, pi. m. *sendz which would give W. m. hyn,
f. *hen, neut. hyn, pi. hyn. We have seen above, iv (i), that ir hinn was m.
in O.W., but was already beginning to be ousted by hirunn (for *ir hunn), as
"henn had perhaps been already replaced by honn, for in Corn. the forms
are m. hen (= "W. hynn), f. hon (= W. hcmn\ The result is that hyn
remains as the neut. subst.; but the m. and f. substantives hynn, *henn were
changed to hwnn, honn on the analogy of the adjectives.
The form hwnnw comes from a derivative in '-MO- of the adj.
*sondos; thus *sondnos > hunnoiK § 75
iv (2) > hunnuiS > hwnnw
§ 78 i (i), (2). The "fern. *sondiw would
also give the same form, which actually occurs as f. : w bloidin hunnuith cs.
' that year'; honno is therefore a re-formate on the analogy of hon; so the
last syll. of hynny § 78 i
(i).
ar is prob. formed in a similar manner from an adv. with the suffix
*r which was mostly locative, Brugmann2
II ii 735. The stem might be
*an- § 220 ii (n); thus
*aw-ro-s > *arr > ar.
PBONOMINALIA.
§ 165. i. Pronominalia
expressing alternatives are substantival and adjectival, definite and
indefinite.
Subst. def.: y naill . . . y llall ' the one ... the other'; pi. y naill. . .
y lleill ' these ... the others'. In Ml. W. the-first term is y neill my
lleill, thus y lleill... y llall' the one . .,
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