A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative. 1913. John Morris-Jones (1864-1929). 2652e Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia.

 

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Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia
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Gramadegau Cymraeg

A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative
John Morris-Jones (1864-1929)
1913
 
TUDALENNAU 350-399

 

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ACCIDENCE
§ 1«9
The Brct. form is ema, ma, Corn. yma, ymma, ma, pi. ymons; the)iint form confirms the assumption of oe by preserving the o.
(3) oes occurs after nyt (rdd\ nat (nad), the interr. part. a, and od ' if, in each case when the subject is indefinite, nyt oes represents
*nitaisti < *n ita esti ' there is not'. The positive *esti ita ' there is' > *est1ta > yssit. Similarly ossit 'if there is' < *d 'stita § 222 v (i). In Ml. W. yssit is only a survival, having been generally replaced by y mae. As nid oes means literally ' there is not', it is natural that its subject should be indefinite. But early examples of a definite subject occur: cinnit hoys ir loo guac hinnuith in 'pay. reg. CP. ' though there is not that empty place in the regular page '; nat oes hi W.M. 470 'that there is not [such a one as] she'; in E.M. 113 this becomes nat ydiw y vorwyn ' that the maid is not'.
(4) yssyS, syS, etc. < *estiw < *esti w § 162 vi (i). ys < ^esti § 179 ix (^)—panyw ' that it "is' § 222 x (2).
(5) oe8 see § 75 iv (2), § 180 ii (3), yftoeS § 180 ii (3), q.v.
iv. (i) From Vbheyd- 'be' there was an iterative derivative
*bh{y)iio which gives Ir. bzuu, ' I am wont to be ', Lat. fio. The three persons of the sg. *bhyiw, *bhyueis, *bhyweit would all give W. by8, which was afterwards inflected bySaf, bySy, by8 by analogy. In Kelt., Ital., Geim., there are also athematic forms of this verb; thus there weie Bg. 2.
*b1i,y~i-si > Liit./yi, .3. *b!w1-ti > Lat. fit, "W. bid. [Lat. fio takes its loug 1 Ironi these | The Enrly T\ll. W. tut. bi iw a future of this form, representing *b1tin- wit (or ^h/ini-nt I). Tli^ forms byShawt, biawt are of course formed by ailding -(/i)fiw< to byK, hi.
(2) The opt. of *bh{u)uo, eg. i. *bh(y)tioz-m might give bySum, bat prob. the whole tense is a later formation from byS.
(3) The pert', bu-um, etc. is obviously formed from the 3rd eg. by the addition of the pert. endings -um, etc. § 182 iv (i). The 3rd sg. bu, Ir. boi, hai represent Kelt. *(be-)bdue < Ar. *bhe-bhoye : Av. bavdva; § 76 iii (5).
(4) The pres. subj. bwy^f) represents the -se- fat. of Vhheua- ', thus *bh(u)a-so > bwy etc. § 183 ii.
The impf. subj. sg. 3. bei < *buit < *hai^t < *bh(u)9-swt. From bei was deduced bwn as in bei et-vwn ii (3) ; but later bewn, as if bei were
*be-ei; in Mn. W. when bei liad become bed, the i at sg. became bawn', and in the late period bai itself came on the analogy of this to be treated as bdi and sometimes written bae, see § 185 i (3).
The initial^- is for *b-h- with -A- from pi. forms; see § 183 ii (3).
(5) The impv. sg. 2. by8 is from *bh(u)w the crude stem of
*bh(u)iw. The 3rd sg. bid is from *bh(u)W the 3rd sg. opt. mid. of stem *bhyd-; see § 184 ii (i) and § 180 iv (2). The 3rd sg. boed or poed is a re-formation from the subj. stem. The pi. forms are obvious re-formations.
(6) The v.n. bod implies Brit. *butd, which (as there is both in Ir. also) may be a Kelt. formation beside *bhu-t-is which gives Ir. buith : Gk. (^WCTIS. Like other v.n.'s bnd has been made mas. ; but in compounds it remains f., as ha-fod, eistedd-fod, preswyl-fod.
§190
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Compounds of the Verb ' To 1k'.
§ 190.. i. (i) The verbs of the v.n.'a oanfod 'to perceive', darfod ' to waste away; to happen'; g6rfod ' l.o overcome ';
hanfod 'to 'be from; to come', nrc conjiigntcd with the li-forms of the verb 'to be'; as canff/ililnf, rtc. In Ml. W. ranfod appears generally with the pref. ar-.
Pres. (fut.) ind. : sg. i. gorvyKaf C.M. hi, 70 ;—2. hrnliyfi// W.M. 97 ;
—3. dervyS C.M. 43, gorvli ( ^ gurri/fi} 11.11. 52; dy-Serbi it.r. 578, dy-worpi do. 585;—impem. gorri/Kir W.M. 82, li.B.n. 152, C.M. 13. Impf. ind. sg. i. gorr_i/Kn'n w.m. 131 ;—3. hanbySei W.M. 141.
Perf. : sg. i. Mil. (•anfuiii, § 1!)1 ii (5);—3 kanvu'B.v. 1143, arganvu C.M. 50, s.G. 7, darvu C.M. ,r;9, gorvii W.M. 89 ;—pi. i. darfuam B.B. 105;—3. dwrvuan li.ii. 6 ;—impers. arganvuwyt W.M. 49, darvvwyt E.P. 1296.—I'lnp. : pi. 3. gorwutmynt t'.M. 68.
Pres. subj. : sg. i. hanbwyfm.A. i 30i&;—2. hanpych gwell K.M. 87, W.M. 185, s.G. i, hanbych well v 16/44, Mn. W. hewffych well 'may you come well!'i.e. welcome! (gwell not orig. cpv. § 148 i (4));— 3. darff'0 S.G. 17, C.M. 42, 59, gorpo B.B. 17, hanffo IL.A. 131, C.M. 33 ;
—ph 3- gorffont B.B.B. 222 ;—impers. gorvySer C.M. 13, goffer do. 22. Impf. subj. : sg. 3. darffti C.M. 68, 29, gorffei B.M. 163, hanphei
C.M. 55, hampei do. 58.
Impv. : sg. 3. derffit K.P. 1044, B.M. 155 ; dervhid B.B. 91. V.n. arganvot W.M. 54, darvot C.M. 32, gorwot W.M. 56, hanvot do. 460;
—V. adj. darvodedic IL.A. 86, Mn. W. darfodedig ' perishable'.
(a) In dcufofl two verbs linvp prob. mors'cd : (a) darfod ' to waste away, to poriMli '< f/iif- : (;k. 00((p(u ^ 98 i (4);—(b) darfod 'to happen' < *i/o-dn- § 156 i (13). The latter is used in the 3rd sg. only, see § 196, as ]3eth a Sarvu uount wy? IL.A. 7 'What happened to them?'; often as a so-called " auxiliary " ; asjoei na Sar/fei yr dwst gyvodi C.M. 68 ' if the dust had not risen'; deryw in Ml. W. is generally thus used. In Mn. W. it is replaced by darfu; but the pres. had a past force from the sense of ' afore-(time)' in the prefix. The v.n. darfod introduces noun-clauses corresponding to direct statements with deryw, as Ml. W. wrtJi, ry-oarvot i6aw y ro6i s.G. 32 ' since he had given it'.
Examples: (a) derfydd F. 27 'will perish', darfu ~D.Q. (§ 160 i (i)) ' is spent', darfySant Job iv 9 ' they perish ', ni ddarfal i Bren. xvii 16 'wasted not', darvuan. B.B. 6 'they perished';—(b) darff'0 i Cor. xv 54, dmju'm (for darfu ym) Gr.O. 98 ' it happened to me', i.e. I did ; y dwrffai D. 112 ; as vynno Duw derffit E.M. 155 lit. 'what God will let it come to pass'.







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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§ 190
(3) canfod, gorfod and icmfoS contain respectively the prefixes cannh- § 156 i (7), gor- da i (17), and han- do. ii (3).
gorfod is chiefly used in the 3rd sg. in Mn. W., as •gorfu i or gorfu ar ' was obliged' § 196 vii. For the verb the v.n. is often used, as gorfod Wo for gorfu iddo, of. a JteUw yn gorvot arnam . . . ymwafianu ex. 50 ' and to-day we must part'.
ii. (i) In addition to the above forms Ml. W. has a pres. and impf. formed with -wyf and -oeown. These survived in Early Mn. W. Before -yw, -yw', -ywc1i, -ynt, -a- is affected to -e-;
the -e- often intrudes into forms with -wyf, -wyt, and vice versa 'a- often occurs before -yw, etc. Thus :
Indie, pres. : sg. i. hanwyf W.M. 3, henwyf B.M. 2, ccinnwyf D.G. 200;—2. hanwyt w.M. 3, 191, henwyt B.M. 2 ;—3. cennyw E.P. 1433, D.G. 205, deryw, derw W.M. 99, henyw a.Q. 13, hanyw L.G.C. 9 ;—pi. i. henym IL.A. 164;—3. henynt TL.A.. 169.
Mil ar benn bryn a'i cennyw.—G.GL, P 75/159. 'A thousand behold it ^tlic miuihion] on the top of the hill.'
A'<i wilier 11111 n, dderyw.—I.G. 289. 'Let there be no mention of winit, IIHB happened.'
Mawrserck I for a'lit goryw;
Mwy na serch ar ordderch yw.—D.G. 3.
' The great love of Ivor overcomes me ; it passeth the love of woman.'
Impf. : sg. 3. canhoeS W.M. 64, E.M. 46 'could see', daroeS s.Q. 25 'happened', hanoeS do. 41;—pi. 3. hanhoeSynt s.Q. 15, E.P. 1047.
Ymddiried im a ddaroedd.—G.G1., M 146/168.
' He trusted in me,' (Elliptical, for a SaroeS i8o ' happened to him', i.e. he did.)
O'r Tien arglwyddi'r hanoedd.—L.G.O. 2.
' She was descended from the lords of old.'
O'r hen wydd yr hanoeddych.—I.H.S., IL 133/212, ' You are descended from the old stock.'
(a) Beside Jianwyf etc., Ml. W. has Jiandwyf, handuyd, handid, handi/m, handoetud, handoet {t = 8) all in M.A. i 358, handid B.B. 33, 107, handoeb R.P. 1432, Ivandoet w. la.
These seem to be formed from an extension of the prefix, such as *sani-ti, cf. hefyd § 220 ii (8), giving before a vowel hand- § 113 i (2); by analogy ""hand-fid > /land-id, cf. § 110 iii (3); handyvyt M.A. i 358 makes the line too long.—ny handei W.M. 183, B.M. 8g
§191
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makes no sense; a better reading seeing to be ny hanSenei p 16/43 (w.M. p. 92) ' he could not rest' (han&wi., by <liBnim. > Mn. W. hamSen ' lei»ure', hamSenol' leisurely, slowly '; lian- ' witliout' + drit, Vdhen-: Skr. dadhan-ti 'causes to run ').
iii. The verb cyfarfyddaf d 'I mpct' if) con jii pitted .Hte the
above verbs (v.n. kyvarvot W.M. ^, 13,';, pcrf. UK-. 3. ki/wrvv, do. 170, plup. sg. 3. cyfarviiansri ib.), rvrpt tliuf, (,he old forms were obsolete in Lato Ml, W. tini D.Il. has ki/vcryw a mi E.P. 1385 'has met inc, lnippcnrd to niu'; and ry-gyveryw a, occurs in w.M. 42, cliBn^-ed to ry-gi/iiMryw a in B.M. 29, as if it were a compound of ilfri/ir, tho form cyveryw being- apparently unknown, and flip // (~^r) mistaken for n.
iv. In the dialects darfyildnf and cyfarfyddaf, tlie most commonly used of these verbs, are mostly conjugated ns if they were regular verbs ; and such barbarisms as darfyddodd, cyfarfyddais, canfyddais occur in recent writings. The impf. hanoedd seems to have survived the other obsolete forms; this was mistaken for an aor. hanodd, from which was inferred an imaginary v.n. hamu, common in "recent biographies.
§ 191. i. (i) The verbs gwnn (ffwn) ' I know', v.n. gwylwt (gwytod), and adwaen ' I am acquainted with', v.n. adiuihof (adviatod), are conjugated as follows in Ml. (and Mn.) W.
INDICATIVE MOOD. Present Tense.
\. SS•
i .gwnn (gwn)
3. gwSost (gwyddost) 3. gwyr (gwyr)
pi.
Impers. gwys {gwys, gwySys)
1. gwoam, -om (gwyddom)
2. gw^awch, -ocli (gwyddocS)
3. gwoawi (gwyddant)
i. adwaen, adwen, atwen (adwaen, adwem) 3. atwaenost(adwaenost,adwemi') 3. adwaen, adwen, atwen '•(adwaen, edwyn)
1403
Impers. (adwaeaif, adweimr) A a
I. adwaenam, adwaenwn, (ad-
waenom, adwaenwn) / 3. adwaenawch, atweynwch (ad-
waenoch, adwaenwch\ 3. atwaenant (adwaenant)







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
Future Tense.
§ 191
l. gwybySaf {gwybyddaf} 3. gwybySy (gwybyddl) 3. gwybyb {gwybydd}
pi.
Impers. gwybyhvr (gwybyddir)
1. ffwwhvSwn (qwybyddwn)
. »7 i7 i/ W i7 i7 /
2. gwybyfiioch (gwybyddwcK)
3. gwybybant [gwybyddawt) .
I. adaabybqf (adnabyddqf)
1. aSwabyby (adnabyddi)
3. adnebyS, eduebyS (adnebydd)
I. adnabySwn. (adnabyddww) t. {adnabyddwch) 3. adnaby^ant (adaabyddanf)
Impers. adaabybir (adwabyddir) Imperfect Tense.
I. gwySwa, gwySywfi (gwyddww) a. gwybut, gwy^yut (gwyddwd,
gwyddit) 3. gwy cli/at, gwybat, gwybyei
(gwyddyid, gwyddai)
ImpuM. gwybit (gwydilid)
I. afwaenwa (adwae/iwft)
i. gwybem, gwySyem (gwyddem) 3. gwybewch (gwyddech)
3. gwy^ynt (gwyddynt, -ent)
t. atwaenut (adwaenud, -it)
l. adwaeiiein {ailwasmm) 3. (adwaenech)
3. atwaenat (adwdenwd, ad- 3. atwaenynt (adwaenynt, -ent) waenai)
Impers. etweinit (adwaemd, adweimid)
Perfect Tense.
se. I. (iwvtuum(gwybwm} } , ,., ,,
/ ; / J 7-' J etc. like c«»/^w adnabuum \adnamm\\ •'
Impei-B. gwybuwyt, aduabuwyt. {gwyb^wyd, adnalniwyd)
Pluperfect Tense. sg. l. gwy1)uasswn [gwybuaswn) Y-^. adnabuassw'U' (adnabuasww) J
SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD.
Present Tense. eg. I. gwypwyf (gwypwyf, gwybyddwyf))^
adnapwyf (adnapwyf, adnaiyildwyf^ eg. 3. gwypwy, gwypo, adnapo (gihypo, gwyf^ddo,adfictpo, adfiabyddo)
§191
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sg. i^. gwypwn, t
Imperfect Tenge. Sww {gwypwn, gwyl/yildwn)
adnapwn, adnabybwa (adndpwn, ailnabfddwn)
•etc.
3. gwyiyS {gwybyV)
IMPERATIVE Moou. . :" Present TCIIBC.
I !•'• ;
. i/ii'i/liytiii'H ((/n'ybyddwit)
. (/iryhybwvh (gwybyddivch)
3. gwypat, i/wybyM (gu'y/)ed,
gwybyitilfit)
;{. gwypvtit, gwybyddent {gwy-peni, gviybyddent, -anf)
liMprrg. gwyper, gwyby^'r (gwyper, gwybydder)
3. ednebyb, adnebyt> (adnebydd) •3. (aduabydded)
I. ailiniby^wn (adnabyddww) a. ad'nebybwc!i. (adnabyddwch) 3. (adnabyhent, -anf)
(a) The verb cydnabyddaf 'I recognize', v.n. cydnabod, has pres. ind. cydnabyddaf, impf. ind. the verb like adwaew.
'wn, and the rest of
ii. (i) In the pres. indie, the endings of the and sft,. and tlie pL are seen to be those of the perf. and aor. In Hie diulcctH tlio 3nl pi. has -oro beside -an.
But (idwd.rn lias iilso tlio pres. enilin^B; thus Ix'sido adiuaenam IL.A. 164 ' we know' wr {'111(1 ndwiirnwn, \V.M. 25 'we know'; so atweynvicJi (;.M. i 2 ; Mn. W. ndweini. Ka. Iv 5 ' tlicu knowest'.
(2) ]k)lli lliti ist and 3rd sg. pres. iud. were adwaen or admen; the Mn. W. 3rd sg. edwyn is a new formation from adwen (on the analogy of etyb ' answers ' § 173 iv (i)). Examples : ist sg. adwaen B.B. 102, atwaen S.G. 72, atwen W.M. 390; 3rd sg. attwen H.M. ii 235, Atwen mob ae llocha, ac nyt atwen ae Jcar E.B. 964 ( a child knows who fondles him, but does not know who loves him '; pawb adwaen pwy I.G. G. 79 'everybody knows who'.
Yr ydwyf, hyd yr adwen, Yn d'wyn haint ni'm gad yn hen.—D.G. 443.
'I ant, as far as I know, suffering from a disease that will not spare
me to old age.'.
A'r un sud, er nas edwyn, T mesur Duw amser dyn.—B.Br., r. 15. .
' And in the game manner, though he knows it not, does God measure man's life.' . ;
Aa2







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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§ 191
(3) Tho 3rd sg. impf. ind. has the ending -yat, -at, Mn. W. -tad. lie ending -ei is rare in Ml. W. : gwySyei B.A. 6, E.P. 1264. The -y-( = ^) in gwySywn etc. doubtless spread from -yorf; it did not come into general use. In Mn. W. -wd survived in poetry, but gwyddai, adwaenai became the usual forms. See gwySyat W.M. 183, E.M. 8g, s.e. n, atwaenat s.Q. 72, W.M. 150.
Tr oedd i rai a wyddiad. J)baith dyn o fab i'th dad.—T.A., A 14694/117.
' There was, to those wlio knew, hope of a man in a son of thy father.' See adwaeniad D.G. 430, T.A. G. 234.
(4) On the -t- for -d- before w, see § 111 v (2).
(5) Note the accentuation of gwybum, adnabwm, in which the last syllable has a late contraction, § 41 iii. Uncontracted gwybu-wm occurs as late as the 15th cent. ; see § 33 iv. The 3rd sg. gwybu, adftdbu has no contraction, and is accented regularly.
O'r tad ffywel ap Cadell, Nid adnabum dad neb well.—T.A., C 84/849.
' [Sprung] from his father, H. ap 0.,—I have not known a better father to anyone.' Cf. aduab/lm, so accented, n.ow. 105 ; BO canfdm do. 16, 91. Ml. W. ifi/ii/ltiiiiiii W.M. 389, adnabuuin ib.
iii. (i) ffwnn probably comes from *n'tmli) § (iO iii (i), or middle
*u.indoi: Skr. vindu-tz 'finds', Ir. ro-fmnadar ' is wont to know', V'ueid-with -n- infix. The 3rd sg. gwyr seems to be a deponent form made by adding the impers. *-re directly to the root § 179 viii (2) ; thus ^ueid-re > * wig-re (§ 104 iv (3)) > gwyr.—The 2nd sg. gwSost , represents a periphrastic form *uidos 'si, verbal adj. + verb ' to be', the/ remnant of a tense like euthum, re-formed in the pi. with aor. endings § 182 iv (i). In Mn. ~W., and occasionally in Late Ml. 'W. gw8-becomes gwy8- on the analogy of the other tenses. The impers. igwys prob. represents a passive *md-tos {'st\
The tense replaces the old pert. with pres. meaning, *yoida : Gk. olSa.
(2) The impf. 3rd sg. gwySiad may be for *gwSiad § 180 iv (i). The 2nd sg. ginySnt may represent a thematic *ueidoithes, in which case its wy is oliginal; and tlie 3rd sg. may have t'lkcn wy from this. The wy is the falling diphthong : Fob mcistrolrwyd.d a •vry&dud D.G. 460. ..-.,. "'
(3) The rest of the verb comes from periphrastic tenses formed of a present participle of some such form as *ueidans and the verb ' to be '. iv. (i) adwaen corresponds to Ir. ad-gen, which comes from
*ati-gegna, re-formed in Kelt. for *gegnou : Skr. jajnau, Lat. nov-i, i/ gene- ; but W. adwaen, which is for *adwoen § 78 ii (i) (2), contains
*uo- as pointed out by Rhys, RC. vi 22 ; it seems also to have the vowel of the roduplicator elided; thus adwaen < *ati-uo-kn-a <
*ati-yo-ggn-a. It may however represent *ad-wo-ein < *ati-yo-gegn-a. The 3rd sg. had *-e for *-a and gives the same result in "W. The rest
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of the tense is formed fiom adiram- as a stem on the analogy of gwSost etc., or with pres. endingh.
(2) The impf. ind. is a new io''ination from the same stem, except tKe 3id &g., which may be old. Tlio form atnviifmit may however be for atweinat s.a. 36 which would ropiesent i-c^ulm-ly *ttti-i-yo-gh-ia-to < *-gn-i9-t6 3rd sg. opt. mid.
(3) The rest of the verb comes from pcriplirimtic loiinei formed with the prefix *ati- only, and a verbal nilj. *yiiiiyni < *(/m-yo-l (: cf. Lat. gnaws < *gn-yo-s), witli tlie verb ' fn lin'. Thin implies that -nab-is for -nawb- (cf. clybot § T)'t v (.()); llir -aw- IH attested in O.W. amgnaubot ox., which nniHt be llio MIHIH li>in>ntion with a different prefix. (This -au- cuinxif 1"' rioiii -u, , \Jiluh would give •o- in the penult.)
§192. i. (i)piou(Mn. \V. /li-dii) 'whoso is?' contains the dative of the mtorro^iitivc stein *i^'t- and -rn ' is', a weak form of *-ioy, which elBC\\ li(ire bouitnie yw ' is' § 179 ix (3). The forms of tho verb that occur in Ml. W. are as follows; most of them are re-formations from pieu, the -eu- generally unrounded to -ei- before v or ff:
Pres. ind. : sg. 2. piwyt see ii (i) below;—3. pieu;—pi. 3. piewynt
(for *pieu-ynt\} W.M. 83.
Impf. ind. : sg. 2. pieuoetud. (tsS) see ii (3) below;—3rd sg. pioeS
W.M. ii'J,pieuoe8 B.M. i()6,piewoe8 W.M. 121, pieweS do. 129, pioweS
do. 178, pieoeS do. 135 ;—3rd pi. pim'Kynt 8.0. 426,
Fut. : sg. 3. pyeuvyS (yzi) A.L. i 179 MS.B., pieivyS ib. Ma.u., H.M.

u 81 ;—pi. i yieifyfiinn f.M. 42.
Pert. : 3rd sg. pieivii W.M. 394, H.M. 2r;2,p!evH W.M. 394. Pres. subj. : yd eg. py^/fii (ys i, f~=.f)') A.L. i 196. Impf. subj. ; 3rd sg. pieiffci s.Q. 299, pzeivy&ei do. 324.
(z) In Mn. W., only the 3rd sg. is used. The forms are—
Indie, pres. piau;—imperf. pioedd L.G.C. 168, I.ILaf. c.c;"'35.2, accented pwedd by T.A., c 84/849 ;—fut. pzeuvydd L.G.O. 291,—the other tenses rarely occur.
In the dialects the pres. pmu, only is used, and other tenses are formed periphrastically by using tenses of the verb ' to be' with relatival piau; thus oedd pia(u) ' was who owns' for pioedd ' who owned'.
ii. (i) The verb 'to be' in pieu generally means 'is' in the sense of ' belongs'; but sometimes it has a complement, in which case the literal meaning of the compound is seen clearly;
thus— »







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
§,192
//»' a ovynnawS iSaw pioeS mob S.Q. 12 ' she asked him to whom he wan son ' (whose son he was). Piwyt gwr di do. 222 'to whom art iniiii thou 1' (whose man art thou t).
(a) The interrogative meaning of the compound survived in Ml. W. and Early Mn. verse ; but the usual meaning is relative. Interrog. pieu in a question is often followed by rel. pieu in the answer; and this may represent the transition stage, as in the case of pan ' whence ? ' § 163 i (6).
Pieu yniver y llongeu hynn t . . . ArglwyS, heb wynt, mae ymma Matholwch . . . ac ef bieu y llongeu W.M. 39 ' To whom belongs this fleet of ships t Lord, said they, M. is here, and [it is] he to whom the ships belong'.

Pi'au rhent Grujfudd ap Khys 1 Bywel piau 'n nhdl Pfvwys.—T.A., ,r 17/217.
' To whom belongs the rent of G. ap E. ? [It is] Howel to whom it, belongs on the border of Powys.' /
When the relative became the prevalent construction^ pwy ' who ?' was used before the verb to ask a question, thus^ pwy b'iau 'who [is it] to whom belongs?' This occurs in Ml. W.; as Pwy biewynt wy W.H. 83 'who [is it] to whom they belong'?' Cf. § 163 v.
Pwy biau gwaed pibau gwin I—T.A., A 14998/29.
' Who has the blood of pipes of wine ?'
(3) Relatival pieu sometimes introduces a dependent relative clause, as Dodi olew ar y gicrda bieu y gaer E.M. 174 ' administering extreme unction to the goodman who owns the castle'. But it is chiefly used to form the .subject-clause after an emphatic predicative noun, § 163 vii (2), as in ef bieu y llongeu (a) above '[it is] he who owns the ships*; Mewyc bevyr bieuoetud M.A. i 235^ '[it was] bright Monryc to •nhom thou [sword] didst belong'; a minneu bieu y owy iarlisetJt B.M. 23^ ' and [it is] I to •whom the two earldoms belong'.
(4) As pi- is itself relative it is not preceded by the relative a, ZfCP. iv 118; see examples above. Cf. also mi bieivu K.M. 252, mi b'iau . . . a tMfhau Viau I.G. 318, DafyfJd bieuvydd L.G-.C. 291, etc. The initial of pi- is generally softened, as in most of the above examples, but it frequently remains unchanged, as E koc a'r dysteyn pyeu A.L. i 20 ' [it is] the cook and






 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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VERBS
the steward to whom belong, . .'; f gur (= y y&r) pyeu do. 82 ;
Hywelpiau (2) above; Mipiau cyngm ... mi /nun north Diar. viii 14 (1620). In the spoken lang. both /;- nnd b- arc heard; the former prevails in N.W.
(5) As pieu seemed to be a veil) niconiiin ' OWIIH ' though without a subjective rel., it is sometimes found ho um'ii «i<li 1111 urcUBfttivc rcl., « as castell Kaer VyrSin yr hum. n lni(i/} if lirnihni. n.n.n. 297 ' tlie castle of Carmarthen wliicli <lic Itin^' <'«n»' ; y cantrU fry 11 piw .Belial B.OW. 10; moic inu'ly willi niil']rrli\(i iel., 111 ae pirify&'wn O.M. 42. Still rarer nro ir-liiiiiii>tiiin» lilir /' tin/ C.M. 14.
iii. pi- cannot conic lioni *'/""(') < *q*6i Ilio dat. of *q*o-, since ^ became 1c in Kelt. before u; it IH prol)able tlierefore tliat pi- comes from *(fiz < *q*il < *qv^«i : Oucan piei dative of the stem-lorm *q»i-§ 163 vi.
Af, Gwnaf, Deuaf.
§ 193. i. af ' I go' and gwnaf' I make, do' are conjugated alike in Mn. W. except in the impv.; deuaf ' I come' is analogous, but has different and varying vowels in its stems. In the earlier periods each of the verbs has forms peculiar to itself. In the following tables Mn. W. forms are given in brackets, marked as iri § 185.
ii. of I go'.
INDICATIVE MOOD. Present.
Sg.
X. af (af) a. eg (ei, di) 3. a, e-yt {a)
1. awa (awn)
2. aut (aut)
3. aei, aey, ai (ai, ae)
pi. I. awn (awn) a. ewch (ewch) 3. ant (ant) Impers. eir (eir, air)
Imperfect.
1. aem (aem)
2. (aecK)
3. eynt (aent) Impers. eit (eul, diet)







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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eg. l. eutJium (eutJtum) 1. aethost (aethost) 3. aeth (aeth)
ACCIDENCE
Perfect.
§ 183
pi.
I. aetham (dethom, -a^i)
3. aetfiawrJi (dethocK)
3. aethant, -ont (aethawt, -out)
Impers. aethpwyt (dethpwyd)
Second Perfect.
i. athwyf, aSwyf, etJiwyf, e^wyf i. ethym
(ethwyf)
3. athwyt, atwyt (eddwyd) a. 3. ethyw, ebyw (ethyw, eddyw) 3. etkynt, ebynf
Pluperfect.
i. af&oeSwn (defAwa)
3. (aet/iud, -it)
3. athoe^, a6oe6 (det/iai)
I. (aethem)
3. (aetiech) /
3. atkoebynt (det/iynt, -CM)
i. el{K)wyf (elwyf) 3. el(h)ycJi (elycK) 3. el (el, elo) aho
i. el(!i)wn (elwii) 1. el(/t)ut (elud, -it) 3. •el(/i)ei {elai)
3. dos (dw) 3. aet, elhid (aed, 6leS)
SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. Present.
| i. el(/i)om (elom) 3. el{h)och {elocK) 3. el(fi)ont, el(!t)wynt {eloiit)
ahont Impers. ef(K)er (eler)
Imperfect.
I. (elem) 3. (deck) 3. •«i^K)ynt (eiy%t,, -ent) Impers. (elid)
IMPEEATIVE MOOD. Present.
i. awn (dwn) 3. ewch (ewcK) 3. aent (aent, ant)
§ 193 VERBS





 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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VEKDAL NOUN. mynet (myned, mi/iul) ' lo go'
iii. gwnaf ' I miikr, do '. -^-~
INDICATIVE Moni) PrcHcnt.
sg". i. gwnaf {gwnaf}, etc. 1iko <if {n_/) , (>xc. Btrong grd eg. ffwne^S.
Tiii)n ilcct.
Sg'. I. gwnawn (ffwndwn), fir. like awn (dwn) ; pi. 3. gwnaewch (gfcnaecK).
I'.ilrct. A. ' sg". i. gwneuihum {gwneul/iiim), etc. like cuthum <^uthum).
fi. sg.
I. gorvgzim a. gorugost 3. ^or<(c, ^OTW
I.
gorugam 3. goiugawch 3. gorugawt Impers. gorwpwyt
. Second Perfect. L--,
pi.
\ i^^ ^. ^ X sg. i. (gwneddwyf)^ a,, (gwneddwyt), 3. gwwfiyw (gwn^ddyw)
1'lnpf'rfcct.
68• I. gwnatkoeSwn (gwndetfiwn) l.
1. gwnathoe^uf (gwndetfiud, -zf) 3.
3. gwnaethoe^,gwnatJi,oe'6,gwnab- 3. gwwathoebynt (gwiidetJiywt,
oeb (gwnaethai)
pi.
(gwndethem) (gwndethecJi)
-ewt)
Impers. gwn'athoe^it (gwnccetJiid)
SCBJUNCTXVE MOOD.
\ Present.
sg'. I. gwn,el(h)wyf (gwnelwyf) etc. like el(?i)wyf (elwyf) throughout ; also sg. 3. gunech, gwneoh.
Imperfect. sg. i. gwnel(K)wn, (gwnelwn), etc. like el(K)wa (elwn).







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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sg-
a. gwna (gwna) 3. gvmaet (gwnaed)
ACCIDENCE
iMPEKAtIVB •Mo&3).
Present.
§ 193
pi.
l. gwnawn (gwndwn) a. gwnewch (gwnewch) 3. gwnaent (gwnaenf, -ant)
Impers. gwnel(k)er (gwneler)
VXBBA:L NOUN. gwneithur, gwneuthur (gwneuthur)
VERBAL ADJECTIVES. gipneithwyedic (gwneuthuredig, gwneuthurddwy)
iv. deuaf 'I come'.
INDICATIVE MOOD. Present or First Future.
sg. I. deuaf, doaf (deuaf, dof) a. dewy, dewy, doy (deui, doi)
pi.
I. deuwn, down (deuwn, down) 3. deuioch,dowcJi(deimcJi,d6wch)
3. daw (daw § 53 iii (i)),dybaw, 3. deuant, doant (deuant, dont), do, dybo dySeuanf
Impers. dy^euhawr (cleuw, doir)
Second Fature.
sg. I. dyhyhaf; 3. dyvyb, dylyii, dybyb&awt, dyvi, dybi, dypi, deu6y6, deubi, deupi; pi. 3. dyby'bant.
"o.,. Imperfect.
i. deuww, down (deuwn, down) a. deuut, dout (deuut, dmt, -it)
i.
a.
pl.^ (deuem, d6em) (deuech, doeoh)
3. deuei, doei, doey, doi (deuai, 3. deuynt, doynt (deiiynt, doent, d6i) deuent) Impers. deuit (d4uvl, doid)
§193
A.
VERBS
Perfect.






 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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1. deutKwm, doethum (deuthum) i. ilMthani (dfuilioin)
2. deuthost, doethost (d^uthost) a.' iloetfiawrh, -ocfi (tl^vfKoch)
3. deuth, doeth (ddeth, deetK)
pi.
3, devf/iniif, doelhaiit, tloetJiiOnt
(ilriif/iiint, -out) Impers. deufKfwyf, ilwHiywyt (ili'iilhfiwyd)
B.
3j .
3. dyvu, dybu, deubu
a.
3. ilyvuant, dybuant
Beconil Perfect,
l. d-obym
I. dothiDyf, dofiwyf 3. dothwyt., iJobwyl
3. doe1.//yic,dol.fiyw,dohyw,detiyw 3" dci^i/nt (doddyw, deddyw)
Pluperfect.
a. dohyicck, doethywch
l. dat/ioebwn \dwthwn) 3. (deutfiud, ^-it)
l.
a.
(deuthem) (deuthech)
3. doet/ioeS, dothoeb, Saf&oe?) 3. doethoehynf; dotJioebynt (deuthai) (dwt/iynf, -cut)
SUBJUNCTIVB MOOD.
Present.
sg". I. del(fi)wyf (dvlwyf), etc. like tlie el- forms of el(h)wyf (elwyf) throughout; also sg. l. dybwyf; 3. dyvo, dyjfo, dyppo, deupo, dybeziho ; pi. 3. dyfont, deuhont.
Imperfect.
sg. i. del(K)wn (deSwm), etc. like el(K)ww (elwn)", also sg. 3. dybei, dyfei dyffez.
iMlteBATIVE MOOD.
, / Present.
sg. a. dyret, dabre (djfydd, dyred, dyrd, tyred, tjrd, ddbre, dyre, dial. dere); 3. deuet, doet (dewed, doed, deled); pi. i. down, (deuwn, dozen); a. dowch, dewch (devwch, dowch, dewch); 3. deuent, doenf (deuent, doent).







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
VEBBAL NOUN. dyvot (dyfod, dywod, dywad).
§ 193
v. Pres. and Impf. Ind.—;(i) The contracted forms ei, eir, eid, gwnei, gwneir, gwneid are now wiitten and pron. with ei (=»»); but formerly ai was used as in uncontracted forms; § 81 iii (i); as Bwrdeisiaid a wnaid yn waeth 0.01. P 100/174. The 3rd sg. impf. aei, gwnaei are already contracted in Ml. W., as ai W.M. 117, 252, 451, gwnm 54, 2go, 389, gunai B.B. 56; similarly doei had become dot WM. 7. See § 52 iii (3).
(2) For a Dr. M. used dial. avff (now eijf) § 179 iii (i) ; this is condemned by D. 86. Some late writers have used gwnaiff also; but the lit. gwna prevails. The old strong form of a/is e-yt § 173 vi (i);
of gwiwf'is gume-yS do. (3).
(3) The stems deu-, do- are both used throughout the pres. and impf. except in the 3rd sg. pres.; thus doaf, doy E.M. 76, W.M. 55, deuaf, deny S.G. 15. In Mn. W. doaf is contracted to dof D.G. 355, L.G.C. 206, 468 ; this is the usual spoken form, though doa(f) persists in Dyf. dial. The 3rd sg. is daw, also do B.T. 38, dySau B.B. 32 (-u^w), dySaw a p. 1055, 1. 16, dySo ib. 1. 23.—O.W. gurthdo gl. obstitit.
(4) Thr necond future of (/wo/is a Burvival, elm fly used in poetry:
sg. i. (l_//l>yfinf 11 T. 197 sp'. 3. </'«'?((_ (ti/in/K) 11. n. 51, (l^liit (~z dyhyS} do. 55, d;/fyS Ji.'i. 10, d;/byS HI'. 1190, ilyKyilyK in. 42, (///&// h/iawt E.P. 1437, dyvz B.I'. 72, dybi B.B. 60, dypz \V.M. 478, deitbiJ'fi n.'i. 17, deubz B.T. 3, deupi B.B. 61 ; pi. 3. dybySant B.T. 26.
vi. Perf. and Plup.—(i) In late Mn. W. euthum, gwneuihum, deuthum, are often misspelt aethum, gwnaethum, daethum. In the dialects the ist and 2nd sg. pert. are mostly replaced by new aoiists es, gwnes, dois on the analogy of ces and rhois, also eis and gwneis (" balbutientium puerorum mera sunt barbaries " D. 117).
(2) In Ml. W. the perf. stem of deuuf is deuth- or doeth-; and the 3rd sg. is deuth or doeth. Ml. W. daeth is doubtful; y \ daeth B.B. 3 is piob. yd aeth, cf. 97 marg. In the Early Mn. bards tlie form attested by tlic rhyme is doeth D.G. 259 (misprinted daeth), 287, as theic i& no ihyine to dauth tlie icgular Mn. equivalent of Ml. deuth. Late Mn. W. daeth may be dauth n.o. 21 misspelt, as daethant is a misspelling of deuthant. The N.W. dial. tonn is d6th,Ai& pi. deuthon' or doethon'. In S.W. dath is also heard.—Impers. § 175 iv (7). Dan i ddant erioed ni ddoeth Ar i enau air annoeth.—D.N., M 136/123. ' Under his tooth there never came on his lips an unwise word?
^3) The second perf. of af and deuaf is of frequent occurrence in M]. W. poetry, as athwyf, ethyw H.O.G. M.A. i 275, athwyd, ethynt P.M. do. 289, aSwyf G. do. 216, etiw (t=S) do. do. 220; dothuif B.B. 79, dotyw ((=8) M. w. ia, dofynt (=doSynt) do. do. 3», ethtnt B.B. 33. It is also met with fairly often in Ml. prose : eSyw W.M. 456,
193
VERBS






 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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ethyw a.M. 104, dothwyf •W.M. 459, dofiim/f do. 20, doSyw do. 457, doSywch, doSym do. 475, ethynt w.H.n. 20.'-,, but tnnds in later MSS. to be replaced by the first perf.; thus dothwi/f'w.M. 459 appears as deuthum in B.M. 105; doSyw W.M. 473 as doft/i 111 H.M. 105. D.G, .and his contemporaries continued its ufce in pocliy, itl'leiwiirdH it became obsolete : deddyw D.G. 4, ethyw (misspell fil/nw, futh;/in) JLG. .}i2 ;
Lliw dydd a ddaw a Ur doddyw ; ' Mwprlnluil ;/ ilina.
Llewych haul ar y iliiii'rli. 1/11;—J).(l 321.
'Daylight comes where she linn ci>nn', »lic ifi siiiihliiini on tho annw-drift.' It was at thia penoil, wlifii tin' fiinii WIIH ulrdiidy an artificial survival, that it first III)|)||IIH fiir i/irniif •. yimnddwyf D.G. 115, gwneddwycl do. 102, i/in/ii/ili/iii di>. 429, gwni'Oi/w l.C. E.r. 1286. These imitations weir Hliin H!M'<I.
(4) Botli the fiiht pfil. 111 ih-ii'iii, and Ihe second perf. in -wyf are probiibly oligiiial foi iif only. Tlio older perfects of the other verbs are:
gwnaf: Bg i. i/nrn;/uin W.M. 226-9; Bg. 2. gnrugost E.M. 192 ; pi. 1. gorugum, 3 {/oriigdnt W.M. 227, 226 ; hg. 3. goruc of extremely frequent occiiTieuce, iJoreu suiviving in poetry, B.B. 43, M. w. za, E.S. M.A. i 349», guoreu B.A. 35, 38; impers. goruopwyt W.M. 452 (:= gwnaethpwyt E.M. 100), W.M. 454, B.M. 101.
deuaf: sg. 2. dyvuost W.M. 458 (= doethost E.M. io4);"sg. 3. dyvu W.M. 457 (= doeth a.if. 104), dybu M. w. 16, 20; pi. 3. dybuant B.T. 6, B.P. 1405, G.B. do. 1192.
(5) In Ml. W. the plup. of all three veibs was formed by means of -oeSwn; as doethoeS HJ.A. 17 'had come', afhoeS W.M. 13, fiKneK do 15 'had gone', gwnaefhneS do. 30, 'fWttithi>rf> do. 440, <iiriiiithiiffiii'n B.G. 198, gw'riat)ioeSnf (If). 274; iliithnifi it.M. 200, liii/hni'K ill). 197. These foims an'i.ii •'in Mil W. : rhii-ii'iinilhwfi I>() 501). Tliu Mn. plup. is a new t'oriiifition mitdp, aH in rcRiiliii vcil>y, l)y adding inipf. endings to tlicpcrl.htcm : iJinintethwn K/.rc xxxi 9,f<nc</iwitMatt.xxv 27, Vcethai Luc vili 2, etc. D. also gives elswn etc. ; this formation is used for gwnaf in tlie Bible ; gwnels'wn i Chron. xxiii 5, gzvneleei iZ Chron xxi 6.
vii. Subjunct.—(i) The subjunct. stems are el-, gwnei- and del-;
as elwyf W.M. 457, delwyf EM. 131, elych, delych do. 237, gwnelych W.M. 456, delhich B.B. 84, gwneloch w M. 475, elont B.M. 34, elwynt B.A. 2 ; elhvt B.B. 56, delhez do. 96 ; elher do. 33.
The peculiarity of the pres. sub), with these stems is that the 31 d gg. lacks the usual ending -o (or -wy) ', thus a phan el rf . . • yny 6l e/w.M. 22 'and when he goes . . . until lie goes', vul nat el nib do. 49 . 'so that no one' may go', Y 7cyn a el, hivnuw a orSir R.B. 1063 'the chisel that will go, that [is the onej that is hammered', Guledic . . . a'tz giinel zn rit (i = y, t E 8) B B. 40 ' may the Lord make us free ', y dzt y del paup do. 41 'the day when each will come'. So in Mn. W.; thus, expressing a wish : Del i'th fryd dalu i'th frawd D.G. 34 'may it come to thy mind to repay thy brother', ef. 341;







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
§ 193
/ hmtaiiil yr 61 honno L.G.C. 10 ' may she go [live] to old age', cl'. 476 ; D61 amorth yn, dal imi Gr.O. 59 'may misfortune come as retribution to me'; in a dependent clause :
Pan ddel y Pasg a'r glasgoed, Bun a ddaw beunydd i oed.—D.G. 199.
' When Easter comes, and the green trees, [my] lady will come daily to the tryst.' Sometimes in Late W. the ending is added ; as gwneto § 162 i, doed a ddelo beside doed a ddel 'come what may come'.
(2) Other forms of the subjunctive occur as follows in Ml. W.:
of: pres. sg. 3. aho E.M. 140; pi. 3. ahont B.T. 17.
gwnaf: pres. sg. 3. gunaho B.B. 70, gwnaho B.T. 10, 11. Ig, 27, gvmech, gwnech § 183 iii (i); pi. 3. gvvnahont B.B. 61, gwnahon B.T. 34.
deuaf': pres. sg. i. dybwyf B.P. 1183 ; sg. 3. dybo ib., dyvo do. 584, dyff'o B.T. 10, dyppo B.B. 90, deupo B.A. 6, dySeuho, deSeuho B.T. 29 ;
pi. 3. dyjfont M.A. i 136, dijfcmt B.B. 59, 60, deuhont B.T. 3; imperfect Bg. 3. dyfei B.T. 3, dyffel do. 13, B.A. 2, dybei B.T. 6.
viii. Impv.—(i) dos 'gol' e.g. dos y'r Ilys W.M. 14 'go to the court'. This is the usual meaning ; but the original meaning was doubtle^h, like that of tlio Corn. and Bret. forms, 'come'. This is preserved in sonir pints of I'owys to this day ; and is sometimes met with in 111. W. ; e.g. dos yum H.M. 176, h.d. 221 'come lirii) '.
(2) Ml. W. dyret w M. 21, H.M. 173, n. A. ()<), >•(,>;.; ilahrr n.B. 102, W.M. 17, B.B.B. 125, etc.—Mu. W. dyfydd D.G. 41, di/red do. 107, dabre (misprinted debre) D.G. 31, 134, 515, tyred, dyre, l.G. 215, Gwna ddydd a dyrd, Gwenddydd dec W.IL. 83 ' make an appointment and come, fair Gwenddydd', Tyrd ih' bwlch, taro di'r hel I.T. ID 133/213 'come to the breach, strike thou the ball', § 44 vi, Dere d'r cafodydd hyfryd Wins. 273 'come with [i.e. bring] the gladsome showers'.
(3) Sg. 3. : aet W.M. 13, 35, elhid B.B. 101, gwnaef B.M. a(n,gwnaed 'W.M. 406, deuet W.M. 186, deuhet E.M. 88, doet W.M. 122.
(4) PI. 2. : dowch W.B. vi E., W.M. 407, 447, E.M. 261, 292, dewch IL.A. 126.
ix. Verbal noun.—(i) On myned, mynd, see § 44 vi.
(2) The Ml. and Mn. v.n. of gwnaf is gwnevfhw. D. 121 also gives gwneuthud, but this is rarely met with. It is printed in D.G. 107, but is not attested by the cynghanedd. In the dialects a new form gwneud arose ; this is in common use in the late period; the earliest example I have noted is in RH.B.S. i. (In D.G. 409 gwneud makes a short line, and should be gwneuthur ; for it wrwneyd marnad mall c.i 200 read vwrw'n y dwr farwnad arall v 77/158 ; so wherever gwneud is attributed to an old author.) V.a. gwneithuryedic G c. 114.
(3) The only v.n. of deuaf is dyfod ; but the / became w § 26 v, and wo interclianges witli wo. § 34 iv, hcnco dywot IL.A. 80, dywod T.A. A 14976/101, dywad D.G. 306, spelt dowad o.c. 369 (see § 33
§ 193

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367
iii), beside the original dyfod. The foi 111 ilyuiad became dwad in the dialects, and this is the spoken form biilli in N. Mid S."W. But in part of Dyfed a form d6d developed (iippnrontly from *dowod < dywod); this was used by Wins., iinil linn muco brcn in common use, chiefly in verse in free metres.
The noun dovot W.M. 33 ' n, find' iw n dinrinil word, being for 'do-ovot A.L. i. 94 (also doJicwet |rciul -ul \ ili.) < 'ilj/ wo-vot.
(4) All the forms given in (lictioiiiini'M, riiiiliiiiiin^ Uir tenm' Hiems of these verbs, such as nu, iiilin, rlii, nlilii '<D K"', ilawd, diwcui, delyd, <3k)ddi ' to come ', i/mnrli/il ' to iln ', ore •piiniiUB. Silvan ISvans misqy6les D.G. 306 i!;/iriid »H 1111 ••x«iii)il»' of dun'iiil, B.V. ; but admits that"T;he others do "not occm in tlir infinitive"! wee s.v. ddyd.
x. Origin of llic I'oriiiH (i) nf < *ayif: Ir. agaim 'I drive'
*/ag- : L.it. itiJo, Gk. ifyiii, Skr. liJiili 'drives'. The verb had middle flexion in Brit., cf. r-yt ' KI)VH ' < *«;/ e-tdi (' di ivi'h liiiUBolf, goes ') § 179 iii (i). llenco tlio ])rif. fiithum < *(tktu» rifim § 182 iv (i), und tlie plup. athoeS ib. (2). l''or tlia voicing of th to 8 in eSyw, aSoeS bee § 108 iv (2). Stolu's'n ruferencc ol' eSiii^d ' ivisti ' to Vped- Fick* ii 28 (still quoted, e.g. by Walde2 s.v. pcs) is made in ignorance of the facts.—On dos see (7); on mynet § 100 iv.
(2) The subj. stem el- comes from the synonymous root *ela- : Gk. eXao) ' I drive '; in the pres. ind. the stem was *ell-, prob. for *el-n-, Thurneysen Gr. 314, as in Ir. ad-ella ' transit', di-ella ' deviat'; in W.
*ell-af was driven out by of, but the subj. elwyf remained. W. delwiff is probably, like gwnelwyf an analogical formation. The reanon why the 3rd sg. has no -o may be tliat those forms mipi)i'ncdod 1111 old jid sg. middle *elhyt and 3rd Bg. gwinrh which liiul ni) -o. '1'ini M>'w that gwndl is a ru-foriiiiit ion is biirne out by llui iiclniil mirvivnl "f gwnech.
(3) The stem of gwiinf IH *iirag-, -/nerfy- ' work ' § 100 i (2). In the pres. and impf. ind., Ilieicloic, Hie lluxii>n was exactly tlie same as for af, stem *(iy-; this led to its being assimilated to af in other tenses. The old root-aor. sg. i. gwrith, 3. gwreith became gwneuthum, gwnaeth like the perf. of af, § 181 vii (2).—The old pert. of Vuereg-is preserved in the 3rd sg. in Ml. W. guoreu, goreu § 182 ii (i), Ml. Sret. guereu, gwure, guerue.—It does not seem possible to derive gwuc from the same root; this occurs as sg. i. 3. in Corn. gwr'Ak (grug etc.); it probably represents a synonymous form associated with .grneu on account of accidental similarity ; possibly < *iie'r-oik-, Vpei'k-'. Skr. •pyidti 'carves, adorns, forms, prepares', pcsah 'funn' (: Lat. vingo, with -Ic/fi- altern.) ; cf, DIM, an goruc v.n. 39 ' God made us'.
(4) The v.n. gwneuthur is for i/wneifhur G.C. 112, 128, W.M. pp. 93, 94 (P 16), B.OH. 62 {c{.anghyfreiihwiieu.t1^urv..v. 1296, i.e. wneitta.ur) § 77 viii. The original v.n. was * gwreith < *wek-tu-; by the loss of
*r- after the initial this became gweilh, gwaith ' work'. The form
*gwreith occurs, written guereit, in enuir ith elwir od guur guereit B.A. 37, which appears elsewhere as enwir yt elwir oth gywir weithret







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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do. 34, 1. 4, though the rhyming word ia kyvyeith; but weithret "ra nl^o a genuine variant rh. with kiwet ib. 1. 9. Possibly the -r- was 11 ist lost in the compound *gwreithret by dissim. The -ur added to
*gwreith ' work ' may have come from the synonymous Tiafur < Lat. laborem. The form *gwreithur might easily have become gwneithur by dissim. § 102 iii (2), as it was dissimilated to gwruthyl in Corn. The -n- might spread from this to the verb; but as gwn- is slightly easier than gwr- the change may have taken place in the vb. itself owing to its frequent occurrence. The old v.n. gwezth with lost -r-came to be dissociated from the vb., and gwneuthur remained the only v.n. Ultimately from gwaith ' work ' a new denom. gweithiaf ' I work' was formed, with gweithio ' to work ' as v.n.—gweith ' battle ' < *uikta (: Ir.fichim 'I fight', Lat. vinco) is a different word.
(5) deuaf is a compound of the verb ' to be', as seen in the v.n. dy-fod. The prefix is *do- which appears regularly as dy- before a cons.—The pres. is future in meaning, and comes from the fnt. *eso ;
thus *d6 eso > *deu, which was made into deu-af § 75 ii (2), so the 2nd sg. ; the 3rd sg. *do eset gave daw or do see ib. The pres. deuaf would be in O.W. *douam; under the influence of 3rd sg. do this became *do-am > Ml. W. doaf; thus deu- and do- became the stems of Hip pri's. anil unpf. ; and dcu- was even substituted for dy- in some othrr tenses as drv-li/ for d//-bi, v (4). | Later the 3rd sg. daw was made a stem in K.W. dialruts, and dawuf, dawai, etc. occur in late
/MSS.1
(6) Other tenses contain the b- forms of the vb. ' to be'; tlie fut. dyvyS, dyvi, pres. subj. dyvo, dyffo are regular; the peif. might be either dyvu < *do-(be-)bdue or dybu < *do-Vbdue; from the latter the
-b- spread to other tenses. The perf. dyvu JOr dybu was supplanted, see vi (4), by a new perf. formed in imitation of aeth but with the vowels of the pres. stems deu-, do- ; thus deuth, doeth; and by a new second perf. similarly modelled on eSyw, which like eoyw itself became obsolete in Ml. W.
('7) The impv. of deuaf was dos, which was transferred to of, see viii (i). The Corn. forms are dus, diies, des, the Bret. is deus. It is cleaily impossible to equate these forms either with one another or with dos. What hns taken place is tliat the vowel of other forms, especially the 2nd pi., has been substituted for the original vowel;
thus W, dos after do-wch, Corn. dwes^after duech,*ndes after de-uch, Bret. deuz after deu-it ' come ye '; a late example is W. dial. (to a child) dows yma ' come here ' after dowch. This leaves Corn. dus as the unaltered form; dus < *doistud < *do estod : Lat. estod, esto, Gk. 'ta-Tw.
(8) The loss of dos to deuaf was supplied by the impv. of verbs meaning ' come ' from Vreg-: Ir. do-rega ' he will come'; thus dabre < *dabbirigd < *do-ambz-reg-a; dy-re < *do-rigd < *do-reg-d. The forms with -d me generally referred to Vret- ' run '; but it would be more satisfactory if they could bo connected with the above. Ir. fair 'come' < *to-reg shows *reg- athematic; to athematic stems a 2nd






 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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369 VERBS
sg. iinpv. *-dhi might be nildrd (; Ok -M; thus *do-reg-di~ > *do-red-di > dyred. It is true tliiit -(//n wiis ndiied to ll-grade of root} but there are exceptions, as in tho niBo of' -tnil (Lat. eatu for '"s-tod). dyre also occurs as 3rd sg. pre.s, ind., ii.r. 1036, 1. aH.
Ferls with old Perfects.
§194. i. (i) dywedaf 'I my ' liiu» 3rd ng". pros. ind. Ml. W. dyweit TL.&\ 31, Early Mn. W. i/yr'aii/. In Liito Mn. W. this form is replaced by fJywed, winch in not HO much a re-formate from the other persona as n iliul. pron. of ili/iviild, § 6 iii. (In Gwyn. the dial. form ie liyfyil rc-lormcd witli the regular affection as iu gwcryd; gwareilaf.)
The 3rd ^g. dynwt grciiia to loiituin tha affected form of the R-grade *nut- (*^<-) ol tliu rout § 201 i (3); cf. beiro 11.11. 101 : berwaf.
(a) The nor. is dywnlcis W.M. 10, ili/wedetKi do. 63, dywecl-assam, etc., which is regular, except that for the 3rd sg. the perf. is used : Ml. W. dywawt E.M. 5, 6, dywat do. 23, dywot W.M. 6, 7 ;
Early Mn. "W. dywawd, R.G.E. D. 141, dywad, dywod, dyfod. For these in Late Mn. W. a new formation dywedodd is used; but in Gwyn. dial. dywad, dwad may still be heard (Rhys, RC. vi 17).
Ni ddyfod ond yn ddifalrh;
Ni Int IM yorwag IKI lid/cfi.—D.N., M 136/123.
' He spoke only modestly : lie was nritlicr vain noi pioud.'
The impers. is tlic prrf. dyim/nry/ H.M. 90, H.U.U. JO, ilywct-pwyt S.G. 17, Mn. W. ilyirrfyn'yd Miitl. i 33 (1630). But the aor. dywedwyd is more usual in Mn. W., and also occurs in Ml. W. : dywedwyt IL.A. 115.
(3) The 2nd sg. impv. is, of course, dywet W.M. 121; Mn. "W". dywed. But in Early Mn. verse we sometimes find dywaid, D.G. 355, G.Gr, do. 247, owing to the influence of the irregular 3rd ag. pres. ind.
(4) The v.n. is Early Ml. W. dywedwyd>Ml. W. dywedut § 78 iv (2,), written in Mn. W. dyivedyd,
^ -^^^
In the dialects S.W. gwSud (the vb. also gwedaf), N.W. (dw^ud), dSud, dthyd, (e=9).
(5) dywedaf : Vuet/d- ' say' : Skr. vddati ' speaks-', "W. gwawS ' song', Ir. faith ' poet', Gaul. (-Gk.) pi. ovaTevs (whence Lat. 'vStes, Walde, s.v.) < Kelt. *udt- < L° "wot-. Pert. dywawt, etc., § 182 ii' (i).—V.n. dywedwyd § 203 iii (4), (8). ;
1102 B b







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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§194
(6) The verb, with the root-form *%«<-, see (i), was used without the prefix dy- before na 'that not', thus gwadaf na 'I say that not, I deny that'. Hence gwadaf came to mean ' I deny', v.n. gwadw, though an objective clause after it is still introduced by na. With neg. di- in Ml. "W. diwat W.M.L. 92 ' denies',
Oes a wad o sywedydd, Lie del, nad hyfryd lliw dydd ?—-Gr.O. 38.
'Is there an astronomer who will deny that the light of day/where it <someB, is pleasant?'
ii. (i) gwaredaf'I succour, relieve'; 3rd sg. pres. ind. O.W. guorit JUV. SK.; Ml. "W. gweryt E.P. 1171, 1. 5, Mn. W. gweryd Diar. xiv 35, Grr.O. 113;—v.n. Ml. W. guaret W.M. 3, Mn. W. gwared, gwaredu. The verb is quite regular. But in 0. and Early Ml. W. the 3rd sg. past is the pert. guoraut JUV. SK., guaravd B.B. 39, gwarawt R.P. 1159.
, There is also a 3rd sg. pres. subj. gwares seen in gwares Suw dy anghen K.P. 577 ' may God relieve thy want', § 183 iii (i),
(2) ywared < *uo-rei- < *upo- 'umler' + *ret- 'run': cf. Lat. suc-curro < svh ' under' 4. cwrro ' 1 run ';—gwarnwl § 182 ii (i).
iii. (i) dygaf 'I bring' : 3rd sg. pres. ind. Ml. W. dwo W.M. 398, Mn.W. dwg (=.dwg);—v.n. Ml. and Mn. W. dwyn (zdwyn). Old 3rd sg. pres. subj. ducJi § 183 iii (i).
(a) Pert. sg. i. dugum W.M. 42 ; a. dugost S.G. 346; 3. due W.M. 42 ; pi. 3. dugant C.M. 107, S.G. 246, re-formed as ducsant C.M. 59, dugassawt S.G. 16. In Mn. W. the 3rd sg. dug (-»-) remained the standard form, though a new dygodd has tended to replace it in the recent period. But the other persons were re-formed as aorists in the i6th cent., though the older forms
continued in use :
Dy wg yn hw y dugum.;
0 dygais, di-fantais f'Hm,—W.IL.
' Thy resentment have I long borne ; if I have home it, I faaye l»een no gainer.'
(3) The compound ymddygaf is similarly inflected : v.n., Mn. 'W.^mddwyn 'to behave', ymddwyn 'to bear' § 41 i ; perf. sg. 3. yrnddug Can. iii 4, in late bibles ymddug (and so pronounced).
(4) dygaf, dug § 182 ii (2); dwyn § 203 iv (3):*






 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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VERBS
sn
iv. (i) Ml. W, amygaf 'I ilcfond': 3rd sg. pres. ind., amioe B.T. 3,0; v.n. amwyn.
am-im/n, seems to mean literally ' li^lil In ', HIIICO it in followed, hy A ' with ' ; as amwyn y gorflwch him <( nn \v. M . 123 'to fi^lit for tilis • goblet with me ', amvin ae eli'n termiii. i/m/iil 11.11. gy 'to fight with his enemy for the border of Gwynodil'. "
(a) Perf. sg. 3. amuc U.K. 39, II.A. i;, iin' ,1 umuc ae wni/w B.A. 11
T defended himwitfl IUB Hpciu''. Tlicrr in iilao a form (in/wyt.h iiBi'd \ intransitively, and tlicrclon' ])i'(ili. » middle form like aet/i.; as wan amvigth ae alow yn lArrli }Yrii II.T. 57 ( when he contended
Yith his foes at LI. W.'—-P]|I)). s^-. 3. amuaftd R.P. 1044.
1 (3) Mit-nig < *'iit]ii-^p')itk-, V pt'n'k- : l^Cit, piti/na, pugil, Gk. irwr»;s, Tnryju.a^os, O.E. friihid'ii, K.^i/hl.—Tin' perf. inn'iic with -'lie < *-pouJce, like duo § 181 ii (2). Tlio forni wiwyth ])i'u1). represents *amb(i)ukt08 'st; as it lias llir It-Hi'iidc of \\u: rool, i) ciiiinot 1)0 11 root-aorist. The v.n. has -no- suflix § 203 iv (3).—Sou also § 54 i (i).
The perf. has not been preserved in gorchfygaf ' I conquer ', Ml. W. gorchyfygaf § 44 ii < *uper-1com-puk-.
v. (i) clywaf' I hear': 3rd sg. pres. ind. clyw W.M. 54 ; v.n. Ml. W. clylot W.M. 474, clywet G.Y.C. (anno 1282) K.P. 1417, Mn. W. clywed.
(a) Perf. sg. I. cigleu W.M. 36, 83 = U..M. 23, 6o, li.M. 139, t.T. 33; ciglef R.M. 130, 168, W.M. 40^, 423==n.M. 263, 274, te.M. 46, 48 ; Kg. 3. cigleu w.ii. 144=11.11.
214, C.M. 50, s.u. 10, ii, etc. The rest of the tanno ie made n]) of nor. forms : sg, a. clyweist W.M. 230, II.M. 168; pi. 3. clywssottt W.M. 33, li.M. 23; impers. clywysbwyt a.A. 117, clywspwyi S.G. 246.
In Early Mn. W. the 1st sg. ciglef survived in poetry, see ex., fend I.G. 338. But the ordinary Mn. form is clywais D.G. 81. Bimilarly the 3rd sg. cigleu is replaced by clywodd Luc xiv 15 ;
thus the tense became a regular aor. There is also a Late Ml. and Mn. 3rd sg. cly1m S.G. 362, Ex. ii 15, and impers. clylu'wyd Matt. ii 18 beside clywyd Ps. Ixxvii 18.
''Doe ym mherigl y ciglef Ynglyn aw angel o nef.—D.G. 124.
'Yesterday in danger I heard the golden englyn of an angel from heaven.'
(3) In Early Mn. W. a and sg. impv, degle is found, e.g. G.G1. B b a







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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§ 1195
i. MSS. 315 ; both form and meaning seem to have been influenced. by (lyre (dial. dere) ' come !'
Degle'w lies, dwg i liw nyf Ddeg annerch oddi gennyf,—D.G. 218.
• Lend nearer ear! bring to [her of] the colour of snow ten greetings . from me.' \
(4) clywaf, see § 76 v (a).—cigleu § 182 i; the form ciglef is the result of adding ist sg. -/to cigleu {euf > ef); it tends in late MSS. to replace the latter; thus cigleu W.M. 144 = ciglef K.M. 214. The cynghanedd in the example shows that the vowel of the reduplicator is i (as it is generally written), and not y; hence we must assume original *1cu-. The ist sg. was most used, and prob. gives the form eigleu.—clyhot is probably for *clyw-bot, of. adnabot § 191 iv (3).
vi. goSiweSaf ' I overtake': v.n. goUwes § 203 iii (7) so in Mn. W., sometimes re-formed in Late W. as goddiweddyd,—Perf. sg. 3. goUwaw'b, see § 183 iii,
Verts with t-Aorisfs.
§ 196. i. (i) oanaf'I sing' : yd. eg. pres. ind. can B.B. 13 5 Mn. W. caw; v.n. cann,—Aor. ng. I, keint, kcintum, 3. ceuntost, 3. cant § 175 iii, § 181 vii (i), impers. canywyt § 182 iv (4) ; there are no corresponding forms in the pi. The t-aov. was already superseded in Late Ml. W.; thus sg. ^..sanawS IL.A. 117, Mn. W. canodd; but cant survived in the phrase X. a'i cant ' [it was] X. who sang it', ascribing a poem to its author, and is often mis-written cant by late copyists § 175 iii (i).
(a) gwanaf' I wound ' is similar. Aor. sg. i. gweint, 3. gwant § 175 iii; Mn. W. gwenais, gwanodd.
ii. (i) cymeraf ' I take', difieraf c I protect': 3rd sg. pres. 'ind. cymer, differ; v.n. kymryt W.M. 8, 9, diffryt K.M. 132, 141.— Aor. sg. 3. iymerth, dvfferth, keis^th (=. kyw^rtfi) A.I. i ~il6, diffyTth B.M. 139, § 175 iii (i). Beside these, forms in -wys, -ws occur in Ml. W., as kemerrws § 175 i (5), differwys G.B. E.P. 1191. But cymerth survives in biblical W., e. g. Act. xvi 33, beside the usual Late Mn. W. cymerodd c.c. 318, Matt. xiii 31.
(z^ The v.n. cymryt, Mn. "W. cymryd C.c. 335, cam-gymryd M.K. |" 137], has been re-formed as cymeryd; but the prevailing form in the spoken lang. is cymri[d Oeiriog O.H. no (or cym'i{d}. The translators of the bible adopted cymmeryd, evidently thinking that it was more

 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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VERBS
º373
correct than tlie traditional form.—On the other hand, the verb is sometimes found re-formed alter the v.n. ; thus kymreist E.G. 1128, cymrodd D.G. 356, cymruis E.P. w, cxi\ n i.
\ (3) cymeraf < *kom-bfier- § DO ;—d\(J'rritf < "dr-rhii-per-^ '/per-vbring' : 8kr. pz-par-ti 'brings across, (IclivcrH, prot<'ctn';—cymryt < *kmn-bhr-tu- § 203 iii (8).—cyuiffrth, rj/myrlh § 1B1 vii (i).
rii. Early Ml. W. dyrreit/i ' came, rcliirnrd ' ; maci/i ' nursed ';
gwreith ' did ' ; § 181 vii (;).
Dhl'nCTIVE VlillBS.
§196. The following vrrbn nro used in the 3rd sg. only. i. (i) Ml. W. dawr, tawr ' mutters', impf. dorei, forei, fat. dorbi; alho wit.li di- : t/itiaiff, dif>mi, v.n. iHharlof. (The -8- is inferred from Early Mn. cynglmncdd, os ilvwidyn/dlddawr D.G. 37.) The verb is chiclly UBC(I witli a negative particle und dative infixed pron.; thus ny'm dawr K.]'. 1240 ' I do not care', literally ' it matters not to me'. It is generally stated to be impersonal;
but this is an error, for the subject—that which ' matters'—is often expressed, and when not expressed is understood, like the implied subject of any other verb. Thus, Ny'm tawr i vynet W.M. 437 'I do not mind going'; i is the affixed pron. supplementing in, and the subject of inirr is vyin'l, tinih ' going matters not to me '; so, Ny'm dorei fti/rl/ii/tiw ... wf n.r. i aoS, lit. *<.lio fulling of the sky would not iiiultcr to me'; "'/// ii'in ifiSawr it,}'. 1029 ' [there is] scarcely iinydiing that intercuts me'.
Pathawr (for pa 'th fkizvr) W.M. 430 ' wliat does [that] matter to thee 1' Ny'm torei kyiiy bySzmi W.M. 172 'I should not mind if I were not'. Nyt mawr y'm dawr B.T. 65 ' it is not much that it matters to me' ; ni'm dorbi B.B. 60, 62 'it will not matter to me'. Without the dat. infixed pron. : ny SiSawr, ny 8ffior cwt vo E.P. 1055 ' it matters not, it matters not where he may be '.
(2) In Late Ml. W. the subject and remoter object came to be confused in the 3rd sg. ; thus wys dawr ' it matters not to him' came to be regarded as, literally, 'lie does not mind it', -s ' to him ' being talsen for ' it'. Thus the verb seemed to mean ' to mind, to care'; as am y korff nys diborei ef S.G. 64 ' about the body he did not care', Jieh SibarSot py beih a Samweinei i6aw E.B.B. 325 ' without caring what happened to him'.
In Late Ml. and Early Mn. W. this new verb ' to care' came







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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§ 196
to be inflected for all the persons ; as ny Siborywf B.ri.B. a 16 ' they cared not', ni ddoraf D.G. 529 ' I do not care', ni ddorwn, i do. 396, ni ddawr M, ni ddorwn do. 174. In spite of this perversion the phrase ni'm dam persisted, e.g. D.G. 138, G.Gr< D.G. 248, Gr.O. 57 ; also o'm dawr ' if I care', D.G. '2,46-, G.Gr. ib.
(3) The interchange of f- and d- suggests the prefix. *<o- : *<to-^ the fut. dorbi and the v.n. show that the verb is a compound of the verb ' to be', the first element originally ending in a consonant, as in adnabod, gwybod. Hence we may infer dawr < *daros'st < *d6\'p)aros est; *paros : Gk. •n-apos, Skr. purah, all from Ar. *p ros ' before' ; for the development of the meaning cf. Skr. purds kar- ' place in front, make the chief thing, regard, prefer'; with the verb 'to be' instead of ' to make' we should have ' to be in front, to be important, to matter'. The impf. dorei must therefore have been made from the pres. dawr.
The reason for dar- in the v.n. is a different accentuation : ^do-dros-> dar- § 156 i (13). The form darbod survives as a v.n. without a verb, moaning 'to provide', whence darbodus 'provident'. This may liovc bcrn a separate word 1'roin tin' outset, with *p^ros meaning ' before ' in point ol' time ; ' *to lie before-hand ' > ' to provide for the future'. The verb durparaf '1 prcpiiio' seems to have the same prefix compounded with *par- : peri 'to cause'< *'/*''-, V'l^er-' make ' influenced by Lat. paro [pardtus > W. parod ' ready').
From diSawr were formed the abstract noun diSordep M.A^ ii 346 and the adj. diddorol only occurring in Late Mn. W. and generally misspelt dyddorol' interesting '.
ii. (i) Ml. W. dichawn, digawn,' can', Mn.W. dicKon, is rarely used except in this form, which is 3rd sg. pres. ind.
ny Sichawn efeu gwnneufhur BJ.A. 33 ' which He cannot do ', cf. 34, 35 ; llawer damwein a Sigawn bot W.M. 28, E.M. 18 ' many an accident may happen'.—Chwi ynfalch addiction fod T.A. A 9817/184 'you who may be proud '. A?" ddichmi neb wasmiaelJiu iJaii arglwydd Matt. vi 24. .Llawer a ddidion taer-weddi y cyfiawM lago v 16.*'
A subjunct. 3rd sg. occurs in kyn ny Sigonho y gerS 1wn W.M. 488 'though he does not know this craft'. In G.C. 138 we find nas dichonaf vi ac nas diclionwn pei ' that I cannot [do] it, and could not if . . .'
The form dichyn M.K. [ix.] is an artificial re-formation •which was in fashion for a time, and then disappeared.
(2) dichon, dichawn < *dv^ffwm < Brit. *dt-gegS/ne; digawn < Brit. *dl-g'gdne; < Ar. perf. sg. 3. *gegone : Gk. yiywva. ' I make known'; for meaning cf. Eng. can: Vgenv- 'know'.—W. gogonwavf ( glory' orig.
' *fame' < *yo-g'gan-.
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(3) A stern of the same lorni (usually with -g-) is inflected throug'hout in 0. and Ml. W. in the sense of 'cause to be, do, make', v.n. digom M.A. i 359.
Ind. pres. sg. 2. digonit B.H. 19 (r digonyS)', nor. Hg. tv'digoneis M.A. i 2710, sg. 2., 3. dicones svv. HK., (. diyoneii)i.'r. 40, dichows M.A. i 2730, impers. digonet W.M.' 477 ; pi up. ?g. i digonWi s.f. 24 ;
subj. pres. sg. i. dicJwmoyfM.A. i 271"
(4) This seems to come fi oin •/ i/trir '.HIM} hi Ix', give birth to', of which the pf.JKSK'&g. i. *grgmin, 3. *;/<•;/ in '. SId i jujiina, 3. jiijaiia, Gk. i. •ye-yova. Wln'tli(;i tlir two roulM lire oiiginally the same lias not been decided. If tlu' Driginiil iin'iuiiiig wan hoinclbing like ' to be efficient', it mig)i1 liavo bccoiiio i. ' to produce, give birth to', 2. 'be master of, undfisliiiid '..
^ (5) Ml. W. ilii/writ, Mil. W. digmi ' enough ' may have originated in phrasoB such us iliiJawn hyimy ' tliat will do ' understood as ' that [isj enough ' ; cf. dii/awn a fiodet ywan n.M. 14. From digon ' enough' a new veib wan inndo in Mil. W., diguiiii/, v.n. diyoiti '<o Bufliuo '.
iii. Ml. W. deryw, Mn. W. darfu § 190 i (2). iv. Ml. W. gweSa B.P. 1286 ' beseems' § 173 v (2), impf. gweSei
W.M. 178; Mn. W. gwedda r. 30, impf. gweddai Eph. v 3, v.n.
gweddu i Tim. ii 10. Followed by i.
Other persons are found : gweS-af, -wy/lL.A. 122, gweddynt Gr.O. 63. gwedda is a denom. from gwedd ' appearance ' < *ifid-d § 63 iv.
v. Ml. W. tykya W.M. 14 ' avails ', impf. tygyei ib., v.n. tygyaw do. 16; Mn. W. lycia Diar. x a, impf. fycjfli, v.n. tycy Matt. xxvii 24. Followed by /.
Ny thykyd y •lie1! yiitlit yr unbennes W.M. 14 'it avails no one to pursue the lady' ; tin' bubj. is ymlit; thus ' pursuing avails not'.
tycia is a denom. from twg : ^/te.wffl-, see § 111 v (2); but the -c-in the pres. is caused by the -h- of -ha.
vi. Ml.W. deiryt K.P. 1197 'pertains, is related'foil. by^'to';
impf. dewydez S.G. 105. Mn.W. deiryd L.G.C. 272, Gr.O. 47. A'r lludw gorjf, lie daw y gyt, TV lludw arall lie deiryt.—G.V., B.P. 1299.
' And [I commend] the body of dust, where it will all come, to the other dust wl^ere it belongs.' —--
The last syll. -yt may be the 3rd sg. mid. ending § 179 iii (i) ; this would explain the limitation of the vb. to the 3rd sg. In that case deirydei is a re-formation, and the prefix and stem are dew- < *do-gr-;
the root may be *ghw- ' hold' (: Lat. co-hors); thus deiryt from *do-gJtretai l holds himself to'.







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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§§ 197,198
vii. metha gem ' fails', synna w ' is astonished':
Pan fethodd genni' ddyfeisio •B.C. 15 ' when I failed to guess', lit. ' when guessing failed with me' ; metha gan y buan ddianc Amos ii 14;
si/nnawdd arnaf D.G. 386 'I was astonished at', synnodd wnynt Matt. xiii 54.
These verbs began to take the person for the subject in the Late Mn. period; as synnodd pawb Marc ii 12. The transition stage is seen m synnodd arno wrth weled Act. viii 13, where weled is no longer, as it should be, the subject; the next step is synnodd ef; then synnais, etc., in all persons.
Other verbs are used in a similar way in the 3rd gg., but not exclusively ; hiraethodd arno ' he longed'; llawenhaodd arno ' he was rejoiced'; lleshaodd iddo 'profited him'; gorfu arno or iddo 'he was obliged '; perthyn iddo or arno ' belongs to him '; digwyddodd iddo ' it happened to him', etc. The subject is usually a v.n.: digwyddodd iddo syrthio ' he happened to fall'; gorfu arno fyned ' he was obliged to go'.
§ 197. i. The verb genir ' is born' is used in the impersonal only ; ind. pros. (and fut.) genir, impf. genid, aor. yarned, also Late Mn. W. (laimyd, p1np. Ml. gancirheS, ganydoeb, ganyssit, Mn. ganasid; subj. prcn. f/ii/n'r; v.n. yni'i.
Although the forms, except in tlie pres., arc, as in other verbs, passive in origin, they take the impel s. construction, being accompanied by objective pronouns. The v.n. takes the obj. gen. : cyn fy ngeni ' before my birth ', lit. ' before the bearing of me'.
genir, ganer, ganet IL.A. 37, genit, geni do. 11, ganadoeS H.M. ii 263, ganydoeS E.B.B. in, ganyssit do. 286.
A 3rd. sg. aor. genis ' begat' occurs in C.M. 19, in a translation, and is p) oh. artificial.
ii. genir < Brit.
*gan1-re < *g/ie-, Vgene- : Lat. gigno, Gk. y£yvo-fun, etc. The ganad- in the plup. is the perf. pass. part. *ganatos < *§/t9-to-s ', prob. -yd- is due to the anal. of ydoedd.
§ 188. i. Ml. W. heb yr, heb y, or heb c says, said' is used for all persons and numbers ; the yr or y is not the definite article, as it occurs not only before proper names, but before pronouns. The Mn. "W. forms corresponding to the above are e6r, ebe, eb. In Recent W. the form ebe (with -e for Ml. y § 16 iv (a)) is sometimes wrongly written eiai, the -e being mistaken for a dialectal reduction of the impf. ending -ai § 6 iii.
Oes, arglwyS, heb yr ynteu w.M. 386 ' Yes, lord, said he' ; heb yr ef ib. ' said he ' ; heb yr wynt do. 185' said they '; lieh yr Arthur do. 386 ' said A.'; heb y mi do. 46 ' said I'; heb y pawb do. 36 ' said every-
^ 198
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body'; heb y Pwyll do. 4 ' Raid P.'; fifli '/do. a ' said he '; heb ynteu, do. 3 'said he'; tub hi do. 10 ' miiil ulir ' ; heb wyiil do. 27 'said they'; etc. Its use without an exiui'Hm'd miliJiict is line, and occurs chiefly whcie it repeats a statement roiiliiiiiin^' tho wilyrct : Ac i/na y dywat Beuno, mi a welaf, heb IL.A. i 2(1 'Anil (In 11 Itnuno (Hurl, " I see," said [he]'; A gofyn a oruc iSaw, <tn/l«\i/fi, hrli H.M. i 79 •and lie asked him, "lord," said [he] '; heb (f. . . /ir//n.N. </>.
Mn. W. (N.W.) eb ni Vs. (xxxvii .f (i.'-.HH), el. rf ii.cw. 8 ' wiiil lie', eb yr angel ib. ' said tlie nn^cl', ilv rf il.i. i o, rifr yntisu do. i ,r->, eb eJ M.K. [n], hebr efdo. [2o1; (S.W.)'/" Miinldiit D.'r.o. 4,<& undo. 97, ebe I.MSS. 154 ff. The N.W. dial. fonii ifrr, c.n. cbr ft u.cw. 10, etc. is now re-formed as rivrii.
Yn 61 Sifin m welnin haul, Eb Seren Bwoys uraul.—T.A., A 14975/107.
' Since [I have lost | SiAn I have not wen the sun, said the bright Star of Powys.'
ii. C. used hcbaf and Ke6u, see ex. ; P.M. imitating him (the two poems are addressed to father and son) wrote ny hebwn hebod M.A. i 394 ' I would not speak without thee'.
Ti hebofnyt hebu oeS ten;
Mi hebot ny hebaf inneu.—C., E.P. 1440.
' Thou without me—it was not thy [wont] to speak; I without thee— I will not speak either.'
The compound alebaf (< ^ad-ficb-af) ' I answer' is inflected regularly throughout: 3rd sg. prey. ind. ctyb, v.n. alfb. The rarer compounds iJwHfn'baf11 reply',^o//i"<w/''l Bay" (now ' I correspond') seem also to be regular : goftvbycft B.F. B.I". 1154 (Mn. W. 3rd sg. pres. ind. goficbu, v.n. gohebu).
iii. In O.W. only hepp M.O. ( = heb § 18 i) occurs, before a consonant in each case. In Ml. W. heb yr and heb occur before vowels, and heb y before consonants. Assuming that the original form in W. was *hebr, this would become either *hebr or heb before a consonant;
the former would naturally become hebyr, later heby; this seems to be the sound meant by heb y, the y being written separately because eounded y as in the article. Before a vowel *hebr would icmain, and is prob. represented by heb IJT (the norm;il All. spelling would be hehyr ^ hebyr). In S.W. heb and heby survived, becoming eb, ebe; in N.W. heb and hebr, becoming eb and ebr.
If the above is correct, the original *hebr must be from a deponent form with suffix *-re added directly to the root; thus *seqVi-re, Vseq^-'say'; cf. gwyr § 191 iii (i). In the face of the compound ateb = Ir. aithesc, both from Kelt. *ati-seqVi; Strachan's statement, Intr. 97, that heb ' says' is of adverbial origin seems perverse. A sufficient







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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explanation of its being uninflected is its deponent form. iB-cotn-poundfc it was regularized, and C.'s hebaf is deduced from these.
iv. The verb amkawS ' answered' is a survival which occurs frequently in the w.M. Kulhwch, and nowhere else ; the grd pi. is amkeuMnt •w.M. 486, -8, which the scribe at first wrote amfseu^a6t do. 473, -7, -8, -9, mistaking n for u and writing it 6.
amk-awS, § 96 iii (4); if the explanation there given is correct, amkeuSant is a re-formation, possibly at first *amk6u8ynt frith affection of aw as in beunydd § 220 iv (2).
§ 199. i (i) meddaf ' I say ' is inflected fully in the pres. and impf. ind. only : 3rd sg. pres. medd, impers. meddir 'it is said '. There is no v.n.
Exx. i. MeS seint Austin IL.A. 42 'St. Augustine says'; 2. me8 yr ystoria do. 129 ' says the account'; 3. Dioer, heb y kennadeu, Teg, me8 Pryderi oe8 y'r gwr . . . W.M. 88 '" By Heaven," said the messengers, " Pryderi says it would be fair for the man ..."';
4. JSdyni, vab NuK yn\ me8 ef; nyt atwen inheu S/B.M. 259 'He says he is Edym M)II ol Niidd; ])iit 1 don'l, know liiin'; 5. JBJawt, me8ei y Gwyfid W.M. 54 '" Flour," snid <]u' Irishman'; 6. Jiroch, me8ynt wynteu do. 24 ' "A budgcr," bind tlicy'.
Mn. W. : meddaf I.F. I.MSS. 319, Col. i 20; meddi louii \ni 52;
medd M.K. [20]; meddant 2 Cor. x 10.
(2) In the recent period medd has tended to take the place of eb, and has almost ousted it in the dialects. But in Ml. W. the two are distinct : heb is used in reporting a conversation, and is therefore of extreme frequency in tales ; me& is used in citing authors, as in exx. i., 2., or in quoting an expression of opinion as in ex. 3., or an answer not necessarily true, as in exx. 4., 5., 6. Hence we may infer that WK-8 originally meant 'judges, thinks ', and is the original verb corresponding to meSwl ' thought' : Ir. midiur ' I judge, think', Lat. meditor, Vmed-, allied to Vme- ' measure '.—To express ' think' a new verb meSyiyaf, s\ dcnoni. from meSwl, was formed, § 201 iii (6).
(3) The verb meddaf ' I possess ' is however conjugated regularly throughout: 3rd sg. pres. ind. medd, yd sg. aor. meddodd WJL. CJL. 105, v.n. meddw.
This verb is unconnected with the above, and probably comes from Vmed- ' enjoy' : Skr. mddati ' rejoices' (from the sense of ' refreshing ' comes 'healing' in Lat. medeor, medicus). W. meddaf is often mtrans., followed by ar; meddu ar 'to rejoice in, be po&sessed of. A common saying is Mae hvm yn well i feddu arno ' this is better to give satisfaction', lit. ' to have satisfaction on it'.
§ 200
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ii. (i) The verb dlyaf (a ny11.), dylyaf (3 syll.) ' I am entitled to, obliged to' is conjugated fully in Ml. W. ; 3rd sg. pres. ind. dylj/, 3rd sg. aor. dylyawS IL.A. \ 5, v.ii. illi/ii, dli'ii, (Ifflyv. But in Mn. W. the inflexion is rc&triefcil <<> flir impf. in>d plnp. ind. with the meaning ' I ought', nioro nurh 1 I (l('norv<-', unil the v.n. is not used.
D.G. has dyly 28 ; elsewhere tlic iin)il. ilif/i/nii, di/li/m (niiHpi mtcd dyleuaf, dylai) 35 'T descr\c, glic d<wrvrn ', .\i d<fyli'/iit il(ltli''-u (11111-printed Ond ni ddylil) 427 ' tluni ini^lilcht inil hi destroy '. The 3id sg. dylyai became ilf/lm ^ H2 ii (i), iilhii without Ilio intrusive y, did. Hence sg. i. (lyJii'niii, -'. ilyliiiil '1'lii'no foinm may still be heard from old speakeih; but in Ilir L'i(o Mn. ])nriod 111 o-formed tense dylwn, etc. has come into UB(I ; nnil tin' wiiUrii form is iJyIzvn 2 Cor. ii 3, dylit Es. xlviii 17, ilf/lei loiin xi\ 7, di/hm, i loan iv ii, etc. Theplup.in any case would be d;/!(iniii 2 (.'or. xii n, etc.—In the early i7th cent. an artificial sg. 3. df// wits HoinrtinifB used.
Gwirifm a ddlae n drui/aredd : ' MS. dilylae. Gwae'r fercJi a'i yyrro z'w fedd.—D.E., C 49/33. ' The virtuous deserves mercy ; woe to the woman who sends him to his grave.' On -as for -di see § 52 iii (3). _
(2) The first y in dylyaf is intrusive, and comes from dyly < *dlyf, § 40 iii (3). Belated forms are Ml. W. dylyet, dlyet ' merit; debt', Mn. W. dyl^d'D.'W. So, dltd T.A. A 14967/29 'debt', § 82 ii(3); the latter is the Gwyn. dial. form ; la<e Mil. <1y1nl; T>rr(. i!lr ' ilrl)t ', iHeimt 'devoir', Tr. dJiifim 'I deserve ', dlii/rd ' li>w, i i^lil '; i>ll thcuii niny represent pitlici *d1<'iJ- m *'ih/- in Krit. (lo<li. d^iii/v ' drli< ' < *illilijh-, O.Bulg. dli"it/i1 'dol)t' ; tlir iindi'ilyiliKiiicilliiiiK iH ' <o Ixi dur, or lawlul' either 'to ' (' merit') or ' I'roiii' ('dubl ') ; li< ncc *d)ilfgh- ' Inw'. There is nothing to prevent our referring to sucli a root O.E. layu, E. law, and Latin lex {Hex, Sommer 293), if for the latter we assume -g1i/g-§ 101 iii (i).
§ 200. i. hwde, Tiicdy ' here ! take this' and moes ' give me' are used in the imperative only; in Mn. W. hwde has pi. Hwdjwc/i;
moes has Ml. pi. moesswch B.M. 182, Mn. moeswch Gr.O. 58.
Hwde vodrivy W.M. 168, B.M. 234 'take a ring'; hwde di y votrwy homn B.M. 173 ' take thou this ring '; hwdy ditheu ef C.M. 31 'do thou take it'; hwdiwch M.K. [78], B.CW. 38.
Moes § 164 iii (2) ex.; moes vy march W.M. 17 'give me my horse'; moes imi y gorvlwch W.M. 164 ' give me the goblet'; Melys ;
moes iwwy prov. ' [It is] sweet; give me more'; moes i mi dy galon Diar. xxiii 26; moes, moes do. xxx 15; moessweh rhyngoch air Barn. xx 7. .







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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§201
ii. hwde is not used for ' take' generally, but is an exclamation accompanying an offer, cf. Gwell un hwde no deu aoaw E.B. 968 ' bettor one " take this " than two promises'; hence possibly hw for *hwy § 78 ii < *s(u)oi 'for (thy) self the reflexive *sue- being used orig. for all persons. In that case -dy or -de is the ordinary affixed pron. (•= B.B. -de, § 160 iv (3), used because 1m was taken for a verb), or is perhaps voc.; hivdy dt then is *hw dydt. The S."W. hwre is late, M.IL. ii 108 (not by him, see do. 319).
moes < *moi esto{d) § 75 ii (2) ' be it to me', i.e. ' let me have it' ;' cf. est mihi ' I have'. If so, i mi ' to me' after it is redundant; but its frequent omission makes this probable.
VERBAL STEMS.
§ 201. i. The pres. stem of the W. verb, from which in regular verbs the aor. and subj. stems can be regularly deduced, may be called the stem of the verb. It is found by dropping the -af of the ist sg. pres. ind. The ending -af, as we have seen, comes from Brit. *-ame for unaccented *-ami, which is sometimes original, and represents Ar. *-d-mi or *-6-mi; but -of-was often substituted {m-//< Id-it. *-l-vie< A.i:*-t~'-Mt,iiM\ for the affection caused by Brit. *-w < Ar. *-(>, the ending in thematic verbs. The W. verbal stem represents—
(1) F-grade of V, as in cymer-af *I take', ad-fer-af '1 restore', Vbher- : Lat. fero, Gk. <^epw. So rhed-af 'I run', gwared-af 'I succour', eh-ed-af ' I fly', etc.
(2) F°-grade of -/, as in gwan-af I wound' < *gwon-, Ir. gonim, Vg^hen- : Gk. (jsovaw. So pob-af'l bake', d-gor-af 'I open' § 99 vi, etc.
(3) E-grade of •/, as in dyg-af 'I bring' < *duk- § 182 ii (2);
also V-grade, as in co-sp-af ' I punish', Ir. co-sc-aim < *con-sq^-{' talk with'), Vsey«- ' say'. (Though in rho-dd-af ' I give ' the dd appears to be V-grade of Vdo; in reality -ddaf represents Ar. *-do-mi with F-grade, as in Gk. SiSwfJu.)
(4) E-grade of V with ti-infix, as in gann-af ' I am contained' <*ghnd-^ 173 iv (i), Vghed- •.'E.get; s.ndmgwnn 'Iknow' <*ymd-, Vueid- §191 iii (i).—W. prynaf ' I buy' < *qVrind-mi, Vq^rew-§ 179 iii (i). The infix comes before the last cons. of the root, and is syllabic (-we-) before a sonant; the last cons. in *:q'<rew-is^(a=a9), and before 9 the syllable is -na- § 63 v (2), hence *q«rind-; of. Gk. Dor. Sdfivafn, Vdemd-.
(3) K-grade of V + », as in seim-af ' I sound '< *st^n-^-, Vsten-;
sain ' a sound' is an old v.n., cf. darstain ' to resound ' § 156 i (13).
(6) V-grade of V + *n > W. -y8-, as in b-yS-af § 189 iv (i) ; and gweinyS-af B.P. 1244 'I serve', 3rd sg. gweinyo do. 1238, gweinySa
§201
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1254 < *yo-gn-H-, Vgem-, § 190 ii (4); the v.n. is gweim <*uo-gmm- § 203 vii (4), These reprcBfiit Ar. iteratives and causatives in
-Sze- ( : -i- : -z-).
"(7) R-grade of V +*-isq->W. -i/rh;9sll»v<ych-(if(\i\.te corruption llewyrchaf) < *lug-isk-, Vieuq/g- : Ok. -fo'xu;—F-Bi'ftdo of </"+ *-sq-> W. -ch-, in Ml. W. pu-di-uf 'I winli' < *i/iioi-t</-, Vqyoi-: Lith. kvecau, ' I invite ', 0. Pruss. quoi ' In' will', Lut. vu», U. 1-nt, W'< ' thou w-ishest', Lat. inmtus, (qu> Lat. i'), (ik. •(fHTiir yvvatKwr i'n'iOvp.lu.t HCB.
—Ar. suff, *-sqe-.
(8) Other Ar. stem-foriiiH, imntl\ ilnverLiilives aii<l doiiotninotivcs, sucfa as -d- or -dh- stenis, IIH iluiihuf, rluilliii. § 91 ii; -<- stems, as gadaf ' I leave ' < *{/h)-t- ii(^); -"- Htums, HB {<Jvyr)andawaf ' I listen' § 76 iii (i); stems witli •»«-, HM tiifuf ' 1 grow '<* tu-m- : Lat, tumeo, yteva^- ' iucrcttHe ' ; >'t<:.
ii. (i) Miiny vcrby lire dfinominativcs formed from the v.n. as stem. Old oxiiinplos arc i/iifiif/qf ' I tako hold' from v.n. gafael § 188 iv ; gwasaniiclhaf11 serve' from v.n. gicasauaelh ' to serve';
as the latter was also an abs. noun moaning ' service ', a new v.n. ffwasanaetJut was made from the verb, § 303 i (i); ymddi^edaf ' I trust' from v.n. ymddw{z)ed:, awdawaffvora andaw i (8); cadwaf etc. § 302 v. For later examples see (3).
(a) (ff) The verb gadaf ' I leave, let, permit', v.n. gadu, gadaef, gadel has a doublet adawaf I leave, leave behind', v.n. aclaw (in Late Ml. and Mn. W. gai/wrii/', v.n. f/nilnw, ginlii}. Tlie two Vt'rbs are conjugated regulnrly throughout; tluia-
i. gadaf: 3rd sg. prcs. ii»1. gad, 2111! pg. iiniiv. iJiul, 2nd pi. do. gedwch, 3rd sg. prcs. nu1)j. gato = gaito u.r, 1271; na nt K.P. 1299 > nat do. 1216, Mn. \V. iwd ' let not', no. ato > nato ' forbid '; from these we have nadafl forbid', v.n. nadu c.c. 187, Card. nadel.
OcJi, arglwyS, 1wb y Gwalchmei, gat y ml vynet . . . Ae adu a wnaeth Arthur E.M. 181 "'Alas lord," said G., " let me go." And A. let him.' Ny adei ef liwn vyth ar legal dyn W.M. 465 'he never left sleep on eye of man.' Ym-ad a r.a.o. 22 'forego' impv.
Gwedd ewyn, cyd gweddiwyf, Gadu ar Dduw rannu 'r wyf.—D.G. 17.
' [Maid of] the colour of foam, though I pray, I leave it to God to dispose.'
Ac ato'dd awn bei'm getid.—G.G1. •P 83/59.
' And to him would I go, if I were allowed.'
Nad i ferch newidio foes.—D.G. 295. ' Let not a woman change my life' (? read mweidUo ' mar.').







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
Nato Duw § 159 ii (2), E.P. -274 'God forbid';' nadodd D.G, log ' ]ir(!vc'nted'. G-edwcu i blant bychain ddyfod attafi Marc x 14.
z. adawaf: 3rd sg. pres. ind. edeu, Mn. W. gedy, 2nd sg. impv. <idazo, 2nd pi. edewch, Mn. W. gadewch, yd sg. pres. subj. adawo, etc.
Adaw fe'y Me hwnn IL.A. 105 ' leave thou this place '. Ao yn y llestyr yS ymolcho yS edeu y modrwyeu W.M. 475 ' and in the vessel in which she washes she leaves her rings '. hyt iwt edewis efwr byw do. 54 'till he left no man alive'. A el y chware adawet y groen B.B. 965 ' whoso goes to play let him leave his skin behind'.
gadafis itself prob. an old denom., i (8), from *gha-t-, Vghe- : Skr. jdh&ti ' leaves', Lat. he-res, Gk. \i5pos. adawaf is a denom. from adaw, which may be an ad-compound of the same root with y- verbal noun suffix § 202v(i); thus *atl-gh9-u- >Brit. *ate-gau- >ad-aw. Initial g- begins to appear in adaw in the i4th cent. : gedewis IL.A. 106.
The verb gadaf is in common use in the spoken lang., but recent writers seem to think that it is a corruption of gadawaf, and in late edns. of the Bible gedwch I.e. has been changed by vandals to gadewch.
(I) cyfodaf ' I rise, raise', v.n. cyfbdi, is generally reduced in Mn. W. to voitaf, codi {cyfod- > cywod- > co-mod- > cod-). But in lit. W. tlio '^rd ng. prcn. ind. cyfyiJ Mutt. :\vii 23, smd and sg. im.p'v.cj/J'od (ion. xxxi 13, ruiiuiined. Jn the recent period, however, a dial. form cwyd (< * uw\i(d < cywi/il) is sometimes used for the former, and even as impv.; e.g. Ceiriog c.o. 94.
In Gwyn. the dial. forms are cyfyd ' rises', cw\ad ' rise ! ' the latter now being replaced by a new cod from the vb. stem.
cyf-od-af < ¥&ow-(p)o<-, '/pet- ' fly' : Gk.
Tror-q, Trerop.a.t, 0. Pers. ud-a-patatd' rises'; cyf-od- orig. ' rise' (of birds, bees, etc.). The •/ also means 'to fall' Walde2 573, hence W. od-i 'to fall' (of enow), as Ottid eiry B.B. 89 ' snow falls' ; hence od ' snow '.
* r
(3) In Mn. W., especially in the late period, some verbs have been re-formed with the v.n. as stem ; thus arlwaf became arhosaf §187 ii; adeilaf became adcllailaf^ 203 iii(:r); olrlieaf I trace', v.n. olrhain § 203 iv (i), became olrJteiniaf; and darlleaf ' I read' became darllennaf, or darllenaf, formed from the dial. v.n. darllen, for the standard form darllem, darllain,
As there is no early evidence of darllen it cannot be assumed to be from JlSn < lleen < Lat. legend-, darllennaf instead of *darlleiniaf may be due to the influence of ysgrifennaf. But in 8.W. it is sounded darVenaf witli single -n-, as if influenced by lien. In the 1620 Bible the vb. is darllennaf Dan. v 17, but impv. darllain, Es. xxix n, darllein Jer. xxxvi 6, v.n. darJIein Act. viii 30.
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iii. The stems of denominatives arc formed in W. either without a suffix, or with the suffixes -ych-, -yg-, -/ia-, -lio- or -i-; thus—
(i) Without a suffix: iwyd-af I feed ', v.n. bwyd-o, from bwyd ' food'; meddiann-af ' I take possession ', v.n. -»/, froin fneddianf ' possession'; pur-af 'I purify', v.n. -o, from pur ' pure'; arfog-af ' I arm', v.n. -i, from arfog ' annod '.
(a) Suff. -ych- as in brinl-ycli-af11 bclmy ', v.n. bmdyclni, from brad 'treason'; cJiwenydiaf 'I drmi-o', v.n. rfiwengcJiu IL.A. 13, whewychu B.B.B, 89, rJiii'eiinyrfi D.d. yi, from diwant 'desire';
tewycJi-af ' I fatten ', v.ii. -«, froiii Inr ' fat'; on thesufF. see i (7).
The relation between lllis inul Ilir iiliBtr. noun ending -wch § 143 iii (23) is Bern in pas 'rini^li' < *i/^,int- ( : O.E. hiiMsta), pesychaf I cough ', pem/rJi'll ' to coii^'li ', yifivch ' couKliing '; Hie liiRt is a suffixles'! v.n., and is Btill used u» n v.ii. in S.W. dialectn. Ar. *-isi]- >*-'l{H\ >
-wch § 9(i iii (4), § 2(i vi (5),
dioluwU 'to thank' w.M. ii, ' thanks ' do. 34, became diolch 'to thank' E.n.ii. 134, 'thanks' do. 10, and *diolych(if ' I thank' became diolchaf w.M. 104 even earlier; diolwch < *de-ial-isq- : W. wlaf 'I praise', v.n., toli, eirwiaf ' I entreat', v.n. eirwwl < *wr-wl-; Kelt.
*wl- ' speak fervently' < Ar. *jal- ' fervent' : Gk. t^Xoi, Dor, tfiXo';
'zeal'.
(3) Suff. -yg-, as in gwaethyg-af I become worse', v.n. -11, from gwaeth 'worse'; mawryg-af ' I oxtol', v.n. -//, from mawr '^•rcat'.
The suff. is prob. a variant of'-ycA- iiftrr Ih, II, cf. -wy § 143 iii (23). The stem-form of Ml. W. yweili/i/i/tiir froiii giifuV 'defect' linn been influenced by the synonymous '/'//'y.'/.'/"'" < Lat. dr-fici-.
(4) Sufi', -ha-; the -/<- unvoiced -i, -d, -g, and often -/, -8 § 111 iii. It has various uses:
(a) ' to seek', added to nouns, forming v.n.'s without a v.n. ending: cardota' to beg' (cardod ' charity'); biota' to beg meal' (blawd' meal'); eica' to beg meat' (cig ' meat'); fta' to beg corn' (yd ' corn'); pysg6ta ' to fish' (pysgod ' fish'); cneua ' to gather nuts' (cnau ' nuts'); addra ' to go bird-catching' (adar ' birds ');
cgnuta ' to gather fuel' (cyufiud ' fuel'); llffg6ta ' to catcli mice ' (llygod ' mice'); gwreica ' to seek a wife' (gwraig ' wife'); lloQ'a ' to glean' (llaw(f) ' hand'), etc. None of these has a corresponding verb, § 204 i; but many have a nomen agentis in -hai, as bl6tai, cynutai § 143 iv (a).
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§201
VfSg- : Ir. saigwn ' 1 seek', Goth. sokjan, E. seek; thus *mlato-sag->*blod-ha->blota. The noun suff. -hai<.*sagw 'seeker'§ 104 ii(2).
(6) 'to go as;-act as', in Ml. W. marchockaaf' I ride', mar-chockaaw^i s.G. 34, marc/iocawn do. 35 ; v.n. marchogaeth do. I, 35. A variant of the verb is formed without a suff.: marchogaf, yS. sg. pres. subj. marchoco A.L. i 24, imps. marckocer do. 364, also with. v.n. marchogayth ib.
Brit. *markakos agame ' I go as rider', treated as one word, gav&

*'narchogha'yif > marchocdaf. But the v.n. was a proper compound
*maTkako-akta > *m.wkakaktd > marchogaeth ' to ride '. In Dyfed a new v.n. was formed from the vb. stem : marchocdu, now corrupted to brochgdu. (-aaf implies active flexion, but the vb. was orig. middle.)
(c) 'to become, be' with adjectives; as gwaahaf I become weak',
*v.'a.gwanfidu; cryfhaf11 become strong-', v.n. cryfhau, dial. cryffau ;
trugarhdf 'I am merciful, have mercy', v.n. trugarkdu, from trugar; etc.
Brit. * utinnoa agame,' I go weak ' > *ttan'nos-agame>W. gwanhdaf. "Wlioro 11 vowel drops before », llin latter remains us /», cf. § 183 ii (2). It is 11 common usage to ntcreofypc the noin. ng. inaH. in Hiicli phrases ;
of. Lat. polis sumus, not *pol,v.'s suinus, and Skr. ])1. i. italitsiims instead of datwrah smas following the sg. ddtasmi ' I Bliiill give'< data asmi ' I am a giver.'—W. parhaf'1 continue ' (v.n. parhdu, pdra\< Brit.
* varos-agame ' I go on the same '< Lat. par.
(d) ' to make' with adjectives ; glanhaf ' I clean', v.n. glanhau ;. gwastataf 'I flatten, straighten', v.n. gwastatdw', cadarnhdf 'I strengthen', v.n. cadarnMu.
Brit. *glanosagdme > W. glanhdaf. The nom. sg. mas. was used. because it had been stereotyped in this form of phrase in group (c).
To this group should probably be referred difetha ' to mar, spoil' < *di-fe8-ha ' to make unusable, uncnjoyable ', Vmed- ' enjoy ', § 199 i (3). The verb was difet/iiiiif, see difetha-awS B.B.B. 394, dvffethe-eist W.M. 29, dzff'etha-er W.M.L. 137 (old ff for / § 19 ii (2)); it is now re-formed as difithaf, though the v.n. remains unchanged.
(e) ' to nse', etc., with nouns; as dyfrhaf11 water', v.n. dyfrhdu;
cojfdf'l remember', v.n. coffdu or coffa; iipytqf*! eat', v.n.
Uoyta.
' • .
Gwyn. dial.
6^<a< O.W. bit JUV., Ml. "W. hyd B.B. 84, variant ofbwyd § 101 iii (2).—This group follows the analogy of (5) as (d) does that of(c). - ' '
U Similar formations abound in Ir., Thurneysen Gr. 314-; -but Ir.
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does not help us to decide the orig. furnm, us intervocalic -a- simply drops in Ir. The combination goes burli Imyond Prim. Kelt.; in Lat. it is a proper compound : mztigare, renm/iire, n&viy&re, etc.
(5) Suff. -ho-; in paratoaf ' 1 prepuro' § 185 i; cn/nfioaf ' I compress, summarize', v.n. cKyn^i.
W. paratQaf < *parad-JtoS-nf < *pM&to-iwl- ' w'.t rriMly ' < Lat. Ipardtus + *sod-, V sed- § (i3 ii ; cf. arh6af § 1H7 iii ; me iilno § 74 i(i).
(6) Suff.-j;-; this imulilcd to nounH,und ia largely used: laniaf ' I fire ' (fan ' fire'); gliinjaf ' 1 land ' (ginn ' shore'); somaf ' I mention' (n6n 'rumour'); wMY/(/y/('rt/'<H;^ink ' (meildwl' thought');
rhodiaf I go about' (r/iainl ' (•ourno'); L'(,C.
This is the Ar. dfiioniiiifttivo RufF. *-y,-, ti» wn in Skr. apas-yd-ti 'is active' from dpn.f- 'nut'; Ok. T<A.CI'O) (< *Tt\c(r-tw) from TeA.«r- ;
8rj\ow (<'f?i•^J\o-t_w)<S:rj\()-5•, etc., Mcilltit, Intr.'2 183.
In old formations the -i- of course affects the preceding vowel in "W.; thus niweidiaf I injure ': niwed, Ml. ~W. er-nywed w. 480, § 76 iv (4); peidwf,-v.v..peidw 'to cease, be quiet'<Brit. *pat-<*qK(^;)^-t-, Vq^ew- : Lat. quies.
In W. the suff. is not added to adjectives. But -ai-, Ml. -ei- in the ult. may be caused by the ^ of the lost adjectival rnding *-ios ; and the z is kept in the vb. ; thus disylair ' bright' < * dc-f,k»-kU{)wv'is '[: claer < *kliwr6s § 75 vi (i)) ; licncr W. dim/iririnf ' I Hliinn , v.n. disgleirw. Froin tlieHe formH it WIIH i'xlrii<lud ti) other mljiiutivfs willi -ei- as perjfeillwi, Jii'rff'riKyuin (rim ;w»-//'>'i'</«I.iit. •iirrfrcln.s; midwilll ' -»'-, as gwt'rw ' to verily ' li'nin girir § ;{5 iii (Imt ryimrii Iroin ci/'im'r).
The suffix is gonorully UBC(I in VCI'I)H burrowed froin Eng.; thus paszaf ' I pass ', ydss'iodd ('iin. ii 11 ; pefiityaw ' to paint' (§ 16 v (2)) ;
ystopyawS B.G. 7 z ' stopped'. In some cases two forms are used ;
thus ffadyaw S.Q. 285 'to fail', beside ffadu do. 348, the latter being the treatment of native words with -ae-; both forms are still in use. So helpio and Jielpu.
VERBAL NOUNS.
§ 202. i. (i) The v.n. often consists of the stem of the verb with. no ending: ateb 'to answer', vb. alebaf; edrych ' to look', vb. edrycJiaf; dangos ' to show', vb. dangosaf; adrodd ' to recite ', Ml. W. adrawb, vb. adroddaf; anfon' to send', vb. anfonaf; bwyfa ' to eat', vb. bwytd-af etc.; ML and Early Mn. W./o .§ 333 i (2), Late ffoi ' to flee'.
c c
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§ 202
(2) This form implies a lost monosyllabic ending, most probably neut.
*-os as in Gk. yer-os, Lat. gen-us', thus ateb<.*ati-se<y-os. The loc. *-es-i of this gives the Lat. inf. -ere; thus 0. Lat. genere ' gignere ' == genere abl. of genus, Brugmann2 II i 325. The W. v.n. may be ace., in which case it often stands, as gdllaf ateh ' I can answer'. But it may also be nom. as afeb a wnaf' [it is] answer tliat I will do'. The word is the same as the abstr. noun ateh ' an answer '; and perhaps need not be assumed to come from an oblique case.
(3) The verb trawaf fi.ie-. ii 252 has grd sg. pres. ind. term B.B. 63, and v.n. taraw H.M. ii 253. The vowel in the first syll. of these two forms is probably intrusive § 40 iii (3); it does not occur in the other forms of the verb in Ml. W. : trawei W.M. 24, E.M. 15 ; (mot's W.M. So, 90, B.M. 58, 66, C.M. 18 ; trawawS s.a. 18, irawssant do. 31, trawssei do. 61 ; trawher W.M.L. 3, trawJiet do. 29. The Late Mn. tarawaf, tarawiad are artificial; the natural forms are still trawaf, trawiad. If the etymology trawaf < *trug-wmi {ru<yr) § 97 v (3) is correct, it does not admit of a vowel between the t and r.
(4) Many verbs which seem to have suffixless v.n.'s are denominatives formed from the v.n. § 201 ii (i), (3), and v (i) below.
ii. Tlio ordinary ending's used to form verbal nouns are -u;
-o, Ml. -aw ; -i.
-u and -aw represent I'orinB of V.II.'H of verbs ol'tlie a c.onjup'ation.—
-a.<*-au-, prob.<loc.*-d-MCT(or nom.-acc.*-w-;m) : 81<r. iliit. dn-vAn-e, Gk. Cypr. So-fev-ai, Att. 8owai; (*-a-uos is also possible, with the suff. of byw § 204 ii (5) ; but this is a rarer form).— -aw for *-aw(f) < loc.
--a-men (or nom.-acc. *-a-m'{i)', see § 203 ii (4); but Ir. has also -mv,-§ 203vii(4), and -md-, beside -m^n- flexion.
-i belongs to the z conjugation; the O.W. form was -im (s -iv) § 110 iii (5); hence from *-z-men (or ^-z-mn}, as assumed above for
-aw, thus rhoddi 'to put'< Brit. *ro-dz-inen, < *pro-dhe-men.
In Ml. and Mn. W. the use of the above endings is determined by the form of the stem, a,s follows :
iii. -u is added to stems in which the vowel of the last syllable is a, ae, e or y ; as canw, pallu, diddanu, tarfu; taeru, arfaethu, saethv,, gwaedu; credu, trefnn, semiu, lledw; nycldw, crynu, prydyddu, melysu. Exceptions: a few stems having a, v (3); gwaeddaf ' I cry' has v.n. gwei^i B.M. 174, IL.A. 154 ; medafhas medi B.B. 45.
Ml. W. cae-u w.M. 24 'to shut' is contracted in Mn. W. to caw § 33 iv, § 52 iii (3).
iv. -aw,Mn. -o is added to (i) ^-sterns ; thus mebylyaw w.M. 10, tygyaiv do. 16, rhod^o, diffygy>, teitfiio, gweWao, seilip, hoelw, etc. In Ml. W. the i is often omitted, as treulaw W.M. 6, Mn. "W. trettin;
§ 202
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keissaw do. 487, Mn. W. ceisjfl, § 35 ii (i). Some ^-sterns have other ending's, see § 203 iii (a), vi (i), (a), vii (i).
' A few z-stems have suffixleas V.II.'H; Ihua kywniiJi'inf JJ(I»-Z-i/ww'c "W.M. 30 'to offer'; distrywyaf IIHH distryw ii.n.B. 151), distriw do. 89, now distryww. In Late Mn. W. 'iiudi/wl, n6n liuve BUjmi'ticded meddylw, sonw as v.n.'s. In dulvnf tin' -•- rcprcHrtitH ori^iiiii] -i/-, and ddly, data, late ddl rcprcHOil. 1111 "liniiinl milIlxIrBH *ilnf'^, see
• § 110 ii (2). Similarly Ae///, hi Id, lirl, vli. tirtinf, hrl.iiidd (SMI. xxvii 33 ' hunted '; but N.W. lias brniilr In i ' (o ^nl lirr ', /H'I-II, ' to Ininl' wlicre
-a may be the stem Mifl. -Im. ol u IOH< vli. *ficiluiuf. Been in O.W. in helcha gl. in vciiaiido, /u'ii//ifili ' liiint. I lion '. The -z- ofbwrwf is from
-g- which nppciirB IIH <" in tlid v.ii. liiurw, sec ib.
As ai ia ei in <lic primll, § H] i, mid Hicmy with -ei- take -i- § 201
•iii (6) it is BUCII ilnit il>'in>iniin>1ivcH froin nouns and adjs. with -ai-must have V.II.'H in -•m ; l.liim nrr.llli.io, diM/leirio, diff'fithw,(/wenhieithw from araith, dis;fl<rir, diffuit/i, iJ/i'ni-itiitlt. (If'tlioKC had been araeth, disglaer, etc., IIH now often iiii,snpr]<, tin' V.II.'K would 1)0, by iii above,
-araet1iu, *disifiaeru, etc., wliich arc never spoken or written.) There is only one exception; cyfieithu (a late word) has -u because the vb. cyfieitMaf became cyfwithaf by dissim. of z's; the regular cyfwithw also occurs, P 2i8/i79E.'
(a) stems having i, u, eu, wy ; as 6lino, gwrido, llifo, rJivfo ; cwo, dymwno, grymuso ; ewro, heulo, ceulo; bwydo, r/iwyfo, arswydo, tviyllo.
Ml. W. dinustyr M.M. 32 ' destroys ' has v.n. dinustra'in n.p. 1246; in Mn. W. dinufitr became dinisl.r by § 77 ix, inid llic verb ia rc-fbriiK'd with -i- sun'., v.ii. di.'nislrvo Dent. xii 2. (The liitr driii/nlr'io in n misspelling ; tlic sound in tlio penult in not y but»'.) dinustr < *ilc-nuit(i)-stro- '. niwed § 76 iv (4), HiifT. as in l^at. inSnstnwit,.
Some stems ending in -en liave surnxloss v.n.'s, as dechreu 'to begin', madden 'to part witli, to forgive', ameu 'to doubt', vb. amhezwf. Also in Mn. W. tramwy Job i 7, wlwy D.G. 104.
On account of the early change of wy to wy after a vowel, we have
-u for example in tywyllu; in these cases, therefore, the suffix is no guide to the orig. form. (tywyll < tywyll § 111 i (2).)
v. -i is added to (i) stems ending in y; thus berwi, chwierwi, enwi, sylwi, gwelwi. Some of these have suffixless v.n.'s, as cadw, galw, marw.
Two distinct formations are represented here.—i. In verbs which take -i the -w- either forms part of the root, as in berwi, -^bhereu- § 63 iv, or belongs to the stem of the noun or adj. of which the verb is a denom., as gwelwi, from gwelw ' pale'.—2. In verbs which do not take
-i the w is itself the v.n. suffix, from *-uen (or *-ws), see ii above, and the vb. is a denom. formed from the v.n. ; thus cadw ' to keep' <*kat-uen, V qat- 'hide, cover, keep' : O.H.G. huofen ' ca.re for, cc 3







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
keep', E. heed, Lat. cassiis; galw ' to call' < *gal-'ifew, Vjfal- : Lat. gallus, E. call. For two of these' v.n.'s, by-w and mar-w, w verbs wore formed § 204 ii.
Though the classes remained distinct, a v.n. of one class was liable to pass over to the other; thus merwi v 12/124 E. 'to die'.—From Brit. *ldnos (< *plno-s § 63 vii (2)) ' lull', a v.n. *ldn-uen would give
*llawnw, from which may come llanw B.M. 94, llenwi W.M. 23, B.M. 15, llewni B.M. 175.—arddelw (now arddel) for arddelwi.
Stems ending in -aw are similarly divided : guffixless adaw § 201 ii (2), gwrandaw do. i (8), taraw i (2) above ;—with -i, tewi, distewi only (taraw having gone over to the other class). D.G. uses distawu, 165, andMn.W. croesawaf1a.as croesawu.
(2) stems having' oe or o, whether the latter he original o or a mutation of aw ; thus oedi, troelli, oeri, poethi; llonni from ^o%» (merry', cronni from crawn ' hoard'; ^om, cyflogi, arfogi.
Some stems having o take no suffix, as dangos, anfon, adrodd i (i). Ml. 'W. ag'on W.M. 59, 60, E.M. 42, A.L. i 498, D.G. 134, Can. v 5 is later agoryd M.K. [30], Dat. iii 20, or agor M.K. [32], B.CW. 56 (agort B.M. 174 with punctum dclens, Hate).
(3) some stems having ff, wliich is affhcted to e; as erchi, vb. arcJiaf; peri, vb. paraf; fengi, vb. sangaf, perchi, vb. parchqf;
ilefni, vb. Safnaf.
mynegi, Ml. W. menegi, and <r<?w;jre are Btems with a; in Ml. and Early Mn. W. the verbs are managaf and trangaf; but in Late Mn. W. the e of the v.n. has intruded into the vb., and mynegaf, trengaf are the usual forms.—In B.B. 8 delli (II s ?-?) occurs for the usual daly, dala iv (i).—defni is also an abstr. noun ' dropping' Diar. xix 13, xxvii 15;
and is often taken for a pi. ofdafh e.g. I.MSS. 232 ; v.n. defni IL.A. 23.
§ 203. Verbal nouns are also formed by means of other suffixes, as follows:
i. (i) -aeth in marcJiogaeth § 201 iii (4) (Ii), and Early Ml. W. gwasanaeth 'to attend, serve', later gwasanaetJiu.
Ef a Sely guassanayth ar e vre[nhines]... Ny Sely ef eyste,... namyn guasanayth oy sevyll B.CH. 2 a ' He is to attend on the queen. He is not to sit but to serve standing'. In both these examplee Aneurin Owen prints guas(s}anaythu A.L. i 54, 56. In 60 he gives guasanaeth correctly, with -u as the reading of was. C.D.B. In Late Ml. W. gwassanciethzt B.M. 174 is the form used. See § 201 ii (i).
-aeth became an abstr. noun suffix § 143 iii (2). Thus a lost verb
*hir-hd-af ' I long' had a v.n. hiraeth ' *to long' which came to mean ' longing'; from this was formed the denom. hiraethaf ' I long ' with v.n. hiraethu ' to long'.
§ 203
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(a) -ael or -el, in gafael, gafil § 188 ii (3), § 201 ii (i); oaffael, caffel, cad § 188 i (8); dyrchafarl § 188 iii; gadael beside gadu § 201 ii (a); gallael beside gal/ii, ' to bf nlilr'. Probiibly -ael is original only in gafael § 188 iv.
(3) -ach, in cyfeddacli, ' to carouse', ji/\i/i<lrllar/i i/nulvsach, vtiii-darddach, caentach p 5/x u. These luivc no vril' . The ending' ig sometimes substituted for anolln i ' hwlfyich 'to pry' f°r chwilip 'to seek'.
(4) The above arc v.n.'a froiii Vnf)- Been 111 -/«<- sterna; thus -aeth < *-ak-ta (<-aA-<-o-«^- ; Ilin 11 would bf slidi-tcncd before kt even though accenird) § 201 iii (.f) (Ii), wilit *-t<i biiflix as in bod 'to be' <*bhu-ta.—-in! : Ir. -cnl<*-iii}-!i-n, wiA frm. *-h- suff.; the suff.
--Z»- foims iem. ul)ntract IIUUIIH in Slavonic iilbo, and Armenian has an infinitive 6ufl'. -;.—'ach<*'iiks-<*-ag-s-, in-rhaps *-ag-sen.; cf. Gk. (fiepetv < *<fs(i>i-inv.
ii. (i) -ofain, Ml, W. -ovein, -ovant occurs beside -aw in wylofaw. Ml. W. wylovem IL.A. 117, 154, cwynovew S.Q. 343, cvinowant B.B. 46. A similar formation is digofain, 6. 132 ' wrath', later usually digofaint, abstr. noun.
(a) -fan(n), -fa, in cwynfan. Ml. W. kwynvan. IL.A. 154, beside cwynaw, cwyno; gr^van IL.A. 154, Mn. W. griddfan whence vb. gricldfannaf, gribva K.M. 133; <'Jiei1f<.iH M1. W. ehetvcui, beside ehedeg, vb. eheiifif'l fly'.
(3) -ain, Ml. -ein, in lltfain, llevein II.M. i3», vb. lltfnf ' I cry';
llemain, late iiaiuv. Ml. Ifnnein, vb. Ua miif1' 1 leap'; germam 'to cry'. Ml. germein, no verb; ochniii, vb. ocfulf; uhnin, diasbedain with no verbs. With -t in diohetfeiut IL.A. 139 'suffering'', Mn. W. dzoddefaint, only occurring as an abstract noun.
(4) cwynaw < Brit. loc. '*kein-a-men, denom. from *qemo-, § 101 ii (2); cwynofain from the dat. of the same stem, *&em-a-mm < *-m^nai : Gk. 86-f^evai, Skr. da-mane ' to give'.— -ovant represents another case, prob. loc. *-a-m^ni; -ant < -ann < *-/i-, § 62 i (2).—
-fan(n), -fa represents the same case as the last, but witli a different accent; thus griddfan 'to gioaii ' < *grido-m^ni, ^/i/hrem^- : O.K. granian, E. groan ; cwynfan is similar, or foimed by analogy.—llef 'ciy'<'Bnt.*leinen< *lep-mc'it,< *lfp-: Skr. lupati' chatters, murmur&, laments'; llefain is the dative *lemam< *lep-m/wi; Uefaf is a denom. from llef. Similarly gwm § 95 ii(^'),germain<*gar-sninai ; no verb was formed for this;—llam : llemain, vb. llamaf denom. From these
-ain was deduced and added to the intjs. ub and och and to the noun diaspad (diasbad) 'cry '; vb. ochy IL.A. 154 ' gro&nest', och<i &. 196.







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
§ 203
iii. (i) -ad, Ml. -at, in adeilad 'to build', Ml. acleilat E.M. 93, li.H.u. 56, 58, 59, IL.A. 123, verb adeilaf; Ml. W. gwylat W.M. 74, H.M. 53 'to watch.', gwylyat s.Q. 3, vb. gwylaf W.M. 74, K.M. 53, also with y; chwibanat c.M. 48 'to whistle', vb. chwibanaf;
dyliead, B.CW. 124 'to gasp' beside clyMu, vb. dyheaf.
In Late Mn. 'W. adeilaf has been replaced by ct denom. of the v.u. : adeiladaf, from which comes a new v.n. adeiladu. The orig. • meaning was ' to form a wattle'; the absence of i after I points to ett coming from *egl- § 35 ii (3); hence adeilaf < *ati-egldmi < *-pegTo-by dissim. for *pleg-lo-, Vplek/g- : Lat. plecto, Gk. •!T\SKW, •n-X.eyjJia.
(2) -aid, Ml. -eit, added to ^-sterns: ystyryezt C.M. 61 'to consider ', synyeit W.M. 33, E.M. 32 ' to take thought', tybyeit s.Q. 75 ' to imagine', me^ylyeit M.A. i 351 ' to think', ervynnyeit IL.A. 125 ' to implore', ysglyfyeit c.M. 5 ' to snatch '; Mn. W. meddyliazd D.G. 32, ystyriaid, synwid, tybiaid; -o is also used with these stems; and erfyn, is now suffixless. -eit is added to one w-stem :
y,<sgytweit R.B.B. 58 beside ysgytwaw IL.A. 166, Mn. W. ysgwgd, vb. ysgydwaf ' I shake '.
On account of tlio dial. reduction of ai to e, § 6 iii, tins suffix is confused in Late Mn. W. with -ed ; thus, yetyried, symed, tybied;
these three are in common use. G.J. wrote ystyriaid correctly, Hyff. Gynnwys 28.
The form ysgwyd is v.n. and 3rd sg. pres. ind.; it is for ysgydw by metath. of w, cf. echwyS ' evening, west' < Lat. occiduus ;—ysgydw 'brandishes' occurs M.A. i 285;—stem ysgydw- < ^squtu- for *squtz-< *8qu^ti- : Lat. quatio for *(s)quatio, O.Sax. skuddjan; W. sgytio ' to shake violently ', ysgwd ' a push '.
(3) -ed, Ml. -et, in ker^iet W.M. 486 'to walk', Mn. W.ferdded, vb. cerddaf; clywed § 194 v (i); guelet W.M. 17, Mn. W. gweled, gweld ' to see', vb. gwelaf; yfei W.M. 182 ' to drink', Mn. 'W.yfed, vb- yfirf', mywil 'to go', vb. af^ 193 ii. The -^became part of the stem in dan-wared' to mimic', V yerei- § 63 vii (3); ymddiried, ymUret' to trust': dir ' true '.
cerSed < *Jcerd-, Corn. cerdhes ' to go, walk *, Bret. kersset id., Ir. ceird' walk', Vsqerad- ' turn about'; Gk. Kop8a.S, Lat. cwdo.—gwelaf ' I see', Bret. gwelout, Corn. gweles ' to see '< *ghuel- § 93 iv : Lith.' Kvelgiu, ' I look towards', svilgeti ' to see', Gk. OeX.yw ' I fa&cinate' (" fascination is ever by the eye " Bacon), Vghuel-, extd. *ghyel-g-. There is also a gwelaf from Vuel- 'wish ' : tra welho Duw W.M. 72 • while God will', Mn. ~W. os gwelwch yn ddi( ' if you please '.
(4) -ud, Ml. -ut, earlier -wyt, in dywedut § 194 i (4); kyscwyt
§ 203
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B.T. 27, usually cysgu ' to sleep'; cadrid (= cadwyd) B.B, 61, cadwyd w. ioa, usually cadw 'to koo])'; ymchweluf W.M. 10, 14, s.G. 33 'to turn', ywchoeini c.tl. 5. Tliore is BOinc confusion, even in Ml. W., of this suff. and -yt; tlnig the lait woril w written ymcJioelyt in K.M. 7. In Mil. W. ilywednf in npel(> i/ywei/^i/ ; 1)u<;
G.J. wrote dywedud Hyff. (iynnwyH, p. iv.
(5) -yd, Ml. -yt, in /CI/MI\I/I, ilij)'ri/i ^ lOB ii; vtvryt c.»). 24
•to restore', edryt R.B.H. 6 (l>y ^ 111) iii (})), Mn. W. rilfri/il D.P.O. 133, mostly roplaccd by inl/rr in I lie lutf period, vb. adfrruf;
ymoglyt W.M. 104 'to l)('\Mtrr', rc-forined ttH ymogefyd in Mn. W.;
godtlyt IL.A. 26, liCBido i/M/if/ il)., n.n.». 166 'to avoid', Mn. W. godiel, vb. goa/ir/af; iliriniyt II,.A. 72 (Gw'yn. dial. (IvwmcT) beside dicing ib., Mn. W. diaiir ' lo CHCIIIX- '.
(6) -d, Ml. -t, in Ml. W. dilil W.M. 41, H..M. 28 ' to stick to, follow' (also written il'i/yt W.M. 41, § 77 iii, und later assumed to have -y-, but this is an error, tlie older rhymes having -i-, as Hid M.A. i 408), verb dilynaf'1 follow', whence in Mn. W. the v.n. d'dyn, also dilin D.G. 343 ; Ml. W. eriit w.M. 16, Mn. W. eriid ' to chase, persecute', vb. eriynaf; in Mn. W. a new vb. eriidiaf is formed from the v.n., and a new v.n. eriyn from the vb.;
ymht W.M. 14 ' to chase ' from which a denorn. wns already formed in Ml. W., e.g. B.M. 64 ; W ' to bo ' § 1S9 iv (6). •
(7) -s, for 8 in Hie atom, in gr>(r)twrii, vb. go{r)^iwehaf § 194 vi, Mn. W. v.ii. i/oilillweii, liilr ;ii)ililiweddi/il; ai-on, verb arJioaf for *nrhofin/' ^ I W',
A megys nat ymoSiweS wn creadur a Duw, ac ef yn ymoSiwes a phob peth . . . IL.A. ;<-• ' And as no creature apprehends God, and He apprehending everytliing . . .'
(8) Verbal nouns were formed in Ar. by means of suffixes *-iu-(: Lat. supine -tu-), and *-.ti-; Kelt. had also f. *-td, § 189 iv (6). The preceding vowel is geneially, but not always, R-grade.—adeilad ' to build ' = adeffad f. ' a building' < *ati-eglatd < *-9-td.— -eit may be from a dat.*-a(? < *-9-tiai.— -et < *-i-td; as yfed' to drink' < *pibi-ta, Vpoi-; also from *-e-fo-, *-e-td, cf. § 143 iii (12).—The y of -yt comes from the i o{*ri, *li representing Ar. *r, *l; thus corresponding to cymeraf'l take' < *koni-bher- with F-giade *bher-. the v.u. had E-grade *bhr-, as *kom-bhr-tv,- > W. cymryd; so goglyt < *uo-'kl-tu-, Vkel- 'hide^. The -y- tended to spread from these.—The v.n. dilif is a similar formation, < *de-li-tu-, where *-U- is E'-grade of Vieui^-' to stick'; the vb. dilynaf< *de-lind-mi, with ra-infix § 201 i (4). The verb
*lynaf{: Ir. lenim) disappeared in W., and its compounds, as eriyn
Jte







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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ACCIDENCE
§ 203
(for */ rl///n), bhow the influence of the synonymous glynaf.— -s (for -8) ropi >'ycnts -d-t-, § 187 iii.—-ud <.-wyd is a different formation from thr otheis ; the most probable explanation of the wy seems to be that it comes from new ai § 75 i (3) ; thus dywedut< dywedwyt< *do-wt-aito<*do-uet-atw : Lat. abstr. suff. -atio, see vii (3).
iv. (l) -ain, Ml. -ein, for -e- in the stem, in olrein, darlleia § 201 ii (3), dwyrem ' to rise ', the latter surviving- only as a noun meaning ' east'. Examples of the verbs: olrewys W.M. 469, darllewyt do. 49, dwyreawb M.A. i 300. The v.n. anoein has vb. arire^af in Ml. W., later arweiniaf; so Jcywem: cyweSei W.M. 119.
Gwell Jeadw noc olrein B.B. 968 ' better keep than seek.'
(a) -wyn, for -yg-, -wg in the stem : dwya, verb dygaf § 194 iii;
ymddwyn,, vb. yrnddygafih.; amwyn verb amygaf § 194 iv ; adolwyn, beside adolwg, also atolwg in Mn. W., verb adolygaf1' I pray'.
rac adolwyn y un vynet B.M. 197 ' lest any should be asked to go', Adolwg a vmaf G.Y.O. M.A. i 517 'I pray'.
(3) The suffix is *-no- ; cf. O.E. -an< *-o-no-.—*-egno- > -ein § 104 ii (i). Medial -eg- before a vowel >-ig- > y or e,—'*-uk-no- >-v5yn § 104 iii (i).—w-, cy-iimi'll Bcein to como from </'ttegh- § 65 ii (3), but the vcibs iiii])ly V nedh- § 14!)i; aB dn did not become gn (e.g. bIyn-eS, not *blin- § 104 iv (i)), we cannot assume Vuedh- for the v.n.'s.
v. -eg, Ml. -eo, in rhedeg ' to run', vb. rhedaf; ehedeg ' to fly', vb. ehedaf.
-eg< *-ika abst. noun {orig. adj.) suffix, § 143 iii (14). vi. (i) -an, added to (-stems, borrowed from 0. or Ml. E. ;
as hongwn ' to hang' (O.E. hangian), ystwyrmn, ' to stir' (O.E. sty nan); hence added to others as trottyan B.P. 1272, mwmllaw ' to mumble'. Added to W. stems -law. forms a sort of pejorative v.n., as gorweddzan ' to lie about lazily', ymlwylrafi' to plod one's way', scfi/n'ian 'to loaf. It is not much used in the lit. lang.—<-Without z it appears as an abstr. suff.: cwsaa, Ml. W. cussan 'kiss' < O.E. cyssan ' to kiss'.
Eng. strong verbs generally become ^-sterns in W. with, v.n. -o as gildw 'to yield'< O.E. gildan; cf. § 201 iii (6).
(a) -al seems to be a valiant of -an arising- from dissimilation in nasal stems; thus tincml beside tincwn, 'to tinkle', mew'ial beside mewian 'to mew'; cyfnewidwl D.G. 145 for cyfnewidw;
naddjal for naddw, tecMal for tediu; sisjal whence vb. sisialaf t1 whisper'; mynguil' to mumble', no vb.





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vii. Each of the following- V.II.'H lias a form peculiar to itself:
(i) lluddfas G.G1. F. 14, Ml. W. l/iiililyiis VL.A. 19 'to hinder', vb. Ihtddiaf, 3rd sg. pres. ind. llwld D.d, 105, aor. ag, -^.'Hvbywys W.M. 103, lluddwdd D.G-. 105.
The suffix is prob. the Bame as tlio nbttr. noun Buff. -09 § 143 iii (6).
(a) aredig. Ml. W. ered'tc I>.B. 44 ' lo ]>loug-h', vb. arddaf § 100 iii (a). There is n v.n. rrti ( r: erhi) in ii.n. 55, and a recent artificial arddn; but llio v n. in common usi; ia aredig.
Pwy bymiac n dorm trwyn <i;/ erociyo, // brenhyn a Syly yr yehen ay harSo A.L. i 196 'Wliiinvor Rliiill (i»-s)ioy a Iwundary by ploughing it, the king shiill be entitli d to tho oxdi that plough it.'
The ending is Biniilnr in foiiiiation to that of the v.adj. -edig § 206 vii.
(3) chwertfiiH ' to laugh', vb. diwarddaf, yd sg, preB. ind. chweir^ or chwardd § 173 iv (a).
chwerthin E.M. 185, 237, wherthin W.M. 171. chwerthm is also an abstr. noun meaning 'laughter.' "
Gzvemaith brydferth a chwerthin Erioed a fu ar dy fin.—D.G. 108. ' Pretty flattery and laughter have always been on thy lip.'
chwar8af<.*8-iiar-d-nmi,d-Bteta, V'iierc(f)- : Lat. ruled § G3 vii (5) ;
—chwerthiii, Brct. c'f/uurxin, < *s-var-t'in,-1 < *8-ii^r'-t~i'ii-ii,i, dat. of
*s-UyT'-t'iiu, abs. iKiun in *-tiw : Lat. -tio ; tho ob]i(pie cones liavo *-t1n-(<*-ti^^l-\) in Kelt. IIH in O.sc.-lJiubr., not -twit- lib in Lat., Brugmann^" II i 319. The dat. of Iliih htem occurs us iiillinlive in Ir. also : do saigthin ' to sock', chwerthin seems the only suivival in W. The use of -tio as an ab'-1. noun suffix is a feature of Italo-Kelt.
(4) gweini 'to serve', vb. gweinyddaf. ,*••
The -i of gweini may represent the z which stands in ablaut with
-de-; *uo-gm-mu-> gweini: O.W. gnim, Ml. W. gnif, Ir. gnvm, Vr flexion. On the verb see § 201 i (6).
(5) sefyll ' to stand ', vb. safaf.
safaf is a denom. fiom a noun *sth9-mo-8, V ntha- 'stand', like tyfaf I grow' from *tumo-s, § 201 i (8);—sefyll < *sthsm-i-li-s, with the iterative and causative -i- ( : -eze), and the suffix *-li-, as in gafael i (4) ; I between i's gives W. U § 111 i (2).
(6) gwneuthur * to make, do', vb. gwnaf § 193 x (4).
(7) There are one or two other anomalous forms such as







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


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§ 204
clivnilatli D.G. 319 annoy); gwastrod-edd, suff. § 143iii(i3).
(beside cAwilota); annos ' to incite' (beside Gr.O. 178, 300 from gwastrawd 'groom',
§ 204. i. Many verbal nouns have no verbs, but are used exactly like other v.n.'s in construction. Most of them have been named: cardota, biota, etc.
§ 201 iii (4) (a), cyfeddadi,, etc. § 203 i (3), germam, etc. § 203 ii (3); godro ' to milk'; ym-lddd ' to tire one's self < *mbi-lad-, Vied- : Gk. \r]8<itv ' to be tired', Lat. lassus § 156 i (a); hvitym-laS ' to fight', Vqolad- § 101 ii (3), j& conjugated throughout; § 41 i.
ii. The most important v.n.'s without verbs are byw ' to live' and marw ' to die'. They are also abstract nouns, and adjectives.
(i) They are v.n.'s after wedi, or yvi with the radical, in periphrastic conjugation or forming participle equivalents :
Os mariv bicn, MS mwy o'r byd ?
Alaf'r huf wedy marw hefi/d.—T.A., o. ii '79. ' If the maiden is dcud does the woi Id uiiy longer exist t Summer is dead too.'
I fardd ydwyf, ar ddzdol,
Tn brvdd yn byw ar i 61.—T.A., A 24980/166. ' His bard am I, in seclusion, living sadly after him.'
Also when qualified by an adverbial expression consisting of yn and an adj., as byw'n, gymwys W.IL. F. 32 ' to live justly'.
Gwell bedd a gorwedd gwirim Na byw'n hir yn y boen hon.—D.G. 108. ' Better the grave and innocent rest than to live long in this pain.'
(a) They are abstract nouns when qualified directly by adjectives, as marw mawr 'great mortality', byw da 'good living', or when they follow yu with the nasal mutation :
Am ych dwyn ym myw 'ch dynion Tr oerai'r svr, eryr Si6n.—T.A., G. 229.
' Because you were taken in the lifetime of your men the shire became
cold, eagle[-son] of Si6n.'
Also generally with prefixed pronouns : odihenghy a'th vyw gennyt W.M. 476 ' if thou cscapest with thy life' : Mn. W. yn fy myw ' in my life', meaning ' for the life of me'.
§ 205
VERBS






 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


(d
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395
(3) They are adjectives when they (|ualify nouns expressed or
implied:
T gwr marw, r yi)r inorwyn Ddaear dy fedd er i!;/ /'""/".—T.A., (i. 229.
' Dead man, a maiden loves the dust of)li\ grave lor lliy sake.'
Ar 61 y marw //r wyh,
Ar 61 y fyw'r wylitj /»'.--1 >,K, v 113/840.
' Thou weepest for him wlio m dcml, I weep for licr wlio is alive';
lit. 'the dead' mas. sg., ' tlio living ' Iciu. ng.
When following //// with lliu yoft, mutation :
Ni ln< 'n fyw, cyd tio 'n i f«dd, Ni bit 'n farw neb 1111. fawrfdd.—H.K.
' There has not been uliv, though ho is [now^ in his grave, there has
not been dead any one so grcnt.'
Also when they are complements, without yn, of the verb ' to be', as byddfyw lit.' bo alive' i.e. live! hwnnw afydd marw Ezec. xviii 4.
Fy Nuw, pei cawn, fy newis, Ni byddai fyw o'm bodd fis.—D.G. 174.
' My God, if I had my choice, he would not be alive a month with my
consent.'
' Silvan Evans s.v. bytu treats the word as a v.n. here ; but no v.n can stand in this position. We cannot say hydit rfwdio for ' walk 1' hut we say bydd da or bi/dJ dda ' be good !'
(4) As adja. they hiivu pi. forms bi/wion E.P. PS. xxvii 13, Ivi 13, late and rarely used, and meirw, meirwon. In periphrastic conj. the pi. meirw is used for the v.n. when the subj. is pi., as y maewt wedi meirw, by a confusion of the v.n. and adj.; cf. gwedy myhw M.A. i 238 for gwedy meSwi pi.—Compared : marwed L.G-.C. 318 'as dead', yn gynvywyet s.G. 77 ' as alive'; marwach, S.Ph. CY. ix 34.
(5) ^yw •< *gwi-uos § 63 vii (3), which may be an adj. like Lat. vwus, or a noun like Gk. /Si'os.—marw < *m^rvos {^r, not r, before y, § 63 iii) similarly formed from Vmer- ; in Lat. mortuus< *iwrtyos the / is intrusive according to Brugmann2 II i 448.
§ 205. The v.n. is always mas. in construction. But many of the forms were originally fern., and some remain fern. when used as abstract nouns. Thus bod< *M u-fd is f. in hafod § 189 iv (6);
abstract nouns in -aeth are f. § 139 ii; gafael noun is f., gafa,eT







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


(d
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396
ACCIDENCE
§ 206.

giit/arii W.M. ll. Mil. W. ^y afael 'the hold'; and ceroc^ in y ger6et honno B.M. 183; so adeilad f. 'building', cyfeddach f. as // gyfeddach. Doubtless rhedeg, ehedeg, etc. were originally f.;
O.W. trited retec cs.' third (f.) course'.
But since v.n.'s were made mas., abstract nouns of the same form have tended to follow them. Thus gwasanaeth 'service' is mas., because the same form continued in use as a v.n., § 203 i (i). Similarly hiraeth mas. ' longing', see ib.
VERBAL ADJECTIVES.
§ 206. i. Verbal adjectives are formed from the stem of the verb either without a suffix or with the suffixes -edig, -adwy and in Ml. W. -awt, -ediw. The last two suffixes are rare, even in Ml. W.; only a few verbs have suffixless v.a.'s; but all regular transitive verbs may have v.a.'s in -edig and -adwy. The former has usually the sense of a past pass. participle, the latter of n fut. piisa. pnrt. or gerundive.
ii. Sufllxleas: jdun E.P. PS. cx\\vii a 'planted', verb plawiaf ' 1 plant'; pryn ' bought' vb. pryuof ; cwsg ' sleeping' in bardd cwsg, vb. cysgaf; llosg in mwrwor llosg ' burning embers', vb. llosgaf; tawS ' melting' E.M. 169, Ps. Iviii 8,' molten' Lev. xix 4.
iii. Suff. -edig, Ml. W. -edic : darparedic W.M. 33 ' prepared', bendicetic L.L. 121 'blessed', emelldicetic ib. 'accursed', lladdedig ' killed', gweledig ' seen', caredic W.M. 37 'loved', Mn. W. caredig ' kind', crwydredig ' wandering'.
iv. Suff. -awt: guit gvyrhand (sgwyS gwyrhawd) B.B. 89 ' trees [are] bent'; At(wyn) IJoer JlewycJiawt B.T. 9 ' sweet [is the] moon shining'.
v. Suff. -adwy : dyweiladwy § 169 iv (i)' to be said'; credadwy C.M. a i 'to be believed, credible'; moladwy B.T. 71 'to be praised, praiseworthy'; ofnadwy ' terrible', vb. ofnaf 11 fear'; cyraeddadwy ' attainable', vb. cyrhaetaf ' I reach'; safadwy ' stable', vb. safaf ' I stand '. -ediw is a variant of -adwy : moledizo § 169 v (4).
vi. Suff. -ad in crwydrad ' wandering '. -aid in honnaid, as hit honneit § 222 x (a), vb. honnaf ' I publish.'
vii. The suffixless v.a. is prob. originally the pres. part. act. in *'-a-ats, *-e-nts: Lat. -ans, -ens; thus 'llosg ' burning' < ~Bnt.*loshwiS.
§§ 207,208
VERBS






 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


(d
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397
The suff. -awt is the past pnit. puss. in -to- ota-slems; thus *-a-to-s > -awt. Of. barvawt B.T. 21 ' boiirdrd' < Lnt. fiarbdtM ;— -edig is an extension in *-z-!co- of this ; thus, *-i~i-tf/cii-n > -fdiiJ.—-aid § 153 (2).
-adwy is the fnt. pass. part. in *-(r»i<'i- ; tlin -it- before it .may be from unacc. a or from a; tlius nfiiiiiliiii/ < '(ilnM-to^ym § 7(i v (4) :
Skr. kar-tavyct-h ' faciendns' ;—-aim' in n variant of tliiH duo to metath. § 78 iv (i). The rhynio (i/li/ni) it.r. 1041 nhoWB tliilt the -Iw is for -yw after the dental § 77 v.—Tin' cli'iiiont *-tey- lerniH (11 lnivr been used also with Bull. -1111- In liirin vrrbiil adja., wtiidi mostly became nouns in W. : rreddilnn ' hi'lipviiiK ' ]).(1. 54, 'credible ' M.A. i 563&, usually 'bclicvrr ' < Itrit. ^krrld-lnii-no-;—ainheuthiin' unac-customed fnrc, h'cnt'.ftilJ ' niiwiniti'il', for *am-(w)heithun § 77 viii <.*mbi-siii'k-lini-no- . r/iii'rif/i 'tiiMtr'§ 108 iv (2), pref. 'different' § 156 i (4) (il), linif' ' cliiiiiyc i)l' diet ' •.—iJspurdun S.a. 2 'spur':
yspar § ')(i iv (i).—1'iirtii ipli H in -to- formed (rom cons. stems survive as noniis: taldHh 'hiintlol, crown', Ml. W. talheith B.B. 106 <.*talo-sr/i'l(~t ' forehciid-iitliiclinn'iil', V seg^- '. Skr. sdjati 'attaches', Lith. segit' I fasten, attach ', fu/ci'lli ' Imckle '.
COMPOUND VERBS.
§ 207. i. The prefixes compounded with verbs are mostly the same as those compounded with nouns and adjectives;
see § 156.
i.i. A verb may also be compounded with a noun or adj.;
as efe a Iwyr-lanha el lawr ilymu Matt. iii 13; see § 45 iii. The verb Ibriris flip second rioiiit'ul, and llaw its initial softened, like the second element ol' H noun-compound. The initial of the first element becomcy tliat of the compound verb, and is softened niter the rel. a, remains rad. after the rel. y, etc., like the initial of^ verb.
PREPOSITIONS
§





 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


(d
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398. i. Personal pronouns forming objects of prepositions in Brit. and Goidelic came to be agglutinated to the prepositions, and ultimately developed into mere inflexions. The " conjugation " so formed was very similar in W. to that of the verb, and was influenced in its later development by verbal forms.
ii. (i) Inflected prepositions have two forms, m. and f. of the 3rd sg., and one for each of the other persons sg. and pi. Many have in addition an adverbial form ; and all preserve their unin-

;ii)8
ACCIDENCE
§209
tli'cted forms, which are used when the object ia other than a personal pronoun.
(2) The simple form of every conjugable prep. causes the soft mutation of the initial of a following- noun ; except er, rhag and rhwmg which cause the radical; yn which causes the nasal, rad. or soft, according to its function ; and uwch, is which cause the rad. except in uwcJildw, isldw, uwchben.
iv.. (i) The 2nd sg. ending is Ml. W. -t=-d, and often appears ah -d in Early Mn. W., e. g. arnad D.G. 2, gennyd/byd do. 3, atad do. 42, Jiebod do. 513; but like the -d of the and sg. impf. ind. it became -t in Late Mn. W., see § 174 i.
(2) The 3rd pi. ending is in Early Ml. W. rarely -u, -uS, later and usually -unt formed after the 3rd pi. of verbs. In Late Mn. MSB. and books this is misspelt -ynt, with rare exceptions, e.g. G.J. Hyff. Gynnwys (1749). The final -t is frequently dropped in poetry, ah in verbs; and in the spoken laug. is always dropped; see § 106 iii (2).
iv. There are three conjugations of prepositions, distinguished by the vowel of the 1st and and pers. endings ; thus for the lat sg., i. -of, ii. -of, iii. -yf.
§ 200. First Conjugation.—i. To this belong ar 'upon';
at' to' ; o dan ' under ''; o ' from', with the stem ohan- (o/ioft-), which does not occur uninflected ; and am' about' with the stem amdan-.
ii. (i) ar ' upon' may be taken as an example of the conjugation :
Ml.
W.
Mn. W.
sg.
pi.
sg. pi.
i. aniaf i.
arn-am,-ann
I. dmaf I. arnom,
3. arnat 3.
araawc/t
2. drnad, -t 3. drnoch
3. m. arnaw
(arnaSu)
3. m. drwo (dra-un
 
arnaSuS
f (drnai \ -vn
{arnei f
" erni 3- •
arnaSimt
I- \ , . ' • [ arm
 
arau
 
 
.arnunt
adv. drnodd
The 3rd sg. f. -ai occurs in Early Mn. verse, though rarely :
arnal D.G. 85, attai do. 195, danai do. 310, o/tonai I.G. 390. The 3rd pi. in -addunt survived in poetry in ofiaddunt, see vi;






 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 


(d
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399
PREPOSITIONS
399
in other cases it is rare in Mn. W.: arnwiilynt Neh. ix i. The adv. form occurs in oddi danawdd D.G. 306, oddi arnodd and oddi tanodd Job xviii 16 ; danodd ' undemoittli ' is common in Late Mn. W. and the dialects. No other prep. of the 1st conj. has an adv. form.—Ml. 1st pi. in -anu : amdan<in(n), att-ann K.r.1176, arnan(n) do. 1177, afaiin w. i2li, " Jionan 111 C.M. 13.
(2) Forms of ar : arnaf W.M. 2, arnal ili., icmaw ib., amu'i do. 9, erni B.B. 43, amam'w.M. 29, nrniiirrh il)., (vninfiiit (-(2-8) M.A. i 258, arnaSunt W.M. 470, fi.o. 89, nrnu M.A. i 403, arwun do. 223, arnunt W.M. n, 39.
iii. at' to ' (i.e. motion 1 to') is similar (but without 3rd sg. f.
-i in Ml. W.) :
atiafw.w. 10,. attat B.P. 1337, attaw W.M. 2, attei do. 6, attain do. 441, attunt do. 39, attaSunt P 21/29; 2nd pi. -och in attach s.Q. 52.
iv.
Mn. W. o dan, dan, tan ' under ', Early Mn. dan § 51 vi, cf. D.G. 373 ; Ml. W. a dan,y dan, dan, 0. W. guotan, gutaw ox.
adan, ydan, dan W.M. 91, E.M. 66, dan, W.M. i, 463; adanaw do. 94, ydanaw E.M. 68, ydanam do. 165, adanunt W.M. 67.
v. am (around, about, concerning'; stem amdan-, ymdan-, Mn. amdan-.
After gwiscaw the stem is generally used in Ml. W. instead of the simple form ; thus, instead of gwiscaw ymiJawiw ac am y rarch W.M. 165, the naunl pliraHe is ginincoii' ymilanaw ac ymdan y varrJi do. 162 'to accoutre liimsolf and liih horse' ; so W.M. 147, H.M. 217, 229, 231 ; uwdan w.w. 99. This form is" still in use in the spoken lang., pronounced amdan.
amdanaf W.M. 3,1, cimdanat ib., amdanaw do. 2, amdanei do. 5, 13, ig, ymdeni K.M. 120, im-deni B.B. 43-4, ymdanaSuS M.A. i 197, amdanaSunt IL.A. 40, amdanunt S.G. 43, ymdanunt do. 84; O.W. amtanndi B.S.CH. 2.
The compound yam has two meanings, i. ' besides, in addition to
-W.M. 469.—2.=Mn. W. oddiam 'from about, off' : yamdanaw W.M. 5, 24.
vi. o 'from, of,' Ml. W. o (oc in oc ew, see vii (5)) ; stem ohon-, oftan-, Mn. "W. oh6n-. The forms of the 1st and 2nd pers. fluctuate between this and the 2nd conjugation, and the 2nd sg. has the ending -awt not added to any other prep. In Mn. lit. "W.
-of, -ot are used exclusively (but dial. -a(f), -at). The 3rd sg. and pi. have 1st conj. forms only ; 3rd pi. ondbunt.







 

                                                                                                                                            

 

 

 
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