. A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative. 1913. John Morris-Jones (1864-1929). 2651 Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia

 

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Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia
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Gramadegau Cymraeg

A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative
John Morris-Jones (1864-1929)
1913
 
TUDALENNAU 300-349

 

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the other'. With an adj. or rel. clause, and in negative sentences, the first term is yr un ' the one', pi. y rhai, MI.J rei' the ones'.
Subst. indef.: un . . . arall ' one . . . another '; pi. 'rhai . . . eraill, Ml. rei . . , ereill' some . . . others '.
In the following- list of adjectival forms gwr, gwyr, gwraig show the position and initial mutation of the noun :
Adj. def.; y naill wr . . . y gwr arall ' the one man . . . the other man'; y naill wraig . .. y wraig arall; y naill wyr . . . y gwyr eraill. For y naill Ml. W. has y neill or y lleill, and for eraill, ereill, also used in Mn. W.
Adj. indef.: rhyw wr . . . gwr arall' a certain man . . . another man'; un gwr . . . gwr arall ' one man . . . another man'; rhyw wraig , . . gwraig arall; un wraig .. . gwraig arall; rhyw wyr . . . gwyr eraill; Mn. W. rhai gwyr .. . gwyr eraill. Ml. W. ereill, also used in Mn. W. § 81 iii (i).
y naill (and Ml. y lleill) adj. ' the one' and rhyw form compounds with their nouns, which lire lonited § 155 ii (i), iii (y). The compound w ol'tdi it strict one as y ncillffwdd, rhywbet.h. As -II causes provection ol mediae, an initial tennis after neill, lieill generally appears unmutated in Ml. W., as y neillparth for // neillharth, etc., § 111 vi (2); hut analogy generally restores the mutation in Mn. W., especially when the compound is loose, as y naill hefh a'r Hall ' the one thing and the other'; but neillfu, see ib.
Subst. : yn gyflym y HaSawS y neill o'r gweisson, ac yn y lie y HaSawS y Hall B.M. 191 'he quickly slew one of the youths, and forthwith slew the other'; yny orffei y lleill ar y Hall E.M. 262, W.M. 408 'until the one overcame the other'; a'r un y bySei borth ef iSi a gollei y gware, a'r Hall a Sodei awr W.M. 174-5 'and the one that he supported lost the game, and the other gave a shout'.—rei ohonunt yn wylaw, ereill yn udaw, ereill yn cwynaw iri.A. 152 ' some of them weeping, others moaning, others crying'; i un, . . . ac i arall. . . ac i arall. . . etc. i Cor. xii 8-10; the second term may of course be repeated when indef.
Adj. : o'r lleill 6 parth . . . ac o'r partli arall W.M. 421-2 ' on the one hand . . . and on the other hand ' (6 beginning barth deleted by underdot); am nat oeS kyn Siogelet y ueillff'orS a'r Hall s.o. 29 'because the one way was not as safe as the other'.—Or bwytey mywn Tin amser yn y dyS, a symut Tvynny y amsw arall M.M. 33 (from B.B.) ' if thou eatest at one time in the day, and changest that to another time'; ryw Syn cynbhigennus . . . undyn arall J.D.E. [xxii] 'a jealous man . . . any other man '; Mil. W. rhai dynion . . . eraill EH. B.S. 87 " gome men . .. others "; the use of rhai before a noun seems to be late, but neb rei occurs so in Ml. W., iv (3).
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ii. (i) The first alternative may be a noun or personal or demonstrative pronoun, as ti ac arall ' thou and another ' (i. e such as thou), hgn ar Hall' this and that'.
Car yn cyhuddo arall! Hawdd i'r Haw gyhnddo'r Hall.—T.A., (;. ii 78.
' A kinsman accusing another! [It is] easy for tho hand to accuse the other.'—Jcanys yr hynn a vynnei h.wnn 'nys inynnr.i. y Hall S.G. 49 ' for that which this [one] desired tlie oilier desired not'. In these cases the second term subst. pi. may be (y) rhai eraill ' (the) others ' : mwy . . . oeS honno no'r rei ereill oil W.M. 180 ' that [ship] was larger than all the others'; Hog a oeS vwy noc un o'r rei ereill do. 185 ; cf. IL.A. 102.
(a) The first alternative may be implied, as in other languages ;
as y dydd arall M.IL. 1178' the other day '; y nos arall E.P. 1362, ~D.G. 35 ' the other night'; Gad i eraill gadw arian T.A. r. 6 ' let others hoard money'.
iii. All the forms of the first term except^ naill subst. may be used without a sequel as ordinary pronominalia meaning ' one, some'; thus—
(i) Adj. y naill 'one' in y naill hammer ' ow half (now generally ' about a half), y naill du or y neilltw' one side ' (hence neilltuo ' to retire ' etc.); Mill-law see example.
EisteS a oruc Peredur ar neill law yr amherodres W.M. 164 (neill-law B.M. 231) 'Peredur sat beside the cnipreHfci', lit. 'on ono side of the e.' ond pan el o'r neilitu Diar. xx 14 ; see Gen. xxx 40 ; Barn. vii 5 ; 2 Sam. iii 27 ; etc. "
(a) Subst. un ' one', pi. rhai, Ml. rei ' some'; often with qualifying adjectives un da 'a good one ', rhai drwg ' bad ones *. Also yr zm' the one ', pi. y rhai. Ml. y rei ' the ones '; these are chiefly used with adjectives as yr tin drwg ' the evil one', or with a relative clause § 164 iv (i); and yr un instead of the indef. un, in negative sentences, as—
Pa obeith yssyS y'r gler ? Nyt oes yr un IL.A. 40 ' What hope is there for the bards t There is none.' Cf. S.G. 17, 1. 10.
Adj. yr un [m.rad., f. soft] ' the same', followed, if necessary, by ac (ag), a 'as '. Also un [soft], forming compounds strict or loose with nouns; the compound is an. adj. meaning 'of the same ...',§ 149 ii (3). . .



 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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(3) Adj. rhy-w'a (certain), some'. The noun with which rhyw is compounded, see i, may be singular or plural.
ryv duted edmic B.B. 43 'an admirable covering', ryw Savatenneu M.M. 6 (from B.B.) 'some warts'. Tr oedd gan ryw wr ddau fab Luc xv n " avOpunrw TIS ". rhyw ddynion i Tim. v 24 'some men';
rhyw bethau 2 Petr. iii 16 ' some things'; rnyioii rhyw bhanneu (bh = v) J.D.B. [xvii] ' in some places '.
iv. Subst. mi, pi. rhai and adj. rhym, preceded by pronouns, numerals or prefixes, form composite or compound pronominalia, thus :
(i) Pa uu, pi. pa rai ' which ?'
§ 163 ii (i); pa ryw un § 163 ii (6).
(2} pob un ' every one', pi. pob rhai.
A fob un o honunt W.M. 7 ' and each one of them '. pop fey o('r) rey henne A.L. i 8 'all of those '. Gofyn a oruo y Ohyarlys ansawS pob rei o naSunt C.M. 14 ' he inquired of Charles the condition of all (i.e. each group) of them'.
(3) neb un or nebun mibst. ' some one, any one', adj. ' a certain ', pi. neb rhai, generally in positive sentences.
Subst. Nid mm ddihareb nebun § 151 ii (3); neb rei o ovynnei [read -eu\ bychein IL.A. 2 " quasdam quaestiuuculas " ; nep rei drwc do. 30 'certain bad ones'.—Adj. neb un vrenhindref yni IL.A. 166 'a certain province of ours'; nebun genedyl E.B.B. 280 'a certain tribe'; neb rei rinweSeu IL.A. 102 'certain miracles '.
(4) rhyw un, rhywun ' some one', pi. rhyw rai, rhywrai, Ml.
ryw rei.
rhyzv un i Cor. xv 35 "TIS" ; 0 achaws mileindra ryw rei . . . kanys y mae ryw rei am llaSei i S.G. 320 ' On account of the brutality of some people; for there are some who would kill me'.
(5) dau ryw, tri rhyw, etc. ' two (three, etc.) different, two (three, etc.) kinds of.
Seithryw pechawt (read bechawt) marwawl ysyS IL.A. 147 'there are seven different deadly sins '. Tri ryw gywyS yssyS .. . Deu ryw gywyS deu eir yssyS B.C. 1134 'there are three kinds of cywyddau, . . . there are two kinds of cywyddau deuair'.
(6) pa ryw § 163 ii (6).
(7) pob rhyw ' every, all manner of.
Pob ryw Sa o'r a orchymynnei yr yswythur lan, IL.A. 126 'Every good that holy scripture commanded '. a phob ryw vlas yssyS w y
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dwjyr hwnnw do. 167 'and that water has every kind of taste'. a phob ryw unpeth B.P. 1214' and every single thing'. i bob rhyw aderyn Ezec. xxxix 4 ; o bob rhyw beth Matt. xiii 47.
(8) neb rhyw ' any, any kind of, in negative sentences.
canyf OPS nep ryw greadur a dllo y drossi eflL.A. 33 ' for there is not any creature that can turn Him', nyt argyweSa neb ryw wenwyn do. 166 'no poison hurts'.
neb rhyw ddim, see § 170 iv (2).
(9) amryw 'various, several'. In Ml. W. it was generally used with a sg. noun ; in Late Mn. W. a pi. noun is generally used. In the Bible the noun is sometimes sg'., but often pi.
Yssit yn y bo1y hum it amryw ivlnwt W.M. 54 ' There are in this bag various kinds of flour'; amryw duted (t = S) M.A. i 220, 'various coverings'; amryw wIeSru IL.A. 70 ' various feasts '; amryw bwys,... amryw fesur Deut. xxv 13, 14 ; amryw Ji-ad . . . amryw ddefnydd Dent. xxii 9, ii; amryw (lalmi, Or.O. 40 'many a New Year's Day'; amryw bwysau ac amryw femrau Diar. xx 10; amryw glefydau Matt. iv 24; amryw ddoniau . . . amryw weinidogaethau ... amryw weithrediadau . . . amryw dafodau i Cor. xii 4, 5, 6, lo.
amryw, like rhyw, forms the first element of a compound ; in some cases the compound is strict, and amryw then appears as amry-; thus nmrj-llw ' parti-coloured' ; amryson, ' wrangle ' (s6n 'talk'); amryfus 'erring' (-fus <*moi,t- < *moit-t-: Lat. muto, E. miss, W. mef/t).
The recent anvrai is a fiction ; see Silvnn Evans, R. v.
(10) cyfryw ' such ', usually with the nrticic, y cyfryw ;
followed, if necessary, by ac (ay), a 'as', whicli may be omitted before a demonstrative pron. or a relative clause (the rei. itself is 'as ' in this case, cf. Eng. the same who ; and the demonst. prob. represents an old obi. case of comparison).
y kyfryw vwyt ac a oeS ganthaw S.G. 200 ' such food as he had ' (lit. ' as what was with-lnm ') ; yn y kyfryw Ie a Tvwnn W.M. 10 ' in such a place as this'; y kyfryw Syn a hwn W.M. 123 'such a man as this'. Without ac ' as' : y kyfryw varchawc yS oe8 ef yn y ol W.M. 138 ' such a knight as he was alter '; y kyfryw Syn Iwmn B.M. 198 ' such a man [as] this ; y'r kyfryw wr iiwnniu K.B.B. 65 'to such a man [as] that'.—Without the art. : a galw kyfryw Syn a hwn •W.M. 123 1.
30 (beside y kyfryw 1. 16 quoted above) 'and to call such a man as this'; cf. S.G. 316, Jer. v 9, Matt. ix 8.
On the analogy of y meint etc., y rhyw is used instead of y '"yfV m ^ne above constructions.



 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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A'y bit ciryoet y ryw lewenyS ae a wnaethpwyt s.Q. 144 'there never WIIH sucli a welcome as was prepared'; y ryw bryf a hwnnww.M. 77 ' ancli ;i reptile as that'. Without ac ' as' : y ryw genedyl a elwir y pugannyeit IL.A. 166 ' such a tiibe as is called the pagans '; y ryw bryf hwnnw S.M. 54 ' such a reptile [as] that'; y ryw gatwent honno E.B.B. 58 'such a fight [as] that'.
y cyfryw is also substantival.
lower o'r kyfvryw IL.A. 49 ' many such'. Yn erbyn y oyfryw
mid oes ddeddfOal. v 23.
pa gyfryw § 163 ii (5); pob cyfryw ' all3 emphatic § 168 i (a); neb oyfryw ' any such' § 170 iv (3).
(n) unrhyw, generally yr unrhyw 'the same', followed, if necessary, by ac (ag), a t as'.
a'r unryw ymadrawS gantunt ac a SofhoeS gan y marchawo cyntaf E.M. 200 ' and [bringing] the same tale with them as came with the first knight'. Nid yw pob cnawd un rhyw gnawd i Cor. xv 39.
NOTE.—unrhyw came in the i9th cent. to be commonly used as a trn.nhliition of the English ' any '; thus ni welais unrhyw ddyn for ni welais un 1/1/71. Pugho in his Die. docs not give the word this meaning. (In J).G. 519 1. 46 vnr!i_i/iv Hi'riiis to be ft mistake for yn rhyw.) Tlio pluase o un rhyw ' ol any kind' ia older.
un rhyw or unrhyw ' same' ia also substantival.
Ponyt un ryw a gymertJi ludas a Phedyr IL.A. 25 " Nonne Judas idem accepit quod Petrus 1"
v. rhyw is also used as a noun m.' kind '; and as an ordinary adj. in the phrase rhyw i ' [it is] natural to . . .'. from rhyw ' kind' come rJiywiog ' kindly, of a good kind', rhywogaeth ' species', afryw, afrywiog ' unnatural, harsh '.
Y rhyw Jiwn Marc ix 29.—mm oeS ryw ym Hew llywyaw G.D.A. E.P. 1226' how natui al it was to my lion to rule!' Rhyw iddi roi rhodd yr wyl T.A. A 9817/179 ' It is natural to her to give a gift at the feast'. Nid rhyw iddaw ond rhoddi G.G1. P 152/102 ' It is only natural to him to give '.
vi. y naill (Ml. y neill) ' the one ' is for *ynn eill in which *ywn, = hynn 'this', Ir. ind 'the' < *sendos § 164 vi; *eill < *dl'lw8 <
*alaUos, redupl. of *dlws : Lat. alius, Gk. cEAAo?; owing to the wrong division the y is treated as the art. and becomes 'r after a vowel.— Ml. W. y lleill' the one' may be similarly for *yU eilJ, iu which *yll is an ^-demonstrative, like Lat. ills etc., ultimately allied to *alws itself, Brugmamr1 II ii 340.—y Hall similaily for *yll all; all <
*dKos; pi. y lleill with "eill < *dlu.—arall < *ardlws (: Ir. araile)
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by dissim. for *alalws § 102 iii (2); pi. ereill < *ardln; see § 100 iii (2), (3).—Note the contrasted acceutualion *f7/((()/?os' > *eill 'one' :
*aldlws > arall 'other'.—un 'one' § 75 ii (i).—rhj/w < *riw- ; rhai < *riit § 75 v; *riio- < *pri-o- = -prio- in Lat. proprins : Lat. prwus, Umbr. prever ' singulis ', preve ' singillaritcr ', OBC. preiiml'iid ' [)i'iv;ito, reo' (the -v- in these is a guff.); the orig. meaning in ' proper, particular'; rhyw Syn 'a particular man'; rhjiw i ' propci \r> . . ., natural to . . .'; rhyw 'a particular kind'; etc.; *f,rl-o- may be an adj. derived from the prep. *pri (: *yim, *prw) ' before' (' prominent' > ' characteristic '), spv. Lat. prmius.
§ 168. i. 'Each other ' i» expressed by pawb i gilydd or pob un i gilydd, literally ' onch 1m follow' or ' each one his fellow'.
ac y tagnoveSwi/ti pawb o 'in^unt ae giliS W.M. 451 ' and each of them was reconciled to tlie oilier '. Llawen vu pob un wrth y giliS o honunt do. 9 ' Each of them welcomed the other '. (For the form gili'S> see § 77 iii; it is of course the spoken sound at the present day.)
Yn iach weithian dan y dydd Y gwelom. bawb i gilydd.—S.T., c.c. 186.
' Farewell now until the day when we shall see each other,' lit. ' each his fellow'.
In the 15th century paw6 or pob un came to be omitted, and i gilydd alone thus came to mean 'each other'.
Ni a gawn drwy flaenau'r gwydd Roi golwg ar i gilydd.—Gut.O., A 14997/15.
'We shall see each other through the branches of the trees.' Ni a ddylem go/ru i gilydd A.G. 25 ' wo ought to love one another'.
In the familiar Salesburian orthography i gilydd is of course ei gilydd ' his fellow '. As the antecedent is generally pi., the i was mistaken in the spoken lang. for i ' their ' (written ev)'\ and after the ist and and pi. yn and ych are substituted for it on the analogy of the construction of hun ' self ; thus in the recent period eiw, eici, eu are written before gilydd, which owes its g- to the fact that the pron. before it was the 3rd sg. m. i ' his '.
'Wm.S. and Dr. M. sometimes misspell the pron. as eu (Salesbury often confuses his own invention ei with eu', the spoken form of both was i then as now). In the 1620 Bible the 3rd sg. m. pron. is correctly written in the orthography adopted in it : ar garu o honoch ei gilydd loan xiii 34 ; os bydd gennych gariad i'w gilydd do. 35 ;
Byddwch yn vn-fryd d'i gilydd Ehuf. xii 16; Anherchwch ei gilydd i Petr v 14 ; Anwylyd carwn ei gilydd i loan iv 7, see ii, 12. In
1102 X



 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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all these caBes the grd sg, pron, was changed by E.M. (1746) to eich, 'cli, tin.
ii. (i) After yr uw in negative sentences i gilydd often takes the place of y Hall.
• Ac nyt attebei yr un wiwy woe gily8 B.M. 211-2 'and neither answered more than the other '.—ny oigawn yr un ohonunt vot y wrth y gily8 IL.A. 128 'Neither offhem can be away from tlie other',
(a) It takes the place of arall after neu ' or '; as ryw ddydd ne'i gilydd D.G. 337 [ne'i (for neu'i) misprinted noi\ 'some day or other'.
(3) It is used instead of arall or y Hall after tf noun, § 16$ ii (i), in such. phrases as the following :
0 Srwc y [ = y y] gily8 E.M. 141 ' From one evil to another'; or pryt y [= y y] gily8 do. 62 'from one time to the other' (? the same on tlie following day); o'r ysgrajf fwy gily8 s.G. 125 ' from oneharge to the other'; o'r mor pzo y [gily8] W.M. 180, o'r mor py[=py y] gily8 B.m. 83, o'r mor bii)-y gily8 J!.P. 1263 'from sea to sea'.
/)(i iawit if (J'l'i'yr dun y gr'ydd U'l-ol gionilyit drwy [i| gilydd.—J).N. c.c. 265.
< Eight well she knows under the trees [how] to plait an oaier with another.'
The noun wonid originally be mas., as it is in the above examples. Breton has a form e-ben to be used instead of e-gile after a fern. noun ;
this is more likely to be original than the Corn. use of y-ben after both genders. (The idea that this is pen 'head' is refuted by Henry, Lex. 109.)
iii. Irif.h each a chele, the exact equivalent of pawb i gilydd, is used in the same way. The Breton expression is aim eil Sgile (Legonidee 327) which in W. would be *y naill i gilydd,
The word ciJydd is used as an ordinary noun in the older Welsh poetry; as rac Davyt awch kilyt ki/ywch P.M., M.A. i 280 'before David your comrade stand aside '. l)uw y Gheli wu y cliily8 B.D. B.P. 1251 'God her Lord was her companion'. Also in the proverb Ch(to)echach bwyt bily8 E.B. 966 ' A neighbour's food is sweeter',
For the etymology of the word see § 106 ii (i).
§ 167. i. (i) ' Self is expressed by sg. and pi. hun or sg. hunan, pi. Mn. hunain. Ml. hunein with prefixed pronouns ; for the forms sec § 1GO i (a).
(2) fy hun means both 'myself and 'alone'; thus mi af ymo fy hun 'I will go there myself or 'I will go there alone'. After gen,
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prefixed or infixed pronouns it means ' own', as fy llyfr fy him ' my own book'.
(3) fy him, dy hun, etc. always stand in an adverbial case, meaning literally 'by myself, etc.; they do not replace u pronoun or pronominal element, but supplement it. ThusCT(</ium fy hun ' I went by myself (not *aeth fy hun 'myself wont'); fy nliy fy hun 'my own house ' (not *ty fy hun ' the house of inyHflf); <i'iiicu'niiiiit oiladd ei hun Act. xvi 27; cf. i loan i 8; LIRO i 22 ; 2 '1'iin. ii 13 ; rfiia'i dibrisiodd ei hun Phil. ii 7 ; simihirly itniat dy hun i Tim. iv 16 (not *ar dy hun); ynddo oi hun Kh. xix 17 (not *yn ei hun);
drostma e-hunein IL.A. 37 (not *dron r hunein), etc. The reflexive ym- counts as a pronoun : ymrofii o-hun IL.A. 120, cf. 89 and A.L. i 176. (In colloquini Welsh •/ fnui. is used alone as the object of a verb ' or v.n., as wcdi lladil, i Jinn instead of zoedi i lydd i hun, and this neologism occurs in recrnt writings; but in other connexions the old construction mrvivep, llins mi «f f// hun, amat dy hun etc.) But after a conjunction joining it to another clause tlie pronoun which it supplements is not ncci'K^arily expressed ; thus 'nyt archafinheu y neb govyn vy iawn Mmyn my hun E.W. 64 ' I will bid no one demand my indemnity but myself ; nad oes o'r tu yma 'r un ond fy hunan B.cw. 68 'that there is on this side none but myself; ynuch noia.y-hun IL.A. 67 ' higher than myself.—When put at the head of the sentence fy hun etc. are followed by the adverbial rel. y (yS, yr), as vy hun yr af LD. 35 lit. '[it is] myself that I will go'; canys ei hunan y gelwais ef, ac y bendithiais, ac yr amiheais ef Es. Ii 2.
ii. un 'one' has a derivative *un-an lost in W. but surviving in Corn. own, onan, Bret. unan; this and tlie fact Ih.il hun, hiinan express ' alone ' make it probable thnt the -un in these is the numeral. But Corn. oio honan, MI. Brot. '/na IIIIIKIII show tliul the /i- in W. fy h-unan is)iot merely iiccciilinil. 1'icl'orr 11 it may represent cHhcr *s-or *su-; thus hmi 111,ly b<' jroiii *nii'oi'iio'iii < *snc oinom (limiting accusativo) ; the reflexive *»/ie might stand for ;iny person at first (Brugmann2 11 ii 397), but personal pronouns were afterwards prefixed, thus *rne su'oinom > my hun,. The u in Ml. mu etc. is due to
assim. to the u of hun.

§ 168. i. (i) Subst. pawb 'everybody'. Though sometimes treated as pi., e.g.pawS a debygynt W.M. 463 ' everybody thought', pawb am gadawsaiit i Tim. iv 16, pawb is, like Eng. everybody, properly sg.,and is mas. in construction :
Pawb ry-gavas y gi/va'rws W.M. 470 ' everybody lias received his boon'. So in a large number of proverbial sayings : Pawb a'i chwedl' gantho ' everybody with his story'; Rhydd i bawb i tarn 'free to everybody [is] his opinion'; Fawb drosto 'i hun ' each for him self.
(%) Adj. pob [rad.] ' every . It sometimes forms improper compounds with its noun; as popeth (e poppeth for pobpeth) x 3







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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§ 168
1>eaide fob peth 'everything'; pDbmaii beside pvb wan. 'every pince'; poparth o. 234 beside pob partfi, ' evely part'; o boptu besides o 606 tu ' on each side'.
The mutated form bob, by dissimilation of the consonants appears, though very rarely, as bod, in late Ml. orthography hot; as y bot un ohonunt n».A. 3 ' to each one of them'. N.W. dial. b6d yg un ' each and all', lit. ' and one '; earlier bod ag un DJ.M. 9, T. i 346.
pob un, pob rhyw § 165 iv, pob cyfryw ' every such ', as pob cyfryw orfiledd lago iv 16 'all such rejoicing''. But ordinarily pob cyfryw means ' every' emphatic, ' all manner of, the cyf-having the intensive meaning § 156 i (9) (b). It is followed by o ' of after pob (not by ag-' as' after cyf-, so that the cyf- is not comparative).
pob kyfryw Syn eifhyr Awt B.P. 1245 'every single person but Awd '. Yr rei hynn oeS gyfrwys . . . ym pob kyvryw arveu o.M. 10 ' these were skilful in all manner of arms'. Pa Ie i mae Christ ? Ymhob cyfriw IR c.c. 319 'Where is Christ 1 In every single place'. Pob cyl'riw lirth coll. ' cvciy single tiling '.—o bop kyfryw vwydeu Or a Tf/htir/ici rhuii B.G. 10 'of nil vi"niln which (lit. of thou; which) lie himself desired'. Of. B.M. H, ii.ii.ii. fiO.
(3) pawb, Ir. each, gen. cdich < Kelt. "(^ni^'iis ; the second element is probably the interr. and indef. *qVos and tlio first, *<j"'Sr, an adverbial form of the same (Thurneysen Gr. 293).
pob, Ir. each is the same, with the vowel shortened before the accent, which fell on the noun. The shortening is independent in W. and Ir.; the W. o (like aw) implies Brit. -a-, § 71 i (2). Similarly Bret. pep < *peup with *eu < -a-. The Ir. cech is an analogical formation; see Thurneysen ibid.
ii. (i) Adj. yr holl [soft] 'all the',./^ hott [soft], etc.,'all my'. Before u definite noun the article or its equivalent is omitted : Jiott Qijmry ]!.B.B. 340 ' all Wales '; holl lyssoeb y Sayar W.M. 6 ' all the courts of the earth ' (lyssoeb being made definite by the dependent gen.).
A wybyS yr holl seint a wnneuthum i yma TL.A. 71 ' Will all the saints know what I have done here?' o'r holl bethau hyn, Matt. vi 33 ( and all these things'; dy holljfyrdd Ps. xci 11.
A compound of hoi! of the form holire IL.A. 166, hoire do. 165, y roire (= yr o1re) B.B. 71 is used much in the same way, but is rare.
The derivative hollo! 'entire ' is an ordinary adj. lollowing its noun, but is used chiefly with yn as an adverb : a hynny yn hollawl IL A. 162 'and that wholly '; of.
Ps. cxix 8 ; Gen. xviii 21, etc.
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(a) oil. This is always used in an adverbial case (of measure), and generally follows the word or phrase wliicli it limits, though in poetry it may precede it.
Kemry oil A.L. i 2 'all Wales', lit. 'Wales wholly '; y by3 oil 6. 294 ' the whole world ', lit. ' the world wholly '; i/M'ddftOll y dadyl A.L. i 396 ' to deny wholly the plea '; N1/111 oil !''.». liii 6.
It cannot be used in the noni. or ncc. cow, Im) ii always adverbial, limiting the pronominal element which w mib|. iir olij., and which must be expressed; thus aetha-at oil ' (hey went. wholly' (not *aeth oil 'all went'); arnaSn.ia.t oil ii.''i. i i ,1 'on llicni nllogethcr', Mn. W. ar»mnt Oil (not *aroll), etc.; (•!'./</ linn § 1G7 i (,))
NOTE.—In ]{ecent written Wfluli ft neologism yr oil has arisen to express 'the wliolii', iiiHtuud of y riobi whicli is the form used in the natural spoken linigiingi. yr oil is oven substituted for oil in late editions of earlier workn ; tims 7\ sy 'n trifim oil dy hun 'Wins. 553 appears in recent liyniii-liookh as 7'i sy ''n trefii'ii 'r oil dy hun. (Of course yr-\- oil giveh yr hoit tlic adicctival pliiabe, ^-ec below.)
(3) W. oil < Kelt. *olwd (limiting accus.); Ir. uile < Kelt. *oliws;
probably cognate witli Eng. all. Germ. all, Goth. alls < *ol-no-s.
The h- of holl is caused by the -r of the article before the accented vowel § 112 i (2), and was transferred to cases wheie the article was not used. But the adverbial oil remained, since the article never occurred before this.
holire seems to be compounded of holl and gre < *greg- : Lat. greg- ', as in camre § 127.
iii. (i) Subst. cwbl ' the whole ', followed by o ' of.
Ef a Soy am dy brim owbyl o'r i/<n'Hl W.M. 80 'nil tlio retribution would have come upon tliy lir.iil ' ; owbyl « iJevris i O'tii Jwmherodruetk do, 190 'I liave recovered tin' whole of my empire'; kaeuwS kwbyl o Srysseit , . . ynezutS B.C. 5 ' closed all the doors of the hall'; kwbyl o'r wirioneS do. 161 ' the whole of the truth '; yn 61 cwbl o gyfraith Moses 2 Bren. xxiii 25; cf. Nah. i 5.
In Late Mn. W. the article came to be put before cwbl; this appeal's already in the Bible : Gen. xiv ao (l6ao); in late edns. in Ex. xxiii aa, 3 Chron. xxxii 31.

(a) Adj. cwbl [soft] ' complete'.
cwbyl waradwyo a geveis W.M. 42 '[it is] a thorough insult that I have had '; cwbyl weithret, cwbyl sarhaet A.L. i 526 ' the complete act, the full fine'; cwbl ddiwydrwydd 2 Pedr i 5.
It is also used after its noun : Tsanny bu weithret cwbyl A.L. 1526 ' since there was not a complete act'; cymodlonedd cwbl M.A. i 348 * complete reconciliation'.
Adv. yn gwbl, o gwbl ' wholly' : ac ereyll en kubyl a Syl^assant







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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A.I,, i 2 'and others they entirely abrogated'; y bySei eur o gwbyl H.M. 62 | where iron should be] 'there was gold throughout', cf.B.B.B. 280. In neg. sentences o gwbl ' at all' is in common use in spoken W. (pron. o cjwbwt). ;
(3) W. cwhl, Corn. cowl,mwal probably represent *cwvl^ 111 vii (4) < *kom-(p)lu-(s) : G-k. voXVs, W. llawer § 169 ii (3), the prefix having its intensive meaning, a? in eom-plete, etc., § 156 i (9) (b).
§ 169. i. (i) Subst. y sawl sg.' such', pi.' as many ', used only before relative clauses, the rel. expressing ' as ', § 165 iv (10).
Y sawl ae. gwelei kyflawn vySei oe serch B.M. 117' such as saw her •was filled with her love'; gwelet y sawl a welei o velineu W.M. 161 'to see as many as he saw of mills'. Y sawl a'm carant i a garaf iwneu Diar. viii 17. -'*
Rarely sawl with a dependent genitive : a rwy o sawl y rei yssy8 B.P. 1252' and more of the like of those that are'.
(2) Adj. y sawl [soft] 'as many ', usually- with a pi, noun and without ac ; but the noun may be sg'. and ac expressed; cf. § 165 iv (10).
A c ny ettit il.wyn Jmiyt. y'r sawl vilyofS yssyS yma, ac o achaws hywiy y 'limit y sawl vr.li'ncu (liynn) W.N. 162 (B.M. 229) 'and food could nut be brought to as ninny thounanils as are here, anil [il. is | fur that reason that there are so many mills ([as] these); y sawl vorynyon racfco S.Q. 33 ' as many maidens [as those] yonder'. y sawl ryveSawt ac yssyS yn y wlat Tionn S.Q. 18 'as many a wonder as there is [lit. as which is] in this land '.
(3) The original meaning seems to be ' such'; hence probably sawl < *s-tdl- : Lat. talis, with Kelt. prefixing of s- § 101 ii (i).
ii. (i) Subst. llawer sg. ' much', pi.' many', followed, if need be, by o'of. Also pi. Uaweroedd ° multitudes'.
A guedy byryer llawer yndi W.M. 21 'and when much haa Tbeen thrown into it', i. c. much food ; llauer nys guir ae gowin, B.B. 68 ' many who do not know ask it'; a llawer o vein gwerthvawr ereill IL.A. 16 6 ' and many other precious stones'; llawer a ddichon taer-weddi y cyfiawn lago v 16 ; fy ngwas cyfiawn a gyjiawnha lawer Eg. liii ii.
In an adverbial case (of measure) llawer [rad.] before a cpv. and lower after a cpv. signify ' much' adv. : llawer gwell' much better';
llawer iawn gwell Phil. i 23 'very much better '; mwy lawer Hi.A. 68 'much greater'; a muy Wydyon noc ynteu lawer W.M. 106 'and Gwydion [regretted] more than he, much'; mwy oeS ef lawer no hynny do. 229 'lie was bigger much than that'. But o lawer is perhaps more common after tlie cpv., as in the last two passages in B.M. 77, i66.
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(a) Adj. llawer [rad.] ' many a' followed by a sg. noun.
a llawer dainwein a Sigawn hot W.M. 28 'and many an accident may happen'.
Iilawer merch weddw o'i pherchm, •• i.,-»-Iilawer gwr mewn, llwrig wen.—D.IL., TK. 249.
'Many a woman widowed of <her lord, many a man lag-White corselet.'
(3) W. llawer < *{p}luueros formed by adding the cpyr'-gumx -ero-to *plu; *p{a)lu- < *'pJ-u- : Gk. Trot's < *p^lu-. ; "r.
iii. (i) Subst. llfaws ' many, a multitude '; Iluosyad id.
Uyaus B.B. ,15 (y='); yn llvyr y guyr Iluossit B.B. 66 (^(=-y8) ' thoroughly does a multitude know it'. B[a ddilyn liaws i wneuthur drwg Ex. xxiii 2 ; lliaws o fl.ynyddoedd Job xxxii 7. With a dependent genitive : lliaws dy dosturiaethau Ps. Ii r.
(2) Adj. lliaws [soft] 'many a, much', with a sg. or a pi. noun ; this is the noun llwzvs compounded with another noun. The adj., used as a complement, is Ml.W. Iluossawc, Mn. W. Iluosog.
Iiliaws gwyaw B.P. 1216 ' much suffering'; Ceveis i liaws awr eur a phali M. M.A. i 192 'I had many a time gold and silk';
o liaws eirchyeid M.A. i 259 'of many suppliants'; i lios lu § 71 ii (i) ; Mor Iluosog yw dy weithredoedd Ps. civ 24.
(3) lliaws < *plei5s-td(t}s. The longer forms have it as Iluossairo E.P. 1043, IluossogrwyS W.M. 34, B.M. 22, ll'iiosog in 1620 Bible. These are not formed from H'ia'iiv but 1'ioin uii old [idj. *ylci6sto-8 see § 74 i (2), § 75 iii (3) .md § 76 ix (2).
iv. (i) Siibst. peth ' Kome, si, certain quantity '.
Dywedadu-y yw rac Haw o beth o vucheS Vezmo IL.A. 118 ' [the story] is to be told in what follows of some of the life of Beuno '; ac wrth h'au, peth a syrthiodd ar yrnyl y ffwS, ... a pheth aragi, etc, Luc viii 5-8.
In an adverbial case, beth 'to some extent, for some time':
Dir yw in dario ennyd, Ac aros beth gwrs y byd.—D.IL., IL 120/258 B.
'We must tarry a little, and await awhile the course of events.'
(2) peth is the interrogative pronoun § 163 i (3) used indefinitely (cf. Gk. ns); from ' some, something ' it came to mean ' thing', and thus became an ordinary noun, pi. JXtlwu; see § 163 vi.
v. (i) Snbst. bychydic, ychydig 'a little, a few'. bychydic a dal vy nghyngor i y ti s,Gr. 43 lit. ^[it is] little that






 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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§170
my advice avails to thee' i.e. my a. is worth little. Pa obeith ysss/S //; jinrthmyn ? Yohydic IL.A. 40 ' what hope is there for the merchants 1 A little'. ychydig o nifer Ezec. v 3; ychydig o honaw
•lub iv 12.
(a) Adj. ychydig [soft] sg.' a little ', pi. ' a few '.
ychydig gysgu, ychydig 'hepian, etc. Diar. vi 10; ychydig win i Tim. v 23.—ychydig bechodau T.A. c 16/13 ' a few sius '; ychydig ddyddiau Gen. xxix 20; ychydig bethau, Dat. ii 14.
(3) y^ydi-g ls fo1' fy^ydig mut. of hychydio : W. bychod ' small quantity', bychodedd ' scarcity, poverty'; Corn. bodies ' a little ', bochesog, bochodoc 'poor', Ir. bocht 'poor' : *buk-so-t-, *buJc-to- : with Kelt. b- for *p- to Lat. pauousl § 101 iii (2).
(4) Subst odid ' a rarity '. •»
odit a vo molediw K.P. 1041 'a rarity [is he] who is worthy of praise'; ac odit o'r rei hynny ysy8 yn gristonogyon, IL.A. 165 " quarum paucae [lit. paucitas] sunt Christianae"; odid elw Mb antw prov. ' a rarity [is] (i. e. there is rarely) profit without enterprise '.
ond odid ' probably ', literally ' excepting a rarity'.
(5) udid : Lul. JIIIHCUS, Vi.ft-io § 76 ii (3).
vi. (i) Adj. ami [noft] eg. ' innny 11',)il. 'many'; ambell [soft] ' an occasional'.
Ami iavm waedd am Elln zven, Ami eisiau am elusen.—T.A., c. ii 83.
* Full many a cry for fair Elin, many a need for charity.'
Ond o hirbell ymgellwair (0 bai well ym) ymbell air.—I.D. 33.
'But from afar bantering (if it were better for me) an occasional word.'
y mae rhai a graffant or ymbell air M.K. [vii] 'ther» are some who will look at an occasional word'. Ami ddrygau Ps. xxxiv 19, dy ami drugweddau di Dan. ix 18 ; ambell dro ' occasionally'.
The dialectal i sometimes heard bi;foie the noun is a recent intrusion (< corruption of iawn as in the first example).
Both these words are used as ordinary adjectives, and are compared;
see Silvan Evans s.vv.
(2) ami < Brit. *amb'lu-s for *ambilus < *mbhi-(p)lu-, with *plu-for *jnJu- : W. llawer ' many', Gk. a-oAw, see ii (3) above.
ambell < *ambi-petl- 'mutually far'; for the prefix see § 156 i (4) (b) ; For the stem § 89 i. ^
§ 170. i. Subst. neb ' any one', dim ' anything', are used chiefly with negatives; as ni wela'is neb ' I did not see anybody'; '*(
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313heb Sduw, Jieb ddim. ' without God, witliout anything'. Also in conditional sentences, as o phecJia neb i lonn ii i 'if any man sin ';
in questions ; in comparisons ; etc.
A derivative nebawd occurs : nebawl B.B. 21,43 'iiny^no', ny gwyby^ nebawt B.T. 19 ' no one will know'.
ii. Owing to constant association with negatives neb and dim came to be used in certain phrases for ' nobody' and ' nothing '.
As a rule it is the verb that requires the negation; thus ' he gave me nothing'is logically ' he did not give me anything' ni roes efimi ddim, since there was no giving. But the verbal idea may be positive, as in 'it is given for nothing'; this has to be expressed by fe'i rhoddir am ddlin, where dim lias to stand for ' nothing'. dim is thus used ns enily us ihc i4tli cent.; see IL.A. 60, 89. But there seem to be no Ml. examples of neb 'nobody'.
iii. dim and -neb arc positive in positive sentences in the phrases—
(i) pob dim ' everything':
Pob dim kymein . . . goruc K^lvyS B.D., E.P. 1251 ' evevy cunning thing the Artist made'. Duw. madden bob dim iddaw I.P. M 148/329 'God forgive him everything'. Of. i Cor. xiii 7; Deut. iv. 7, xxviii 47, 48 ; Col. i 16.
(a) y neb (the one, he' before a relative § 163 vii (i):
twyllwr yw y neb a aSefvo Jcf/fvrinach arglwyS y'r nep a vypo y 'sot yn elyn iKaw IL.A. 26 'lie who betrnya a lord's hcciet to him whom he knows to In' his cneiny is a traitor'.
Of. IL.A. 28, 32, 33, 34, etc. Y neb u tifu/io ri yd, y bobi a'i melldithia Diar. xi 26.
(3) neb un ^ 165 iv (3),
iv.
(i) neb is used adjectivally, thus neb [rad.] 'any': mi 6u yma neb amarcJi v. 14 ' there has been no disrespect here'. It is rarely adjectival except in the following phrases :
(a) neb un above ; neb rhyw § 165 iv (8); neb ryw Sim ' anything at all', W.M. 64, 65, E.M. 46, 47 ; neb dyn ' any man' IL.A. ia6.
(3) neb cyfryw [soft] ' any at all', cf. § 168 i (a).
Kanyt oes neb Isyfryw rym . .. y gdllem ni vynet B.B.B. 178 'for there is no power by which we might go'.
(4) nemawr, nemor (for *%e& mawr), w.ith a negative 'not ' much, not many, but little'.







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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ny wetcmfe eto nemawr o boeneu uffernn tti.A. 154 'so far thou hast seen but little of the pains of hell'.
Adjectival, with neg., nemor ddim ' hardly anything', nemor un ' hardly any one'.
yn emawr S.G. 27, yn ymor C.M. 55, with prosthetic y § 21 iA
(5) nepell (for *neb pell), with a neg. 'not far'.
w nad yw efe yn ddiav, neppell oddiwrth bob un o honom Act. xvii 27 ; yn epell S.G. 219.
v. (i) dim is probably never an adj.; a noun following it is a dependent genitive, as—
heb Sim llywenyS IL.A. 147 'without anything of joy' i.e. without any joy; het allel gwneuthwr dim Ties s.o. 37 ^ without being able to do any good' ; na wna ynddo ddim gwaith Ex. xx 10; cf. Ps. xxxiv 10.
(a) But before a definite nonn or pron. o'of is used after dim:
ny wySanf Sim ohonunt IL.A. 8 ' they know nothing of them '; ao nyt oeS dim ohonaw yno H.M. 18 ' iinil there was nothing of him there-' i.e. he w»n not (lirrc ; iiy wnniitddinii Sim o'/' atlfp W.M. 53 'he would not listen to niiytliiiig offlir n'pl.\ ' i ••• li> tliu rc))]y.
Sim o Wiih of vrry l'ic(|uent occurn IK;C, iniil WIIH rrdiurd to mo in the spoken lang. (chiefly N.W.) as early u'-i tlio 14111 cent. il D.G. 496 is authentic. Cf. E.P. 271, Diar. xxii 22, 28, Job xxxvii 23, B.cw. i81. i.
Odid i Dduw, doed a ddel, Fyth ddewis mo vath Howel.—W.IL. 45.
' Scarcely will God, come what may, ever choose such a one as Howel.'
(3) Used in an adverbial case Sim signifies ' at all', etc. Nac ef^ixa TL.A. 48 'not at all'; cf. I Cor. xv 29, i Thes. v 3.
This adverbial ddim. is neaily as frequent in the spoken lang. as pas after n ncg. in French.
vi. (i) W. neb, lr. nech ' iwy one* (gen. neicfi} < Kelt. *neq*os : Lith. neJcas ' something ', nekwrs ' quidam '. It is believed that the *ne- is the neg. particle, so that the meaning was originally neg., and became positive by the use of another neg. in the sentence (cf. Fr. nuT). But it is possible that this *ne- is positive, and is a form of the w-demonstrative : Lat. ego-ne, see Waldo2 255 (where Lith. ne-kurs is so explained, though differpntly in 510).
(2) W. dim : lr. dim ' something', as in ni di nacca dim, acht is du dim ' it is not from no tiling, but is from something '.—The W. dim is written with i in Ml. Mbs. which distinguish i andw; and dim in "proest" with grym M.A. i 374 shows that its vowel was not if in the
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early i3th cent.8' The v.n. diddymii is o Into i6th cent. word formed from diddim on the false assumption tliaf it stands for diddym as dibin does for dibyn § 77 iii, whence dvb,i/nrw ; a, more correct, and prob. older, form is diddimio M.K. [4oJ. In Hie liiwi d;/n .diSim means ' a man without assets ', see A.L. ii 36. Holier wr inny suppose W. dim < *dz-smen 'share, part, fraction', Vdm- 'dividr', i{^ *^^a•i•e, Eg *di-, Kg dz- § 63 vii (5) : Gk. ^aiop.a.i, ocus, Skr. diu/dl< ' divides, allots, possesses', ditih 'distribution' (E. time < Pr. Genii. *t1man-' period'< *dz-) ; heb ddim lit. ' without a fraction'. A dimin. (or obi. case) dimyn occurs in Jcyiiteint timmyn B.P. 582 ' every jot' (cf. fcymein hun § 106 iii (2)) ; whence perhaps Mn. bob tipyn (by dis&im. mm > bb, which gives pp).
VERBS
§ 171. i. (i) The Welsh verb has throe moods, the indicative, the subjunctive and the imperative.
(a) The indicative mood has four tenses, the present, the imperfect, the past (aorist or perfect), and the pluperfect.
(3) The subjunctive mood has two tenses, the present and imperfect.
(4) The imperative mood has one tense, the present. ii. (i) The pros. ind. is often future in moaning. In the spoken language the future is tlio iianiil meaning; f.lio present sense is retained only in a few common verbs micli UB f/welaf11 see', cfi/wcif'l hoar ', mrilraf' I can', /i/limfl. think '. (Ordinarily the present moaning is expressed periphrastically.)
(a) The impf. indie, is seldom a mere impf. in meaning ; usually it expresses Eng. 'would' or ' could'.
The impf. is derived from the Ar. optative, and preserves its original meaning. It is used now in spoken W. as it is used in Homer and the Rig-Veda. Taking Meillet's examples (Intr.2 193);
Vedic kamdyeta, raja saimad bhdvitum 'a king would like to be a supreme ruler' = W. carai brenin fod yn. benaclw, cf. Ml wii. pie mynnwn fy mod D.G. 501 'I know where I should like to be', Mynn'wu, pe nef a'i mynnai do. 288 '1 would, if heaven would, [that ...]'; ^ep/xaSlor . . . § oil Svo y' S.vSpe (fsepotev, E 303 == W,
maen .. . ni ohodai deu-ddyn, cf. Ni thynnai saith einioes hwn T.A,
a The metre called proest has instead of rhyme a correspondence of fina consonantB with v a r yi n g vowels. The stanza referred to ia by GLGw. c. 1200 A.D.







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
§171
A 14 97 5/1° 7 'seven (men) could not take his life'; 6e6<s y' eOeXwv . . • &.)n'wi>va's . . . ra-Trous Swprjo-al.To, K 556 = 'W. rhoisai (plup.) dww iwyllysgar well meirch; Vedic yat pdceyuh kravyadam kwyufc= W. pes pobynt gwnaent [y tdn~\ yn gnawd-ysol (carnivorous), etc. It denotes a possible or hypothetical as opposed to an actual thing; cf. 0 na welwn Wms. 508 ' Oh that I am unable to see ' i. e. would that I saw ! The impf. use comes through forms like gwelai ' he could see' > ' he saw', as in ef a welei lannerch . . . ef a welei carw etc. W.M. i. The form oeS 'would be'W.M. 17, 1. 29, has passed over entirely to the impf. sense, and forms periphrastic impfs. in the spoken lang., which does not use the impf. of other verbs in that sense. In speaking, we do not say fe safai 'r dref ar y bryn, ' the town stood on the hill' as the expression of a fact, but we do say fe safai Dafydd yn segwr am oriau ' D. would •stand idle for hours' expressing a possibility; we say fe welai rywbeth ' he saw something' (could see), but not/a safai yno 'he stood there' (was standing).
(3) The past is in the vast majority of cases aorist in meaning, as it is predominantly in derivation. It may however have a perfect meaning-, as some verbs have perfect instead of aorist forms, HH Irrnlimif fif 'iif/filmJ D.(i. ] 38 'I liavc spent my reputation'.
(4) The phip. iiul. in very nircly pinp. ind. in im-niiing; it usually means ' would have', ' could linvc ', etc.; KCC (a).
(5) The pres. subj. in a principal sentence expresses n wish. In a dependent sentence it expresses a general, as opposed to a particular, contingency; thus doed a ddel' come what may come', as opposed to y 6yd a ddaw ' the world which, will come'.
(6) The impf. subj. is used in dependent clauses only; it either stands in the protasis before the impf. ind., or represents the past of the pres. suhj.
The uses of the tenses can only be dealt with fully in the Syntax.
iii. (i) Each tense is inflected for the three persons of the sg. and pi.
(a) Each tense has in addition an impersonal form, whose implied indefinite subject means' some one, some, they', Fr.' on', -Germ. ' man '; as dywedir '• they say, there is a saying, on dit'.
The impersonal form is generally spoken of as a " passive " ; but as it takes after it pronouns in the accusative case, it cannot he parsed as a passive. Tlius/e 'm cerir or cerirfi ' on m'aime' (not *cerir i 'I am loved'). The older grammarians pretended to inflect it for the different persons by adding accusative affixed pronouns § 160 iii (i);
§ 172
VERBS






 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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as cerir fi, cerir di, cerir ef, etc., though Dr. Davies confesses that "omnia verba passiua ad naturam impcrsoiiidium quam proximo accedunt " D. 101. It has been argued that i> mibntftiitival object has a soft initial, as gwel Syn ' he sees a man '; liuf, OHM ix ft lute use ; the soft is rarely found after the 3rd sg. in Early Mn. poets. Tt nrose to , distinguish the subject from the obj., but in tlic CIIBU of tlio ini)»Tnonnl-there is no ambiguity. Intransitive verbs including (.lie vt'rli 'to be' are frequently used in the impersonal, and tlio forms arc not folt to be in any way different from transitive impersonals except tlnit A trans. verb requires an object : cychwynnir am ddau ' a start will be made at two'.
The impersonal with its object is generally most conveniently translated into English by a passive with its subject, thus cerir fi ' I am. loved'; but this should not blind us ^to the construction in Welsh.
iv. (i) Each verb has also a verbal noun and most have verbal adjectives.
(a) The verbal noun is not strictly an infinitive; it governs the genitive, not the accusative, case. It, may be used, like an abstract noun, with the article or an adj., as the subject or obj. of a verb or the obj. of a preposition ; but it is sufficiently distinct from an ordinary abstract noun by reason of certain constructions in which it cannot be replaced by the latter. See e.g. § 204 ii.
(3) Verbal adjectives are used like ordinary adjectives, and have not developed the peculiar uses of participles.
Tin', REGULAR VERB.
§ 172. i. The regular verb caraf ' I love' is conjugated as follows; Ml. forms are given in spaced type :
INDICATIVE MOOD. Present Tense.
Ml. W.
Mn.W.
sg.
pi.
sg. pi.
i. karaf
- i. karwn
i. caraf i. carwn
2. leery
3. fcerwch
3. ceri 3. cerwch
3. /car
3.karant
3. car 3. carant
Ic
npers. kerir
Impels. cerir








 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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Imperfe
ct Tense.
Ml. W.
 
sg. pi.
s;?.
i. karwn i,karem
I carwn
a. karwt a. karetoch
3. car/;'
3. kar^t 3. kerynt
3. t'ayw
Impers. kerif
 
§ 172
Mn. W. ^
pi.
1. carem
2. carech
3. cerynt, carewt Impers. een'd!
Aorist Tense. I. karassam a. karassawcJi
i. kereis 3. kereist <;. karawS 3. karassant Impers. karwyt
i. cerais a. ceraist
I.
carasom a. carasoc/i 3. carodd ' 3. carasant Impers. carwyd
i. kara^swn i. karassem i. karassut a. karassewch 3. karassci 3. karassynt liii])ci'8. karussit
Pluperfect Tense.
i. carasww i. carasem a. carasit a. cara-seck 3. carasai 3. carasynt, -ent Impei-s. caresiif, -awl
SUBJUNCTIVE MOOU.
Present Tense.
I. 1tar(K)wyf i. kar{K)om a. ker(K)ych a, kar{K)och 3. kar(h)o 3. kar(h)ont Impers. kar(K)er
i. carwyf a. eery ah 3. cary
i. carom a. caroeh 3. cawai?
Impers. caw
Imperfect Tense.
i. ka,r(h)wn i. kar(K)em a. &ar(//)iU 2. kar[fi)ewch 3. kar(!t)ei 3. ker(h)ynt Impers. ker(it)it
t. carem a. c<m< a. carech 3. caro» 3. cerynt, carent Impei's. cm'</
IMPEEATIVE MOOD.
Present Tense. i. kartell
a. ^ar a. kerweh a. c«/' 3. ^arc< 3. karent 3. ca/'<?^ Impers. karer
i. carwn 1. cer^ock 3. carent, -aat Impers. care?"
§ 173 VERBS ,^





 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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VERBAL NOUN. ({•arw ; carM VEBBAL ADJECTIVES.
karedic,karadw^; caredig, ('a radwy,
i. ii. Stems ending in -2- (Ml. W.^) drop t.lio ?' Wore (',.?/, and M ;
as 'rhSdwf, r/iwlir, rhSdgnt, rtwdvit; ni!in'iaf, iifinwr, utc.; and stems in -w- drop the w before w as cfldwaf, cSiAwn', see § 36 i, ii.
NOTKH AND ADDITIONAL OHMS. \
f
§ 173. Pres. liid.—i. In (lie and sg. and pi. and the imps., a and~ aw in the stem aro iillci Ird; thus Mn. W. teli 'thou payest', ceni 'thou singest', gwiwuifii i 'thou listenest', gwrandSiych for gwran-dewwch 'ye listen', (Jof<lir 'care is taken', amcenir 'an attempt is made'.
ii. The ist sg. ends in -af; in B.B. written -aw, as dywedaw, Jcyuo-daw, credaw 8 2 ( = dywedaf, cyfodaf, credof) ', in O.W., -am ( =. av), as ni clwilam ox. 226 'I do not believe'.
Tiaces of an ending -if occur : gwneif B.A. i ' I will do', kuynhwo B.B. 100 'I complain ', Tcynn mudif lie E.F. 1037 ' before I change [my] place', cenif, dygif M.A. i 191 'I sing, I bring'; cf. Bret. fut. Jcaninn.
iii. (i) The Ml. ending -y of the 2nd sg. remains in B.C., see ceny 186, rhedy 132, and is sometimes met with later ; but in Mn. W. generally it became -i, see § 77 iv.
(2) The 111. -y ithdf BCCIIIS <o bo for -y8 = Brct. -fa by lo''h ol' -8, § 110 iv (3); the loi in -.1/8 DI rw^ in Knily Ml. verse : yinivuredit B.B. 19 (wline -/(:= -y8) ' mivrhl, tliyhell", ili'JOinl ib. ' committest', guneit do. 23 ' ninkuht'; ryrt/yrt II.T. 57 ' Kivcbt', 'incil y kynnullyS yt wesceryS ib. 'as thou gathciest thou scatterest'. Before di the -8 was lost early : nertJiitt ox. gl. hortabere, Ml. ~W. nerthy di ' thou strengthenest' (cf. drwedyS for *diweS-dyS § 110 iv (2)).
(3) In some expressions in common use forms without an ending occur; thus beside wely dy yna W.M. 36 we have wel dy yna E.M. 23 ' seest thou there?' 'wel dy racco W.M. 59, etc. § 221 iv (2). So os mi{n di E.M. 93 ' if thou wilt'; and dial. fi'[n di ' wilt thou (' yli'fw di 'dost thou hear?' Without di we have os mi'/n D.G. 113 'if thou wilt'.
iv. (i) The standaid form of the 3id B{^. lias no ending. The vowel of the stem undergoes tlic ultimate t-an'ection § 83 ii; thus daliaf ' I hold ', deil ' holds';—archaf ' I bid', eirrii ' bids ';—galwaf ' I call', geilw;—safaf 'I stand ', saif;—paraf ' I cause', pair, peir ;— gannaf 'I am contained', v.n. genni 'to be contained' (< *ghnd- '. Lat. pre-hendo, Gk. •^avSdvw), yd sg. gain, see example; in Ml. W. (g}eln B.P. 1055, see vi (3) below, also going by § 106 i (2), whence ng spread to other forms;—agoraf ' I open ', egyr ;—collaf ' I lose',







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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§ 17s
cy1l', —torwf ' I break', tyrr, written tyr ;—atebaf ' I answer', etyb',— gwi luf ' 1 see ', gwyl, in Late Mn. W. gwel;—cynhaliaf ' I hold ', c;/iiiiail, cynneil;—gwaharddaf ' I prohibit', gwehewdcl D.G-. 20 ;— ataliaf ' I withhold ', etei!;—gwasgaraf ' I scatter', gwesgyr and gwasgar;—tawaf 'I am or become silent', ten, tau;—{g)adawaf 'I leave', edeu, gedy ;—tarawaf ' I stiike', tereu B.B. 63, tery ;— gw(a)ra'ndawaf ' I listen', gwerendeu, gwrendy ;—gosodaf ' I set', gesyd;—cyrhaeddaf 'I reach', cyrrazdd;—sor-raf 'I sulk', syry, written syr;—somaf (siomaf) ' I disappoint, cheat', sym;—diolchaf 'I thank', dzylch;—parchaf 'I respect', peirch B.B. 50, B.T. 17, G.Gr. D.G. 254;—arbedaf 'I spare', erbyd Diar. vi 34, E.P. 269 (but orbed, Es. Iv 7);—rhangaf fodd ' I please ', reingk 608 8.6. 277.
Ni am o fewn main y mw, Ni bu 'nfoes neb un fesur,—T.A./A 14967/916.
'There is not contained within the stones of the wall, there has not been in my time, any one of the same stature.'
Am, na ain d'awr mown un dwrn.—T.A. A 14975/16. ' Because thy gold will not go into one hand ' (is more than a handful).
A fo doeth efo a dau;
Annorth 111 rrol enazi.—O.T.H., TR. 87.
' [Hej who in wiyo ia niltiiit ; tlio unwixc does not control [hi» | moulh.' Pan vynner iKi tcwi hi u teu n M. 122 ' winui DIIU wiwholit (n (•rrluiii harp) to be silent, it is bilent'. fcl // tau ilitfud EB. lin 7 ' us a sheep is dumb'.

0 syr, lie gwesgyr gwasgwyn, O'm dawr, Gwyn ap Nudd i'm dwyn.—D.G. 246.
'If he sulks, where he scatters [his] gasconade, Q. ap N. take me if
I care.'
Nid yw anair ond ennyd ;
Ni sym twyll mo bwyll y byd.—E.P. 271.
' Calumny is but [for] a while ; deceit will not cheat the good sense of the world '; ny'm sym. K.P. 1198 ' will not disappoint me '.
I Ddvw Madog n ddiyloh Gait I dtiDacr hael vael y cylch.—U.G. 292.
' Madoc thanks God that he has had the ring from his generous sister.' Of. 167, L.G.C. 70.
(2) In many verbs which have a, the vowel is unaffected; thus cdr ' loves ', can, ' sings ', tdl' pays', gad ' leaves '; also in some with e, as cymer ' takes', adfer ' restorea ', arfer ' uses '.
Some verbs with a have both the affected and unaffected form ;
thus galJaf'l can ', geill IL.A. 169, D.G. 29, or gall E.P. 259 ; didlaf 'I aveiiRe', diail D.G. 162, G.GL, p 108/41 u.,\l'/al L.Mon § 186 h;
rhwardda/ ' I laugli', chweirS K.P. 1240, chwardd D.G. 402, L.G.O. 379, Job xli 29, Ps. ii 4 ; barnn IL.A. 64 'judges ', beirn E.P. 1321.
§ 173
VERBS






 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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(3) The vowel of the stem, if mutable, is of course mutated when the ending is dropped in the 3rd sg.; thus ryrchaf ' I make for', cyrc/t; dygaf ' I bring ', dwg ' brings '; ceisiaf ' I seek ', Mn. W. cais 'seeks', Ml. keis, § 81 iii (i). In many cases -n- is a mutfttio'h of
-aw-, the latter appearing in the 3rd sg., thus toddaf ' I molt', Imodd 'melts' ; boddcif ' I drown, or am drowned', lawdd 'drowns' ; Iwlaf 'I ask ', hawl 'asks'. But in disyllabic stems, when the iiniicccntcd
-aw- in the ult. became -o-, it was in some cases treated on the analogy of original -o- and affected to y ; thus adroSaf ' I narrate ', adrawS r' A. i 'narrates', later edryS n.v. 1253; haiogaf ' I defile' (denominative from halawc, Mn. W. haloif), helyc IL.A. 34 'defiles'. In the i6th cent. dichyn was used, § 1!)G ii, but was supplanted later by the-original form dichoii ' can ', M 1. W. dichazvn. The substitution of -•y as in tery c.w. 32 for (lie allccted -eu of tcreu, etc., see (i), is due to the same aiiali)^y ; sec § 83 ii.
A similar an.ilo^y giivc rise to gwerdiyd D.G. 175 'guards' from the v.n. gwarcfuid i'ur gwurchawd nn'tntli. for givw-chudw; tlie old 3rd sg. was gimr-cJieidw.
v. (i) Verbs with stems in -ha- had tho vowel unaffected in the 3rd sg.; the affected forms bwyty ' eats', pery D.G. 441 'lasts' are late; the original 3rd sg. of bwytd-af 'I eat' is hwyta w.M. 456 'eats', ef a vwyfta IL.A. 170, and of parhd-af is pdr(h)a, as parha B.T. 40 'lasts', ny phara E.P. 1046, W.M. 86 ' does not last', ni phara T.A. Q. 236. The accent falls regularly on the penult; and the -h-after it was lost, § 48 ii, as in para, but not before changing a media to a tennis as in bwyta ' eats' (: bwyd ' food ').
(2) The -(h)a of the 3rd sg. is thus tlie unaffected ytem-foiniing suffix, but it came to be mistaken lor a pri-Hoiial ending; iniil iii -/informs the stems of doiiominativcf, -(/')" si'i'iin'd to 1») n 311! sg. ending of denominatives, and wan UHl'd (" loiin Ilic 3rd sg. "1 denominatives generally. This mny liave orignnitcd in doublets like neshd-af, v.n. neshd-u and nvs-u.f, v.n. nesii ' to approach' (: lies ' nearer ') ; the 3rd sg. of the flist is icgularly nes-(h)a, which, being very naturally taken to be the 3rd sg. of the second, suggested a 3rd Bg. ending -(h}a. For exactly the same reasons it became a 2nd sg. imperative ending, and is used as such in all verbs in which it appears in the 3rd sg. pres. ind. In older examples the form is -ha, the -A- hardening a media or remaining as an -h-; such examples survive in Ml. W. side by side with others in which the ending has come to be regarded as -a simply. Thus we find gwata B.P. 1382 'denies', oetta impv. n.r. 1254 ' dcl.iy ', gwatta M.A. i 3190 ' denies', ehetta do. 3196 ' flies ', tremycca IL.A. 150 'despises', poenha do. 28 'punishes', dielwha do. 147 'ruins' (makes worthless), gwyhwa do. 148 'withers', cerSha do. 168 'goes', gweSTia do. 165 ' beseems', side by side with gwada B.P. 1256 ' denies', oeda impv. do. 1285 'stay', llettya do. 1254 'lodges', ogana ib. 'satirizes', a gylchyna M.A. i 3196 ' surrounds', a boena IL.A. 147, kerdda do. 165, kerSa do. 167, gweSa E.r. 1272. In the last examples simple -a has become a 3rd &g. ending.
1402 T

ACCIDENCE






 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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§173
VERBS

323
(3) It is added to nearly all denominative stems which represent a noun or adj. without a suffix; thus hwySa IL.A. 148 (: hwyS, chwyS ' a swelling '), a ge(z)thiwa ib. (: keithiw ' captive '), argyweSa do. 166 (: argyweS 'harm'), saetha E.P. 1272 'shoots' (: saeth 'arrow'), amcana 1285 (: amcan 'design'), gwarcJiaea ib. (: gwarchae 'fortification'), dilyssa ib. dilyssa 1254 (: dilys 'certain'), llaessa 1254 (: llaes 'slack'), sura E.M. 123 (: sur 'sour'), a gospa IL.A. 30 (: cosp 'punishment'), gwassannaetha do. 28 (: gwasanaeth' service '), kyfvy-r-golla do. 35 (: cyfr-goll § 156 i (9)), breinia M.A. i 3i8a (: braint 'privilege'), yssiga, ib. (: ysig 'crushed'), diwedda do. 3186 (: diwedd 'end'), cynnydda 3190 (: cynnydd 'increase'), mynycha ygb (: mynych 'frequent'), Iwydda ib. (: llwydd 'prosperity'), a gocha B.B.B. 146 (: coch 'red'), kyflea K.P. 1386 (: cyf-le 'situation'), mefha 1253 (: meth 'failure').
(4) It is also added to some stems not obviously denominative;
thus cerddaf' I walk, go' has 3rd sg. cerSa in Ml. W., see examples above, and in Mn. W., see Diar. iii 28, vi 3, but a gerS B.T. 15; so sathra IL.A. 147 'tramples', but sathy-r B.B.B. 144; damuna IL.A. 148 ' wishes' (the noun is damunet ' wish'), traetha B.B. 8 ' relates ' (noun traethawd' treatise' < Lat. tracfdt-us).
(5) It is added to stemi in -i- mostly denominatives; as tykya W.M. 14, J\ln. W. l-f'/rui ' iivniln' (: tmg 'success' < *tu-k-, Vteiia- 'increase ') used only in tin; ,{i'il pri's., § 1 '16 v, lii/iri/ii it.r. i 285 ' governs ', Mn. W. Uyww 'steers' (: llyw ' milder'), hiryliii M.A. i ;)iy<(, Mn.W. hwyUa ' sails, governs' (: hwyl ' sail', cf. Lilt. {/uhmin.re ' ulcer, govern'), cilw do. 3196 ' recedes ' (: cil ' back '), rhodia \'». i i (: rhnwil 1 course ' < * rot-, L°-grade of Vret- ' run'), Mn. W. preswylm ' resides ' Ml. W. presswyla IL.A. 169 (: presswyl' residence'), distrywza (: distryw ' destruction'). But some ^-sterns do not take it : daUaf, deil (not dalm), ceisiaf ' I seek', cais (not ceisza), peidwf ' I cease', paid (not peidia), meiddiaf, beiddiaf ' I dare', maidd, baidd, ' dares'.
(6) It is added to denom. stems in -yah-; as gwledycha IL.A. 169, M.A. i 31801' governs ',fflammyoha do. 3186 ' flames ', except whennych B.M. 123, chwew(n)ych IL.A. 73 ' desires ' (: chwant ' desire').
(7) Lastly, it is added redundantly to -ha- itself, as mwynhaa M.A. 13176, Mn.W. mwynha 'enjoys', 7cyt-lawenhaa IL.A. 72, Mn.W. llawenha 'rejoices', dynessaa B.H.IS. 148, Mn. W. maka 'approaches', arwySockaa do. 144, Mn.W. arwySoca 'signifies', Mn.W. glanha ' cleans', edifarJia ' repents', etc., etc.
(8) A few verbs have two forms, one with and one without -(A)a ;
a,s.plycca impv. E.M. 97 ' fold ', plyc B.T. 18 ' bends ' {plygaf ' I bend', plyg 'fold'); tybia D.I.D. TE. 98, tyb T.A. p. 16 'imagines' (tybiaf 'I imagine', tyb 'thought, fancy'); a dwylla Jer. ix 5, a dioyll IL.A. .147 'deceives' (fwyUaf ' I deceive ', twyll ' deceit'); gwemySa B.P. 1254 ' serves ', gweinyS do. 1238 ; barn iv 2, barmi, Ps. CXXXY 14.
vi. (i) 8g. 3. -id, used where there was no preverb, is found in Ml. W., and survived in proverbs, and rarely in verse; like the fut. -{h)awd it became -{h')id; thus O.W. prinit (without -A-) ox. 226
'buys'; Ml. W. ottid B.B. 89 'falls' (of snow), meecid do. 90 'nourishes'; Trenghit golut, ny thrn'w/k moliit ]i.n. 1082 'wealth perishes, fame perishes not'; Tyfid miilmi, ny t/i.i/f i </<idn.chaiz ' an infant grows, its swaddling cloth does not grow'; Dirmyoid 'iiterch . . . wr ni welo G.Gr. p 77/194 ' a woman despises 11 mini wLom nlie does not see'. , ••-...
-yd occurs in e-yt (rh. with byt 'world') it.r. 1055 'goes'. It seems to be confused with -id in megyt, w.clcyt n.r. (029 ' nourishes ', gwlychyt do. 1032 'wets'. "''".'••
(2) An ending -(h)awd of tile 3rd UK. offnm in E»r]y Ml. W. with a future meaning: bithdud (^ byfihdird) ii.ii. 7 'will be', reddaud (dd = it for dh) do. 58 'will riin', ilirrluwuud do. 61 'will arise', parahaud do. 100, piirnluin'1. II.T. 23 ' will continue', gyrhawts.T. 13 ' will drive '. TI|(!KC lorniH wcrr survivals, and appear sometimes to be misused as pasKivc.s under tin' inlluciice oftlie -t impersouals : duttaud B.B. 16 ' will be l)r(iii^lil,', bri'H.hniid do. 58 'will be broken'.






 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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(3) There arc trilue.s of a 3rd sg. in -yS, as 'ii,y wneyS gwir ny ein ymro n.l'. 1055 ' lie who does not do justice will not be suffered [lit. contained] in a country' ; 7eyn noc y daw rwng y Swylaw y gwesgeryS do. 1049 ' [it is] before it comes between his hands that he scatters it'. This is quite distinct from -yd above, and comes, as seen, after relatives.
There is no sufficient ground for the assumption, Arch. Oamb. 1873 150, of a 3rd sg. -haw; for chaff aw B.B. 8 = chaff af ist sg., see ii above, gwnaw SK. 126 is an error for gwnaho B.T. 16 1.
2 ; a uma6 B.T. 30 1. 18 is prob. a sc. error for wnaa6t; the other examples are from untrustworthy texts.
(4) In the dialects an ending -iff, in Gwyncdd -ith, in in common use. D. 85 regardH it as falsely dcdncrd I'rom miff, " VI C'rriff'^ro Car, Perijfyo Pair ... Qniii imii(]iiiun nine iiiiligniitionc audio." (As -iff'is not a syllable in <w;'//'tlif suggested deduction is improbable.)
vii. Beside the usiiii] -wn of the ist pi., we seem to have a ist pi. pres. -en once in tlio O.W. cet iben JUV. SK. ' we drink together'.
viii. Tlie affection of the stem vowel in the 2nd pi. cerwch shows that -wch must he for -ywch § 26 vi (5). A trace of this form occurs in chedywch IL.A. 157 'ye keep' dissim. for * chedwywch', the usual form is cedwch for cedwwch '. cadwaf ' I keep '.

ix. (i) Corresponding to the 3rd sg. in -hawt, a 3rd pi. in -hawnt .occurs rarely in the earlier periods: cuinhaunt JUV. gl. defleb(unt), gwnahawnt B.T. 13 'they will make '.
(a) In O.W. a 3rd pi. pres. -int occurs, as limnint JUV. gl. tondent, scainnliegint JUV. gl. levant, nertheint JUV. gl. armant. Some examples occur in the early poetry : diwrissint kedwyr . . . mi nyd aw B.B. 108 ' warriors hasten . . . I go not'; vyS . . . pan Syorf(yS)yn B.T. 13 ( will be when they conquer', discynnyn ib. ' they will descend '.
x. (is The final -t of the 3rd pi. of this and of every other tense is often dropped in poetry, even in Early Ml. W., § 106 iii (2) : tirran ( 5 tyrran) B.B. 2 ' they muster', dygan ib. ' they bring', darparan ^ Y2









 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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§.174
ilo. 5 ' they prepare', vid'em, (5. VySan) ib.' they will be'; other tenses :
ilfiilhan do. 2 ' they came ', vytaethan do. 4 ' they did ', dayman do. 6 ' they perished', cuitin ( 5 cwy^yn) do, 95 ' they fell'. The -t is lost in the spoken language.
xi. (i) Beside the impers. in -ir, a form in -(h)awr, corresponding to the 3rd sg. in -hawt, occurs in Early Ml. W. ; as talliaur B.B. 31 ' there will be payment \ffohawr B.T. 16 ' there will be flight', dialawr ib. 'there will be vengeance', dyrehawr do. 33 ' will be mustered', agorawr W.M. 456 'will be opened', Dygyn yw aSaw a garawr E.B. 1062 ' it is hard to promise what is loved'; Heui yn lonawr ny mat
•welawr, M{a}wrth a Whefrawr ae dialawr E.B. 970 ' Sun in January is not good to be seen, [in] March and February there will be retribution for it'.
(2) The ending -(h)er has a fut. ind. meaning in Early Ml. W., as mock guelher y niuer B.B. 2 ' soon will the host be seen'; nyth atter ti y mywn'w.u, 457 'thou shalt not be admitted '.
(3) In the early poetry an impersonal in -itor, -etor, -ator, -otor occurs : kenhittor kirrn B.B. 52 ' horns will be sounded ', canhator B.T. 75 'will be sung ', megittor B.B. 62 'will be brought about', rewinetor B.T. 68 'will be ruined ', traethattor, molhator do. 23, brithottor B.B. 33 'art' viiricgiitcd '. Forms in -e<atwalso occur : dygetavyr B.T. 10 'will be liroiii^lil ', iJu1m,tt<vwr do. 41 'will bo called' ; in these the ending has conic under tliu inlliic'ncc of -hun'/',
§ 174:. Imperf. Ind.—i. The and sg. ending in Ml. \V. in -ud, us dianghtit E.P. 1037 ' thou wouldst escape'. In Early Mn. W. this remains, as wyddud, atebud rhyming with mud in D.C!. 460; but
-vddii became -it ti § 111 ii, § 77 ix ; hence Late Mn. W. emit. The
•i- not being original does not affect the -a-; cerit is an artificial form : "aecunda sing. fit; etiam sine mutatione vocalis, & fortasse rectius, Carit" D. 89. In the dialects the vowel of the 2nd pi. is introduced, as caret; and this debased form occurs in recent writings.
ii. In the early poetry a 3rd sg. -i is found, affecting -a- in the stem (as well as the usual -ei, not affecting); thus efgeiwi B.A. 22 ' he called ', efl/eSi ib. ' he slew ' (beside pan. elei ib.' when he went'), ny cheri do. 26 'lie loved not' (beside ef caret ib. ' he loved '), eiSuni do. 16 ' he desired ', klywl ib. ' he heard ', a iceli B.B. 45 'whom he saw '.
For the 3rd sg. in -md see § 191 ii (3).
iii. (i) The vowel of the pi. endings is -e-, which regularly becomes
-y- before -nt, § 65 iii (i). The introduction of the -y- into the ist and 2nd as in hojfym Gr.H. G. 98 (for hffff'em) is rare, and doubtless artificial. On the other hand the-y- of the 3rd has tended to be replaced by the -e- of the ist and 2nd since the i5th cent., e.g. nis terfynen' L.G.C. 244 ' they would not end him ' (usually L.C'.C. has -yn(t) : a 'terynt 186, am ceryn' 206). In Late Mn. W. the re-formed -ent became the usual ending, though -ynt remained in use in poetry, &.g. E.F.36,287, 316.
(2) In Ml. W. a re-formed 3rd pi. -eint, with the vowel of the grd
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Sg., occurs; as y wawt a ganeint IL.A. 95 ' the song which they sang', a Seueint. . . a syrthyeint do. 97 'which Clime, [tears] which fell', whubeint W.M. 466 'they seized'. It is hoinotiincR found in Early Mn. verse: awrhegaint D.G. 24 'they presented', orJuiizt,fyddainf, rhedaint do. 25; occasionally later: rhedeint n.cw. 23.
§ 176. Aor. and Plup. Ind.—i. The 3rd sg. nor. baa a ttnmber of endings :
(1) Ml. "W. -aw8, Mn. W. -odd, is cuminoii in Ml. W., and .ilmost supplanted all other endings in lln' Lute Mn. period. Ml. W. examples :
JkerSauS 'W.M. 9 'walked' (bcnid<' a yrrSirys do. M), rymhellaiifi do. 17 'incited', wharyaioS do. 165 ' pliiyrd ', parawS ib. ' caused' see (4), gofynnawS do. 164 ' awld'il ', dts/i'i/nnawS do. 422 'descended', rwymawS ib. ' bound', friri/iiglyiiiawK ib. ' fastened by the reins', dechreziawS ii.n.n. 117 'bigmi', deivissawS do. 319 'chose'. -08 already appears in Liih' Ml. W, : parhaoS, arveroS, HaSoS C.M. 92 ' lasted, used, killed ', brutJioS do. 93 ' htabbcd '.
(2) -as, in cawiM n.v. 66, W.M. 10 'got', iJivelas B.B. 101, W.M. 13 ' saw'. It survived us tlie regffliir ending in tliesc two verbs in Ml.W.;
in Early Ml.W. other verbs take it, bradas, twyllas B.B. 81 ' betrayed, deceived', creas G. M.A. i 196 'created', gallas B.V. do. 372 'could'. In cafas it survived in Early Mn. W.:
Pwy mown gaeaf a gafas Fis Mai yn dwyn lifrai las?—D.G. 265; cf. 116.
' Who in winter [ever] found a May-month wearing green livery 1'
(3) -es is added to stems having -o- or -oe-', as dicones JUV. SK. 'wrought', rotes (t=8) B.B. 42, roSes W.M. 9 'gavo', torres W.M. 94 'broke', arhoes do. 47 'waited '.ffwn H.M. 152 ' Hod', ymhoelen H.H.H. 199 'returned'. It is common in Mn. W., more cspeuiiilly in the earlier period: Q'ocs ]).(). 61, nomcs ().(il. (!. i 196 'deceived', colles I.T. r. 43 'lost', codes do. 45 'rose', 'rhui.!<Jeii Phi), ii 9 'gave', torres Gr.O. 41 ' broke '. It survives in the spoken Ling. in contracted forms rhoes, troe,s.—Contrary to analogy it replaced -as in gwelas in Late Ml. and Early Mn. ~W., as gweles K.B.B. 130, D.G. 279, T.A. G. 235.
(4) -is is added to stems having -a- (which it affects to -e-), or -aw-( > -ezo-) : treghis B.B. 21 ' perished', cedwis do. 43 ' kept', erchis IL.A. 2 'bade', dienghis 'W.M. 56 'escaped', peris do. 57 'caused', ettelUs (l-l, vb. atalwf) E.B.B. 174 'withheld', cynheflis (l-l, vb. cynhaJmf) do. 257 'held', edewis B.M. 169 'left', eSewis B.B.B. 171 'promised'. Also dechreuis 'W.M. 27, E.M. 17 'began' (beside dechreuivyy •W.M. 413, E.M. 267). It is occasionally met with in Early Mn. W., as gadewis D.G. 61.
Ni wn a fum yn iazmt fis Heb hiraetJi,—hi a'i peris.—LD. 20.
' I do not know that I have been well for a month without longing,— [it is] she that caused it.'
(5) -'wys is perhaps the commonest ending in Ml.W. -.pechuis B.B. 41







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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§ 176
'Binned', guiscvis do. 43 'wore', treulwys W.M. 9 'spent', cyrchwys il>.' niiide for', meSylywys do. 10 ' thought', dvffygywys do. 12 ' failed',. t'rigywys E.M. 92 'resided', gallwys do. 108 'could', mynnwys E.B.B. 200 'desired'. . It was simplified early to -ws § 78 i (2), as bendigus B.B. 36 ' blessed', jfruincluymus (read -clymus) do. 93 ; cerSws PI 4/6 E. (mid-13th cent.) ' walked', claSws P 14/14 R. ' buried ', kemerrwS p29/31 E. 'took'. The form -wys disappeared, but -zos is sometimes met with in Mn. lit. W., and became the usual ending in parts of S.W.
Hadlyd liw hudol o dlws, . • Hudolion a'i hadeiiws.—D.G. 447. ' (Perished colour enchantingly beautiful, it is enchanters that built it.'
(6) -t in <-aorists, see iii (i).
ii. (i) The above are strictly stem-forming suffixes, with no personal ending, added to the pres. stem. The ist sg. has -as affected to -eis;
the 2nd sg. has the same with added -(; the pi. has a similar suffix^ which takes three forms, to which the personal endings -am, -awch,
-ant are added. The forms of the suffix are Ml. W. -ass-, -yss- and
-ss-, Mn. W. -as-, -s-.
(2) -ass- and -yss- are not sharply distinguished : thus dywedassam E.M. 44 = dywedyssam W.M. 61 'we mentioned', collassam E.M. 52 == collys.vmi W.M. 72 'we Inw lost', cili/assant, torrassant E.M. 36=:
cylynsa'nt, lorry»mi'/tt W.M. 52 ' tlicy rr( mited, <liry linilo''. Both forma occur throughout tlio Ml. period, -us»- riicroacliiiii{ in lulcr MKK. us the examples show. Later -yss- disappeared, and in Lute Mn. W. -as- aloue is used.
(3) -s(s)- is used after -;- and -r- and after the diphthongs -aw;
-yw-, -eu- : gwelsom W.M. 50, E.M. 35 'we saw', cymersant "W.M. 169 (== cymerassant B.M. 235) 'they took', adcorssant B.B. 46 'they returned', ymadawssam H.M. ii 292, BJ.A. 148 'we left', clywssont W.M. 33 'they heard', dechreussant do. 41, 72 'they began', beside dechreuyssant 44. In Mn. W. it is regularly found in gwelsom, and always after -aw- as gwrandawsom; sometimes in other cases, as talscmz, cymersom. In the dialects the -s- form became general.
(4) Beside the usual -am, -awch, -ant in Ml. W., -om and -ant are often found, and are specially frequent in the W.M. ; -och is very rare :
doethoch W.M. 161 (= doethawch E.M. 228) 'ye came '. In Mn. lit. W.
-om, -och, -ant are the usual endings. In the spoken lang. mostly
-on, -och, on.
(5) In the old poetry there are traces of the 3rd sg. ending -id, as in the pres. § 173 vi (i), as delyessit leuan . . . wab Duw . . . yn dwfyr echwyo E.P. 1184 'John held the Son of God in the water of baptism' (the context shows that it is not impers. plup.), prinessit (rea.S.prynessit) ib.; also -yd, as Jeeressyt E.P. 1168, pregethyssit (/kyt) B.T. 54.
iii. (i) A 3rd sg. ending -t added to the pres. stem is found in some verbs, as cant B.A. i, W.M. 120, S.M. 196 'sang' (not cant as wrongly assumed by some recent copyists), gwant K.M. 81, W.M. in 'pierced';
--er.t- regularly becomes -yrth § 6 5 iii (2), hence diffirth, kymirth B.B. 40
§175
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' saved, took', with a-affection dijferth E.B.B. 213, kymerth W.M. 9, see §181vii(i).
(2) These 3rd sg. aor. forms had conic to be regarded in Kelt. as aor. stems, and other persons were formed from tliem, § 181 vii (i);
thus keint B.T. 33 'I sang', keintum w. i8a 'I Ban^', ceim.lost-.'K.B. 21 'thou hast sung'; gwemt M.A. i 1940 'I charged' (in bnttir).
iv. (i) The impersonal, like the 3rd sg., lias various endings. Verbs which take -as, -es, -is, -wys in tlie 3rd sg. have -<ul, -e.d, -id, -wyd respectively in the impersonal.
(2) -ad in caffwt E.M. 141 'was hail', ciilint W.M. 40, E.M. 27 'was had', contracted cat E.B.II. 396, Mn. W. cad D.I}. 189, etc. ' was had', see § 188 i (6), and in g'li'dut W.M. 51, n.w. 36 'were (was) seen'. In the old poetry it is scon in ullicr verbs, as urtuad (t = 8) B.B. 23 'was blackened' se.-s'n.inud ib. ' was conjured (?)
' (redupl. perf.1?) ' •
(3) -ed, alter -o-, -w.- : unvonet W.M. 84 'were sent', collet do. 472 'was lost', dodct do. 32 'was put', roSet do. 33 'was given' Mn. W. rhodded y.N. 28, ponied C.C. ii, Iwelied v 49/546, etc.
It is also found in ganei W.M. 28, Mn. W. ganed 'was born'; and . in Early Mn. W. gweled D.E. Hi 163/119 'was seen' for Ml. gwelat, like gweles for gwelas i (3) ; Ml. W. f-ived M.A. i 373, lla&ed do. 220.
(4) -id, after -a-, -aw- : y delit. , . ac y carcharwyt B.B.B. 338 ' was caught and imprisoned', edewit W.M. 58 'were left', eSewit B.M. 162 ' was promised'. Only the context, as seen in the first example, shows that this is not the.imperf., which ends in -id in all verbs. In Mn. W. -id aor. gav.e place to -wyd to avoid the ambiguity : ddlvwyd ' was caught', gada(w)wyd 'was left'.
(5) -wyd, as in magwyt W.M. 33 ' was reared ', gollyngwyt, ryKhttwyt do. 25 'was released, was set free', cyweirwyt do. 26 ' wiis prepared', treulwyt ib. ' was spent', gomvne&'inyt ii).
' wan rcluncd ', etc., etc. This is the usual ending in Mu.W., anil lias HUpeiM'di'd the others except in a few forms like (/annd ' WIIB born ', 'rliord ' WIIH put', etc.—Reduced to -Wt § 78 i (2), wlifin;o dial. cawi/, § 188 i (6).
(6) The *-l- of this suffix came witliout an intervening vowel after some roots ending in -d-, early enough to give W. -s for the group -dt-§ 87 ii. Thus lias W.M. 89 ' was killed', also in Early Mn. W. and later, beside llaSwyt H.D. P 67/277 E.; Mas D.E. J 17/478 a. 'was buried', usually claSwyt W.M. 89 ; gwys D.G. 236 'is known'.
Ef a'm lias i a'm nasiwn Tr awr y lias yr iarU hwn.—G.GL, c. i 193.
'I. was slain and my nation the hour that this earl was slain.'
(7) Some verbs take -pwyd, which is generally added to tlie pert. or aor. stem; thus aethpwyt W.M. 59 ' there was a going', deutlvpwyt do. 141 or doethpwyt do. 96 'there was a coming', gwnaethpwyt do. 32 ' was done'. In these three verbs the form persisted and is the standard Mn. form, as used e. g. in the Bible ; but in Recent W., dial. and quasi-dial. forms aed, deuwyd (dial. dowd), gwnaed are also found.
Other examples are ducpzoyt W.M. 28 'were brought' (perf. at. dug-







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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§ IS'6
§ 10 1 ill), gmucpwyt W.M. 432 'was done', clywspwyt B.B.B. 178 'was liciml', dechreuspwyt s.o. 291, canpwyt § 182 iv (4).
Jt is added to the present stem in ddlpwyt K.B.B. 388 'was caught', ^ynniopwyt do. 398 'was offered ', gatpwyt do. 399 ' was left', dywetpwyt 'W.M. 52 beside dywespwyt do. 189 'was said'.
v. (i) The pluperfect is formed by adding the personal endings of the imperfect to the aorist stem.
The impers. -it and 3rd pi. -ynt affect -aw- in the penult, thus adewssynt B.B.B. 180 ' they had left ', edewssit B.M. 288 ' had been left'. But -ass- usually remains unaffected : huassynt W.M. 89 (beside buessyni IL.A. 19) 'they had been', anvonassit E.B.B. 306 'had been sent', myn-nassit E.M. 13 = mynyssit W.M. 20 'had been desired', collassynt E.M. 42 = wllyssynt W.M. 60. D.G. 279 has dygesynt (if weles before His the correct reading; if welas, it would be dygasynt) for tebygesynt;
the plup. of this verb is often syncopated, tygaswn etc. D. 134.
(2) Some verbs have a plup. formed by adding oeSwn, oeSwt etc. to the aor. stem : oawssoeSwn etc. § 188 i (7), roessoeS § 186 iii, as well as athoed etc. § 193 vi (5).
(3) An impers. of the plup. formed by adding -adoeS, -ydoeS to the pies. stem occurs in some verbs : ganadoeS § 197 'had been born', uSawadoeS a.c. 122 'had been promised', managadoeS M.A. ii 103 'had been mentioned ', miigudoft, dffnytadoet (t s 8) do. i 234.
§176. I'x's. iind Impl. Sub). i. (i) The siibj. sloiii is I'oi med by a suffix -h- wliich is iiddcd ID tlie pren. ind. ntein iiiid burdens a media to a tenuis; thus nottwyf W.M. 479 : iwdaf il). 'I Hpeiif'y'. After vowels and sonants the -A- disappears bccaubc it follows the accent § 48 ii, but it is often written in Early Ml. W. as gw'nafw B.T. 16, gzinelhont B.B. 60.
In Early Mn. W. the tenuis generally remained, and survived latei in a few expressions as gate in na ato Duw ' God forbid' : gadaf '1 permit'. But from the i6th cent. the ind. stem has mostly been used, and the media restored, as in Dyn a godo Duw'n geidwad S.T. O.K. [375] 'A man whom God raises as a saviour'.
(2) Some verbs have special subj. stems, aa d-'.af 'I go', etc. § 193 vii; b- : wyf ' ] am' § 189; Eaily Ml. W. dwh, gwares § 183 iii (i).
11. The ending of the 3rd sg. pros. is -0 : tulo W.M. 9 (: talaf ' 1 pay '), adnappo do. 36 (adwaen § 191), dycco do. 465 (: dygaf'I bear'). This is a simplification of -oe, which survives in creddoe (dd s ft < dh) B.B. 53 (: credo,/ ' I believe'), see § 78 i (i). The foirn -wy is a variant of -oe § 183 ii (i), and the former not uncommonly occuis in Early Ml. ~W , as gwelhvy B.B. 74 'may see', achupvy do. 75 (: achubaf ' I seize'), nottvy do. 76 (; nodaf 'I specify'), guledichuy do. 59 'may rule , canhwi do. 48 ' may sing'.
iii. (i) The ist sg. ends in -wyf: catiwyj W.M. 125 for *catwwyf (: cadwaf ' I keep '), ymgajJ'wyf u ib. ' I may meet', etc. This is the usual form in Ml. and Mn. W. The occurrence of -of is compara-
§ 177
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tively rare : gwiseof'w.fii. 97 (= gn'inyioyf E.M. 71), oysgof H.M. ii 137, gofynnof do. 260. This is probably a re-formation from the 3rd sg.
(2) The 3rd pi. ending is -ont; ini-ely in All. W. -wynt, as in elwynt B.A. 2, 3 (:((/' I go'), and -oent, as pan vfiiui nt A.L. i 22 ' when they desire'. All are prob. formed fiom the yd nf{. •"*'""
(3) The ist and 2nd pi. end in -om, -ooh : (//"'yccoOT, di^onhom B.B. 30, wettooh E.M. 131. -,' -
(4) The impers. ends in -er; but Iheie uro examples of a form in -wyr : rothwyr B.T. i for the usnul rofifr ' iimy l>c givon'.
iv. The 2nd sg. ending is -ych : rn^yili \\.M, 4 ' tlioii givest' (mayest give), gwypych do. 14 'thou kiiowext', i/ilif/rli do. 151 (: gallaf ' I can'). In Late W. a dialectal form -<'rli Boinet lines occurs, § 16 iv (2) (/3), as lletteueoh Kuth i 16, giivdilnrh Mult. \i 6, poenech Marc v 7. I11 the present dialects the h"1'.|. in n-ldoni lined except in the 3rd sg. and pi.;
and some recent vriteiH liuvc used -ot for the 2nd sg. Even -os( has been wiitteii; in W.ms.'s vorse Marchog, lesu the last line Tyrd am hynny maes o tain 849 appeals in icccnt hyiniibooks as Pan y byddost ti gerllaw.—gel/i/f %K. 512 is a misreading of gel! ych R.M. 220.
v. The inipf. hub]. is formed by adding the personal endings of the impf. to the subj. stem; thus (subj.) tei dywettut ti . . . (ind.) minheu a Sywedwft W.M. 118-9 ' if thou wouldst say ... I would say'. In Late W., owing to the levelling of the subj. with the iud. stem, the distinction between the moods is not preserved in the impf., except in af, gwnaf, dof, wyf, which have special subj. stems; see i (2) above.
§ 177. Pres. Impv.—i. (i) The 2nd sg. is the bare stem of the pres. ind. It differs from the 3id sg. pres. ind. in never having its vowel affected ; thus deil ' he holds ', du1 ' liold !' Iwi ' i» silent', taw ' be silent!' pair %cch. x i ' causes ', ji<1r I'h. xxv 4 ' cmmc I'
(2) Veibs which have -a in tin' .ird nff RICH. iiid. liilte it «lho in the 2nd sg. impv.: fierfiii \\.M. 83, H.M. 6o, lliiniif/n W.M. 25, E.M. 16, etc., see § 173 v.
ii. (i) The 3id fsg. ends in -ed.: kymeret W.M. 30, B.M. 19 'let her take ', aet un W.M. 13, A.M. 9 ' let one go ', gadawed, dychweled Es. Iv ^.
(2) A 3rd sg. in -id added to the subj. stem is also met with : elhid B.B. 101 (: ayigo'), rothid do. 93 'may he give', gwrthleSit Duw IL.A. 26 'may God ward off', Trowyr (s try'-wyr), getid Duw'r ieuaf G.G1. M 146/185 'three men, God spaie the youngest', gettid Maw D.IST. a. 154, Telid Duw iddynt M.K. [viii] ' let God repay tliem '.
iii. The 3rd pL ending is -ent : disli.yivne.nt W.M. 22 'let them descend', katwent A.L. i 138 'let them keep', traethei/t IL.A. 159 'let them speak', deuent (rh. witli steiit) L.G.C'. 66 ' let them come '. This is obviously formed Horn the 3rd sg. in -ed (since orig. -ent would have become -ynt). There is also a 3rd pi. bint IL.A. 81 'let them be ' formed from hid. In the Bible a 3rd pi. in -ant is used : gwybyddant Ps. lix 13 'let them know', dychwelant do. 14 'let them return'. This is a late re-formation following the analogy of the ist and 2nd pi. which are taken over from the pres. ind. In spite of the use of







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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§ 1-78
lliin fiirin in the Bible, the older form persisted in the late period:
Aiii),i/lion doent . .. Rhoent eu coronau Wins. 320 'Let angels come, let them put their crowns.'
iv. The ist and 2nd pi. have taken the forms of the pres. ind.; but an earlier ist pi. in-em occurs rarely, § 184 ii (i).
ORIGINS or TpE WELSH VERB. The Aryan Verb.
§ 178. i. In order to trace the development of the Welsh verb, some account, though it be in the briefest outline, must be given of the Ar. verbal system. For a fuller, but still concise and most instructive description, see Meillet, Intr.2 pp. 165-219.
ii. Stem form.—Two kinds of stem may be distinguished. Thematic forms were those ending in the thematic vowel -e- : -o- ; it was -o- in the ist sg. and ist and 3rd pi., and -e- in the 2nd and grd sg. and and pi. Athematic forms were those ending in a consonant or long vowol.
iii. Personal endings.—(i) The Ar. verb had personal endings for each ol tlir tlircf persons of tlio sg., ilinil and ]il. Thc^e were eithci primary or secondary; anil tliu primary cnilings din'er'd to some extent for thematic and athomatic htrins. Tliiu' wpro Hppcial endings for the perfect.
In the following list I omit the dual; and as the thematic vowel cannot be separated from the ending in some primary forms, I insert the vowel before the ending throughout, separating it by a hyphen, where possible, from the personal ending proper; all the persons of thematic stems are thus put on the same level.
(2) Active voice.
Primary.—Thematic : sg. i. -o, 2. -eis, 3. -eit; pi. i. -o-mesi,-0-nwsi,
-o-mSs, -o-mSs, 2. -e-the, 3. -o-nti.
Athematic : sg. i. -mi, 2. -si, 3. -ti; pi. i. -mesi, -mosi, -mes, -mos, 2. -the, 3. after a consonant -enti, -yti, after a vowel -nti.
Secondary.—Thematic: sg. i. -O-OT, 2. -e-s, 3. -e-t; pi. i. -o-mS,
-o-nw, 2. -e-te, 3. -o-nt.
Athematic: sg. r. after a vowel -m, after a cons. -m, 2. -s, 3. -t;
pi. i. -'me, -nw, 2. -te, 3. after cons. -ent, -nt, after vow. -wi.
(3) Middle voice (medio-passive); ist and and pi. omitted. Primary.—Thematic: sg. i. -o-mai, -oi, 2. -e-sai, 3. -e-tai, pl.'3.
-o-ntai.
Athematic : sg. i. -mai, 2, -sai, 3. -iai, pi. 3. -ntai. Secondary.—Thematic: sg. 2.-es-o, ^.-e-to, pl.^.-o-nio. Athematic :
sg. 2. -so, -thes, 3. -to, pi. 3. -nto.
(4) Perfect. The following endings only need be mentioned. Active: sg. i. -a, 3. -e.
§ 179
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(g) The characteristic of the primary endings is final -i. The difference in the sg. between primal y (hematic and athematic forms may have arisen by phonetic change in tlir parent language; thus we should expect themat. sg. 2. -esi, but ((hough Skr. hna li/nlv-asi) the Ar. form seems to have been -eis; possibly by inctatli. anil compon&atory lengthening, but this is quite uncertain.
iv. Mood and Tense Stems.—(i) The prcapnt n<ein WIMI rarely the simple root. In mo&t cases it was cillin tlio rcdnplicatpd roofc, the root with thematic vowel, the root with Hh'ni-foriuiiig miUlx, or the root with the infix -n- or -iir-.
The present stem with primary cndingH formed tlie pres. ind.; as *di-do-mi (Gk. Ki'Kinfu) ' I givr ', Vdo-; *bher-o-nti (Gk. Dor. ffitpovTi) 'they bear', VLJur-.
The present htcm \\itli HI (•oii<lary endings, and with the augment before it, formed a punt, us *< iiher-o-m (Gk. (f^epov) 'I bore'. This augmented pant istcnik'il i mpci fret, because it is imperfect in meaning in Gk. In Skr. it is mcic'ly a past.
(2) Tlic stem of tin- .s-iioriht was formed with -s- (athematic); of the future witli -e- or -se- (thematic); of the optative with -ie- etc.;
these formations are noticed below.
(3) The simple root with or without the thematic vowel formed aorist stems as follows, all the endings being secondary: firstly, E-grade of •v^+them. vowel, as *e liq^-o-m (> Gk. e'Xiirov), Vieiq*-;
this may be called the thematic aorist;—secondly, F-grade of V (at least in sg.), athematic, as *e bheid-m ( > Skr. dbhedam), Vbheid- 'split';
this is called the root-aorist.
v. The Augment was a separable accented proverb denoting pnst time. It was lost entirely except in Gk., Armeninn and Lido-Iranian.
The augment ih always followed by forms witli Hccinidii.ry endings. These forms wcie niso used without tlir niigmcnt ; \\\ry nn' (lien called injunctivc; tlins Ski. Vrd. li/nlriil 'boic', (!k. Horn.
</)e/)e 'boro'< Ar. *bhere-t liesidc inipC i'ibliur«l, «^ep£ < */ bhere-t. lujunctive forma are either past or pres. in meaning; the augment makes them definitely past.
The Welsh Verb.
§ 179. Pres. Ind.—i. In Ar. the verb was unaccented when it followed a prevevb such as a negative particle, or a preposition later compounded with it. This was undoubtedly the rule in Kelt. (despite deviations in Ir.), as it was in Italic. In tlie pres. ind. in Kelt. in the 3rd sg. the accented verb had tlie primary ending, that is, the regular present ending, but the unaccented verb had the secondary suffix, that is, the injunctive form. Thus the W. proverb Trenghit golut, ny threingk molut § 173 vi (i) represents Kelt. *trav>kt-ti w.,., ne ttraw/ifi-t m6... It has been suggested that this reflects the original use of the .Ar. primary and secondary endings; and it







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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ccr) iii uly accords with the fact that the augment, an accented preverb, ie always followed by forms with secondary endings.
ii. The Ar. atheuaatic stems, excepting those of a few common verbs, ended mostly in the long vowels -a-, -e-, -o-. As medial -o- became
*Sr, and -e- became -i- in Kelt., these characteristics were reduced to two, -a- and -?-. The vowel had F-grade in the sg., E-grade in tlie pi., as in Gk. i'o-ny/u < *si-stha-wii, pi. 2. la-Tare. < *si-sth9-the. The Kelt. forms of the ist sg. pres. were therefore *-a-mi, *-~i-mi. As the form was mostly unaccented, and unaccented -a- > Brit. -a- § 74, the prevailing Brit. forms were *-a-me, *-t-me. These give tlio W. -af,
*if, the latter comparatively rare, § 173 ii, and now obsolete. Examples: (i) Ar. *di-do-mi 'I give' > Kelt.
*(p)r6 (di-)da-mi > Brit. *r6-da-me > W. rhoSaf' I give';—(2) Ar. *dhi-dhe-mi 'I put' > Kelt. *(p)r6 {di-)dz-mi > Brit. *r6-d'i-me, which would give W.
*rhoSif ' I put'. But the latter ending was rare, and was supplanted by -af, the result being, in this case, that two verbs became one :
rhoSaf I give, I put'. The reduplicating syllable was probably lost by haplology. Only the vowel of the syllable dropped in dodaf ' I give, I put' < *d6-tdme or *d6-t~ime < *d6 d(i)-domi or *dd d/t(i)-dlicmi : Gk. SiSw/Ja or TiO-rjp.i. Usually dodaf is ' I put'; for dod 'give' sen Ps. Ixxii i, Gr.O. 87.
iii. ()) The accented i'oi IIIH of the 3rd sg. *-a-ti, *-z-tl give the W. strong forms -uird, -id. Tln'Hc lire used at the Ir'iul (if the sentence, like accented verbs 111 Slo'. The introduction of -h- Ix'l'iirr \\w ending in Ml. W., where not etymological as in trcri;/hif (it;//i < •u/t), is analogical, and partly artificial. The second form tended to oust tli<' first in this case, as seen in 0/W. pr'mit 'buys' for *prinaut < Brit.
*prina-ti: Ir. cren(a)id; see § 201 i (4). The -id form with the initial of the affixed pron. fo, thus *-id-f, gave *-it-Jff and then -iff, the dial. ending, by loss of the t as in the 2nd pi., see vii. The West Gwyn. -ith has recent th forff.
Ml. W. -yd in eyt, § 173 vi (i), is from *-et1 < *-e-tai the middle 3rd sg. ending : Gk. (fieperat,; see § 193 x (i).
(2) But the usual form of the 3rd sg. in W. is the stem witliout or with vowel affection; this comes from the unaccented injunctive form; thus cdr loves < Brit. *kara-t; rhydd ' puts' < Brit. *r6-di-t. The latter, being more distinctive, spread; thus rhydd ' gives' instead of *rhodd < *r6-da-t.
iv. (i) The Ar. thematic endings '''-o, *-eis, '''-elf would become *-u,
*-zs, *-?( in Kelt.; and these in W. would all drop after affecting the vowel. The ist and 2nd sg. so formed were lost because they were not distinctive ; but prob. the 3rd sg. added to the number of affected stems forming the W. 3rd sg.
(2) The thematic injunctive ending -et of unaccented verbs dropped without affecting the vowel; thus Ar. inj. *b1ier-e-t 'bears' gives Kelt. *k6m beret > W. cymer ' takes ', and Kelt. "dii beret > ~W. adfer ' restores', etc. It is found not only in compound, but in simple verbs, as eel ' conceals' < *kelet, rhed ' runs' < *retet, etc., because
§ 179
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the unaccented was, as in the case of athomatic stems, the commoner form ; e. g. ni cliel grudd gystudd colon prov. ' the cheek does not hide the sorrow of the heart'.
(3) There is no *-ed, since the them. prim. cndiiiK was -eit, not *-eti § 179 iii (5). The strong form of the above vcrbn in taken over from the -z- conjugation; as rhedid car gan aiiivdprfd prov. 'a, car will run down hill'. (So Ir. berid for *beri, with aniil. -(/.)
v. The W. 3rd pi. -ant is from Kelt. -anti < Ar. *-9-nti wliicli was common to the -a- and -i- conjugiitioiiM ; m'o ii nhove. Tlirro is no trace of the thematic *-o-nti, bcmuso -i>/i/ cunie to bo associated with other tenses. The O.W. -int. Ml, W. -yul, may represent the athem.
*-enti or the middle *-oiilni, iiiino probably the latter; -{h)awnt i& certainly formed alter -(/»)((int.
vi. The 2nd sg. -i/K (wliicli is tlio oldest form of the ending -y, later
*i) seems to conic f'roiii accented I'orius ofitcratives in -ew, or denominatives and dcvci1)iilivcH)in '-u'- tlio commonest stem-suffix in the Ar. languages. In l\cll. from *kuro-8 'dear' the le-dcnom. would be
*kwe-w, *kare-'us, *karv-jU; all these would give W. 7cerf/S. But the ist and 3rd sg. had more distinctive endings, and -y8 survived in the and only, though there are traces of it in the 3rd, see § 173 vi (3). The latter occur in relative sentences, where the verb was prob. accented, as in Skr. The accented and sg. is frequently used, and answered by accented na and the unacc. ist sg.
vii. The ist and and pi. in W. are re-formations, and it is useless to attempt to derive them from Kelt. forms. The Kelt. znd pi. was, them.
*-e-te, athem. *-a-te. The former would give W. *-ed (Ml. Bret. -ef) ; to this was added the initial of the affixed pron. chwi, thus "caret-chy > *carewch by loss of t, cf. iii (i); nt Una stage a isl pi.
*caren was formed on tlic analogy of' tin' znd pi., with the inillul of the aff. pron. ni ' we '; thin lonii is uttcHtci! in ().W. ibc», and survives to this day in West Gwyn. in caraii beside curwn 'we love' (Gwyn.
*an = -en). As the 2nd pi. clashed with tlic impf. it was re-formed with the vowels of the and sg. thus *cerywch > cerwch 'ye love' ;
subsequently the vowel of this ending intruded into the ist pi., giving carwn ' we love '. A statement in the 2nd pers. is always answered in the ist, hence the influence of the forms on one another in the less used pi.
viii. (i) In *Pr. Ar. an ending *-r- formed impersonals. It survived only in Indo-lranian and Italo-Keltic, In Skr. it takes the form -uh (before a vowel -ur) in the active, and -re, -ire in the middle ; -uh represents *-r or *-rs, Meillet Intr.2 203. These endings in Skr. form the 3rd pi.; this is natural enough when one considers that there is only a shade of distinction in meaning between the impers. dywedir ' on dit' and the 3rd pi. dywedant ' they say '.
(2) In Italo-Kelt. it was used in two ways ; first, it might be added to the tense-stem, as Umbrian subj. ferar 'on portera', pres. ind. ier ' on va', Oscan subj. sakrafvr (with ziltiumam for object) ' cysegrer'. Secondly it was added to the 3rd sg. or pi. middle, and, then extended







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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§179
to other persons in deponent verbs in Ir., and deponent or passive in Lat., as Lat. itur, Osc. winder ' vincitur ', Umbr. emaniw ' emantur'. On the impersonal use of the Lat. passive see Ernout MSL. xv
^S-SSS-
(3) In Kelt. the ending may be taken to liave been *-re (also *-ro t). The Brit. shorter forms of the -a-, -z-, and thematic conjugations in the pros. were *-a-re, *-t-re and *-e-re respectively. These give the W. pros. impers. -awr, -ir and -w. The second survives to this day, see ix (2), and is in common colloquial use. The first was used in Early Ml. W., and the third occurs also, but was obsolescent owing to its clashing with the subj. form. The -h- sometimes seen before -awr and -w is an intrusion from the subj.
(4) Longer forms, with *-re added to the 3rd sg. middle secondary endings would be *-a-to-re, *-z-to-re and *-e-to-re. These give the "W.
*ator or -otor, -itor and -etor. The dental should be -d-, which occurs in dygedawr B.T. 75 ; the -<- is partly due to the intrusion of subj. -h-, partly a mistranscription of O.W. -t-, as these forms were obsolete at the dates of our MSS.—Since the above was written an O.W. example has come to light in cephitor CP., with one -t- as in retee ib., Ml. W. redec.
ix. (i) The reason why tlie Welsh pres. has always had a fut. meaning-is tliat it contains beside the pres. the Ar. -c- future, generally called subjunctive. This tense iy formed by milling tins thrnml ic vowel e/o to the pres. stem. In the cas>e of tlu'matii; htrnih tin' (.'licet, was to lengthen the thematic vowel throughout. In the Hg. this woulil make no difference (Gk. subj.
<^ep(o, ind. ^>ep<o ; the subj. (^ep»;s iy ;i re-formation ; orig. *bhereis would give *(^>epets as in the ind.). In long-vowel stems the added thematic vowel simply converted them to thematic stems, as Gk. subj. SiSS beside ind. Sffico/Ai; this introduces no new element. The 3rd pi. fut. *-onti (Gk. Dor. ^epoi/Ti) would have^its vowel shortened § 74 iv, and go would not differ from the pres.
(2) In the impers. the fut. form for thematic stems would be *-e-re >Kelt. *-z-re, beside the pres. *-e-re. All thematic stems therefore would have a fut. in -ir beside the pres. in -er. This shows why -ir became tlie prevailing pres.-fut. form.
(3) In consonantal athcmatic verbs tlie distinction between pres. and fut. is much clearer; thus the pres. stem *es- ' be' has fut. stem
*ese-; the former gives the Ar. pres. *es-mi, *es-{s)i, *es-ti (> Skr. dsmi. dsi, dsti); the latter gives the Ar. fut. i. *es-o (> Lat. ero),
2. *es-eis, 3. *es-eit, injunctive *es-et (> Skr. asat, Lat. erit).
The W. pres. is a mixture of pres. and fut. forms. The Kelt. fut.
*esw, *&szs, *es^t would give *oe for the three persons; of this a trace survives in oe-fs.v. 50 ' I am'. The pres. sg. 2.
*ese (< Ar. *esi) and
3. inj.
*eset would give *wy, whence sg. i. wy-f, 2. wy-t, 3. *wy metath. to yw § 78 iv; in pi-eu ' whose is T it is weakened to -eu, § 78 iii, § 192. The Ar. 3rd sg. pres. *esti survives in W. ys, which has become impersonal. The W. 3rd pi. ynt (for *hynt) comes from Ar. 3rd pi. pres. *8-enti (*s- is V-grade of Ves-). The W. ist pi. ym (Ir. ammi)
§ 180
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implies a Kelt. **esmesi, a confusion of pres. *anwsi and fut. *Ssomesi. The W. 2nd pi. ych is, as usual, a new form niiido io match.
As bySafis used for the fut., wy/has lost its Hit. mciiiiing except in certain idioms, as yr wyfyno yfory '1 shall bu there to-morrow'.
§ 180. The Imperfect.—!. As above intimated, § 171 ii (2), the "W. impf. comes from the Ar. optative. Thin wiw forinud by means of
a suffix *-iie-, *-ze- with secondary ciidingB.
ii. (i) In athematic verbs tlie Milllx •-»'?- won l''-griidc and accented m the sg.; the preceding vowrl lnid li- <>r V-^nido ; thus 3rd sg. Gk. TiOtitl < *dhi-dhe-wt (e? Ji,, of' fi}, Skr. dudhyat < *dhe-dh-ut, the Skr. preserving the origiiiiil iiccc'iitiialion.
(2) In Kelt. the <: l)er»iiir i, BO that the forms would be *-a-nt,
*-e-iit; these wcrr levelled ,IH *-i-itt in Brit. and this gives -ai, § 75 iv, v (2) ; tlius Kelt. */wra-jit > W. carai ' would love'. This form would also result fnAn tlir ist ami and Bg. forms *-a-wm, *-a-w, hence the endings for those persona wrre selected from thematic verbs.
(3) Tlie consonant stein *e»- 'be' gave Ar. *'fi-(i)iS-t, which gives Skr. siyat or syat, 0. Lat. siet; in Kelt. it would be *sint. Coming generally after a preverb, or after its complement, it was unaccented;
and *'siut gives regularly W. (K)oeS 'would be, was' § 75 iv (2); the h- is seen in yttoeS< *yd-}we&< *ita siwt 'there would be' § 219 il. The whole tense oeSwn etc. was built from the 3rd sg.
iii. (i) In thematic verbs the suffix -ie- had its V-grade -i-, which formed a diphthong with the thematic vowel, which was always -o-;
thus the optative of *bhero 'I bear' was sg. i. *bheroz-m > Rkr. bhdreyam (for *bharayam). In Kelt. it would be *b!'r<n-m > Hi-it.
*beroi-an(n) > W. *cy-nze,rwy-n > cyniermi. Tlie only punsiblo explanation of -wn is tliilt it iy for *-"7/», sro § 7K i (2); on *<>i > -w/ § 75 ii (2); on the retention (if -11 § I 1 :t i (i).
(2) The W. 2nd sg. -wl roiiicK regularly from tlie 2nd sg. middle
*-oi-t1ws. Thu ending *-lhvs (: Hkr. -thah} is represented in the -the-r of Ir. deponents; and -ud spread from deponent to all verbs in W. because it was distinctive.
iv. (i) In athematic verbs, in the middle voice where the ending was syllabic, the suff. became K-grade *-ja-; this coming before the accent remains as -ia-; thus in the deponent verb gwnn ' I know' the 3rd sg. impf. is gwySzad for *gwSzad regularly representing the 3rd sg. opt. mid. *uid-w-t6.
(2) In long-vowel stems the reduced stem-ending and suffix would thus be *9-i9; by § 63 vii (5) this should give *if) > -7-, wliicli is the usual form (though other reductions are possible), as in Skr. da-dz-tu < *de-dz-t6, Vdo-. Thus the 3rd sg. opt. mid. of Kelt. *kara-mi would be *kar-z-t6, which gives regularly W. cerid, the impers. of the imperf. ind. This middle was undoubtedly a passive in Kelt., and was assimilated in its use to the impers. pres. in -r after the -r form for this tense, namely *-ir, had gone out of use owing to its clashing with the pree.







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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(3) The 3rd &g. mid. of thematic stems ended in *-mto. We should therefore expect -ud beside -id for the impers. in W. A trace of this actually occurs in ac y haruetud etc. B.B. 20, which should be *ao yth urweSud etc. ' and thou wert borne', etc., where the scribe mistook the impers. for the 2nd sg., which makes no sense if it is active, and we can hardly assume the 2nd sg. to have retained a passive sense.
v. (i) In the ist and 2nd pi. of athematic stems the Ar. form was "-is- : *-i-. We can probably assume for Kelt. *?cur(a)-M-me; the m was doubled on the analogy of the aor.; and post-tonic *za > j^e > e in W., § 65 vi (i); hence W. carem. Similarly 2nd pi. * caret + dm- > karewch, wreck.
(2) The 3rd pi. ending was *-zent (for *-wnt). The form *-a-zSnt gives W. -i § 75 v (i); as tri ugeint canhwr a sevi B.T. 55 ' 6000 men stood'; hence the rare " 3rd sg." -i. The 3rd pi. -ynt seems to be a middle form < *-ento < *-w-nto (or *-into < *-z-nto), which spread because it had the 3rd pi. sign -nt.
vi. (i) The impf. subj. is the optative of the s-aorist, cf. Lat. vzderzmus < *v.eid-is-z-m-. Thus Kelt. *kara-smt > Ml. W. karhei.
(2) The pi up. is an optative-formed from the new Kelt. ss-aorist. Thus Brit. *karassivit > carassai. ^
The plup. is held to be a Brit. innovation. Strachan's examples of the inipf. hiibj. being icpliicrd by tlio pinp. in Inter texts, quoted in B.B. 157, prove nothing in ti) (he iinti<|itify <>1 llic plup. ; itn exintnrce in Bret. shows thut it goes back lit leant to Hut,, ho tliat tin' rviilriico of Ml. texts is irrelevant. We also find the pliip. in curly texts \»herc we should expect to find the impf. subj. as ri-uelssud B.H. 20. The fact is that the two aorists were not very sharply distinguished.
§ 181. The Aorist.—i. The Welsh aorist comes from a Keltic reformation of the -s- aorist. The orig. Ar. formation seems to have been (i) L-grade of V + -s- (in Kelt. E-grade in the pi.), or (2) F-grade of V + -is-. The endings are secondary.
ii. (i) With long-vowel stems the suffix is -s- ; thus Skr. d-pra-sam, < *e ple-s-m, Vpele- ' fill', Gk. (.^iX-q-a-a (intervocalic -o- restored from cons. stems -if/a, etc.). Thus Kelt. *kdra-s-m ' I loved '. Bearing in mind that st > sn and that sm > mm tlie whole Kelt. tense may be restored thus: sg. i. *kwasm, 2. *Mrass, 3. *Jcwass, pi. i. *kd-rammo, 2. *kdrasse, 3. *kwrcisnt.
(2) This tense waa wholly reconstituted in Kelt., with stem sg.
*kdrass-, pi. *kdrass-. The ist and 2nd sg. were made anew with thematic endings; thus i. *kdrassu, 2.
"kdrdsszs (inj. -es). The ist pi. became *Jcdrassamm,o instead of *kdrammo; then followed 2.
*kdrassate instead of "kdrasse. Unaccented a was shortened in Briti and Ir. and these formations gave regularly Ir. sg. i. ro-charus (2. ro-cJiarais), pi. i. 'ro-cJwrsam, 2. ro-charsaid, and W. sg. i. Jcereis, a. kereis+t, pi. i. karassam, 2. *1carassat + chw- > karassawch. The ending of the 3rd pi. was made primary; thus *kdrassanti > Ir. carsait, W. karassant. As a variant the thematic vowel was brought into the
§ 181
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pi. also ; thus Brit. *kdra8s-o-lmmo», *kdras.f-o-nti giving W. karassom, karassont; from these followed carasorh.
iii. To the 3rd sg. two things luipponod. (i) It romained unchanged; thus *kdrdss>W. *kar, which wan pxtcinlcil to kaWinK to distinguish it from the pros.; for -awS see § 182 iii. The Ir. rn-rhw implies *karass with short a from tlie pi.
(2) It was re-formed with the <h<'iiniticvowrl, Inlh'wing tlie inland 2ndsg.; thus *kdrasset; or with -11.- Croiii tin' pi. n . '/.lii'iiwit. Either of these would give W. *kuru.i {cuf-iin § 17r> i (.:)). The first gives Ir. carais.
iv. The treatment of -i- gteniH wna piccisc'ly similar. The stem-ending in the Kg. WIIH *-!<«-; tilis survives in the "W. 3rd sg. peris. In the ist iinil -'nd ^n. it was replaced by -els of-a- stems;
but in Gwyn. dinl. -I'M mirvivcH in these persons also. In the pi. the stem-ending w;>s -fins-, »H lor -a- stems, the -a- representing », the R-grade of tife -i- 1'roin wliirli the -z- is derived.
v. (i) Consonant Btfins formed the aoriht witli *-is-, cf. Lat, vid-is-tis, which developed similarly, and gives W. -yss- in eifiteSyssant, etc. In the 3rd sg. it appeurs in W. as -es from *-iss-at. In the ist and 2nd sg. it was replaced by -eis.
(2) The *-iss- suffix seems to have intruded into the thematic conjugation ; thus Brit. *k6m bere-iss-at > W. kymerwys, kymerws.
vi. The impersonal forms -ad, -id, -ed, -wyd seem to have been formed on the analogy of the impf. impersonal, with the vowels of the 3rd sg. aor.
vii. (i) The root-aorist, § 178 iv (3), was treated similarly in Kelt. Thus for the root *qan- 'sing' the orig. Kelt. root-aor. would bn Bg. i.
*kan-m, 2. *kan-s, 3. *kun-t. The 3rd pg. brcniiio thd stoni, (ind the new teu.se foiinci] honi it was sg. i. */,iintri, 2. 'li-nnt'm, 3. *kunte,l. or
*kantat. Thcuc forms giivc W. sg. i. /i-i'/nt, 2. *kri'iit, 3. kwit. To the
ist and 2nd sg. llic ix'ifcut fiiiliiigs -inn, -out, ^ 182 iv (i), were added, § 175 ni (2).—i/ira-nl ' wounded ' froin <Ji»anuf<. * gwoncif: Ir. gcmim,
Vg"hen-, is pr<i))»bly foriiied on the analogy of cant. The root *bher-' has this aor., which suivives only in the 3rd sg. in W.; thus W. kymyrth < *Jwm bertet or kymertli < *k6m bertat, § 175 iii (i).
(2) Other examples that survived are from roots ending in gutturals? dyrreith B.T. 54 'returned' < *do-(p)ro-rek-t-et, Vreg- : W. dyre 'come!' § 193 x (S};—maeth B.T. 74 1. i ' nursed '< *makt- < *mak-t-,
V mak- : magaf 'I nourish'. The root *wreg- 'work' liiid ^g. i.
*wek-t-u, 3. *wek-t-et giving W. gwrith, gwreitJi; tlie former ocanra in ef gwrith B.T. 26 (? 3rd sy.); the latter seems to occur in gwnaeth [read gw(r)eith^\ gwynnyeith gwreith e law B.A. 2 lit. 'work of vengeance wrought his hand'; but tins verb (gwnaf) being in the pres. conjugated like of, this tense was assimilated to the perf. of of, and became sg. i. gwneuthum. 3. gwnaeth. The quotation shows that scribes changed old gwreith to gwnaeth, the wrong gwreith, viz. the" noun, being changed here. In Bret. the old form survived: ML Bret. eg. 3. gres.







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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§182
§ 182. The Perfect.—i. In Pr. Ar. the vowel-grade of the root
•was I1'0 in the ist sg., and L° in the 3rd sg., as Skr. caJcdra ' I made' < *qeqora, cakara ' he made ' < *qeqore.—Ml. W. kigleu ' I have heard, he has heard', Ir. ro-chuala, ro-chualae. Tlie W. form implies the 1st eg. Jcu-kloy-a : Skr. su-Srdva', for the long u of the reduplicator cf. Skr. tu-tava, Vtey- 'be strong '. See § 194 v (4).
ii. (i) The following old perfects are 3rd sg. only, and show L°-gradeofthe root: Vuereg- ' work' gave *ue-uroge > Brit. *uo-urage >M1. W. guoreu, goreu 'did' (u lost hy dissim., ag > eu § 71 iii);
—Vret- 'run' gives gwa-red-af ' I succour'; perf. sg. 3.
*re-rot-e> Brit. *yo-(re}rate > Ml. ~W. gwarawt 'succoured';—Vuet/d- 'say' gives dy-wed-af'l say'; perf. sg. 3. Brit. *do-uat-e or *d6-uat-e >M1. W. difwawt or dywat, dywot' said' (unacc. a shortened § 74 ; wa : wo § 34 iv).
(z) Vdeuk- had R-grade *duk- in the Brit. preg., giving W. dyg-af (: Lat. duco < 0. Lat. douco, F°-grade); perf. sg. i. *du-dou1c-a > W. *dy-Suc, 3. *du.-douke > W. dy-Suc B.T. 4, 52. The tense wag re-formed with the perf. endings -um, -ost iv (i), § 194 iii (2).—The verb amygaf ' I defend' has similarly a 3rd sg. perf. amuc § 194 iv (2).
iii. In verbs like eisteSaf ' I sit', gorweSaf ' I lie', arweSaf I carry ',^ po(r)8?we8ra/'' T ovcrf.'ikc', etc., the form of the sibove perf. is seen in (jofiiwiiwfi w.M. 42 ' i)V('rti"il< ' ; HUH bring re-formed as gorKiweSawS R.M. 29 (so eisti'KiiwS W.M. i SK, etc.), UK.- -uivfi »cciii<'il tn lx' a ^rd sg. past ending; and was added to BuOixIcHH aorists like */i'nr § 1H1 iii (i) giving karawS, Mn. W. carodd ' loved'.
iv. (i) Deponent verbs in Brit. had periphrastic perf»'c,t,H I'ornu'd like those of Lat. deponents. Thus Vag- : perf. sg. i. *aktos e.wni>
*aktoim'mi> aethum, euthwm,; 2.
*aJctos (e)si >*aktossi > *aet1ios + t = aethost; 3. *aktos 'st > *aktosst > aeth ' went'. From these forms ist and 2nd sg. endings -um, -ost were deduced, and added toother formations, such as the root-aor. keint and the perf. due. This perf. itself was completed in the pi. hy the addition of the aor. endings -am,
-awch, -ant.
(2) The Ml. plup. is sg. 3. athoeS for *aethoe8, which represents
*akto(s) smt. The diphthong ae was simplified proh. by dissim. with the diphthong oe. The second perf. athwyf etc. seems to be a new creation formed on the analogy of the plup.
(3) The impers. Has ' was slain ' is an example of this formation. It is not a root-aor. as it has R-grade of Vqolad-. It is probably a, perf. passive ; thus *slad-tos [e)st > *slass-osst> lias ' was slain'. This passive has a pi. llesseint B.B. 63 ' were slain' which seems to be reformed like impfs. in -ynt § 174 iii (2), for *Uessynt < *slassz senti;
lleSessynt B.A. 9 ' were slain ' seems to be another re-formate.
(4) The impers. of the above perf. is formed by adiling tlie impers.
*bwyt of the verb 'to be' to the stem ; thus aeth-pwyt, etc. This was extended to root-aorists, as *kant-pwyt > kanpwyt, perfects, as duc-pwyt, and presents ; § 175 iii (7). The form *bwyt does not occur elsewhere; prob. the ^yhole formation is new.
§§ 183, 184
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§188. Free. Subjunct.—i. The pres. aubj. represents the Ar. fut. with suffix -se- (fut. in -e- of -«- nor.), wliirli gives Italic subj. also : Lat. faxit. The W. forms are chiefly those of the -n- conjugation. The accent in the sg. seems to have been on the n.—In tlio U.B^lt seems sometimes to be a mere fut., e.g. vvnaluint. hi 11. 14-1 r;.
ii. (i) Stem *kara-se- gives eg. i. *}turnnii > *k<irai<u >'l'Aar<m> W. *tarwy; -/"was added to distinguish if. ironi tho .jul 8g.; the 3rd Eg. *kara-szt > karwy, and the unncc. injiiiirt. *^arttnrf, lfio umnil form > *karoe > karo, § 75 i (2), (.3), § 7H i (i);)il. i. *knrn-nn-nt0ii, with m doubled after the aorist pattern, guvr kur Itinn ; pi. 3. *kwa-emti gave kar-hont.
(2) Impers. *kara-s<'-rr > kiir-hrr § 7.') i (2). The form rothwyr § 176 iii (4) is most prububly iiiudr (roin tlio 3rd sg. rothwy.

(3) Accordinp; to tin' above tlir -h- lielongs to the pi. and impers. only; in the pg., thrrrforc, it i.s 1111 intrusion. In Ml. Bret. it is not usual in tlie fcig. lull. OCCIII-H rcgiiliirly in the pi.
iii. (i) In consonant nt>'iiin I lie -u- came immediately after the cons.; few examples survive because tlie conjugation had become vocalic in the indie.—Vwreg-' work '; pros. hid. *mag-at >W. gwna 'does', subj. *ure/c-se-t > gunech L.L. 120 'may do', my ofyn y neb a wnechv.T. 64 'he asks no one what he may do ';—Vdeuk- : pres. ind.
*duk-at>^W. dwg 'brings', subj. *deuk-se-t>duch'B.E. 40, later duwch B.T. 28;—Vret-: subj.
*yo-ret-se-t > gwares § 194 ii. The vowel of the root is seen to he F-grade in this tense.
(2) Corresponding to the 3rd sg. gwnech the 2nd sg. *urek- sis would give *gwnych; this being re-formed as *gvme-ych and gvmel-ych, the latter form would naturally spread to el-ychnnd del-ych; mid us (liesc are three of the commonest verbs in (lie hin^iiage, the ••nding -ych might spread from them to all vcrliB, as being Oio only distinctive form of the 2nd eg. pres. Bubj.
§ 184. The Imperative.—i. The 2nd sg. has always represented the bare pres. stem. Thus ~W. cdr ' love thou ' < Kelt. *kard; W. kymer 1 take' < *k6m bere<Ar. *bhwe : Gk. <^epe.
ii. (i) For the other persons the optative seems to have been once in use: ystyryem, B.T. 33 'let us consider'. The 3rd sg. forms are difficult. In Ir. the endings are -at, -et; the lost vowel cannot be the
-o of Lat. -to, or the -u of Skr. -tu (Thurneysen Gr. 351); it must be-o or -a. The forms are the same in Ir. for active and deponent verbs ;
this suggests that the ending was the middle secondary *-to. In Ir. also the forms are the same as those of tlie impf.; the mid. forms of the 3rd sg. opt. *-w-to, *-z-to (W. gwySiad, cerid) would give -ed, -id if in the former the accent were shifted to the stem. The 3rd pi. may have been *-ynt (Corn. -yns beside -ens), the form in the impf.; but it was re-formed with the vowel of -ed, rarelv of -id as in bint^ 189 "(5).
(2) The ist and 2nd pi. took tlie forms of the pres. ind. early; and in the late period the 3rd followed.
z3







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
§ 185
§ 185
CONTRACTED FORMS.
§ 186. i. (i) Verbs whose stems end in -o- or -a- (mostly from Brit. -og- or -od- and -ag-) have many contracted forms, more especially in the Mn. language. The following tables show all the possible contractions; the accent is marked in each case, and the accented vowels which are long in the present •pronunciation are so marked, all others being short. Forms that are never contracted are distinguished by a hyphen, as parh^-als. Any other form may occur uncontracted ; thus tw-af as well as trof occurs in Mn. W.
Exx. tv of for tro-af ' I turn' (paraf6fTor parato-af ' I prepare');
parhdf for parha-af ' I continue' (glawhaf for glanhd-af ' I clean').
INDICATIVE MOOD.
Present Tense.
eg. pi. i. trof i. ti6wn. 3. troi a. tr6wch 3. tfy 3. trmt (3. paratfi-a)
Impers. troir
i. frwon i. trbem 3. trout a. twech 3. troi 3. troent Impers. troul
1>1.
Hg. ])1.
I. pai/inf 1. paihdwn 1. par/n'i 2. pur/iifwcA 3. jQifra, /»CTJ 3. parhdnt (3. glanha)
Impers. parheir
Imperfect Tense.
I. parkdwn 1. parhaem a. par/tduf i. parhaech 3. parhai 3. pdrhaent Impers. parhezd
Aorist Tense.
I. fo-<%« 3. trotst
I.
troesom 1. troesoch
3. i'y^, iSro^ 3. troesant, -owt Impers. tro-wyd, troed
i. parh^s-ais I. parhdsom 3. par/ig-aisf 1'. parhdsoch 3. parM-odd 3. parhdsawfy-ont Impers. parha-wyd
1. trSeswn, etc.
Pluperfect Tense.
| i. parhdsww, etc.
VERBS
SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. Present Tense.






 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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I. trt-wyf 1. twech 3. trt
pi. I. trim a. trmh 3. fo'<W
Jmpers
. <W-CT'
8g. pi. ^
1. par/i (t-iryf l. /wr/Ki-om
2. parhe-i/ffi 3.- parhii-ock
3. par/in-o 3, purfiH-ont linpers. par/ia-vr
IMI'EBATIVK MOOD.
]'reaent Tense.
I. I. <rJw( &. ^ i.^r^wcA (2. paratt-a) 3. i(rw<? 3. troent Impers. ^ro-w
1. l. par fi awn
2. ^ra a. parhewch. (2 glanfid)
3. parhdfd 3. parhdent Impers. parha-er
VEBBAl NOUNS.
^? (parat6t), para, parhau (glanhaw)
VEEBAI ADJECTIVES. tro-edig, tro-ddwy, tro
(2) It is doubtful whether -er occurs contracted; the 3rd sg. impv.
in -ed is mostly uncontracted.
(3) The conti acted forms -(t», -at of tlie 3rd Bg. ~impf. are often pronounced and wiittcn -oe, -ae, see § 52 ili (3).
(4) The aoi. stem -oes- is generally misspelt -oia- in Recent W.;
thus troesom Es. liii 6, paratoesant i Bren. xviii 26 (so in 1620) appear as troisom and parottoisant! in recent bibles.
(5) On the 3rd sg. pres. para, pery see § 173 y (i).
ii. Stems ending in ^-diphthongs have contracted forms when the endings -wn or -wch follow; thus town for tdw-wm 1 let us be silent', tewcli for tew-wch ' be ye silent'; gwrand^wck for gmandew-wch ' listen ye'; cl^wn for cljw-wn ' we hear', cljwch (re-formed cl'^wcK) for cUw-wch ' ye hear' or ' hear ye'.
iii. Other vowels and diphthongs are not contracted; e. g. gweddi-zr ' there will be prayer', cde-ent (cdy-ent) ' let them shut', Mi-id ' fault was found', dil^s-er ' may be deleted', cynortkwy-ynt ' they assisted'. But for -d-odd in the 3rd sg. aor.







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
§ 186
we sometimes find -add in the Late Mn. period, e. g. casMdd E.P. 222 for cashaodd, gwellhadd c.c. 338 ; cf. cadd § 188 i (6).
§ 188. i. The fall form. rhoddaf ' I give, put', v.n. rhoddi, survives throughout as a literary form in Mn. W.; but in the living language the -8- had already disappeared in the Ml. period, and the verb is also conjugated like tro-af, fro/, in Ml. and Mn. W.; as roet (i syll.) B.P. 1317 ' was given', roy A.L. i 6 'to give'; see § 110 iv (a) and § 33 iii (i). In the 3rd sg. pres. ind. rJiydd the -8 survives in the spoken lang. (and is sometimes wrongly transferred to try); but r!iy is used commonly in lit. W. as Suw a ry gwymp i'r drwg wr K.A. F. 10 ' God will give the evil man a fall'. For rhg however, the compound f/y-ry is often found ; and dy-ro for the and sg. pres. impv. rho;
by assim. of y, Ayro became doro W.M. 53, 478, which is the form used in Gwynedd. The bards use forms with and without -8- -, indifferently:
Bhoddi iJwht yn rfiwyifil a gaid, Rhu'nii.u, a rhoi i wcinliud.—DJ.D., n. 179.
' There was a generous giving away of wine, a iliatributing mid giving to the weak.'
ii. In the subj. mood, we have ro-ho A.L. i "6, contracted to TO W.M. 23; and *ro6-&o giving rhoddo (roto, -t- s -8-, B.B. 29), or rhotho by the comparatively rare change of 8A to th (a^/) § 111 iii (2).
A ro gam i wraig o IAI, Fo ry Duw rai a'i dial.—L. M6n, A 31059/78.
' Whoever deals injustice to a woman of Yale, God will provide those who will avenge her.'
Maer Ehuthun im a'i rhotho.—T.A., A 14976/169. ' May the Mayor of Ruthin give it [the bow] to me.'
iii. Beside the aor. ist and 2nd sg. roSeis, rooeist (roteist, -t-S-6-, B.B. 30), a perfect was formed for these persons by adding -wm, -ost to the aor. stem roes-; see § 183 iv (i); thus roessum W.M. 63, H..A. 134 'I have given '. There is also a plup. 3rd sg. ^oessoeb, yd. pi. roessoeoynf; this survived in Early Mn. W. but seems to be used as a perf.:
§§ 187,188
VEEBS






 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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Llaw Eys nid llai a roesoeS.—H.D., p 99/482.
' The hand of Ehys has given no less.' Other Late Ml. forms are rcSassoeS, rossoeS, Cymmrodor ix 77. Gwent ryweddyd H.&. 30.
iv. On the origin of rhoddaf, see § 179 ii.
§ 187. i. arhoaf W.M. 17 'I wait', contr. arliuf, is conjugated like tro-af, trof, except that the v.n. ia arfios W.M. 17, Mn.W. aros; thus Mn. W. ind. pres. sg. I. arflo/', 2. arh6i, 3. ery;
pi. i. arliown, a. arh6wcli, 3. arlimt; impv. sg, a. dro 'stayl' Ml. W. arho W.M. 17, aro do. i 25 ; etc.
A gwaew hir gwue a'i hery.—I.H.S. 26. ' Woe to him who awaits him with a long spear.'
, Neidia i/oniwch hen adwy I r mwn, (ic IKIC aro mivy.—D.G. 30.
' Jump over an old gup into tlic field, and stay no longer.'
.Nid arhon' 1iwy draean hyn.—I.F., M. 148/721. ' They will not remain one third of this [time].'
ii. The above conjugation persisted well into the Late Mn. period, e. g. arhoent B.CW. a3, arhowch do. zoa; but in the late i5th cent. a new formation sprang up in which the v.n. aros is substituted for the stem aro-, giving arhosaf, etc. The earliest examples I have noted are in I.P.
Od ymddrm/ys Rhys arhosaf.—I.E., M 148/301.
' If Rhys appears, I will stay.' So ArhoBwoh fam, rhoesoch fedd I.F. p 83/33, pan, arhoBor do. p 100/79.
iii. The only possible original of the -s of aros is either -d-t- or -s-t-(the v.n. suffix being *-tu-). The latter would imply -os- for the orig. stem; but where -s- came between vowels in Brit., the vowel before it was either lost, or contracted with the following vowel in Brit. itself, so that we could not have arho-af. We must therefore assume that -8- has disappeared in this word as in rho-af (the S of rhoSaf being more or less artificial); hence arho-af for *ar-hoS-af < *ari-sod-, Vstd- ' sit'; "and aros < *ari-soss- < *pgri-sod-tu- ' sit before ' ;
§ 63 ii, § 110iv(2).
§ 188. i. (i) caffaf ' I shall get' has stem kaff-, kah- or ka-in Ml. W., and ca- in Mn. W. with -ff- in yd. sg. pres. ind. andl in subj.; and is conjugated regularly, except in the aor. Tha forms that occur are as follows.







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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§ 18&
(2) Indie, pres. : Ml. W. kaffaf W.M. 439, cahaf H.M. ii 126, caf W.M. 3 ; keff'y W.M. 3, 23, 8o, etc. (spelt kyffy 3, 460), 1tehy E.M. 120, Acy do. 293, 57, n8; ceif w.w. 25, 43 = ceiff's.-w.. 16, 30; caffwn
•W.M. 34, cawra do. 84, E.M. 61 ; ceffwch K.M. 19, ceioc/i, W.M. 29 ; caffant
•W.M. 183 ; Ae^r -W.M. 83,-B.M. 60, keir W.M. 85, Jceffitor A 14869/56, O.W. wphitw OP.
Mn. W. <•»/'; ce», C(^'; c^iff, cdiff; cdwn; cewch, cami', ceir, cdir, § 81 iii (i).
(3) The impf. in Ml. "W. has /caff'- or ka- in the indie. : cawn W.M. 394, B.M. 251, cdffut W.M. 396, B.M. 253 ; subj. : pei caffwn W.M. 18, B.M. 12. ID Mn.W. cdwn, caut, cai, etc., and sometimes caffwn etc. in the subj.
(4) The prea. subj. seems to have leaf- chiefly : caffwyfv.tn. 454 (twice) ; keffych do. 480 (4 times); kafont, kafoent (f S ff) B.CH. 4, etc.; but caho IL.A.. 150, caont do. 48. Mn. W. has caff- only.
(5) Impv.—The vb. implies an absolutely passive 'getting' or ' catching' (as ' catching ' a cold), and so has never been used in the impv. except in the 3rd pers. (or impers.), in which cage the command is not addressed to the subject, and its carrying out is independent of his will. The forms are Mn. W. 3rd sg. caffed, caed, yd pi. cajfent, caent; impers. coffer.
(6) Aoiist.—Tlio Ml. W. forms (all of very frequent occurrence except tlio 2nd pi.) 1110, sg. I. kcveis, 2. kervml, 3. karas; p1. i. kawssofii, -ain, (z. ktiwnsawch), 3. fraiiimiifiit, -onf; iliipriH. knff'al, kahat. (The apparent contraction a grin .K.M. 25.1 w nlinnsl (•crdiiiily a scribal error for a ge(ve)is, cf. W.M. 395.) The Mn. W. IOIHIB iiru sg. i.cefais, 2. cefaist, 3. cafas § 175 i (2), later cafodd; pi. i.cuwwiit., 2. cawsoch, 3. cuwsant. In the i4th cent. the following contracted forms are found, sg. i, ces D.G-. 124, G.Gr. D.G. 2g4 ; sg. 3. cas D.G. 294; impers. a gat E.r. 1299, cad D.G. 189, 409, 429, 430. Later are found ces; cest', cas and cadd D. 130, cadd M.K. [6i];S impers. cafad B.Br. v. 6, cad; caed (prob. orig. a false spelling of cad);
cafwyd {cdwd c.o. 271, a dial. form used in late verse § 175 iv (5)).
(7) Pluperf.—The forms are Ml. kawsswn, etc., Mn. cawswn, etc., conjugated regularly. In Ml. W. is also found a plup. formed with
•oeS : sg. i. kawssoeSwn s.Q. 278; sg. 2. cawssoeSut do. 247 ; sg. 3. kawssoeS do. 303, cawssoeSei H.M. ii 170, cawssoeS-yat B.Q. 30, -at H.M. ii 224; pi. 3. kawssoeSynt s.G. ii. It ib been that the forms are found in Late Ml. MSS. They are also used occasionally by Early Mn. bards, e.g. cawsoedd L.G.C. 18.
(8) Verbal Noun.—Ml. W. caffael W.M. 12, kaffel E.M. 8, 141, cael W.M. 13, E.M. 8 (ouce, caffu B.B. 53).
Mn. W. caffael, caffel, cael.\
There is no *cavael; the form cafael W.M. 60 s kaffael E.M. 43. Nettlau's cauael does not exist; the word is gauael ( = gavael) B.M. 7, see below.
ii. (i) gafaelaf 'I take hold ' is conjugated regularly in Ml. and Mn. ~W. with the v.n. gavael as stem.
§ 188
VERBS






 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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(2) The Ml. W. inflected forms ni o mostly those of the compound ym-afaelaf'; e.g. 3rd sg. pres. ind. ymeveil W.M. 70, 71 ; 3rd sg. aor. ymawaelawS B.M. 50.
(3) The verbal noun is gavael W.M. ii, H.M. 7, ymavael B.M. 142, ymavel ib. ; Mn. W gafael, gafel, ymufael, yiniiffl. -"'
(4) Other forms of the verb occur in Late HIn. W. : ymafluf, yd. eg. pres. ind. ymeifl, v.n. ymaflyd; and yiiuielnf, v.ii. ymaelyd; and. reformations from the form gafel of tlie v.n. occur dinluctally, as gafelafetc.
iii. dyrchafaf 'I raise, lift up' w coiijiiH-niod regularly. It is also written drychafaf. The form (l<'rrfi<iJ'iij' occurs in MSS. which use e for y ; as M.A. ii 316. Tho v.n. ia flyrchavael W.M. 39 or dyrchavel E.M. 371 ; in Late Mn.W. this is superseded by dyrchafu; v. adj. iJyrc/iafviUy * exalted'.
The 3rd sg. prescind, ia Ml. W. dyrcheif II.M. ii 274 or drycheif E.B.B. 144, Mn. W. drychaif Q. 138, there printed dyrchaif the usual form. There is al&o in Ml. W. dyrchevid B.B. 82 'raises'. The 2nd sg. impv. is dyrchaf s.Q. 23, L G.C. 144, becoming dyrcha Ps. iv 6 by the loss of -/ § 110 iii (5). From this a 3rd sg. pres. ind. dyrcha came into use in Late Mn. W., e.g. Ps. xxvii 6, Gr.O. 88 ; which some recent writers have improved to dyrch, with v.n. dyrchu \
*\ A list of the forms of the above three verbs occurring in E.M. and part of H.M. ii is given by Max Nettlau in Cymmrodor ix in ff., but is inaccurate in some details, e.g. i (8) above.
iv. The facts in i show that the stem of cfiff'nfw caff- orcah-. The form cav- occurs in the aor. sg. only, and nuiht liuve been deduced from the pi. at tlie btau'r between dniimulf and *<'iiff'Htint iroii) tlic orlg. caff'-. In ]}ret. liaf- ( - /rrff'-) reiiiaiiin in fiiiiiis onlinarily unvoiced, a,Tidkav- is extended lo ntlicis ; but loiins like /iff (= W. cerff'), beside Jcav, survive to boar witness lo tlio original stem leaf- in Bret. alEO.
caffael and gavaeJ seem to contain tlie doublet *qap- : *ghabh-§ 101 iii (2). The v.n. gavael has its exact equivalent in Ir. (ath-) gabdil from *gab-ag-li- formed with guff. -Ii- from a compound ot
*ghabh- and *ag- § 203 i (4). The vb. in Ir. is gabim, and the W. gafaelaf pro}), replaces an old *gaf-af equivalent to the Ir. (Dialectal gafaf is no doubt new.)
The W. stem caff- or cah- represents *qap-s-, § 96 iv (3); hence caffaffrora. the fut. *qapso, with the usual reconstruction wliicli gives e.g. ad-feraf from *bhero. Tlie pres. caff'af, caf is always fut. in meaning ; and recent writers liavc used a fictitious 3rd sg. ca ' gets ' because caiff means ' will get'. (The pres. sense can only be expressed periphrastically : yr wyf yn cael 'I am getting'.) The v.n. caffael, cael is perhaps formed on the analogy of gafael.
It may be objected that dyrchafaf ' I raise, lift up' shows stem
*cav-. But there is no reason whatever for the supposition that this
4







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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§ 189
veil) lnih anything to do with the others. The prefix dyr- must represent *do (p)ro- § 156 i (13), which cannot give -ch- from Js- or g-. The root seems to be *sqabh- ' fix, hang' : Skr. skabhnati ' fixes, supports ', O.Bulg. sJcoba ' fibula, clasp ', Lith. kabu ' I hang '. *sqabh-gives -chaf- regularly, § 96 iii (4). The v.n. dyrchafael may be a similar formation to gavael, or, as is more likely, formed like gadael and gallael on its analogy, §203i(2),
IBKEGULAE VERBS. The Verb 'To Be'.
§ 189. i. The following table shows the Ml. W. forms of the verb ' to be'. Nearly all are used in Mn. W., so that it is unnecessary to repeat them for that period. Forms that became obsolete in Mn. W. are marked f; where the Mn. form or spelling differs it is given in ().
INDICATIVE MOOD. Present Tense.
sg. I. wyf, ydwyf, yttwyf a. wyf, ydwyf, yttwyt
3' y^'i ydtw, yttiw (late ydyw), 3. ynt, ydynt, yttynt
•pi. I. ym, y<1ym, yHyin, 3. ywch, ydywch (ych, ydycK)
y maent, maemt •\ yssydynt
y mae, mae, oes •\ys»it 'there is', t ossit 'if there is', -s in os ' if it is'
Relatival form: yssyb (y sydd), syS, yssy (y sy), sy.
Impersonal: ys, yflyff, yttys.
Conjunctive: y mae or mae (late mat), ^jsanyw, (dial. taw).
Consuetudinal Present and Future.
I. iybaf, +W a. ty^y (6yddi) i,. &y8
*/ "7
Cons. Ut (bid) Fut. f bi, f ly^awt, t biawt
Impers. (byddys, Syddir)
I. iybwn
3. SySwcH •?. bvtawt
•J i/
f by'^Jiawnt, t bint
§ 189
I. oebww, \yttoe^wn
3. oebut (-ud, -it)
3. oe6, yttoeb (ydoedd)
VERBS
Imperfect.






 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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pi.
i. oeSem
3. oehwrh- (ofdilerfi)
3. oetiynl, •\ yttoefii/nt
Impers. oeUt (oe(l<li<l)
Consuetudinal Iinperfert. Sg. i._ byiu'n, etc. regular.
Perfect.
i. bitum, bum (bitm) 1. buost 3. bu
1. buam, -om
2. buawch {bwcK)
3. buant, buont
Impers. buwyt {-wyd)
Pluperfect.
Sg. i. iwasswa (buawm, iaswn), etc. regular; pi. 3. buyssynt, iside buassynt, -esisynt § 175 iv (i). Also sg. 3. t buei, etc.
sg. I. bwyf, iySwyf 3. bych, 6ySyc/t 3. bo, by^io, bytfw
SUBJCNOTIVK MOOD.
Present Tense.
pL
I.
bom (6dm), by^om 3. boch, byboch 3. bont (bmt), by^ont, bythont, boent, f bwynt
Impexfect Tense.
I, bewn (bawn), by^wn i. beym (baem), byhem 3. bent (baud, -it), by^ut (-ud, -if) 3. {baech, bydflech) 3. bei (6ai), by^el (-ai),pei (pe) 3. beynt (baent), SySeai Impers. bybit (-id), bythit (-id)







 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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IMPEBATIVE MOOD. Present.
sg.
3. bit (bid), boet {-a), poet (-d)
(bydded)
I. liybwfi 3. iybweh 3. hyfient, Uwt
pi.
VEBBAL Nous. hot (bod)
H For a list of Ml. forms, with references, by Dr. J. G. Evans, see BB. 109 ff.
ii. NOTES.—(i) Pres. ind.—Forms with ytt- (yt-) appear in poetry in Mn. "W. hut are comparatively rare.
Trist fu'r gler tros dy fawr glwyf, Trist eto trosot ftvryf.—O.OrL, M 146/161. ' Sad have been the minstrels for thy sore sickness, sad still am I.'
Tlie 3rd frg. ydiw was RO wiittcn up to tlio i6th cent.; and rliymes •with words in -iw, as frur/f/iiiin J).(l. 3,'',, cf. i 19, 144, 193, etc., and Q. 186, 193, 203, 206, 235, 247, also with i/ir ( E »'»'•); sue § 77 v. The Late Mn. ydyw is au etymological hprlluig, iinil in icnil f'/'li'w, except by a few affected persons. The N.W. dial. ibrni is yi.li (anil, in answering questions only, ndi, a curious attempt to sound y with the tongue in the d position). S.W. dial., in questions and answers, udi.
ydys is sounded ^di{s; on ys see § 82 ii (i). In Mn. W. yd- and the rare yt- come only before, monosyllabic forms, and always take*^ the accent. •\yssydynt W.M. 457 is formed Horn yssit § 162 vi (i).
The Late Mn. spelling mai of the conj. form seems to come from mai Is § 219 vi (i); elsewhere the pronunciation is mae 2 inai{ or ma';
the form mai owes its adoption to the popular notion that a conjunction 'that' must differ horn a veib 'is'. The word means, not ' that', but ' that it is'; as gum mae Dafydd a'i iJwnaeth ' I know that it is D. who made it'.
(2) The consuetudinal pres. is in use in tliat sense in the spoken lang. (in N.W.), but the fut. is a commoner use. The form bit (bid) is mostly impv., see (5); but it is sometimes indie, even in Mn. W., owing doubtless to the survival of proverbs such as bid anwadal ehud ' the fool is changeable'; thus
Bid gwaeth gwybodau a gair Beirdd gwedz bardd y gadair.—Gu.O., M 146/450 (m. D.E.)
'The sciences and renown of bards are worse after the [death of] the bard of the chair.' Cf. bid sicr ' it is certain, to be sure, of course '. The forms +61 B.T. 12, -^byShawt -W.M. 456, etc. are fut. only.
§ 189
VERBS






 

                                                                                                                                 

 

 


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(3) In the impf. the consuet. ind. bySum is distinguished from the subj. bewn (bavm); the latter is never ind., but Ilio former is used in the subj., a.s pei bySut, etc. IL.A. 67; also liyt/tif W.M, 10^, cf. (4).
The form pei for *pei y, before a vowel pi i ;/1, ' weir it tluit' is used in the sense of 'if with the impf. sub]. or plii]). VVilli tlui 3rd pers. infixed pron. 's, it is bei ys W.M. 424, later Jin IIM W.M. i 7. In Mn. W., the forms axe pe, ped, pe's ; alho witli Ii- : />r d i 2K, J^M, rt(\
As the subj. stem seems to have been b- or ;'- (lie orig, 1'oiin of sg. i. 2. should be bwn, *but like 3. i>ri; so in tin' pi The pinawe pei ;/t vvm, occurring as bei et-vum W.M. 7 i, was ciiiilriK tcd early to pf.ttwn 'if I were', 2. pettut, ^.prttn ; pi. i. ptftmi, ••If. Thus bettut kynn docket ac Absalon IL.A. 67 ' il (lion \vi it iw fnir IIB A.'; pettei do. 68 ;
Mn. W. pettwn new. 10 'if t WI'K'', petynt 'if they were'. But pei bySei IL.A. 67-8, br !iiii II. I), r 99/494, etc., aie also used.
Traces occur of 1111 old |ilup. with s<em bu- : sg. 3. buei B.P.I 045, bwyat (read bu-yaf) do. 1038, pi. 3. hdyn (read bu-yii) ib., buyint B.B. 96.
(4) Besiae the pros. hiibj. pioper bwyf, tli<' form byKn'yf with ind. stem is used ; also bytho T.A. c. i 342, bythoiit •W.M. 47, witli byS+h-, a new subj. stem.—The impels. boeryi.A.i 20 is doubtful; the context suggests sg. 3. bo. But E.P. PS. xciv 13 uses boer.—yd pi. bwynt B.T. 5; boent A.L. i 106, L.G.C. 240.
(g) As stated above (2), bit (bid) is usually impv. : Bit y waet ef arnam ni s.G. 25, IL.A. 83 'His blood be upon us'; na vit ojyn arnawch B.M. 147 'let there be no fear on you' i.e. fear not; bit W.M. 22, B.M. 14 'let there be'. The form bint IL.A. 81 'let them be' is formed from bid; it is rare in Mn. W., L.G.C. 240.
iii. (i) For the origin of wyf, 'wyt, yin, ynt, ych, ynt, Bi'e § 179 ix (3). yd- is the affumative pinliilo § 21!) ii; yttynt < *yd Ji,yn,t;
from this ytt- spread to other poihoiiB.
(2) y mae, mae occurs lit tin' brgiiininp; of a positive statement, or positive rel. clause ; it beenis to have meant originally ' there is' or rel. ' where is ', since mae at the beginning of a question means ' where is 1' Thus mae ymma Matholwch w M. 39 ' there is here M.', y lie ymae Abel IL.A. n8 ' [in] the place where Abel is ', mae y mob f W.M. 29 'where is the boy?' The m- of mae is never mutated; this points to *mm (Corn. -mm-) < *sm. The y m- is prob. ym- (often so written in Ml. W.) representing the locative in -smi of the *e-demonstrative (nom. sg. *es § 159 iv (i)), as in ITmbr. loc. esme 'in hoc ' < *esmi, Av. ahmi. Thus *esmiest, ' here is, theie is' pronounced *esfmzest > *ymoeS § 75 iv (2), whence by loss of -S and the change of oe to ae after a labial § 78 i (i) and ii (2) we have ymae. The rel. form similarly from "wsmi est. Tlie intei rogative form mae 'wheie is 1' appears to be a new development in W., with the y- dropped because it seemed to be affirmative; it prob. comes from indirect questions in which mae is rel., as manac imi mae Arthur W.M. 123 ' tell me where Arthur is'. Corn. has pyma t as if from *qVosmi est 1 The pi. y maent ( = ymd'tfnt) must be a new formation from y mae.—-









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