A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative. 1913. John Morris-Jones (1864-1929). 2653e Gwefan Cymru-Catalonia.

 

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Gramadegau Cymraeg

A Welsh Grammar - Historical and Comparative
John Morris-Jones (1864-1929)
1913
 
TUDALENNAU 400-452

 

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(tudalen 400) (delwedd 2632)

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ESCANEJAT SENSE CORREGIR
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400
ACCIDENCE
o honaf W.M. 35, ».M.23,,s.a. 22, ohonof W.M. 104; olwnat B.M. 7, 8, B.G. 85, o Aowo( W.M. 12, 169, ahonot do. 10, o honaud B.B. 86, ohonawt B.T. 53, W.M. 139, C.M. 53 ; o honaw W.M. i, 12 ; o Aoraei B.M. 2, s.G. i, 89, o hanei s.G. 12, o Aem W.M. 3 ; o honawch W.M. 7, ohonawch do. 13; onaSunt B.M. 145, 151, ohmzunt W.M. 22, B.M. 151, B.B.B. 48, ohonun E.P. 1280, Mn. W. ohonun L.G.O. 318, onaddunf do. 462, onaddwn, Gr.O. 94.
In the 16th cent. ohon- was often contracted to on- or hon-, as cyn. adnabod dim honi G.R. [xiv] ' before knowing anything of it'; cf. iS.P., PS. cv 16 ; onynt M.K. [59], ono-fo do. [60]; later Os ymddifad onot fe' Wms. 438 (printed ohonot, but the metre allows only 2 syll.) ' if destitute of thee'. Analogy has restored the full form, and the contraction survives only in monof, monot, mono etc. for ddim ohonofy etc.; thus ni welais mono for ni welais ddim ohono ' I have not seen anything of him', i. e. I have not seen him ; § 170 v (2).
vii. (i) W. ar is for *war, O.W. guar CP., Bret. war, Corn. war <*yor for Kelt.
*uer<Av. *uper § 65 v (3). The personal forms are made from an adverb *uor-na; for the suffix, cf. Lat. superne § 220 i (3), and for the ending, supra. The pronoun stood in a case not affecting a in the sg. or pi., hence prob. ace. ; thus sg. i. arnaf<
*yi'>'rna'ine<*iti'irin~i, iiic; pi. i. ar'nwiii or fi.rnann<*(irnanm<*u6r-ina'tis'iiw< *iiiirnti, nsfin'. (: Av. (tiniui, Uk. Losi). li/^i.i 'us'); Bg. 2. m'nat<*uornu te; pi. 2. writawch foimrd on llic iinnlogy of tlio vcrl);
sg. 3. m. arnaw is prob. a re-formation after tlio yd ng. -Sa'iv fj 210 x (i); sg. 3. fern. erni<.*u6rnaszm<*u6rnd, slm; arnei<*uoruast'iit, § 75 i (2) ; *swn is the ace. of *sz ' she '. The most probable explanation of the -8- in the 3rd pi., which also occurs in the 3rd sg. of other conjugations, is that it is the prep. *do; this took the dative, orig. instr.; the instr. pi. of the pron. *es was *eibhis (: Skr. instr. pi. etMh) as in Ir. doib 'to them'<*do eibhis ; this would give *duv in W.; v after u disappeared early, but if altered to 8 (8 ... »>8 .. .8) would remain longer ; hence W. arnaSzt(§')-< *'tf6rnadoibis<. *y6rna do eibhis or some such form; arnaSunt has the -nt of the verb added ;
arivui, cvrnunt are probably later formations.—The modern equivalent i of the prep. *do performs the same function as that assumed above for *do ; it is added to an adverb to make it a prop.; thus tu yma i 'this side of § 216 ii (4), Jieibio i 'past' §210 iii.
(2) at is the stem of the personal forms substituted for *ad, which may be from *ato <if ad-do, a compound of *ad and *do both denoting ' to'. The personal forms seem to be derived from an adverb *ato-ta;
thus ataf< *ad-daf< *dlo-ta-me; etc. as in (i).

* (3) o dan (adan, O.W. guotan) is formed from *MO- ' under' § 156 i (16) (o-/a- < *uo-/ya- § 65 v (i)) and *-tana < *-t^iw, as in Lat. pro-tinus< *pro-t^nos : Lat. tenus, V ten- ' stretch '; *yo-tand'me >o danaf, etc., as arnaf above; adv. o danoS < *uo-tana-de (suff.
*-dhi or "-dhe § 162 vi (2)). On the accent of oddn see § 47 i; oddn > ddn; see also § 51 vi.
§ 210
PREPOSITIONS






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(tudalen 401) (delwedd 2633)

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401
(4) a,SK*mbhi § 156 i (4); anuliln- forim'il like oddn- above.
(5) o 'from0, of, Corn. a, Brof. a < I'.iil. *a < Ar. *apo : Gk. 071-0, Lat. ab, abs, Skr. dpa. The Hret. iinil Corn. a imply Brit. unacc. *a; the form a survived in Ml. W. in pliniBCB of the form truana beth lit. 'a wretched of a tiling', in which tin' oriliiinry 6 is substituted for it in Mn. W.; Bee § 7 1 i (-•). Ml. W. w, occurring only before eu, is due to tlie analogy of ar <} lilo iv (2), § 213 iii (i);
in Bret. Van. the analogy w corriril n lilllc lurtln'r, Lotli Voc. 28.— Bret. ac'h 'from' (ac'Ji A1rr. mriin iiiimllk 'jr mils mitir <l'Auray', Troude), W. ach 'off', 1>y' IIH in ai-h i/ Inn' W.M. 472 ' beside)iim'< *ak8 < *aws : Lat. nli», (!k. <Ii/».—\\'. iiliiin- for ahan-. Corn. ahan-, Bret. a/tare-, nc'liirii-, f'n>iu *iip-mciiii ' iiwuy from'; *sana< *Synd :
Lat. sine,, S1<r. mnni/ir § 1,T)!') ii (3). 'I'lio 2111! sg. ohonawt implies an accent on thr -n : *(t]i-su'iiu-tr. Tlic 3r(l pi, onaSu (Bret. anese, Corn. anedhe) sroiiiH (,o imply H niiiipl<'r forin, not a contraction of *o/iowr8-(of whicli tlirrc \H 111) lri>ce in W., Corn. or Rrct.), possibly *po-nd :
cf. O.H.G. /(»"«*'p'ii-nil. Tho (i- was gciioraliised in Bret., Corn., and the o- in W., wlirro if, intrudeil info tlio second syll., and even the third, causing a confusion of conjugations.
§ 210. Second Conjugation.—i. To this belong rJtag ' before '; hel ' (past) by, without'; yn ' in ' 5 trwy ' 'through' ;
tros ' over'; er, Ml. W. yr ' for'; rhwng ' between '; uwcft ' above'; Is ' below'.
ii. rnag ' before', Ml. W. ^ac, is conjugated as follows:
Ml. W. Mn. W.
»K- pl-I. r/tiiffi;/' I. rh&goia t. rhdgoc7t
sg. I. ragof 3. ragot 3. m. racoawf f. ?'ac6i
.]>1 I. 'i-agom
1 'rngoch I mcou
•%-
\ mc^unt
adv. f-acio, MCCW
3. rfiugoiJ, -t 3. m. rJidgddo (rhdgddunt f. r/tdgddi \ -d'dywt adv. rMco, dew ' yonder'
J
ragof W.M. 4, ragot ib., racSaw do. 9, racoi S.G. 63, recSi W.M. 423, rogSaw do. 444, rocSi A.L. i 452, 516, 522, ^-agom B.B. 29, ragoch K.M. 129, racSu W.M. 53, E.M. 37, C.M. 37. IL.A. in, racSunt W.M. 86 ; rucJw W.M. 251, racco B.M. 8, raww A.L. i 112 (MS.O. T3tli cent.), Mn. W. rakw p 54/269 B., rhaco L.G.C. 32, usually acw do. 83 ; forms with -o-: Gwentian rhog (accented) 11.0. 3, 70, rogSo T.F. P 83/66; S.W. dial. 6m.—O.W. sg. 3. m. racdam JUV. gl. sibi.
iii. neb ' (past) by ; without': sg. i hetof, 3. m. heboaw, Mn. Jiebdcio, f. helibi; pi. i. hebom, 3. hebbunt; adv. heibyaw, heibaw, Mn. heibio ' past'.
Dd

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(tudalen 402) (delwedd 2634)

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402

ACCIDENCE
§ 210
4 chwSet heb $WT S.G. ?57 'and walked past 'a dwarf. /»e6o/, hebot B.P. 1440, see § 198 ii, hebSaw efw.vi. 17 ' past him', hepSaw ef do. 417 ' •without him', hebSi E.G. 1117; heibyaw E.M. 10, heibaw W.M. 15 ; Mn. W. hebod D.G. 513, hebom i Cor iv 8 (1620), heboch Rhuf. xv 28 (1620, changed in late editions to heibioch !). ' Past' as a prep. is in the late period generally expressed by heibio i Job ix ii.
iv. yn 'in' ym, yng § 107, 'n, 'm, 'ng § 44 vii (i): eg. i ynof, 3, in. yndaW) f.ywdi, Mn. W. yndo, yndi, re-formed later asynddo,
ynddi. ' .-' :
ynof HJ.A. 80, ynot W.M. 29, E.M. 19, ynoch S.G. 94; Mn. W. ynof G.R. [127], D. 70, ynot (3 times) Dat. xviii 22. The form ?Wi B.B. 45, as opposed to hebti (=hebSi) do. 44, suggests d (yndi) rather than 8. So in Early Mil. W., as undyn/ynda.w H.D. p 99/474, rand.ir/ynd.i L.G.O. r. 34; but L.G.C. 231 has ynddo/ Wenddydd (? read Wendydd ; the dial. forms are S."W. yndo, N.W. ynnofo).
Llundain, ni chair lie yndi;
Llu Owain hen a'i lleinw hi.—G.T,, Hi 134/167 E. 'London—there is no room in it; the host of old Owain fills it.'
v. trwy ' through ': sg. 3 f.rin/fiiiti', f/"nyf>l, pi. 3 Irvy'^rmt. The stem of the ist and and pera. is I'rw-, or Iriri/'fi- tulicn from the 3rd. Adv. trwob (trwao). In Mn. lifc. W. thr 1'oniiH lire trwof, tricot, trwyddo, trwyddi, trwom, etc.; adv. trwodd (dial.
trwab).
drwySofi S.G. 9, 12, drwySot UJ.A. 49, drwotdio. 99, drwy&aw, drwy&i •W.M. in, trwySaw E.P. 1418, drwy&unt DJ.A, 171, drwoS W.M. 51-2, E.M. 36, S.G. 68, drwaS E.M. 36. Mn. W. trwof-i 2 Tim, iv 17, (rwo< Philem. 7, trwodd Mic. v 8.
vi. tros ' over': eg. i. trossof, Mn.
"W. trosof, 3. trostaw, trosti, Mn. W. trosto, trosti; adv. Mn. W. drosodd.
drossof W.M. 88, drossot do. 25, drostaw ib., drosit A.L. i 536,' drossom IL.A. 155, trostut (-< s 8) M.A. i 258, drostwnt ni.A. 49. Mn. W. drosof-i Matt. xvii 27, trosom Eph. v 2, trosodd Matt. ix i; etc.
. vii. er ' for', Ml. W. yr : Mn. "W. erof, erot, erbo, etc.; Ml. sg, I. yrof, erof,^. yrbaw,yroi; etc. No adv. . .. ; .
yrof'a.T, 1264, yrof, yrot W.M. 9 ' for me ', 'for thee', yrSaw do. 37 'for him', yrom K.P. 1294 {/dreith), yrSunt E.M. 49. Mn. "W. erof-i Pg. cix 21, erow Rhuf. xvi 6, erddo Col. i 16, etc.
viii, (i) rhwng ' between', Ml. W. rwng, yrwng : Ml. W, sg. I. yrof,Tof, li.yht,rol.,yrynghot, 3. m.yry6aw,(y)rjfngfAaw,(y)ryugtaffi,
| 210
PREPOSITIONS

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(tudalen 403) (delwedd 2635)

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ESCANEJAT SENSE CORREGIR
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403
f. y'rydi, (y}^ynglfii, (y)ryw/l.l; pi. i, yf'om, 2. yroch, 3. yrybumt, {y')ri/ngthunt, (y)ryngfnwl; Mn. W. s^r. i. r^^/, 1'fiyngof, a. y^o^, r/iyuffot, 3. rftyugtho, -i; pi. i. »-//ow, rhyngom, 1. r/itch, rJiyngodi, 3, rliyngthunt. In Late Mn. W. i'7/y/', r//o<, etc. are "ho" longer uged ; and -^- is substituted for -('/<- in the yd pcra., an artificial change, for in the spoken lang'. the dental is still -th- or -t- as in Ml. W, .
(2) yrof i a duw W.M. 2, 9, 10, etc. 'between me and God', erof a duw do. 88, rofi a ilii.iii do. 18, yryMJhot W.M. 109, y rom ni do. 10 'between us', y rock C'.M, 41 'between you', yrySunt W.M. 64. C.M. 30, 41, rymJthaw W.M. 22, ryngtaw do. 19, yrygthi do. 176, y ryng-thunt, do. 6, 3,r,, y'rirn.iJl.Jiunt do. 6. The forms yroti 'JL.A. 119, yrwng do. 75, izo, ,1/ryQl. ir/it 75 with the form »• as in yroSes (=y rfioSes) do. 120, y'm (_y r/tt;?') do. 75, show that the r is rA, as if initial (medial y after y is writti!n ^).
(3) Stracliun, ln<r. 39, reftirs yrof to a simple ro, which i&, imaginary. Mn. W. r1w in rho .Duw D.G, 227 is a contraction of fho a < rhof a. Zeuss confused yrof ' for me ' with yrof ' between me', ZE. 670; but the accentuation is different : Mn. W. erof 'for me', Ml. W. yrof, yrom vii (accentuation attested by cynghanedd), but Mn, W. rhof' between me' Ml. W. rof see above, Mn. W. y rhom D.G. 201, rhom, 'between us', as—
Amodau, rhwymau oedd rhom,
< -Eithr dngau a aeth rhyngom.—T.A., C. ii 79. < Betweec. us were covenants [audj bonds, but death went between us.'
(4) The compound cyfrwng is Kiniilarly used ! kywrug brodorion _ B.B. 53 'between brothers' ; kyfryngodt M.A. i 222, kyfryngthut (-t=-8) do. 233.—cyfrwng is also a noun meaning 'interval' E.B.B. •n.—In Recent written W. a neologism cydrhwng (cifd-rhwng') is sometimes used.
' (5) Without initial yr- we find ist and and sg. forms used as adverbs : yngo D.G. 52, yngod do. 88, 280, G. 142 ' bard by', Ml. "W", yghot W.M. 118, yngot S.G. 304; cf. ifso, isod.
ix. •awch ' abovey, is 'below', Ml. W. uch, is: Ml. W. sg. 3. m. uchtaw, istaw W.M. 455 ' above him', ' beneath him', pi. i. whom B.B. 39 'above us'. The ist and and sg. are used as adverbs; ncJiof A.L, i 50, p 14/3811. 'above', iic/iot IL.A. 115 'above', Mn. W. who G. 234, udiod 'above', iso, isod 'below'.
In Late Mn. 'W. uchod ' above', isod ' below' are used, but no other inflected forms. For uchof, isof periphrastic forms are used, such as uwch fy mhen, is fy nhraed, or is fy Haw,
Dd 3


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(tudalen 404) (delwedd 2636)

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404
ACCIDENCE
§ 210:
x. (i) The -o- of the ist and znd pers. endings of this conjugation prob. represents the ending -o of the prep. in Brit. Although tha thematic vowel -o was not a case ending in Ar. it was a common ending of adverbs and preps., e. g. *apo, *upo, *pro, and may have spread in Kelt. Hence perhaps *proko me > Brit. *rokome > W. (*rhogof), rhagof. For the 3rd pL -Sunt see §209 vii(i); 3rd sg.
*oi<*'-do-s^ § 75 ii (2), where *sz is the instr. sg. of *st 'she'. The 3rd sg. m. -Saw is difficult; Ml. W. -Saw, and Bret. -san, O.W. -dam ('=. -Sav) seem to be two different reductions of *-&a'uv, in which aw (aw) must be from *-ou- not from -a- (since dm > Bret. eun); both
*-8ffw/'and Corn. -tho may be from *-do-emi § 75 ii (2); *e-mi, instr. in *-mi of *es ' he'.
(2) rhag < *prokos : Lat. red-proms, procul < *prooolos, dim. of
*pro1eos; unacc. ok > ok in Brit.
§ 65 ii (i) ; dialectal rhog, rhogSo, etc. < *pr6k-. The form before a noun seems to have ended in
*s causing the rad. initial : Brit. *rokos unacc.; personal forms as above (i). The adv. raccw, racco ' yonder ' has a suffix *-hw or *-ho, prob. with loss of -nn (as yma ' here ' etc. § 110 v (2)), for ^-hwnn or
*honn < *som-de or *som-da 'there' suff. *-dhe or *-dha § 162 vi (2), cf. hwitt § 220 ii (5); thus Brit. *roko sonde 'in front th ere'> raccw. luitiiil r- was prob. first lo&t after consonants : y gwr racw > y gv)r acin, y bryn 'racw > y liryn acw, *dracw > dacw, etc.
(3) heb '(pin-it) by, witliont ', lr. wc/i id., Jirct., Corn. heb 'without* : Av. huca 'away from ', O.l'crs. liara id. : Lat. scans, Mkr. nava 'at, in the presence of. These are believed to bo nil from V seq^- ' follow ' ;
e. g. Brugmann2 II ii 894 if. The development of the meaning in Kelt. and Iran. is not quite clear. In W. heb with the vb. wyf means" ' not having attained' : yr wyf heb fy nghinio ' I have not had my dinner', perhaps <'*! am in pursuit of. This may explain the sense of ' lacking '. ' Past' and ' away from ' may be from ' proceeding '. The adv. heilnaw (Bret. ebiou) seems to be a cpv. of the adj*
*se<ftos•, it might represent a loc. *seq'^wsi § 75 ii (2).
(4) yn 'in'<*era, *eni and *en-do : Lat. in, O.Lat. en, Gk. ev, evt, etc. Although the last ends in -o, ynof, ynot, etc., cannot come directly from it, as they have only one -n- in lit. W. Ml. and Mn. They are prob. re-formiitions from yn on the analogy of rhagof, etc. The -d- in yndaw, etc. is duo to provcutiou of 8 alter 'n, § 111 vii (2).
(5) trwy ' through', Ir. tri, ire, Bret. tre, dre. It causes lenition in W., Bret. and Ir., except in Ir. before the article. For the form in the last case Brugmaun2 II ii 900 gives *tres, comparing *pres in Gk. 7rpeo--/3us; but as *pri, *prei existed beside *pres, so there were prob. *tri, *trei; these would account for the leniting forms. W. trwy<*trei; trwySu(nt) < "trei do eibhis. The ist and 2nd pers. forms and the adv. are analogical formations.
(6) tros 'over, across' is a weak form of traws § 71 i (2), as in ar draivs ' across'. It comes from a participial form *trans = Lat. irons < *trdnts. The 3rd pers. trostaw, trosti, trostunt<*trdns do- ;
the other persons and the adv. are analogical formations.
§211
PREPOSITIONS

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(tudalen 405) (delwedd 2637)

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405
'(7) er, MI. W..yr, er. The ii)e(ii)ingB uro 'for the sake of; in spite of; in exchange for; since (u partiriiliir date)'; er ys, er's § 214 vii. The prep. represents nuirr Ilinii iniu derivative of *per, prob. *per, *peri, *pero-s : Lat. prr, (11<. v<ii!, Mkr. ]iiiri, Kkr^pardh. The prep. takes the rad.; this would lir tlin initiiil nf'tcr *peros. The personal forms have the meHimiK of ' lor (lie BIII((< of, and may come from *pero-.
(8) rhwng 'between' has rcpliM'rd O.W. ithr ' lirtwccii'; Ml. W. yrwng < *per-ongo-, § 05 iii (i) : ryfiriii/ ' inlcrvfti', ryf'yit;/ 'confined', e-ang ' wide ' < *fkn iini/- : Oli. Jy^i, i'i.y^(i'v 'near', Lat. angustus, Germ. RH;/, •</in)li.-/iif//i- ' iiiirniw, Birnit'; the (i- is seen in Gaul. Octo-dunm " HI'X in iiii^nslin hita". *(p')er-ongo-me by the usual loss of tlie HI'COH(I Hyll. wuiilil HIVC *yr'K>of', the » seems to have been dropped, n^ liol'orf r, KIVHIH ;/r<if, which kept its O.W. accentuation § 47 i, lild.' i/riiiig ; il' HO, tlir n in yrwi was originally short, and yron(n) occurH f<ir it in 11.11. 101 1. 2; the K> seems to liave been metathesizeil in O.W. igridii n.a.cn. 2 ' Iwtwcrn tliem ' for *yr'K)ySu < *(p)er-o'>tgo-doibis.—Tin; 1'ornis ,1/ryiighnf, yryiK/thaw etc. are probably new formations from yrJtvmy, perhaps originally rynhof for
*yrKiof. The curious 2nd sg. gryghod w. 36 seems to be a scribal error for rynghod (M.A. i 192).
(9) Tiwch, is, see § 148 i (14), (10). The 3rd pers.. forms may be old, the adj. being used adverbially before do; the other forms are prob. analogical.
§ 211. Third Conjugation.—i. To this belong gem 'with, by ' and zvrth ' over against' :
ii. (i) gan ia conjugated as follows :
Ml. W. Mn. W. sg. i)l. I. gennyf ]. geiinym. '2. gennyt j,. gennwch 3. m. ganthaw, ,ganthu{S),
-taw f. gewthi, •ti
Also in Ml. W. genfiyf, etc. In Late Mn. W. sg. 3. ra.ganddo, f, ganddi, pi. 3. ganddyitt; the dd is artificial.
• (a) O.W. cant ox. ' with ', Early Ml, W. kan, as kan canyat e yenteulu A.L. i 14 'with the permission of the chief of the household '. The rad. is sometimes retained in Early Mn. verse :
cenuyd J).Q. 329, cenngm T.A. G. 353 (misspelt cenyd, cenym). Ml. "W. y gan ' from with ', as ugeynt ykan pop gur A.L. i 14 ' 30
pi.
sg.
pi.
geiinym.
i. gcnnyJ-
I. ge'nny m
gennwch
a. gennyt
i. gennych
i ganthu^b),
3. m. gamfho,
(ga'nihn'nt,
-unt
-to
"' 1 -tunt
ffaatu(6),
{. genthi^-ti
 
-unt
 
 



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(tudalen 406) (delwedd 2638)

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406
ACCIDENCE
§-211
from every Man', became yaw, already in Ml. W., as attep my cfiavas ef genthi hi W.M. 10 'he got no reply from her'; Mn. W. gan ' from'.
(3) genhiw ('sgenhyf) B.B. 101 ' with me', genhyf W.M. 55, gefinyf do. 18, genhid B.B. 10, genhyt W.M. n, ganthaw do. 9, genthi do. 10, 15, genti do. 28, y gennym do. 12 'from us', genhwch do. 57 'with you', gennwch ib., B.M. 40, s.&. 92, ganthut (-(=-8) M.A. i 258, gfawiw -W.M. 57, ganthunt B.T. 65, •W.M. 16, s.G. i, gantunt IL.A. 69.
There is also in Early Ml. verse what appears to be a 3rd pi. genhyn B.T. 13 (twice), 15, 16 (twice), 17, 77, wye? «irf y kenhin, B.B. 49 ' they will not go back'; also a form y genhyS B.T. 75, in an obscure passage.
(4) gan with the verb ' to be' expresses ' have': f mae gennyf 'there is with me', i.e. I have, y mae gennyt 'thon hast', etc.;
?iid oes genwyf ' I have not', etc.
(5) On gennif, gennif, wrthif, wrthit, see § 77" iv.
iii. (i) wrth: eg i. wrthyf W.M. JO; a. wrthyt ib.; 3. m. wrthaw do. a; f. wrfhi do. 10 ; pi. i. wrfhym. IL.A. 155; 2. wrthywch W.M. 39; 3. wrthu IL.A. 113, wri/ivnt do. 119.
(a) O.W. gurt paup ox. ' against everybody', gl. conslstes. gwtMo JUV., gl. obstitit, seems to be a verb, § 193 v (3).
Ml. W. y wrth ' from beside ', as ywrthywch ac ywrth ych tei n..A. 157 ' from you and from your houses', Mn. W. oddi wrth, oddi wrthyf, etc.; Ml. W. y wrth also means ' compared with', W.M. n, Mn. W. wrfh B.CW. 5 ' compared with'.
iv. (i) gan, 0."W. cant (Corn. gans, Bret. gant, Ir. prefix eet-, ceta-) has the meanings of *1com, of which it is a derivative. Thus cawn, < cant < Brit. *kanta < Ar. *km-ta = Gk. Kara. < *kmrta. The pronoun suffixed affected the a ; it may have been abl. *nvi{d) == Lat. me(d), or possibly a loc. *moi wliich as ii mere suffix would. become *-nvi. So for the 2nd sg. The first and 2nd pi. are prob. analogical. The affection of a before a labial became i[, § 69 ii (4) ;
hence gennyf, gennym,, gennywch, which caused the sg. 2. to follow;
thus the distinction kept in Corn. between genef and worthy/ (similarly in Bret.) is lost in W. Between vowels -nt- > -nnh- > -nn- regularly. In the 3rd pers. *do is used, as after other prepositions, taking of course the same case; hence *cant-Saw > ganthaw or gantaw ; BO for f. and pi. The 3rd pi. genhyn, with veibal -n (added to the apparent stem genhy- t).
(2) wrth, O.W. yMrt(A), Corn. worth, orth, Bret. ous, os, implies some such form as *yerl6 § 66 iii (i); Ir. frith 'against' < *urt- ;
§ 212
PREPOSITIONS

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Lat. Ted-, re- < Ital. *yred- < Ar. *^irrl-; cf. Lot. versus 'against', part. of verto : Vyer- 'turn'. v'rt!iyf< *iirrt6-ml, etc. The 3rd sg. wrthaw < *.zarth-Saw, the -8- inn-Kcd in the -th-; so for the f. and pi.
§ 212. i. The prep. i (to', Ml. W. y, O.W. di ie inflected anomalously ; the 1st sg. ie'yw, or with the affixed pron, ynii or ymy ; for y-, i- is common in Ml. \V., nnd becnnin the usual form in Mn. W. The inflexion in in 1'ollown ;
sg. | pi.
l. ynn, ynni, yum/, in, ifini a. yoch,i/('Jiwi,i{chwi{,iwch,whwi 3. frttw, nW, whunf, Late Mn.
i. i/m, t/mi, ywi{, 1111, 11111 3. ytf, yffi '///i/, ilt, if fi 3. m. ibaw, Mn. idilo f. ibi, Mn. ifl/li
iildynf
Examples: ym IL.A. 98, 1. 4, yini W.M. 20, 22, im. do. 46 ; ytt IL.A.
95, ytti K.M. 5, yli W.M. 4, /(( do. 3, 8, 9, it do. 20, itii ib.; yw do. 29, inwi do. 139, ychwi R.M. 7, fwch cJiwi W.M. 11, ywcJi do. 50, utut (=•2(8^8) B.B. 49-50, uSu B.T. 74; uSunt § 77vhi; iSaw, iSi passim. The Late Mn. W. spelling iddynt is artificial; see § 77 viii.
ii. Forms with y survive in Early Mn. verse, in which the rhymes show that the sound of the y is y. Dafydd ap Gwili/m, qmq
Y bu fraw am na bai frif—G.Gr. (m. D.G.) F.N. I. ' Dafydd ap Gwilym—to me there was dismay because^ha WBB no longer [alive] there.'
Arghvydd gwi^nn, nid OM qnni Un tad oil mud iydi.—M.l{., l" 93/56. ' Holy Lord, thorp is to us no father at all but Thee.'
Ni all cmgel penfelifn Na llu o saint ddim lies qn.—G.I.1L., F. 8, MI 30/470 B.
' No golden-haired angel or host of saints can [do] us any good.'
iii. The affixed pron. is often accented ; in that case it is usually written separately, i mi, i ti, etc., Ml. W. y mi W.M. 8. As mm has undoubtedly a double n the form yni W.M. 30 must mean ynt (the double consonant being simplified before the accent § 27 ii).
Gwell i ml golli 'mywyd
Na chan boen, nychu, 'n y byd.—T.A., A 14866/201. ' It is better for me to lose my life than in pain to pine in the world.' Barely in poetry i m^fi D.G. 53, i nynt H.S. 22, etc.; thus;


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ACCIDENCE
§ ?12
Mwya ofn yvs i myfl Q/w y paid m faruyi i.-^-IJ); A 14997/38.
' The greatest fear •to me is the fear that my trouble will end.'
iv. "When dydd da 'good day ' and nos da ' good night' are followed by yd ' to fhee' and i[wcJi ' to you ', da yd is contracted to dai/d written daed (§ 39 ii (a)) and da i/wcfi to da-i/zoch, daewch, now reduced to ddwch § 30.
"Nos daewch" i'r ferch wis dichon;
" 3Tos daed ti " nis dywaid hon.—D.E., A 14967/18 (a. 118).
'[To say] "good night to you" to the maid avails not; she will not say " good night to thee ".'
Breiniazvl wyt o'r barivnwaed; ' Banvn Ystepltvm, nos daed.—L.G.C. 141; see 127, 480.
' Noble art thou of the blood of barons; Baron of Stepleton, good night to thee.'
O'r cyff hum a'r Cyffinwaed Y cawn was dewr. Can' nos daed !—T.A., A 14975/102.
' Of this stock and the blood of Kyffin we have a brave youth. A hundred good nights to thee.'
Dydd dued D.E. r 83/10-}, dyddiun daed G.G)., w 146/203, D.Gt. 381.
Nos d&wch is still in common use; but daed is not now generally kno-wn. Silvan Evans quotes L.G.C. 141 (see above) and D.G. 381 under daed eqtv. of da.
v. oe 'to his, to her, to their' § 160 ii (i); yw, i'w 'to his,
•to her, to their' ib., § ]60 iv (a).
vi. y, i 'to', O.W. di < Brit. *do is equivalent to the prefix dy' § 65 iv (2), § 156 i (13). It is strange that this prep. whose ist sg. is the only one in Ir. which has certainly a single -m (== W. *-/) is the only one in W. witli -m ( = -mm). The -m is due, like the usual
-mm in Ir., to the Kelt. doubling of the initial of an unacc. word following an accented monosyll., §217 iv(i); thus ym < *d(i-mnvi < *d6 moi. The corresponding form of the 2nd sg. would be *yth, cf. yth ' to thy '; but the form that survived was yd (id W.M. p. 279), as in daed; by late analogical doubling this gave ytt (d-d > it § 111. ii (i)). It may be conjectured that the 3rd pers. forms were orig.
*daw, *di, *du', as these were mere suffixes in the conjugation of other preps, it is probable that *S'y was prefixed here to represent the prop.; t[ would be assimilated to a following i or 11, and perhaps iSaw takes its i from iSi, O.W. didi L.L. 120. But the prep. *dz ^ 156 i (n) may have been prefixed, with an intensive force, as before *do- in di-Sawr § 195 i.
^ 213
PREPOSITIONS

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§ 213. i. The prepositions a [spirsint], ag, Ml. W. a, ac {with ' and wedi [rad.], Early Mn. and Ml. W. ((f)w<:ili/ may be followed by independent pronouns; thus it mi ' with me', d thi 'with thee' ; a myfi, d m'fi, a thydi, a fli'ili § 159 ii (••;) ; Of ^, ag efo 'with him'; etc.; gueti ef L.L. 120 ' iif'trr liiin\ ffwydi ny B.B. 44 ' after •as'.
Ac ni bydd oherwi/dd hyii G-wedy ef giniw diJ nfi/n.—l.d. 312 (in. D.G,).
'And therefore it will lio "I' 1111 avail »f'tor him to ask for thee' (i.e. for a cywydif).
Y DriMU feirilii wody fo Sydd •ioawuir/1 en su'ydil {/'no.—€tut.O., M 146/398.
'The bards nf the South iif'ler him are weaker in their performance there' (m. U.ai.).
])a oedd ci^fjinn HIIIH Coiiiny, A da yw JInw wody hwy.—L.G.C. 463.
' Good were the ancestors of 11.C., and good is H. after them.' In Late Mn. W. the use of a pron. as above after wedi is rare.
ii. (i) a is now generally circumflexed to distinguish it from a ' and'. When it is accented it is of course long, but when unaccented it is short. The same is true of a ' and'.
(2) wedi has late -i owing to the frequency of its use, cf. § 16 ii (3). In Early Ml. W. where it rhymes it hns •y ; sec e. g. L.G.C. 15, 66. In Ml. W. it has -y in NKK. in which i and y are distinguished.
iii. (i) a, ag < *aggos; it Inis <wo distinct meanings, and may therefore have a double origin : (n) ' together witli' < *ad-g- : Ir. ac, oo, occ < *ac!-i/n-n : Lat. ad, Goth. at, E. at, Brugmann2 II ii 793 ;
this is the prep. used after cyf- and ym-, as cyf-arfod & ' to meet witli'; and is the same as A, ag ' as' after the equative ;—(b) ' by means of, as O.W. ha crip ox. ' with a comb', Mn. W. a phyg Geu. Vi 14 'with pitch' < *ab-g- : o § 209 vii (5). For ag, a [spir.] in this sense o [soft] is used in Gwent : two ci o asgwrn, ' to strike a dog with a bone' Seren Gomer, Mai 7 1814; cf. Jcymynynt o StW s.v. 1042 for k. a dur B.B. 72 'they hewed down with steel'; conversely, after a spv. ag is used for o before a relative, as yn oreu ac y gellynt C.M. 54, gyntaf&c y gallowS s.<;. 408,
Y glanaf ag a luniwyd, A'r goreu oil o'r (jwyr wyd.—T.A., A 14971/53.
' The handsomest of [all] that have been created, and the very best of men art thou.' In Ml. W. this is o before the demonst. 'r, as goreu * . . o 'r a vu E.M. 82 ' best of those that were '; rarely a, as o bop ... . a'r a vei IL.A. 141 ; Mn. W. a'r a. The common origin (tnd


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ACCIDENCE
§214
ovci lapping use of a 'by means of and o 'of, from' prob. conduced to the formation of the analogical oc § 209 vii (5).—The last element in Brit. *ay-g6s is the same as that of the orig. form of a 'and' § 222 1(3).
(2) gwedy (: Bret. govde) 'after' is also an adv. 'afterwards* § 220 ii (9). As a prep. it is largely used before verbal nouns, and in periphrastic conjugation it forms the equivalent of a perfect. For its origin see I.e.; it has the same final element as a, ag.
iv. The above are the only prepositions which may govern personal pronouns, except mal, megys § 215 iv.
§ 214. The following prepositions are of more or less restricted use :
i. ach is used only in ach law ' nea/ at hand'; acK fy Saw ' near me', etc. § 209 vii (5).
A trace of a wider use is seen in yw, ach mwr Eaer Loyw E.M. 131 ' beside the wall of Gloucester'; ym s= am < *vnbhi § 156 i (4).
ii. ger [rad.] ' near', Ml. kir, ker, gyr, ger, geir, geyr, gar, is used chiefly in gei-Hair, firr Haw ' at hand', gerbrSn, ger brow ' before' (ger j'y Uaw ' near me ', i/rr ily law dl IL.A. 125 ' near thee', gerfy mron ' before me '), but may occur bc'forp iiny nonn denoting a placr.
The radical initial is k-, as fcir Haw B.C. 10, ker Uaw K.r. 1246, M.A. i 230, cer bran do. 206, ker tir Tysszlyaw do. 341, M"n. W. a dier bron, Dat. iii 5. The origin of the word is uncertain; it seems to form the prefix in cyr-haeddaf ' I reach ', Mn. v.n. cyrr-aedd : haeSaf 'I reach'; possibly allied to cwrr 'edge', V(s)qer- 'cut'; both -ei-and -y- may be affections of -a- or -o- before -rr-, and -e- may be a variant ofy§16iv(2); gar W.M. p. 281 may have unaffected a.
iii. tra is used only in dracJiefn ' backwards, again' (cefft ' back') ; with infixed pronouns kilya drathgefy-n c.M. 41 ' withdraw!' and sg. impv., iJraprJieffn P.M. 177 'behind her'. In Late Ml. and Mn. W. by ii wrong division of i]rac1iefn wo have dracJi dy gevyn s.G. 275 'behind thee', drach 'y ng7iefn D.G. 274 ' behind me', dracJi ei chefn. Gen. xix 36.
Tra mm tra Brython B.T. 76 'beyond the sea, beyond [the borders of] the Britons' and tra run B.B. 49 'beyond Ehun' preserve the remains of a wider use.
trachefn for *tarcMfn < *tar6s kebn- < Ar. *t ros : Ir. tar : Skr. tirdh < *t^r6s; allied to trwy § 210 x (5) ; see § 156 i (22).
iv. pw (py) is used only in the phrase pwy gilydd 'to its fellow', as o hen bwy gilydd ' from end to its fellow' i. e. from end
§ 214
PREPOSITIONS

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to end. For examples see § 166 ii (3). A trace of a wider use survives in aw py am •R.B.B. 107 ' ffrom] lionr to hour'.
pw : Ir. co 'to'. Initial gemination after Ilir latter is secondary, according to Thurneysen, Gr. 456, wlio compiling O.Bulp;. kit, 'to' (< *qom: Skr. Jcdm after the dative) The Kill. form would be *qvo•, this may be the pron.-stem *f/^o-, seen in f-grailc in *qve 'find' (Lat. -quo, Gk. re, etc.) : Lat. us-i/ue < *ud-s ' ou(' + *q^e ' to '.
v. eithr [rad.] ' without, except', § 99 v (4), is used before verbal nouns, as dUifr lot yn well kyweirdeb y bwyf W.M. 227 ' except that the preparation of the food was better '; hence it came chiefly to be used as a conjunction. But it occurs also before nouns and pronominalia : eimyr mot C.M. 3 ' beyond measure'; eithyr y rei a oebynt W.M. 227 'except the ones who
Were'.
Eithr Morfudd ni'm dthudd dyn.—D.G. 51. 'Except Morfudd no one will appease me.'
vi. O.W. ithr M.c. ' between' seems to occur only once; it was obsolete in Ml. "W.
ithr, Corn. inter, yntre, Bret. entre, Ir. etar, eter '. Lat. inter, Skr. antdr.
vii. ys, es [rad.], Ml. W. ys ' for... past' is used before a noun denoting a period of time. er yn with a past verb : yr ys pell o amser R.M. 130 ' [I cnmc] a long time ago', cf. IL.A. 106, 107 ;
er ys mis W.1L. o. 293 ' for a month past'; contracted er's.
Ys guers y8 wyfyn, keissaw a olrftei vyg c!e8y/w.M. 487 'for some time I have been seeking one who would burnish my sword.'
Ofnus fyth fu'r fynwes fau
Es deufis hyd nos Dijiau.—G.G1.
P 103/193. ,» ' My heart was constantly afraid for two months till Thursday night.'
ys ' for the space of, perhaps < *en-s: Gk. w, § 215 iii (i). If oed W.M. 123 1. 2 (omitted in E.M. 197) is oeS ' was' for yr ys P 14/183 it shows ys taken for 'is', cf. Bret. M, Fr. il y a; but yr ys ia old, and implies ys prep.
viii. Ml. W. annat [rad.] ' before, in preference to' is used before neb, dim, and other expressions in which ^any' is expressed or implied. In Ml. W. yn began to be used before it; and in Mn. W. it became yn awad, the nn being simplified owing to the-word being unaccented, cf. canys § 222 iv (i): yn anad neb.


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ACCIDENCE
§215
OT clywy Siaspat dos wrthi, a diasfat gwreie annat diaspat o'r byt B.M. 195 'if thou hearest a cry go towards it, and a woman's cry before [any] cry in the world'; W.M. 120 has anat, but other nn'a are simplified in the same col.; heb ymgyfarvot ac ef yn annat neb s.G. 34 ' without meeting him of all men ', lit. ' rather than anybody';
of. s.G. 142 ; yn anad neb D.G. 35, 107 ; Mor llygredig oedd ei wedd yn anad neb, a'i bryd yn anad meibion dynion Es. lii 14. It is also used adverbially : ac yn annat llawen oeS Arthur S.G. 10 'and A. was especially glad'.
annat < *anta-tos an adv. formed from *anta ' before' : Goth. 4nda-, Gk. oEi/ra, a doublet of *anti : Gk. avri, Lat. ante.
ix. myn [rad.] ' by' (in oaths); in N. W. sounded mfnn;
All. W. mynn, myn.
myn llaw vyghyveillt W.M. 458 ' by the hand of my friend'; so E.M. log, mynn II. etc. do. 170; myn vy fyS O.M. 57 'by my faith'; myn Duw E.M. 115, myn Dyw W.M. 473 'by God'; myn fenaid D.E.
•C 49/15 E. ' by my soul'; myn einioes Pharaoh Gen. xlii 15.
JVid oes ym, myn Dziw^ o swydd ' Printed dyn. Ond olrhain anwadalrhwydd.—D.G. 33. ' I have, by God, no tusk but studying fickleness.' pf.
W.M.L. 41.
mynn: Gael. mionn ' onUi', Ir.
'mind ' oatli ' ; •/inmi,i!h- rxtcimion .of Vmen- 'thought'; cf. W. udduned 'vow' < *ad-mon^- § 100 v. Macbain connects Ir. mind ' oath' with Ir. mind ' lioly relic' and ' this, with less probability, with Ir. mind ' diadem', O.W. minn gl. sertum (: Lat. mmzile, see Waldo s.v.).
x. ym [rad.] 'by' (in oaths).
Gwell ym ym Padric ! E.P. 12 7 7 ' It is better for me, by Patrick!' Ym Sant Origor! L.G.C. 183 'by Saint Gregory !'; ym Beuno!
•G.G1. M 146/188 ; ym lesuf T.A., G. 229.
The origin of the word is obscure (? ym ' to my ').
§ 316. Nominal Prepositions.—i. Some of the above prepositions are of substantival or adjectival origin. Others are
•from adjectives:
(i) cyn (cyn) [rad.] ' before', in time : km lleith B.B. 22 ' before death', kin myned do. 30 ' before going', kin brand do. 41 ' before the judgement'. In Ml. W. it is followed by no ' than' before pronouns pers. and demonst., and thus remains an .adv. : kyn noe ef W.M. 178 'before him', kynn no hynny do. II ' before that'. In Mn. W. it is no longer used before pers. pronouns, and has become a prep. before demonstratives : cyn hynny ' before that'. It is in common use before nouns.
PREPOSITIONS

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cyn is the adv. eynt 'sooner', 1111 obi. case of the cpv. adj. cynt §148i(3).
(a) nes [rad.} 'until', used before vrrbal nouns; as, ny chysgaf Jmn lonyo nes gwybot W.M. 167 'I sliull not Bleep comfortably until I know'; nes ei orfedd T.A. n. 237 'until hit) lying (low)', i.e. 'until he lay (low)'; rnroly linl'ore abstract nouns :" ms J^enaint L.G.C. 445 ' till old ngc'.
Galio am ddyfod diaiyild, Gwyliaw tan nes iJWflf-d dydd.—L.G.C. 430. 'Calling for drinks to lie brouglit, watching the fire till day is seen.'
The construction snrvivfls in Late Mn. ^f. : nes i mi ddyfod Es. xsxvi 17 ' until my coining ', cf. n.cw. 83, 115; but a new construction, w'n boforo a noim-clause beginning with y, arose, e. g. nes y del // dyild c.c. 211 (end of i 7th cunt.) ' until the day comes'. In the dialects the y is omitted and nes becomes a conjunction ; but nes with v.n. is still in common use.
nes ( E nes, though now sounded nes § 51 vi) == nes ' nearer', § 148 i (r); 'nearer than' > 'this side of > 'until'; cf. nys cafaf-i efo yn nes dioSef llawer S.G. 291 'I shall not get him before suffering much'.
ii. Nominal preps, from nouns are used not only simply, as cylch 'about', but with a preceding prep., as o gylch 'about';
the latter forms may be called composite nominal prepositions. When a pers. pron. is required to be the object, it takes the form of an infixed pron. in the composite prep., as o'th. gylch' about thee'; o'tJi achos D.G. 101 'on thy account, because of thee'. The simple nom. preps, are the following, all taking the [rad.] except hyd: . . ,.,
(i) achos 'because of'.; compos, o adios id. : noun achos 'cause'. ^ .
o achaws W.M. 12 'on account of; o'th achaws di E.M. 233 ; 'pa achaws E.B.B. 112 'why'!' achos gwenfivn X.MSS. 239.
(a) cylcb, amgylcJi 'about'; compos, ynghylch, o gylch, o am gylch, ' o^amgylch ogylch ' round about' : cylch ' circle'.
Yn bwhv»nan gan annwyd Cylch drws dy dy, Llencu Llwyd.—IL.G., BB. ii 171.
' Shivering with cold about the door of thy house, LI. LI.', i. e. around thy .grave; (v.l. Ynghylch dy dy F.N. 29); cylch dolydd Dwylais


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ACCXDENCE
L.G.C. 202, gylch y DdSl Q, 91; ygkylch y ty w.M. 47 'about the hou&e'.
cylch is believed to be derived from Lat. cifculus; but the latter gives O.W. circhi OP, ' cycle' regularly; and cylch, Bret. kelc'h, may well be Kelt.
< *q»u-(^Uo- (by met.) : Gk. xuxXos, xwXios : E.

wAeeZ, etc.
(3) eisiau ' wanting', without'; compos, o eisiau ' for want of, o'th eisiau, etc. : eisiau 'want', prob. orig. an adj. < Lat. exiguus (noun eissywet < eneiguitas).
Mis haf oedd i ferch Ddafydd, Ac eisiau hwn gaea sydd.—T.A., G, 245.
' It was a summer month to the daughter of Dafydd, and without him [her dead husband] it is winter.'
(4) erbyn ' by' (a certain time or event), ' in readiness for';
compos, yn erbyn, ' against' (a person or thing); yn fy erhyn Matt. xii 30 ' against me'; also i'm herlyn Matt. xviii a i 'against me'.
Hid iin 'pen un linn orbin eu liwiin 11 n. 42 ' I" llir miiiiinil "I miu hill to be judged ', Jil. ' for llie JU<)K"IH "I Ilii'i" '.
erbyn is itself originally 11 coinponitr l'n'l>. < Kilt. *(«" •/""i" •», made up of the prep. *(iri § 15ti i ((>), iiiid (lir iliil. ol' * /"'HK'II 'head' : Corn. erbyn, Ir. or c1a.ii.nd (in Jr. thero is ur rhpiid nl ", willt^ chend ace.). The orig. construction with a pron. WIIB Coin. i •• iltt«\ byn ' against thee', Ir. ar do chiund ' in front of thee'. The ii!i]»i d|n'r( compound erbyn was mistaken for a proper in W., whence yn frii;/n) etc.; but it did not become an ordinary noun though treated as suclir in this construction.
(5) herwyS 'according to, in the manner of, and 'by' (as ii lead ' by' the hand); gervyb in Late Ml. W. in the last sense, Mn. W. gerfydd ; compos, o Jierwydd ' on account of, o'm hewyild 'on my account', o'r hervydd 'on that account', yn hewi/dd 'according to', yn ol yr herwydd 'on the average', pa henri/dil (why ?'
herwyS y dyyil [read dyall~\, . . a roSes Duw y'r neb ae troes IL.A. 160 'according to the understanding that God has given to him who translated it'; herwit guir in gueini B.B. 44 ' in the manner of men in service '; herwyS y afwyneu W.M. 142 [lead the lioi-hc | ' by liis reins '; gervyS y avwyneu O.M. 47 ' by his reins '; erwyS y tract W.M. 55 [grasped the boy] 'by his feet'; oherwydd hyu § 213 i;
o'i herwyS D.G. 498 'on her account' ; yn herwyS gueledigaetib W.M. 34 ' as regards appearance'; (y)r laith G'ymraec yn ei herwydd
§215
PREPOSITIONS

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(tudalen 415) (delwedd 2547)

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M.K. [vii] 'the Welsh language in grncia!'; Ba herwydd na bai hiraeth T.A. 'why should there nol be longing 't'—O.W. heruid duiutit JTJV. ' according to divinity'; hihi orguid ox. ' in general' (?).
herwyS : Corn. herwydh; Bret. lierue^', \\w h- though appearing in all (as opposed to W. and Corn. erbiJii) ciiii only 1«' explained as accentual, cf. henw, Bret. hano, Corn. Juinom; tlie rr^t ht'rms to be < *ari-uid- ' *appearance, manner ', V arid- ' nee '; erti\i/K alho occurs without h- in 0. and Ml. W.; and iJin'yf> m u, viiriiint iliic to another treatment ofe-, see § 112 li (2).
(6) hyd [soft] • tli<- h'ngtii ol", ^ 148 i (8), in two senses, (a) 'as far as', (b) 'along'; compos, nr fiyd [rad.] 'along', ar dy liyd ' along thee', also ' at thy full length' (on the ground).
o lost irinis hit i'mim ir alt ],.i,. 73 ' 1'rom LIost yr Ynys as far as the breast of the A lit'; o liyimy hyt tru/utoeth W.M. 6 'from that [time] till the monow'; hyt yr u'nmer do. 19 'till the time';
often followed by yn § 2 Id ii (i);—ar hit taf L.L. 258 'along the Taff'; ar-i-hit do. 159, ar-y-hit do. 143 'along it', n-i-hit do. 43, 78, etc., yn-y-hit do. 146 'along it'.
In the dialects hi[d developed an inflected 3rd sg. h^dSo, hydSi (the i{, instead of y, shows it to be late); this is sometimes met with in Late Mn. W. : ar hyd-ddi Gen. xxviii 12.
O.W. biJiit Cf., bichet ib., beJieit ox., hehit L.L. 73, beJiet do. 73, iaa, bet JUV., L.L. freq., e.g. 146 (7 times), 155 (i I times) 'as far as'; cehit L.L. 73 ' along', cl/iitan do. 123 bis ' along ', clhitun ox. 'along'; Ml. W. Vfi (misprinted w) K.M. 144 (see W.M. 301) ' as far as'; Gwentian red ii.u. 33, 52 ' till'.
bi- < Ar. *bhi (: *ob1d) ' on (to) ' : Goth. bi, Skr. dbht (Lat. ob may be from *obhi or *opi); -fiet may represent ace. *-sitm', the unique form -heit may be due to heitham which follows it; bet is generally regarded as a contraction of behet, but such a contraction is doubtful BO early; cf. also Bret. bet, bete, beteg ; can it be an adv. direct from bi-1 cehit = eqtv. cyhyd § 148 i (8) ; cihitan an adv. like guotan etc., from *ko-si-tan-; -un error for -an 1
(7) llwrw ' in the track or direction of, after, with, as regards '; compos, yn llwrw id., ar llwrw id., adv. ' forward';
S.W. dial. Iwrw i 'ben ' head foremost'; also Ml. W. llwry.
llwrw essiwet Jcet E.P. 1351 'after dearth of largess', llwrw alaeth . . . digrawn . .. deigyr do. 1206 'with grief the tear flows'; ya .llwrw llwyth elvyt dovyt an dyd yn llawr P.M. M.A. i 306 ' following earth's tribe the Lord will place us in the ground'; dys heb


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(tudalen 416) (delwedd 2548)

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§215
argysswrw ar llwrw y'r Be, do. do. 292 ' go without fear forward to the place'.
llv/rw : Corn. lerch ' track ', war lerch ' after ', Bret. lerc'h ' track', Gael. lorg ' track ', Ir. Iwg ; all < Kelt. *lorg- < ^plorg- dissim. for
*pro-rg-, Vreg- § 193 x (8) : Lat. pergo, perrexi < *per-reg-; etc.
(8) parth, parthed 'towards, as regards', compos, o bwth, o tarthret 6.c. 108 'as regards' ; impartJired B.B. a6 'in the region of ; parth is oftenest followed by a § 216 ii (a).
parth espyt B.P. 1226 'as regards strangers'. parth ' part' < Lat. part- ; parthed is by dissiro. for parthred with
*red as in gweithred § 143 iii (22).
(9) plith 'in the midst of; compos. ymh.Vith ' among', yn, en plith 'among them', o blith 'out of the midst of, o'ch plith 'from your midst', i Uith 'into the midst of, i'w plith 'into their midst', plith drdphlith § 47 iii.
plith from Lat.; perhaps < Brit. *pliJct- for Lat. plicit- : W. plygu ' to fold ' < Lat. plic-o.
iii. Many c-omponitc nominal pn'poaitiona have no corrospond-' ing simple form (i. c. the noun alone w not ueed as 11 pi'f'p.). All are followed by the [rad.]. The most important arc—
(i) mown, Ml. W. y mywn, mywn 'in' (though apparently a simple form, mywn is a mere phonetic reduction of ymywn);
o fewn ' within'; with inf. pron. i'w mewn hi Num. v 24 ; ocJi mewii Lnc xvii 31; also in Mn. W. i fevDil y Ilys Marc xv 16;
adv. i mewn, oddimezcn.
(y)mywn 'in the middle 6f has come to bemused for 'in' before indefinite, yn being restricted to definite, objects; thus ymywn ty W.M. 53 'in a house', yn y ty do. 54 'in the house'; in Ml. and Early Mn. W. mywn, nwwn is sometimes used before the latter.
i < *ens : Gk. ei's < evs < *en ' in ' + -s as in *r?c». i mown, ymywn == Ir. inmedon, immedon; Ir. 'uiedun ' middle '. The W. form has lost 8 § 110 iv (2), and was therefore orig. disyllabic *my\wn <
*mySwn, which most probably represents *my8-wyn § 78 i (2). Both this and Ir. medon would be regular from Kelt. *medwkno : Lat. mediocris, 8pv. medioximws. If this equation is right, mediocris can hardly be ' *middle-hill' (: ocris, Sommer 488, Walde s.v.) but may be an adj. in -ri- (cf. am'-, sacri-) from *medioque formed from inedio-like prope (for *proqw) from pro, as the spv. medioximus be&ide proxintus suggests. The Kelt. would be a noun in -no- from the same (It.-Kelt.) extd. stem.—Orig. stem *medh(i)w- : Skr. madhya-h, Gk.
^.eo-o-s.
§ 215
PREPOSITIONS

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(tudalen 417) (delwedd 2549)

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(a) er nrwyn (for the sake of, on account of, in order to';
e-r fy mwyn ' for my sake', etc.
Er dy fwyn yr ydwyffi Mewn eira yma 'n oeri,—D.G. 107.
'It is on thy account that I am shivering liere in snow.'
As a noun mwyn meant ' value, enjoyment', but except in the above phrase was generally rrpliicril }i\ 11111 i/in/ant in Ml. W.; tlina in E.B. 963, Ni wybi/Sir mwyn (v.l. mwynyant 1076) fynnawn yny el yn yspiS (SisjiyK 1076) ' tlio vnlnc (it a weil will not be known until it goes dry'. As 1111 iiilj. 'iinn^n incaiis 'gentle, kind, dear', and is still in use ; cf. E. dmr ' costly ' and ' loved'.
mwyn 'vulue' < *mci-no-, •/mei- 'exchange, carter': Lat. munw, munia.
(3) ymyag (fmjsff) ' in tlic midst of; yn eu mysg 'in their midst'; on myi>ff 'out of our midht'; Vch mysg 'into your midst';
emysc Jiyniiy W.M. 33 "in the midst of that' i.e. those happenings; o/'j/sg, ifusg.
mysg : W. mysgu § 96 iii (5). The idea is 'mixed up with', and there seems no need for Henry's attempt, s.v. emesk, to connect the word with *medhw-.
(4) yn wysg ' in the track of, after', Ml. W. yn, eu hwysc see below, yn wysc y benn W.M. 55 ' after his head', i. e. head foremost, Mn. W. yn wysg fy mhen, yn wysg dy drwyn, yn wysg i gefn, etc.
Mae yr aniveilot y8 aHhawch yn eu hwyso P W.M. 86 ' Where are"
the animals which you went after t'
wysg '*track' implies *ei..sk-, and seems like a case of metath. of 1 § 100 v (t *ptd-y/,w- : Gk. veSa '/xera,', Lat. pes 'foot', etc.).
(5) yn ethryb 'because of, o ethryt id. J.D.R. [xiv]. .»
Pellynnic vyg Ichof yg kyntevin Yn ethrip caru Kaerwys vebin.—G., w. 7&.
' My mind iq far away this Spring, on account of loving the maid of Caerwys.'
ethryb ' causa, occasio' D.D. s.v. sccme to contain *-9qW- affected § 69 ii (4); perhaps as a noun-suff. added to *nter- (center § 214 vi);
' circumstance ' (1).
(6) yn 61' after', yn dy Sl' after thee'; ar 61' after', ar eu hoi or ar eu holau ' after them'; o'm Ml' behind me', i'th 61' after thee'.
All in common use. 61 § 149 i. 1402 E e


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(tudalen 418) (delwedd 2550)

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§ 21^
(7) yngwyS 'in the presence of;', yn, fy ngwydd 'in my presence', i'th -Ssydd 'into thy presence', o'i gwydd 'from her presence', etc.
gwyS^63iv.
(8) o blegid. ' on account of, o'ti Uegid ' on thy account';
ym plegyd M.A. i 306 ' on account of.
plegid (»' for y after g, § .77 ii) < Lat. placitum.
(9) ar gyfair (now misspelt ar gyfer) 'opposite', a,rfy nghyfair ' opposite me'; ynghyfair ' opposite, against, instead of ; Ml. W. • ar gyveir, yngJcyveir, etc.; y gyveir W.M. 449 ' the direction '.
O.W. ar cyueyr L.L. 141, ar ciueir do. 196; Ml. W. ar gyfeir W.M. 250; yghyveir do. 449, ygkyveir E.M. 293 'opposite', yn y gyveir E.M. 141 'in front of him, straight ahead', Mn. W. ar gyfair D.G. . 189 (rh. with leddf-air).
Tlie reason for the misspelling is partly the dialectal pronunc., § 6 iii; and partly perhaps Ihe form ci/fer- in c.yf-wbyn etc. All the derivativca, cyfeiriad 'direction', cyfririo 'to direct', etc., are from
cyfair.
cyfair < *kom-arw-, a compound of *kom- and *arzo- < *p^-o-, a noun formed from the prep.
*p.ri '• Lat. prae, etc. § 156 i (6).
(10) o flaen ' in front of, ymlaen id., o'm blaen ' in front of me', dos yn dy flaen. ' go in front of thee', i.e. go on, ymlaen, llam ' beforehand'.
dyvot ymlaen Uu Tnys y Kedyrn W.M. 34 ' to come in front of the host of the Isle of the Mighty'; yn y vlaen ae yn y ol E.M. 149 'before him and after him'; kerSet oe blaen do. 49, W.M. 68 ' to walk before them'.
blaen, O.W. blain : Corn. blyn 'tip', Bret. blein, blin 'bout, extre-nn.te'. The meanings of the noun in W. are i. 'source' (of a river) frequent in L.L., and common later, 2. 'point' (of a needle, blade, spear, twig, etc.), 3. pi. blaenau in place-names ' outlying parts where valleys are hemmed in by mountains'. The orig. meaning seems to be therefore ' discharge, project'; hence prob. Vg^ele- : Gk. /3d\\(o ' I throw', /3Xi5jiia, ^o\-q, /?o'Aos 'a throw', ;8oXt's 'arrow', O.H.G. quellan\ ' to well, to gush', 0. Norse kelda ' source', Gk. /SeXSvrj ' needle ', Lith. geiti ' to prick', geloms ' needle', etc. The formation is not quite clenr; the Corn. and Bret, forms seem to imply Brit. *blam-(< *g^l»-m- : cf. Lith. geloms); and the W. may represent the same with met. of i, § 100 v; *ai > *oi > ae after the labial, blaenaf:
§H9i.
§ 215
PREPOSITIONS

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(tudalen 419) (delwedd 2551)

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(ll) heb arnlaw R.M. 179 'besides, in addition to', hebldw or heb law Matt. xv 38, rarely arnlaw OB.K. 327 id.
Haw 'hand' in the sense of 'side'; heb Jaw 'out-side', cat-few ' he-side'; heb i Haw D.G. 148 ' beside her'.
(i3) o ran 'on account of, e.g. W.IL. 173; o'm rftan, i'ffw my part', etc,; o waith 'because of.
•rhan ' share, part', § 63 vii (2). gwaith ' deed ' § 193 x (4).
(13) ynghyfyi s.o. 35 'near', argyfylid.; yn, ichyfyi BR. iv 427 ' near her '. is oil ' behind '; is y gil R.M. 151 'behind hiici,'i cyf-yl: ym'-yl' edge ' § 101 iv (2). ell § 59 yi.
(14) ach law § 214 i ; gerllaw, ger Haw do. ii; gerbro'n, ger bron ib.; drachefn do. iii, tracJiefyn. y Sor W.M.L. 33 ' behind the door'; ar draws ^ 210 x (6); ymr6n C.C. 34 ' on the point of, nearly ', in Lilte Mn. W. brow.
iv. (i) Ml. W. mal, val, Mn. W. mal, fal, fel 'like', and Ml. W. megys, Mn. W. megys, megis ' like ', are followed by a noun, a verbal noun, or a noun-clause introduced by y. They generally stand in an oblique case, and are therefore prepositional. But sometimes they qualify nouns, as
Pan el y gwallt hir-felyn A'i frig fal y caprig gwyn.—D.G. 441.
Lit. 'When the long yellow liair goes with its tips like white cambric'.
y ddi/n fegis Gwen o'r Ddol, RywicKJ araf rugmol.—D.G. 379.
' The woman like Gwen of the Dale, gentle, patient, peerless.'
(2) fel and •megis may be followed by independent pers. pronouns, as mal ef E.P. 1403 ' like him', fel myfi, etc., or by demonstratives as fel hyn. (e)fel hyn (Corn. evel henn) though still surviving by reformation, became (e)fell hyn, whence efelly yfelly, felly 'so', § 110 v (2). In Gwent fell hyn became Hyn, and subsequently yn Uyn with adverbial yn, BAE. i 376, 378.
Ni fwriadwn fawr rodiaw A (JWT fell hyn gar fy Haw.—T.A., c. i 338.
' I did not intend much to roam with a man like this near me.' ac evelly A.L. i 6 'and similarly'; Ay yvelly y gwnaethant wy ! W.M. 41 ' is it so that they did ?'
(3) val, O.W. amal (: Ir. amal) is a weak form of hafal < *«g^?-§ 94 i; Ml, W. mal may represent an early elision of the first E e 2


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(tudalen 420) (delwedd 2552)

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§ 216
syllable, thus *s'm^-; the e in Mn. W. may corns from forms like felly where the a is affected by the y; but Bret. has evel also. Ir. amal governs the aco. case.
megys seems to be a spv. (eqtv. ?) of the same word corresponding to comparatives in -ach (< *-dk-son); thus *s'm-ak-ist6- > megys;
*sam-dk-isf,6- > Ml. W. yvegys Q.C. fac. i. Tlie use of megys as a noun, as yn y megys Jiwnn C.M. 39 'in this manner', does not prove it an orig. noun; of. Mn. W. yr un fel ' in the same way '.
§ 216. Compound Prepositions.—This term may be used to denote expressions in which the last element is a preposition, to distinguish them from composite prepositions, in which, the last element is a noun. They fall into two classes: i. prep. + prep. ; ii. noun, adv. or pron. + prep.
i. (i) Ml. W. y am 'from about; besides', § 209 v; y ar ' from on'; y gan ' from with '; y wrth ' from by' ; Mn. W. oddi am ' from about'; oddi ar c from on '; gan ' from' § 211 ii (a), more rarely oddi gan, see oddi gennyf § 194 v .(3);
oddi wrth, now mostly oi1i1iwrth; Ml. W. oS is E.M. 151, 173. Inflected: oflili anilano Oii.O. <). 193, of)// iicJi/aw R.M. 141, etc. Ml. W. Si-eithyr s.G. 8 'except', o-6i-i't///yf II..A. 143 'outside';
Mn. oddieithr : except', dial. corruption odd'igerth.
oddi is itself a compound of o + Si; in Ml. W. it is comparatively rare before vowels : oSyarnati IL.A. 159, but occurs before adverbial expressions as oSyyma s.a. 7, 40, in which, however, it is generally 08- before a vowel, as oSymma S.G. 4, oSyna W.M. 19; this is also the usual spoken form. The -i (mostly ^ before a vowel) is taken in Late Ml. and Early Mn. W. from forms in which a consonant follows, as oddi draw, Ml. ~W. ooydraw C.M. 46. {oddieithr is for o ddieithr.)
In the Gwentian dial. 08 was taken from these connexions, and used for o before a vowel, and i8 for i was made on its analogy. These forms occur in late Gwontiaii writings; and Pughe made a determined but unsuccessful attempt to substitute in tlie written language the new Gwentian oS y ' from the', etc., for the ancient o'r, etc., in order to avoid the apostiophe !
(a) Mn. W. er ys, er's § 214 vii ; er eyn, as in er cyn cof ' from before memory' i. e. from time immemorial.
(3) gor-uwch, gor-is § 45 iv (2) ; cyf-rwng § 210 viii (4).
(4) The forms odan, amdan, ohonof, § 209, are compound prepositions, and are often written o dan, etc. ; § 209 vii.
(5) The combinations a chan, 'having', heb gan 'without having' are not compound prepositions, because each prep. has its own
§216
PREPOSITIONS

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(tudalen 421) (delwedd 2553)

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421
object; thus in heb ganddynl fngwi Matt. ix 36 the obj. of heb is bugail, and tlie obj. of (fan, is the Miilix, M) that Ilic phrase may also take tlie form heb ftigiiil guiiddyiit, lit. ' wifliout a shepherd with-them'. Similarly cyn i, wedi i, er i, etc., before vurliul nouns,, the first prep. governs the v.n., as in cyn i mi ddyfwl, wliicli may al&o be, Expressed by cyn dyfod ohonof lit. ' before the coming of me', i. e. before I come. ' '" •
ii. (i) hyd yn, hyd ar, hyd at' as far as, up to, till, to'.
hyt ym penn y vlwySyn W.M. 4 ' till the end of the year'; hid attad B.B. 3 'to thro '; diaspad . . . hid ar duu y dodir do. 106
'the cry—to God is it raised.'
hyd yn oed ' ;is far as, even5. '
In Ml. W. it lias two meanings : (a) ' up to but not including' i. e. all except : a cafiif! r'ubfl hyt enoet un keynyauc A.L. i 100 'and all is had except our penny' ; (1)) ' up to and including' : hyt ynn oet eu pechawt IL.A. 34 ' even tlieir sin'. The latter is the meaning in Mn. W. : hyd yn oed Marc i; 2 'even*. The phrase is in common coll. use.
The origin of oed or ynoed here is quite uncertain; as no pref. or inf. pron. is used with it, it would seem to be an adv. ' even' (? noet < *nai-t-, variant of neut ' indeed' § 219 i (i)).
(2) tu a(g), tua{g) 'towards', tuag at id., parth a(g) id., partK ag at id. ; Ml. W.J gyt a(c), gyt a{c), Mn. W. gyd a(g), gyda(g), yngJiyd a(ff) ' together with ', gyferlyn a(g) ' opposite ', gyfarwyneb a(g) id., yftffl^n n{g) ' in connexion with ', etc.
tu ha L.L. 272 ' townrds'; tu a</( wlat IL.A. 125 'towards thy country '; y tu ac altuw C.M. 47 ' (owiirds him '; tu ac at IL.A. 158 ;
parth a'r berth W.M. 69 'towards tlie bush'; parth ac attunt do. 38 'towards them'; aros . . . hyt parth a diweS y dy8 do. 70 'to wait till towards tlie end of tlie day'; ygyt ac ef W.M. 7 ' together with him'; y gyt ac wynt do. 5 ' with tliem'; gyverbyn a hi E.M. 293 'opposite her', gyvarwyneb ao wynt W.M. 185 'opposite them '; tu-ag-at am M.K. [xi1 ' with regard to '.
tu 'on the side', like parth, is definite without the article—an old construction which survived in a few idioms; the tendency to use y before tu, as y tu ac above, is shown by the early tu 1ia to be a Ml. W. neologism, which did not become general.
(3) Ml. and Early Mn. W. vi a, ti a, ef a, efo a, hi a,.before vowels vi ag, etc.< with, together with', literally ' I with', ' thou with', etc. The pronoun had lost its pronominal force, and its antecedent was frequently a pronoun of the same person coming immediately before it. Thus :


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(tudalen 422) (delwedd 2554)

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§ 217
A minlieu vi a'r morynyon a wiscaf ymdanaf inheu w.M. 99 'and I with the maids will dress myself. Jcysgeist di ti a Lawnslot S.Q. 902 ' thou didst sleep with Lancelot.' bwyt a llynn . .. yth neithawr di ti a'm merch i B.M. 120 'food and drink for thy nuptials with my daughter'. Sef a wnaeth ynteu ef ae lu y nos Jtonno S.B.B. 76 ' this is what he did with his host that night'.
A rhif gwlith o fenditMon
A fo i Huw ef a hon.—L.G.O. 463 ; cf. 4, 308. ' And blessings numerous as the dew be to Huw with her.'
Yr ocdd Esyllt wrddaswawr
Draw hi 0,'i mob Rhodri Mawr.—L.G.C., M 146/140. ' Esyllt the noble was there with her son Ehodri Mawr.'
Y nef i 1iwv, efo a hi.—T.A., A 14975/107. ' Heaven [be] to him with her.'
efo a(g) was contracted to efu(g'), as the metre requires in the last example; see efo honn, efo M S.V. o.o. 361. In Gwynedd efo(g) came to be used for ' with' irrespective of the person of the antecedent ; this is noted by Simwnt Vychan as a grammatical fault, P.IL. xcvi. His example is Mi efo Sii'in ' I with Sion ', literally ' I, he-with Si6n ', which should obviously lie Mi vi a Sim 'I, I-wi<h Sion', and may have been so written by tlic iinllior of llic line, HB it yields equally good cynghanedd. [Ab Ithel, knowing efo only as a dial. word meaning ' with', entirely misses the point in his translation, and italicizes Mi and Si6n, as if ' I with John' could be nngrammatical in any language i]. •
(4) tu . .. i forms a numerous class of prepositional expressions, asfw yma i 'this side of, tu draw i 'beyond', tu hwnt i id., tu cefil i ' behind',, tv, ucJiaf i' above',, etc.
tu 'side', Corn., Bret. tu, Ir. toib, Gael. taobh < Kelt. *toibo-;
origin uncertain; Macbain2 359 gives Vsteibh/p- 'stiff, erect', which seems far-fetched from the point of view of meaning.
ADVERBS
§ 217, Negative Particles.—i. The forms of negative particles are as follows ; .
(i) Before verbs: in 'a direct sentence, Ml. W. ny, nyt, Mn. W. ni, nid; in an indirect sentence, Ml. W. na, nat, Mn. W. na, nad ; in a relative sentence usually the first form, sometimes the second, see § 162 v (i) ; in commands, na, nac
l§ 217
ADVERBS

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\=nag) ; in answering a question, na, nao (snag). The forms mid, nad, nac are used before vowrln only ; the forms ni, na before consonants, and a mutated //, iw iiy WHU . .. ny allaf W.M. 31 ' I do not know ... I cannot. ', iia itt > nail § 201" n (a) 'let not' (nid allaf is not in accordance with traditional usage). —With infixed pronouns ; ni'm, im'iii, iii's, ni/w etc.
The initial mutation after ny >KI in Ml. \V. in ng folliiwa'. p-, <-, c-spir. ; 6- rad.; m-, II- rad. or Hoft; d-, ;/- MI)I'( ; r- not nliown (r- may be r- or r-). But no. (»("•) lakes tin" noft of li-, m-, II.-. In Mn. W. U- is always softened; b-, 111- lire goneritlly Hol'tenod, though the rad. remained ulso in the Early Mn. period, and persists in ni bw etc, beside m• fir, p-, (-, c- Bpir. In Early Ml. W. ny relative softens the tenues.
Examples :—Ml. W.; p-, in/ forthint li.n. 34 ' they cherished not';
t-, ny tJiyfi-ya W.M. 14 'aviiilK not'; o-, •>iy cJian ii.n. 31 'lie sings not'; b", •ny hi/f) W.M. 4 ' ho will not be ', ac mi bo 11.11. 54 ' and that there may not be'; m-, ny 'niynneis W.M. 18 ' I would not', ny mywn BJ.A. 148, na meS do. 147, but nyvynhei w.M. 58 ' would not' ; 11-, ny lluit reuuet (-t = -8) B.B. 8 ' wealth avails not', ny llesseint do. 63 ' were not slain', but ni laSaf i di w.M. 8 ' I will not kill thee ; g-, ny wnn, ny allaf above; d-, ny tiuuc (s ny 8iw(y)g) B.B. 8 ' makes no amends'. Relative : corph ni glivit (-t ^ -o) B.B. 20 ' body that nearest not'; ny bara E.P. 1175.—Mn. W.: mi mynnaf I.F. p 97/179 ' I will not', ni feddodd W.IL. C.IL. 105 'he possessed not'; ni tu T.A. G. 251, nifu T.A. § 37 iii (i).
(a) Before a noun, ndj., pron., adv. or prep.: Ml. W. nyt, Mn. W. nid [rad.] 'it is not', used before vowels and consonants ; indirect nat, nad [rad.].
'SS-yt gwaratwyS gwelldu B.B. 962 ' it is no disgrace to teform'; Nid. cur Uavur urth din [read dim] da B.B. 7 ' it is not pain to labour at anything good'.
ii. (i) The negative adverb na ' no' may answer any question introduced by a or ai; it may be used alone, but is generally followed by a neg. part., as na, nid hynny ' no, not that'.
(2) A question introduced by a is answered in the negative by na, nac (= wag) with the verb ; as A ddaw ef? ~Ss, ddaw ' Will he come ? No'; but if the verb is in the aor. (or perf.) the answer is na ddo, sometimes written naddo, but wrongly, for the a is long, not medium as in a penult; thus A aeth ef? Nd ddo ' Did he go ? No'. Na So W.M. 425. ; •
(3) A question introduced by a?' is answered in the negative


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§218;
/ by Ml. W. nao ef, Mn. "W. nag e (often written nage) 'not so',,
as Al tydi a'i gwnaefh ? Nag e ' Is it thou that didst it? No.' More rarely thus : A.e gwell . . . ? TSa. well W.M. 85.
iii. A negative part. is frequently supplemented by Um ' at all' ; see § 170 v (3).
iv. (i) Ml. W. ny < Kelt. *ne < Ar. *ne.—A.r. *ne was ordinarily accented, and the verb unacc. § 179 i. In Kelt. the initial of the unacc. word seems to have been doubled after the accented vowel; in Jr. gemination occurs after m ' not' and the preverbs TO, no. Thus Brit. *ne Jclcardme gives Ml. W. ny charaf. Hence the spir. of tenues after ni. So *bb->b-, *mm->m-, ^ll-^ll-. The soft 8- may be due to late simplification of double d § 93 iii (i) ; lenition of g- may have epread from gw-<*y-, which even if doubled would prob. give w-after a vowel. From these and the relatival form, lenition spread to &-, m; II-, rh-.—The neg. rel. lenited because it was orig. unacc., and the verb accented, so that the regular softening took place after the vowel, § 162 vi (3).
(z) Ml. W. nyt was orig. 'there . . . not' <*n[e) ita § 189 iii (3), and was used before consonants as well as before vowels, as 0. W. cen nit boi (prob. b-zv-) rr. 'though thcie be not'. The difference in meaning between ny ' not'and nyt 'tlicre . . . not'wiis lost, and both are used in the two souses, ny before consonants and iiyt before vowels.
(3) Ml. ~W. nyt' it is not' before a noun, etc., may come from *ne tod 'it [is] not', where *tod 'it' is the neut. eg. nom. of *so, *sa, *tod>G]i. o, -f], TO, § 159 iv (i). It is improbable that nyt contains the verb 'to be' as Stiachan assumes, Intr. 98.
(4) Though the vb. was unacc. after *ne in direct sentences in Ar., it was accented in dependent clauses; this may have led to a reduced unacc. *n^ giving Kelt.
*na, W. na. If so, the mutation after na and the form nat followed the analogy of ny, nyt; but this is probable in any case.
(5) W. na, nac before the impv. may be referred to Kelt. unacc. na + a particle beginning with k-, possibly cognate with Lith. -1ci, a particle suffixed to imperatives.
(6) W. na. nac in answering questions. In na ddo (: Ir. na-tho) we have simple na; in nac ef ' it [is] not so' the -c may represent some form of the *1ce- pronoun.
§218. Interrogative Particles.—i. The inten'og'ative particles are : (r) before verbs, a [soft] ; before nouns, etc., Ml. W. ae, Mn. ai [rad.] 'is it ? ' (2) before verbs, O.W. anit, Ml. W. pony(t), pany(t), Mn. poni(d), pani(d), ponrl, panel, oni(d), ond ' nonne ?'; before nouns etc., Ml. ponyfc [rad.], Mn. ponid, pond, pand, onid, ond' is it not ?' The initial mutation after pony etc.

§218
ADVERBS

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is the same as after ny ; so the use of -/ before verbs. (3) Mn. W. ai 6 ' is it so ?', onid 6, onife ' is it not so ?' dial.
N.W. ai e ? yn't e ? S.W. ai ef e ? i ef e ? on't tf e ?
Examples : (i) Ml. W. A wSost ti B T. 2 7 ' Dost thou know 1' &e ti a eirch vy merch W.M. 479 ' is it thou that seekest my daughter ?'— (2) 0. W. anit arber bit JUV. gl. num vescitur ? Ml. W. Pony welwch chwi E.P. 1418 'do you not see!' Pany chredwch chwi ill. 'do you not believe rt' Ponyt ydym ni yn kredu IL.A. 83 ' do we not believe t' Ponyt llygoden a welaf i y'th law di w.M. 78 ' is it not a mouse that I see in thy hand 1'
Pand Mr na welir end nos 1, Pe byr, hir. yw pob aros.—1.1?'., M 148/59.
' Is it riot long that only night is seen t though short, all waiting is long.'
Ond hir yr wyd yn, tario 1—W.IL., G. 293. ' Is it not long that thou art tarrying ?' Onid oes dinistr i'r anwir f Job xxxi j. Ond rhaid i trAd fyw ? B.C. 119 'must not trade live t'
Preverbal a may be followed by an infixed pron. in Ml. ~W.: a'm dywedyS IL.A. 134 ' wilt thou tell me 1' ae gwSost di S.G. 4 ' dost thou know it?'
In Late Mn. ~W. the p- forms are obsolete; the forms used are oni, onid, more rarely ond. Wm.S. has ani, anid, which may have been dial. forms in the 16th cent.
ii. These particles originated in indirect questions: Ac amovyn a Pheredur a weUei y Jcyfryw vu.rcJta.wc w.M. 138 ' and inquiring of Pere-dur whether he had seen such a knight'; ny wnn a glyweist ywrthaw do. 166 ' I know not whether thou hast heaid about it'; a gofyn a oruc Owein ae dyn bydawl B.M. 187 'and Owein asked whether it was a living man'. The point of transition is represented by Dywet... a weleisti W.M. 118, which may be rendered ' say whether thou hast seen ' or ' say, hast thou seen 1'
ae . . . ae ' whether . . . or': A wSosti peth wyt. . . ae cwrff ae eneit B.T. 27 'dost thou know what thou art, whether body or soul i' y ro8i dewis uSunt ae gwrhau iSaw ae ymwan ac ef, see § 222 ii (2).
iii. a [soft] ' whether ' may represent unacc. Brit. *d'if instr. sg. f. of the pron.
*o- : cf. Gk. ^ 'if which however is from *e, variant of *o instr. sg. m.; for the instr. f. as adv. cf. Lat. ed, qua. See §222v(i).
ae [rad.] is a contraction of a and a vocable *y, which orig. ended in a cons., and may be from *id ' it', so that ae may be lit. ' whether it [is]'; cLnyt § 217 iv (3).
po-ny, pa-ny <Brit. *qyla ne ' whether not'; *g!'a iiistr. sg. f. as *a above; if unacc. in Brit. it would give pa-; if unacc. later, po- ; see § 71 i (2).


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§ 219
§219
ADVERBS
427
m B.B. 07 neur vum
a! e < ai ef is it so ?' yn't e for *an'd hef ' is it not so ?': (A)e/ <
*semo-s, -d 'that, it, so' § 159 iv (i). The S. W. second e repeats the pron. of as. Mn. W. ai comes from ai i, which is easier than ae (ay) e.
§ 219. Affirmative Particles.—i. (i) Ml. W. neu, neut
before verbs, the former before consonants and with the same mutations as ny, the latter before vowels; with infixed pron. neum, neu's etc.; with the perfective particle neur. Before nouns, adjs. etc. neut. [rad.] ' it is'; with neg. part. neut na(f).
neu cJieint B.T. 19 ' I have sung'; neut atwen nat yr vy lies E.P. 1039 ' I know that it is not for my good '; neu'm duo i Elffin B.B. 67 .'.E. brought me'; neu's roSes W.M. 20 ' he has given it'; neur vum B.B. 7 'I have been' (also iu full neu ry do. 74, W.M. 80); neut Jcyn-tevin, neut ruS f'yeh, neut crych egin B.P. 1036 'it is spring, the furrow is red, the sprouts are curly'; neut na'w dawr do. 1227 'I care not'; neut nat f'y8 ib. In Early Mn. W. neu is a rare survival:
.E fu amser—neu dderyw— Ochfif ban oeddwn iach fyw.—D.G. 425.
' There was a time—it is past—ah rac ! when I was alive and well.'
(2) neu for *ivu'y, § 78 iii, < Brit. *'nci loc. sg. in. of the pron.
*no- : Gk. i/at, Lat. nae ' indeed ' {ei/ai. § G3 v (2)), Gk. vrj, Lut. ne ' indeed', instr. sg. m. of the same. The mutations after neu and the two uses of neut are to be explained like those of the parallel ny, nyt §217 iv.
ii.
(i) Ml. W. y, e, y8, eb; yd, ed, yt; yd-, yt(t)-; Mn. W. y, y8, yr, yd-, yt-. In Mn. W. these are used almost exclusively before the pres. and impf. of the verb ' to be'. yd- was agglutinated to these tenses early, and ytt- spread from yttynt and yttoeb § 189 iii (i), § 180 ii (3). The compounds ycl-wyf etc. were used like the simple forms, and might take other proverbs before them, as neitt ytblw dros amser W.M. 183 'it is past the time', nit yttoy'bion I do. 8 ' I was not', a yttlw Lawnsloi yma S.Q. I ' is Lancelot here?' Even yr yd- is common; yr jilzoyf § 191 ii (a). In answers and denials the yd- forms only are used in the pres., except in the and sg., as yclwyf^ I am!' ydycJi 'you are !' but wyt' thou art!'

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Ml. W. Yd wele(i)s-e ffuendoleu B.B. 53 ' I have seen Gwendolen'. Y roSet y march y'r mab, ao y deuth hi . . . W.M. 33 ' The horse was given to tlie boy, and she came . . .' Ac y dyvu Cilewlwyt y'r neuaS do. 457 -And G. came to the hall'. Pan Soeth yti y pew 1 E doeth im . .. do 45 (cf. 46) ' Whence came the caldron to thee t It came to
me . . .' JVa wir, yS ym wyrila H.M. 105, W.M. 458 'No, indeed, we are goodmen '. Yt oet ( = y8 oef>) in y diffrid . . . Yuprid Glan B.B. 45 'The Holy Gliost was protecting her.'—Mn. W.: Ac y dyweit Iwl Kesar Y.L.II. [8] ' And Julius Caesar says '; yr wyf, yr wyt, yr oedd, yr ydym, yr ydoedd, etc.
(2) These particles are adverbial forms similar to the forms of the oblique lelative § 162 vi (2); but the base of these was probably the pron. stem *i- or *<•-. If the suffixes survived in Kelt., there is no reason to suppose that they were added to only one base.
iii. (l) Early Ml. W. ef. This is found not only (a) before the 3rd sg., but also (6) before the impersonal, and (c) before the 1st sg. The initi.'il following is usually rad., sometimes soft (ef labhei B.A. 37, ef' enir below); d- is ambiguous.
(a) Ac ew dybit ( s ay ef (fybyS) B.B. 61 'and it will come'. Ef diodes gormes, ef dodos/in II.A. 10 'He repelled invasion, he set a boundary'. Ef di/fu, dreic II 11, P.M. it.r. 1419 ' The dragon of the host came '.—(//) Ef 'inolir fiawb wrth y wezth K.P. 1056 ' Everybody is praised according to his work'. Ef gwenit B.A. 22 'There was an attack '.—(c) Ew kuynhiw my wuiw ( :E Ef cwynif ym/ fwyf} B.B. 100 * I shall complain while I am'. Ef gu'neif beir8 byt yn llawen B.T. 63 ' I will make the bards of the world merry'.
It might be preceded by the negative nyt or another preverb :
(a) Nyt ef eisteSei en tal lleithic B.A. 10 ' He would not sit at the end of a bench '.—(6) Kid ew rotir new i'r neb wuy keis B.B. 86 ' Heaven will not be given to linn wlio does not seek it'. Nyt ef enw pawb yn Kocth 11 r. 1056 ' Everybody is not born wi&c'.—(c) Nyt ef carafamrys.wiiyal v.v. 8 ' ] love not strife '; kyt ef mynass'wn do. 65;
It is probably an accident tliat it is not found before other persons.
(a) The pronouns mi, ti, hi etc. might come before the verb, agreeing in perfcon with the subject. They might be preceded by nyt or another particle.
0. W. Ti dicone(z)s a a di(ar) a mor JUV. SK. ' Thou madest both land and sea'. Early Ml. W. A mi Sysgoganaf-e B.B. 48, 49 'And I predict'. Pan esgynnei baub, ti Sisgynnut B.A. 31 ' When everybody ascended, thou descendedst'.—Nyt mi wyf kerS vut B.T. 31—2 'I am not mute of song'. Neu vi ertliydieis do. 62 ' I groaned'. Pel mi ganwn B.A. 26 ' If I sang '.
(3) In Ml. W. the rel. a was inserted after g/"and mi etc. in the above constructions; examples occur as early as the last'
a diconeis for what would be later digweist; -e- for -ei- occurs several times in the fragment.


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ACCIDENCE
§ 219
pages of the B.B., but are not found in the B.A. It may have arisen partly as a support to an infixed pron,, as Mi a,e dywedof yt IL.A. 4 ' I will tell^it thee'; hi ay gwelei ef W.M. 251 ' she saw him'; Hi w/ provwn do. 66 ' We will try it', of. iv below ; and partly mi a wn may be a confusion of mi wn ' I know' with mi a wyr B.P. i227=Bret. me a oar ' [It is] I that know'. The a is often written where the metre shows that the author did not use it, as in hi a vu several times in a.p. 1365 for hi vu.
(4) In Mn. W. ef a, mi a etc. remain in use, as Mi a euraf § 38 ix, Ef a bortfies yr lesu D.N. F.N. 94 ' Jesus fed [the multitude] '. In the Bible ef a becomes efe a, except where it is clearly a particle, when it is written, fe or• fe a, &sfe allei Gen. xvi 3, fe a allei i Bren. xviii lf,otfc!ssfo'm lleddw Diar. xxii 13.
But the natural Mn. forms seem to be ef, e,fo,f,fe; mi, ti etc.; as Ef aeth D.G-. 374, 537, E fu amser i (i), E gaeodd Mai § 129 ii (i), Fo cUaw D.G. 175, fo'm cafodd do. 177 ; Mi wn do. 501, Mi welwii T.A. a. 238.
Tra fo gwlith mewn tref a gwlad To son dynion am danad.—W.IL. 18.
' While there is dew in town and country men will talk of thee.'
I" aeth anwir ar faeth ennyd;
I" aeth y gwir ar feth i gyd.—I.F. v. 42.
' Untruth has prospered for a season; truth has wholly failed.' Pe wna hon, a fynno hi.—D.G. 516.
' She will do as she pleases.' Note/is with fern. subject. The form was prob-./b, s.sfe is late; it occurs in the i6th cent.: TO golhid yr hen lyfreu T.L.H. [8J ' the old books would be lost'.
In the spoken lang., in S. W. i (for _fi, mi 1) and/a are heard; but in some parts the pron. of the game person as the subj. is used, as chi welwch ' you see ', nw dn' ' they will go '. In N. W. mi alone is used for all persons, having ousted fo, which survives only in parts of Powys. In Sweet's specimens of N. W. dialect TPS. 1882-4, 477 many assertions begin with the verb, with rad. initial, which is utterly impossible in pure dialect. Every such verb is introduced by an affirmative particle, except in answers and denials consisting of single words, as Clywaf ' Yes, I hear'.
(5) Ml. W. ef&s in (i) above is tlie same as the ef in nao ef ' not so ; no ', ai e 'is it so ?' and i-ef ' it is so'. The construction mi ganaf may be originally ' as for me, I will sing', which explains the
§ 21-9
ADVERBS

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oblique mi instead of the nom. i. Undoubtedly later the pronoun was identified with the subject, though ef largely retained its charaotgi? of a particle.
iv. (i) The rel. a is used in Early Ml. W. to Bap'pSrI an infixed pron. before a verb ; thus --,.„,,- '
A'th Tcivarchaw B.B. 98 ^ A?th gyfvarchaf E.P. 578 ' I prreet thee'. A.'th vendiguis-te Awraham B.B. 35 'Abraham blessed tliee.' Ae Si'wch bi wynnyeith B.T. 12 'And there will be vengeance upon you'. A's attehwys DofyS do. 24 'The Lord answered him'. A.'s kyWfwS, gwenyn do. 40 ' Bees gather it'.
It is used not only in affirmative sentences, but also before the subjunctive to express a wish ; as •
A.'m bo forth B.B. 34 'May there be a way for me'. A'TO eirolwe ne ( = eirolwy ny) Mihangel do. 3 2 ' May Michael intercede for us'.
(2) This form prob. arose where the subject was expressed, as in A's attebwys Dofydd, the a anticipating Dofydd; and is perhaps a survival for a particular purpose of the habit of putting the rel. clause first, which prevails in Skr. (Wliitney 512 a), and may have been primitive..
v. (i) Ml. W. ry, the perfective particle, with the past makes it pert. in sense, aspaw6 ry gavas y gy varies W.M. 470 ' everybody has had his gift'; with the pres. subj., makes it perf. subj., as kanys ry ga-ffo o arall do. 453 ' though he may not have had him from another'; with the impf. subj., makes it plup., as kyn wys ry welhei eiroet do. 454 'though he had never seen her';
with the plup., causes no modification of meaning, y n/n. ( = yr hyn) ry aoawsei do. 453 ' that which he had promised'. See Strachan, Intr. 57-60. It is sometimes reduced to r after neu i (i); ny, as nyr Sarjfo •W.M. 230 ; a, as ar boet/ioeS do. 123. In Early Mn. verse ry is a rare survival: .Annoethwas a'i rh.y-wnaetJwedd D.G. 509 ' A booby had made it'.
It is prefixed to a verbal noun giving it a perfect sense ; and is mostly found redundantly after gwedy, as yo oeo Icawat o eira gwedy vy-cidi. .. a gwalch wyllt gwedy vy-lab hwyat W.M. 140 ' a shower of snow had fallen, and a wild hawk had killed a duck'; this is reduced to (g)wedyr s.a. 53, which survives in Early Mn. W. verse, as gwedy r' odi D.G. 27 quoted from- the above'; wedy r' euraw L.G.C. 363 ' having been ennobled'.
It is seen from the first example above that the rel. a was not used with ry, which day contain the rel. without alteration of form. But


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in tlie Late Ml. period d began to Ie inserted before it, as ac a ry-wnaethoeS W.M. 30 (§ 151 ii (2)). The mutation after it was orig. tlie same as after ny ; thus in direct statements ry chedzais detyf B.B. 14 'he kept the law'; relatival, pawb ry gavas above. The lemtion of the relatival form "was generalized.
(2) Ml. W. ry == Ir. ro < *pro- : Lat. pro, etc., § 156 i (21). The relatival use may be due to the analogy of ny, though it is not impossible that rel. ry may have been formed like ny itself, by contraction, thus ry < *r(i;)o < *pr(o) w.
vi. (i) Positive answers: to questions introduced by a, the answer is the verb repeated, or its equivalent, as gwnaf 'I will do [so] ', except when it is aor. or perf., in which case the answer is do ' yes'. To questions introduced by ai the answer is Ml. W. ief, ien, Mn. "W. t-e; indirect, Ml. W. mae ef R.M. 29 ' that it is', Mn. W. mai e.
In Ml. W. the verb may be repeated in the aor. also : A ovynneist tl a oeo gerS ganthunt / Govynneis W.M. 487 ' Didst thou ask whether they had a craft? I did.'
Whether ef W.M. 42 correRponding to mae ef B.M. 29 is a scribal error, or a shorter form of reply, is not clear.
(2) do: Ir. to 'yes'. Thurncyscn, Gr. 492, derives the latter from Ar. *tod ' that' ; but W. d- is inconsistent with this. Ehys, LWPh.' 242, assumes that it is the preverb *do, the verb being omitted so that do became a generalized past verb meaning ' he (I, we, etc.) did '; *do-survives in Welsh only as the prefix dy- : Ir. to-, do- Vendryes Gr. 239 ;
there are survivals in Ir. of do used as a perfective particle : mligid 'milks', perf. sg. i. do-ommalg, tongid 'swears', perf. du-wi-tig, Thurneysen Gr. 322. The alternation t-: d- occurs in this, cf. § 196 i (3); and the answer expected is a verb.
t-ef< *^ semo-s ' that [is] so'. *z : Gk. owoo-f, Umbr. -?,; Goth. ja, O.H.G. ia, E. yea. mai e ' that it is so'; mai § 222 x (2), e as in ai e, see § 218 iii.
§ 220. Adverbs of Time, Place, Manner and Measure.
—i. (i) In Ar., adverbs or words which were later used as adverbs had the following forms: (a) Bare stems, as *»c § 217 iv (i), *pro > Gk. irpo § 210 x (i).—(b) Cases of noun, adj. and pron. stems, including- the nom. sg-., as Lat. versus § 311 iv (a).
—(c) Stems with special adverbial suffixes ; see (3) below.
(a) (a) A demonstrative or similar adj. forming- with a'noun in an oblique case the equivalent of an adverb was often compounded with. it as Lat. ho-die.—(b) A preposition with its
§ 220
ADVERBS

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object generally forms an iidvoi-1) equivalent, and many such expressions became improper conipoiiinlH, us Ok. fK-iro8a>v.
(3) The special adverbial suflixcR wrrn (a) forniH will] a dental, Bee § 162 vi (z);—(6) forms with yh- BH (!k. Si^u ; we § 222 5 "(3) ;-— (c) forms with r, as Lat. cur, W. pyr ' wliy 'I'— (d) foniiH wit.h a nasal, as Lat. superne, see § 209 vii;—(r) the millix -a, IIH in Ok. 8<t, Lat. bis.—See Brugmann2 II ii 728-73H.
ii. The following' W. inlvrrlw ri'prctwnt old ndvorliiiil forms :
(1) Early Ml, W. nu ' now ', on Wu ny m rar-i (iiii'nilit. B.B. 50 'Now Gwenddydd lovea 1111' noli'. The Hound was doubtless nw (: Ir. iin), and tli G Late Ml. mi i>.g'. W.M. 413, instead of *nw, is a mechanical transcript ol' (ho earlier spelling', the word helving become obsolete.
nu < Ar. *nu bare Btem, boHido *»»C;Gk. vv, O.H.G., O.E. MM,
Skr.nu, nu.
(2) Early Ml. W. mooh ' soon, early, quickly ' e. g. B.B. a,
moch, Ir. mos ' soon' < *moks = Lat. mox, prob. nom. of a cons. stem like vix {: vinco) Brugmann2 II ii 679 : Skr. maksv:'' quickly, soon'.
(3) doe ' yesterday'.
doe = Lat. heri both from *gh9wsei: Gk. ^('s § 76 vii (2), § 98 i (3).
(4) yrhawg, rhawg ' in future, for a long time to come',
Ml. MV.ymwc v..v. 1034.
yrhawg < *pera-ko-(s) formed from *pera like *prokos (> Lat. -procus, W. rJiaij) from "pro: Gk. a-epn, *irp5KO- m Ion. irpiyo-o-o) (Brugmaun2 II i 481).
(5) hwnt 'hence, yonder', as 'Ef hwnt, ef yma B.T. 37 'It (the wind) [is] there, it [is] here'. Saf hwnt Gen. xix 9 ' stand back'. DOS hwnt M.'E. i 135 ' go away'.
hwnt, Bret. hont < *som-tos consisting of the demoust. stem *som-'this', § 164 vi, and the suffix *-tos 'from' as in Lat. in-tus § 162 vi (2).
(6) yno ' there, thither, then', yna ' then, there (near you) ', Early Ml. W. ynoeth B.B. 66 (thither', inaeth do. 58 ' then', oS-ynoeS B.T. 19 'then, thereafter', o^-ynaeth B.P. 581 id.
yn 'there, thither' before the rel. y, y6, yd ' where', as yn-^ tereu tonneu tir B.B. 63 (there where waves beat the shore', en


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e-bo dacleleu A.L. i 63 ' where there is st suit'; A'r vorwyu a Hoeth yn y6 oe6 Peredur W.M. 148 'and the maid came to where P. was'. Also, similarly used, myn, men, as wya-yd vo truin yd wit trev (= vyo trew) B.B. 83 ' where there is a nose there will be a sneeze'; of. 36; a bodes vy ren men y maent ryo B.P. 1367 ' which my Lord has put where they are free '; cf. 1344.
The older forms of yno, ''yna are ynoeth, ynaeth; the B.T. ynoeS represents the intermediate stage between ynoeth and yno § 78 i (i). ynaefh>yna hag followed the analogy of ynoeth; Powys dial. ene shows the change of ae to e § 31. ynoeth and ynaeth imply Brit. *enokt-,
*enaJst-, the latter doubtless for *endkt- § 74 iv. These are prob. derivatives of the pron. stem. *eno-', but the formation is not quite clear. We may assume forms *eno-ko-s, *end-Jco-s formed like
*pro-ko-s, *pera-ko-s, and adverbs with a (-suffix formed from these, on the analogy of *ek-tos (: Ir. acht, Gk. tici-os); thus *eno-k-te ' thither' > ynoeth. For the base of. Sfer. ana ' then; ever ', Gk. S[vvj ' the third [day]' (' that [day]'), ITmbr. inum-k, inum-ek, enow, ' turn'.—Ml. W. yn ' there ; thither' may represent the loc. and ace.
*eni and *enon of the pion.—Ml. W. myn, men seems to be the same with initial (y)m- < *esiw, sce(ti). The rhyme Ten/men shows that the -n is single, and Iliat tho vowel was long; lipncc tlic woid cannot be an oblique case of mann 'place', though w ticated later, and written man.
(7) eto ' again, yet', Ml. W. etwo, etwa, earlier edwaeth C. E.P. 1173, etwaetli B.T. 29, M. w. ^a, eddwaeth {dd=d-d, not S8) B.B. 88. Also etton fi.p. 1364, 1309, etonn do. 1331, etwan IL.A. 37, W.M. 61.
The ( is for d by provection before M § 111 v (2), so that the older form was edwaeth, *edwoeth (wa : wo interchange), which implies Brit. *et..uokt~. This seems to be a formation like yno, see (6), from a base *eti-uo; *eti : Gk. Sri, Skr. dti (which may represent *ati or
*eti) ' over, beyond ' ; uo < *upo : Skr. fipa, as adv. ' moreover, farther ', see (9). The foirn efon, etwan < *edwon < Brit. *eti-yo-na, an adverb formed with an ra-suffix, see i (3). For loss of w before o see § 36 iii.—The existence of *eti as well as *ati in Kelt. is shown by Gaul. eti-c ' and'. It does not seem possible to explain the e- of eto except as original *e-.
(8) hefyd ' also, besides', Ml. W. hevyt. In Late Mn. W. it is used in positive statements only; but in Ml. and Early Mn. W. its use is not so restricted; see e. g. W.M. 8.
* Of, ryddnant 68 for r^d\'n,ant; the d doubled became the Byll. w eloged; sea § 54 i (3).
§220
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W threithir y gwir i gyil Yn llyfr nac unlle hofyd.—0. 01., v 114/458.
' The whole truth is not stated in a lx)o)< "r ftiiywiioro else.'
'hefyd < Brit. *sami-ti; suff. of iiiiiiincr *-ti § 1(>2 vi (2) added to
*SyM-i-, with t'-flexion following *s in li- (: L»l. niiin/1-n} : Ir. wtmlith, same meaning, < *samali-ii < tlio 1'ullrr *n^ii^ti- : cf. Lilt. ximitu appaiently formed with bud', -tud fiom luc. *»>•»«»', Wnldi)" g.v.
(9) wedi 'afterwards' e. ff. MntL xxvi 73, Act. in 24, B.cw. 31 1. 10, gweiH I. 22 ; Early Mil. \V. und Ml. W. (ff)v'edy, 0. W. g/uotig ox., fpirlig B.S.LII. 3 ' ttl'tfrwards'; no, dii/nt M gwecly AM. 168 'neitlicr hclorc nor lifter', ct/nf na chwedy L.G.C. 66.
The final -i in 1atc § 2 1 3 ii (2). In tlio recent period wedi adv. has given place to wedf/n, 11 dinl. contraction of wfily)iyn 'aflur this'.
gwedy, 0. W. <JIH>IHJ, Kict. i/m/de < P>rit. *7ii'ih;/(im) wliich may be for *uo-te-goa (<(J > IIJ ^ 05 li (3)); *yo < *iipn wliicli as an adverb of time nuant 'after', vf.
Hkr. u]ia adv. ' moreover, fmther', and Lat. s-ub- in sub-sequor, succedo; *-te suffix of time § 162 vi (2); to
*w-te seems to have been added the suff. *-ghos as in ac 'and' § 222 i (3). Its consonantal ending is proved by the rad. initial which follows it as a prep.
(10) draw 'yonder'; yma a tJiraw ' here and there'.
draw is probably for *trawf § 110 iii (i) < *trnm-, perhaps loc.
*trainet of stem *trdmo- '. cf. *pramo- in Lat. firutidiwn. " From Vter- there are old nominal wz-formationR, wliicli linvo beconio adverbial and prepositional " Blugmann2 II ii 901. 8cc§ 156i (22).
(11) yma 'here', poet. yman; Ml. W. i/na W.M. 33, ymma do. 33, 39, yman IL.A. 30; Jiyt yman W.M. 186 'hither'; draw ac yman B.P. 1369.
A chais wn o'i chusanau a Misprinted yma. Ymaii8' i'w ddwyn ym, neu ddau.—D.G. 186, cf. 264. ' And ask for one of her kisses to bring here to me—or two.'
Chuilio yman (misprinted ym man) . . . Chwilio hwnt Gr.O. 32
' Sealching here, searching there'. W. yma, yman, Corn. yma, omma (o s y Williams Lex. s.v.), -ma
*man, Biet. ama, ama7i, -ma, -man, Van. uma, amann, amenn. On the loss of final -nn see § 110 v (2). The word is perhaps to be divided *ym-ann < *esmi loc. sg. of the pron.
*e- § 189 iii (2) + *anda prob. < *an-dha; *an- variant of *en- of the *eno- pi on. (cf. Goth. mpar 'alius ' Brugmann2 II ii 336) with suff. -dha § 162 vi (2) as in Skr. i-hd ' here', Gk. lv-6a; *anda survives in Bret. ann ' here', Ir. and ' there, in it'. , ' • noa F f


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§220
§ 220
ADVERBS
485
(ia) Allan 'out, in the open', Ml. "W.allann B.P. 1044, IL.A. 106, 167, usually written allan but rhyming with -ann in Early Ml. verse, thus cann./lloergan(w)/allan(n)/law(n) B.T. 27.
The adj. allanol' external', so written and pronounced, is not older than the iyth cent., and so was formed long after the distinction between '-an and '-ann had been lost, § 56 iii. There was no derivative of allan, and therefore nothing to show whether it had -n or -nn.
allann < Brit. *alland(a), which represents *pJ,-wm-d1ia or a similar formation from Vpeld- ' stretch out' : Lat. pdlam ' openly ' : 0. Bulg. polje ' field ', 0.~E.feld, E. field; of. i maes ' *in field' vi (2), which has ousted allan in S. W. dialects. Cf. also Mn. Ir. o soin ale 'from that time forward' O'Don. Gr. 263 ; o hynny allan W.M. iz (soin Mn. W.) ' thenceforth'.
(13) Ml. W. rwy 'too much', as rwy yt werthey Arthur W.M. 470 ' overmuch dost thou asperse Arthur' ; see viii (i).
(14) y, y6, yd adverbial rel. § 163 ; pyr ' why ? ' paw ' whence?' cw, cwb, cwd ' where ?' § 163 ; amodd etc. § 209 ; heibio, acw, trwoS, drosodd, yngo, yngod, ucJw, ucJiod, iso, isod § 210.
iii. The following adverbs are oblique cases of nouns and adjectives:
(1) fry 'up', obi. case, prob. loc., of ire 'hill' § 103 ii (i).
(2) orig 'for a little while' dim. of awr; ennyd 'for a little while' (also am orig, am ennyd); ennyd awr D.G. 103 id.;
oil 'wholly' § 168 ii (a); lawer 'much' § 169 ii (i); beth 'to some extent' § 169 iv (i); ddim ' at all' § 170 v (3); syrn 'a great deal' obi. case of siorn 'cluster, crowd' § 129 ii (i) ex. 3 ( < ^s-tur-no- : Lat. tur-ma, Vtuer-); gylch 6gylc1i, etc. § 47 iii; agos (nearly'; nemawr, fawr in neg. clauses ' much';
achlan ' wholly'.
achldn is used like oil, generally following tlie word or phrase which it limits, as a'r tyt achlan ' and the wliole world ' M.A. i 376, Pryde/'m achlan E.r. 1402, y IluoeS achlan K.M. 136 ' all the hosts'. It is prob. an adj. which as an adv. retains its old accentuation like yrhdwg, erioed § 47 i, ii. The most likely Brit. form is *aiakladnos which may he for *n-ql»d-no- 'un-broken', Vqolad- 'strike, break' : Lat. incolumis ' un-harmed, whole'; cf. E. whole in two senses ; cf. also W. di-dwn' unbroken, whole ', di-goll' whole ', coll<*qol'd-, Vqoidd-.
(3) After an adj.: iawn ' very', as da iawn ' very good';
odiaeth ' very', Gen. xii 14 ( : odid); aruthr ' amazingly, very ', as werch landeg aruthr B.cw. 9 ; ofnadwy ' terribly', etc.

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(4) Before an adj. with rod. initial; llawer before cpv., § 169 ii (i); mwy, mwyaf § 161 i; Bimiliirly llai, llciaf; and in Mn. W. digon, as digon (fa 'good enough '; niiiiicral.with Cpv. (with mutation peculiar to the iniiiirriil) ^ 1!")4 iii (2).
(5) gynt 'formerly'; cynt ' proviiiui-ly '; gynnou 'a short time (few hours) ago '; mwy, mwyiich ' Ix'iicrfortli'; byth 'ever'; weithiau 'somciiini'K'; viiirnilh, c(,r. ^ 154 iii (i);
ehwaith, ycJiwaitJi 'cither', wliicli rr]ilin'cn lirfifil in neg. clauses in the late period, un na Jtirmi c/nrn'tl/i Lue xxiii 15 'nor H. either'.
byth\H tho Ir. Jiith 'rvt'r' l)<)rriiwril, tlie etymological equivalent of "W. byd 'world '. W. liylh IB Kriii'rully sounded wi<li short y, more rarely bi/tii, wliicli fiillown Ilir W. itimlogy of monosyllables in -th. As the word in always iircciitril tin' hlnir) ?/ can only 1)0 at'couiilcd for by the aspumption (if borrowing. The furiii n pJiyth n.r. 1028, L.G.C. 264 is due l.ii tlie falnc iiiiiildgy of <i rliynt in wliicli tlie orig. rad. is c-.
diweitit in Late Ml. W. occurs cliieny before a noun, and means ' any', as no. chlywei arnaw cliweith dolur e.Q. 55 ' that he did not feel any pain ', chweith antur do. 34, chweith pechawt do. 46 ; more rarely y chweith'at all' do. 62. In Mn. W. it is found with an adj., as rhag na chaphom aros ehwaith hir G.R. [95] ' lest we may not stay very long', Canys nid yw ehwaith teg do. [124] 'for it is not very seemly ', ehwaith hir B.CW. 40. Tliese expressions seem to show that ehwaith is orig. a iioiin ; perhaps i/wailh ' occasion ' § 100 i (2), as in unwaith above (willi prof. *cJ{s-1) : Brct. c'/toas, Corn. v'hath, whSth, 'yet, again ' (*-'noJ(t- : *-iirkl,-).
(6) mwy (no) 1 more (than)'; wellwell, waethwaeth § 152 ii; haeacb in nog. clauses, meaning with the neg. ' not much, hardly at all'; oreu ' best', gyntaf ' first', etc.
-Nyt. arhoes ef haeach s.G. 38 'lie did not stay long '. The word is often used as a noun, as heb wneuthur hayach o Srwc s.G. 39 ' without doing much wrong'; cf. IL.A. 122. hayachen E.M. 142, a. 234has the gense of ' almost'.—haeach seems to be a cpv. of an adj. *hae < *sag-^o-or *sog-w-, Vsegh- : Ob. S^a' much ' adv., Vsegh-, Boisacq B.V. ^<i).— haeachen is perhaps the full stein, and so the true obi. form, § 147 iv (3).
(7) Noun or adj. in an obi. case followed by the obi. rel. y, yS, yr, neg. na, uad, (loc.) ni, nid:—(a) in a dependent clause :. modd y 'in the manner in which, so that', modd na 'so that ... not'; pryd y ' at the time when, when', pryd na ' when . . . not'; lie y, lie y8, lie yr, generally lie, lle'r ' in the place where, .where', Ml. W. lie ny, Mn. lie ni ' where . . . not'.— F f 2


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(&) Prcdicatively w^ the head of a sentence, §; 163 vii (a):
odid y ' [it is] a rarity that, [it is] improbable that', odid na ' [it is] improbable that . . . not', i. e. it is probable that;
hawdd y ' [it is] with ease that'; da y ' [it is] well that';
prm y ' [it is] scarcely [the case] that', braidd y ' [it is] hardly [the case] that', as SreiS y diengis E.B.B. 319 ' he hardly escaped', braidd na ' [it is] hardly that . . . not' i. e. ' [it is (was)] almost [the case] that', as braidd na bum bridd ga y becU D.G. 396 ' I was almost dost in the grave'.
'braidd may represent the instr. *bradu of an adj. cognate with Gk. BpaSvs ' tardy', Lat. gurdus. Except in the above construction it generally has a governing prep. in Ml. W., vii (i), bat later it is •used as an adv. in any position. It is not used as an adj.
An adj. preceding a vb. duectly (without y), as mad Sevthoste B.B. 87 ' well hast thou come', forms a loose compound with it, § 207 ii, and takes pre-verbal ny (not nyt), as ny mad aeth B.B. 70, ny phell gwy8 B.A. 26 ' falls not far '.
iv. The following- adverbs are formed of nouns in obi. cases with a demonblriitive or similar adj., seo i (2) (a).
(i) h6-ddiw, Late Mn. W. ln''i1i1i/w § 37 hi; heno § 78 i (i);
e-leni 'this year' for *-he-flen.i, Bret. hevlene.
heSiw for *heSyw § 77 v < *se-diws = Skr. sa-dwah ' at once' beside sa-dydh ' on the same day' prob. loc. sg. of an s- stem, and so not formed directly from *dizeus ' day', but an old formation going back to Pr. Ar. The othei s are prob. formed in Brit. on its analogy :
he-no < *8e-nokti loc. oi*nokts; e-leni for *he-lyni (owing to preference for e..i sequence, cf. § 65 iii (2)) < 1 *Uidnii loc. of *bleidom which gives hlwyddyn ' year'.
(a) beunydd ' every day', beunoeth ' every night'.
The noun in these was ace. But Blit. *papon d^zen (< *q*aqvo'm dtiem) should give W. *pawb nyK ', it K;ems to liiive 1icen made into an improper compound eaily, nud the aw trcuteil like ordinary penultimate aw (which normally comes from *ou) and affected to eu § 70 iv (3), giving *peubnyS >peunyS; then by analogy peunoeth (and S. W. dial. o beutu for lit. o boptv); Bret. bemdeiz, Treg. baonde.
(3) yn awr 'now' § 114 iv; yr awron, weithion, etc., § 164 iii; ymannos ' the other night' R.P. 1364, D.G. 8a, 158,
200.
ymannos is probably to be placed here although the exact form of its Blifc. original is doubtful. It stands for *yniannoeth which may represent loc.
*esmi undo, nokti lit. ' this here night', see ii (i i).
§ 220

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(<) pa Ie, pie ' wliere ?' pa ddolw, pa fodd ' how ?' pa bryd
• when ?
' etc. § 163 ii.
(5) rywbryd ' some time ', rywfodd ' yomellow '.
v. Adverbs formed of a noun or mlj. preceded by a conjunction pr neg. part.:
(1) and + noun or pron. : ond odid n.cw. 31 ' prrhaps' (lit. 'except a rarity') § 169 v (4); ond untur ]).(«. 266, G.Gr. D.G. 338 'almost', wifli nrg. • li]inll\ ' (lil. 'but by chance');
ond hynny 'nny niorr ' n,.ii. y^, </), T. ii 176.
(2) fi.iil + cpv. iidj,: nid liwyrach i Cor. xvi 6 'perhaps';
nid g-rtraeth 'CM'II ' e.g. J).N. r. i 167, D.G. 410; nid amgeri:
'namely' (lit. 'no) otherwise') Ml. W. nyt amgen.
It is curious tluit •)iid ItWiji'tich \s gciierully reduced to hwyroch in the recent prriod, though it survives as <("(//)rac/t in Gwyn. dial.
vi. Adverbs formed of nouns governed by prepositions :
(1) The prep. and noun compounded: eoh-nos ' the night before last'; ecu-doe 'the day before yesterday'; tran-noeth ' the following day'; tren-nydd ' the day after to-morrow'; tra-dwy ' the third day from to-day'; Ml. W. a-vory, W.M. 4, IL A. no, Mn.W. y-f6ry 'to-morrow'; yr-llynedd, er-llynedd 'last year '; 6-bry ' down '; eisoes, eisioes ' already ', Ml. W. eissoes 'nevertheless'; g6r-mo8, Late Mil. W. g6r-mod 'excessively';
adrefiL.A. 109' homewards', so in Mn. W.
edi-doe is an iiiipropi'r compound formed when *cc/t < *eks was a living picp.; ecJt-nos is foiincd on its mialogy, or is changed for an older *w1t-iwc,th. On trunnoelh, trennyS see § 15G i (22);—tra-dwy for *taT-dwy < *tar6s duuo ' beyond two [days] '; in such a phrase it ia possible that the accent of *dum miglit be on the -o, the original position ( : Skr. duvd); and *duwj > *duui would give -dvoy not *-deu § 76 v (4);—a-vory tor *aS-vory < "ad marig-i (prob. loc.; *ad takes loc. in Germ. also) ' to-morrow ';—yr-UyneS < *per Uidwian ace. of
*Ueidom ' year';—eisoes < t *es-i-oes ' ever ' (: oes ' age ') formed like eiroet (4) ; cf. Fr. ioujwrs ' nevertheless ';—adref, an old compound, §99v(4).
(2) The prep. and noun uncompoundcd, or forming improper compounds accented on the ultima : i fyny 'up', MI.W.J vynyCb} § 110 iv (3); i lawr 'down'; i waered 'down'; i mewn 'inside' § 215 iii (i); i maes 'out', Ml. W. y maes CM. 58, E.M. 172, H..A. 122, l66; o vywn IL.A. 166 'inside'; o vacs ib. 'outside';


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ACCIDENCE
§ 220
yn 61 ' back', ar 61 (behind' § 315 iii (6); ar hynt ' immediately' S.Q. 274; oddi fyny 'from above', oddi lawr 'from below', oddi mewn ' inside'; ymlaen ' in front' § 315 iii (10);
ynghyd ' together', Ml. W. ygkyt w.M. 103, E.M. 75 (for which y gyt is oftenest found, see ib.), i gyd 'wholly', M!. W. y gyt § 156 i (8); ar lied ' abroad', late ar led,; ar frys ' hastily', rhag llaw 'henceforth', Ml. W. me llaw R.P. 1418, dra-chefn 'backwards, over again' § 214 iii; ymaith 'away', Ml. W. ymdeith for earlier e ymdeith W.M. 3 ; i ffwrdd id.
i waered; gwaered < *upo-ped-ret- ' under-foot-run';—i maes = Bret. emeas, Corn. ernes < *ens magess- ' into field ';—ar hynt: hynt '' way ' § 63 iii (i) ; i ffwrdd -.ffordd § 140 ii.
(3) With the article : o'r blaen ' formerly'; o'r neilitu c on one side', o'r herwydd ' on that account'.
(4) With an infixed pron.: o'i fron, f. o'i bron L.G-.C. 133 ' throughout', lit. ' from its breast'; in Late Mn. W. with the art., o'r bron ' wholly' (used in S.W., and mistaken by some recent N.W. writers [ov ymroii, hron 'nearly' ^ '-'15 iii (14) which is now used as an adv.); er-m-oed 'during my time', Ml. W. eirmoet E.P. 1259; er-i-oed 'ever' § 34 iii, Ml. W. ewifoet, eiroet; the form erwed with the 3rd sg. pron., 'during his time', was generalized, and of the forms with other persons only ermoed survived; it is used in poetry down to the Early Mn. period, e.g. D.G. aa, L.G.C. 194. Ml. eir- is regular for er{- § 70 ii;
in eirmoet it is due to the analogy of eiroet.
vii. Adverbs formed of adjectives governed by prepositions :
(r) ar fyrr B.CW. 18 'in short'; ar hir D.G. 353 'for a long while'; ar iawn D.G. 5 'straight'; ar waeth R.G.D. 149 'in a worse state'; trwy deg ' fairly', t'rwg deg nen hagr ' by fair [means] or foul'; trwy iawn ' by right'; wrth wir ' truly ';
o fraidd 'scarcely', Ml. W. o vreib IL.A. 108, a-breih W.M. 131.
(a) ®" Any adj. following pi, as yn. dda 'well', yn well 'better', yn ddrwg ' badly', yn fawr ' greatly', yn gam 'wrongly'. The adj. has the soft initial except when it is 11 or rh § 111 i (i); but in many expressions forming improper compounds it has the nasal; as ynghynt ' sooner', ymhell 'fer', yngham ' wrongly', ynghudd 'secretly' etc. § 107 v (6).
§ 220
ADVERBS

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W. yn, Corn. yn, Ml. Brct. m, enl, lr. in, ind < *en-do; "W. yn fawr = Ir. in ninr. In Ir. tin' ndj. WRH Kr'r'i'ully ill tlie dat.; and Zeusa ZE. 608-9 explained i'nd I>H tlir dul. nl' the defiiiilr iirticlc. This explanation has been widely loccivfd, mill \n rrjx'ntod r.g. by Thurneysen Gr. 228. Against it may bo ur^cil:—i, (>tli<'r prepositions are similarly used in W., see above.—•2, Tlio prep. "rii-ilii like *</o governed the dat.—3.
In Ir. co (Mil. Ir. go, W. /'i'i § 21'1 iv), ^ liich is synonymous with *endo, wa'< often niit)Hlitn)ril fur it, inid ImH Hiipcrsedcd it in Mn. Ir.—4. W. ynihi'fl, fir., nliow tlint mniph' *rii cmilil be used as well as *en-do; yn bril ' 1'in'' luid ynihtll ' fur ' iini 11 doublet, both forms being in usr ; ynilii''/t '}» llic minir coiiyti uctioii an yiiilden. where the yn is a prop.--5. in W, IfiiiliiiK //;( IH iilso ui-cd to introduce the indefinite roniplciiiriit of vcil)M of Ir'iiiR, brcoining, niakingr, etc., 'which iniikcs it (lifllcult fnr u H|)riikfr of <lio Iftii^nage to believe that leniting yii \» tlio definite aiticlr.—6. Tlic analogy not only of W. and Ir. but of other languages in nil in fnvour of the prep., e.g. E. a-long, a-briind, etc.
(3) Special CUHCH of comparatives after yn: yn hytraoh ' rather', yn chwaethach W.M. 10 ' not to speak of, yghwaefhach I!.M. 85, yykwaetltach do. 150, agJiwaethach do. 156, yg kyvoetliach W.M. p. 916, anoetfiach do. 182 ; also later chwaethach B.CW. 14, •
hyfrach is cpv. of hydr ' strong, prevailing' : O.Bret. hitr, Ir. setfiar, of unknown origin.—chwaethach (misspelt chweithach by Silvan Evans) is generally supposed to be from chwailh iii (5), e. g. D.D. s.v. ; if so it has F°-grade *-iwk-t- ; -nchw- > -uliir- § 2G vi (3); y/c s ah § 21 i;
an- < *n-do-'. * en-do- ; yg kyv- Becnis to liuvc pief. kyv- ; unoethach, with no piuf., but willi w lost before o § ;l(i iii.
(4) Superlatives with the art.: o'r goreu ' very well 1' o'r rhwyddaf Gr.O. 31 'most readily'; i'r eithaf ' extremely';
'ar y cyntaf' at first' ; dial. ar y lie I of ' rather too little', ar y mwyaf ' rather too much'.
viii. (i) The prefixes rhy-, go- and tra- by being accented separately before adjectives have come to be regarded as adverbs rlru, go, and tra ; thus rht[ dda ' too good ', go dda ' rather good ', tra da 'very good' § 45 iv (2). See also § 156 i (16), (21), (aa).
In the late period rhi[ is used as a noun ' excess' for Ml. W. rwy, as in Nyt gwell rwy no digawiz E.B. 963 ' too much is not better than enough '; this is prob. the adv., ii (13), used as a noun ; rhwy adv.< *pm (: *J)rai, Lat. prae) § 210 x (5).
(a) lied and pur forming loose compounds with adjectives, § 155 iv, are to the present linguistic consciousness adverbs; so prin in prin ddau Gr.O. 58 ' scarcely two', etc.


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ACCIDENCE
221,222
§ 221. Many adverbs are improper compounds formed of sentences fused into words. The following may be noted in W.:
i. (i) ysywaeth ' the more the pity', Ml. W. ysywaeth T^.A. 157, s.G. 252, for ysy waeth ' which is worse '.
(a) gwaethiroeS duw O.K. 30 for gwaeih yr oe8 duw (?) ' woe worth the day'; Gwentian gwaithiro dduw H.G. 106.
(3) yswaetheroeS L.G.C. 38, seemingly a confusion of (i) and (2).
'ii. (i) agatfydd Gr.O. 263, J.D.R. 134 'perhaps', Ml. W. agatvyS S.G. 234, ac afvyS W.M. 2, H.M. 2, for ag a afvyS ' with what will be' i. e. per-adventure; cf. a advo B.B. 8 ' what may happen'.
(2) agattoeS H.M. ii 85 'it might be', ac attoeh E.M. 212, for ag a *ad-/ioe6; for *hoeb see § 180 ii (3).
(3) ysgatfydd ' perhaps' i Cor. xv 37 for ys ag a atfydd.
iii. ysgwir, 'sgwtr L.G.C. 444 'truly', for ys gwir ' it is true';
malpei J.D.R. [xiv] ' as it were; bo to speak' for mat pei' as ifc were' ; sef (this is, that is, imim'ly ', for ys ef.
iv. (i) llyma ' voici', llyna ' voila', for syJf yma 'see here', syll yna ' see there', cf. Bret. sefu ' voici, voila' prob. for sellet Jiu ' see ye '; cf. syll dy racco E.M. 133.
(2) Mn. W. dyxna ' voici', more fully weldyma B.CW. 34, Late Ml. W. weldyma s.G. 221, for wel dy yma E.M. 58, wely dy yna •w.M. 80 ' seest thou here ? ' So Mn. W. dyna ( voila' for wel dy yna ? and Mn. W. dacw ' see yonder' for wel dy raccw ? see § 173 iii (3). Similarly ducho 'see up above', welducho for wel(y) dy ucho; diso 'see below', weldiso D.G. 113, dial corr. dusw; dyfry ' see up', dobry ' see down', dyngo ' see close by' [yngo § 310 viii (5)).
CONJUNCTIONS
§ 222. The Welsh conjunctions are the following:
i. Annexive : a, ac 'and', (i) The -c of ac is a survivnl of Ml. spelling § 18 ii; the word is sounded ag, and is treated as ag in cynghanedd, as seen by the correspondences marked below, cf § 111 v (4). In many Mn. MSS. it is written ag,
^ 222
CONJUNCTIONS

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(tudalen 441) (delwedd 2573)

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Ao yno ym mi'dm Oirynfilil
Imi <ir hilr y iiiim'r {iriiil D.G. 60. 'And there among tlic birch-tn'iH <if fiwynodd <lic grave is being prepared for me.' A<J in the l<'xt lidrii, lint .('• in tlir previous couplet.
Ni thorruis un llytliyrm 0 bin ao inc Iwb <•»»' Qii'fn 1>.N. M i.)6/i47.
'I have not written ono letter with IM'II "ml ml l)ut Owen's name.'
Am Ftrii yr yiniifyiiinif, Mwnm nc our Mi'iii a f ' I, (1,(1. M 146/140.
' M6n will Iseek; ] Hliiill liuve tlin moinn unil gold ofMon.'
(a) ac (sag) is iim'il liefore \owels; a [•spir.] before consonants, including h, und in Ml. and Early Mn. ""W. i; as bara a chaws ;
dwr a lialvn.
J\'» cliit'yiiaf od wyf afyich, Os yfit vy fyw a inch,—KG.G. H...H.M. 23.
' I shall not complain il i 11111 ill, if lie is nlivc mid well.' The MS. has ag, which is usual in the late period befoic i; Lut such combinations as ac haul bometimes seen in recent cynghanedd have no lit. or dial. justification, except perhaps in Gweutian where h is dropped.—The same rules apply to a, ag ' with '; na, nac ' nor '; no, noc ' than '.
(3) ag : Ir. acus, accus, ocus; the Ir. -c- or -cc- represents -gg- as proved by Mn. Ir. -g-; 'W. ag then represents *agg6s; the final -s and oxytone proved by the spir.mt initial which follows it; 11"' Ir. acus older occuis for *agg^ils < *a(/f/t)i-ti, l?ri('. *(tgiJ('is < *itt-iJli('is formed of *at ( : *et) § 63 v (2) nnd 11 y/i-Bun'ix as in (Ik.
Si'-^a, Si-^cw, Si-^o-Oev, etc.
The base *a/ (: *rt) is ronnrcft'd witli *aii (: */'//) ' beyonil', whence 'and, hut ' ; tlius L it. et, I'nil)!'. <t ' iinil ', (iotli. i}> 'and, hut' < *et : Lat. at 'but', Ooth. a]i-jian 'hut', (Jk. dT-<ip 'but' < *at. The suffix -i}!io'i is also seen in rg ' with ' § 213 iii (i); and in agos ' near ', the bii&c of which is probably *ad- ' to, near': Lat. ad, E. at; thus *agos < Blit. *aggostos < *ad-gfios-to-s.
ii. Disjunctive : (i) neu [soft] ' or'.
nev, < *n6u1 < *ne-ue: Ir. no, no, nu < *ne-ue. The second element is Ar. us ' or ' : Lat. -ve, Skr. vd ' or'. Thurneysen takes the first to be the neg. *ne- so that the oiig. meaning was ' or not' : Skr. nd-vd ' or not'. But the development of the meaning ib in tliat case not obvious. The *ne- may lie tlie stein of tlie *eno-, "no- pronoun, as Gk. -ve in Thess. ro-re ' To'Se', Skr. na ' as ', Lat. ego-ne etc., of which the loc. is the affiimative part. neu § 219 i (2); thus the original meaning would be 'or indeed, or rather'.
(a) Ml. W. ae ... ae ' whether... or; either... or'; Mn. "W. ai... ai; strengthened, naill ai... ai yntav,.


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442
ACCIDENCE
ae [rad.] comes before a verbal noun, noun, adj., adv., or their equivalents, but not before a verb, cf. § 218 i. A personal pron. after the second has the conjunctive form, minnow etc.
y roSi dewis ziSunt ae gwrhau iSaw ae ymwan ac ef W.M. 160 'to give them [their] choice whether to do homage to him or to fight with him'; dewis ti ae o'th voo ae o'th anvoS do. 124 'choose thou whether willingly or unwillingly '; ae tydi . . . ae titheudo.
162,171, cf. § 159 iii.
ae § 218 iii, yntan § 159 iii (a), iv (3).
(3) na, nac ' nor'; wa(c) ... na(c) (neither... nor'; na [spir.] before a consonant, including A and z; y,ac before a vowel;
'mac = nag ; exactly as for ac, see i above.
Er i gig ni r6i'r gegin
NOG er i groen garrai grin.—G.GL M I/no. 43. ' The kitchen would not give for his flesh or for his skin a sear thong.' The MS. has actually nag, as is often the case; see i (i). nag < *nagg6s < *n(e) at-ghos ' and not'.
iii. Adversative : (i) Mn. W. onid, ond [rad.] § 44 vi 'but', Ml. W. onyt; this is the form before a noun, etc., of ony ' if not', v (i) below.
(a) eithr [rad.] '.but', e.g. Act. iv 4, 15, 17, 19, ai= prep. eithr § 214 v.
(3) namyn [rad.]' but', namn § 44 vi, Ml. W. namyn, namew, namwyn, § 78 ii (i); O.W. Jionit nammui ' but only \
namyn os mivi a gdr yr amherawdyr, deuet Jiyt yman y'm 'hoi W.M. 186, cf. 185 'but if it is I that the emperor loves, let him come hither for me.'
ffael oedd, ac ni hawl iddi Na'i main na'i hawr, namyn hi.—D.G. 293.
' He is chivalrous, and agks of her neither her jewels nor her gold, hut only herself.'
namuyn, 0. W. nammui, Ir. namda ' not more'. It is sometimes found without n,-, by false division, as amyn B.CH. 16, amen A.I(. i 288 1. 3. The example fiom D.G. shows how the meaning developed:
' not more [than] ' > ' only ' > ' but'.
(4) Ml. W. hagen ' however', coming after the opening word or words of the sentence, and prob. an enclitic.
cam's rywelsei e/, wynteu hagen ni wyhvyssynt i eisseu ef w."nr. 9 'for he had not seen them ; they, however, had not missed him'; nut
11
§ 222
CONJUNCTIONS

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443
oe8 nes hagen i&i no chynt do. 17 ' lie was no nearer, however, to her than bcl'oi o'.
hagen, 0. W. hacen M.C. gl. »t' but', Bret. hogen 'hut' (not enclitic). It has been suggested that tlie first, part is identical with ac ' and (Loth. Voc. 150, Henry 165) ; us *at tlifc base of ac also menus ' but' 1(3) this is not improbable, but it is not ensy to account for the form. 0. W. has 'ha, hac as well as a, nc, but tlic /(- is not the aspirate, and is lost in Ml. W., § 112 i. If, howcvt'r, wo suppose a cpv. in *-isun of *agg6s, its loc. *aggisein would give *tig-/icn, which by early metath. of h (§ 94 ii) might give iiagen. For a similar cpv. cf. haeachen § 220 iii (6) ; amgen § 148 ii (2).
iv. Causal: (i) canys [rad.] 'since ', ccms §44 vi; Ml. W. can, Jcanys, cans W.M. 487 ' since'; kan(n)y, &hn(n)yf, ' since ... not';
kan[n)ys, caais iii (4) ' since . .. not. .. him (her, them)'.
ergliv wi (= erglyw jf) can dothuif B.B. 75 'hear me since I have come'; kaun wiles IL.A. 147 'since he has lost'; A chan derio yt Syvedfit y geir W.M. 31 ' and since thou hast said the word'.—canys priflys oe8 do. 64 ' for it was the chief court'; eisteS di yn y He hvmn kanys tydi bieu s.G. 6 ' sit thou in this place for it is thou to whom it belongs'.—Cany welas ef W.M. 16 ' since he did not see '; canyt oes vrenhin ar holl Annwvy-n namyn, ti do. 8 ' for there is no king over all A. but thee'.—cams, see iii (4); Kanys gwySut B.M. 282 ' since thou didst not know it'. Later Kanys ny s.G. 17.
can is the same wold as the prep. gem § 211 ii, iv (i) though possibly with a cons. ending, as it seems to take the rad.—canys ' since ' == cann ys ' since it is ' and is often written Tcaimys e.g. Hi.A. 9, 10, 13, etc. ; the -nn- is simplified because tlie word is generally unaccented; cf. anud for unnat § 214 viii. It rnrely comes directly before a verb : cans oeS W.M. 487 =?can oes B.M. 126.—The neg. kany is for can ny ; it was piob. accented on the last S}!!., hence the simplification of the -nn-. The accent would suffice to distinguish kanys ' since . . not . . him ' from the positive kanys ' since'.
(2) achos 'because', Ml. W. achaws.
Galw Gwrhyr ffwalltawt leithoeo, achaws yr holl ieithoeS a wySyat B.M. 114 ' Gwrhyr Gwalstawt leithoedd was called, because he knew all languages'.—The conj. is omitted in •W.M. 471.
achos § 65 ii (i), § 215 ii (i). o achos is used before v.n.'s and noun-claufccs, and so remains prepositional; Dent;, i 36, iv 37, vii 12, Num. xxx 5.
(3) o ran'for', § 215 iii (i a).
Pob byw wrth i ryw yr aefh, 0 ran taw yw'r naturiaeth.—W.IL., O.IL. 73.
' Every living thing goes after its kind, for nature is insistent.'


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ACCIDENCE
i§ 222
(4) Other Composite nominal prepositions are used as con.' junctions in the Late Mn. period: o blegid Act. i 5> ii 34's o herwydd I Cor. xv 53 ; o waith, in S.W. dial. waith.
v. Conditional: (i) o, od 'if, Ml. W. o, ot, or; os 'if it is';
ossit ' if there is' ; o'm ' if... me'; o'th .' if... thee '; os ' if... him (her, them)'; oni, onid ' if. .. not, unless', Ml. W. ony, onyt; oni 'm ' if... not. . . me ', on-is ' if... not... him (her, them)', Ml. W. onym, onys, etc. As above indicated the -s of os • is either ys 'is', or else the 3rd sg". or pi. infixed pron.; but in Late Mn. W. os came to be used instead of o, od for ' if simply ;

examples are common in the l6th cent.: os rhoed llaw W.IL. 60.— o is followed by the spirant, also in Early Mn. W. by the rad., of JO-, ;'-, c-, and by the rad. of other mutables; od is used before vowels.
Before Verbs : o chlywy Siaspat. . . o gwely <7wsw.M. 119-120 'if thou hearest a cry ... if thou seest a jewel'; o chai D.G. 30 ' if thou shalt get'; o caf do. 20 ' if I get'; od ey W.M. 446 'if thou goest';
ot agory do. 457 ' if tliou openest';—willi infixed pronouns: o'm lle&i D.G. 59 'if tliou killest me''; o'th iJiif ilo, 524 ' if I niny liiive thee', os canylmlta W.M. 412 'if slie iillowy lilin [to go |';—with r(y) : or bu do. 172 'if there has been '; or kaff'/if vyy/iyvarws do. 459 'if I get my boon'; or mynny IL.A. 165 ' if thou wilt'. Before nouns, etc., followed by the relative pron., os 'if (it) is' : Ac os zvynteu &e meS hi W.M. 190 'and if it is they who hold it'; os 08 (read o'th) voS y gwney ditfieu do. 429 ' if it is of thy free will that thou dost'; or followed by a simple subject : os pechawt hynny IL.A. 38 'if that is sin'. Ml. W. ossit before an indef. subject : ossit a Sigrifhao . . . C.M. 2 7 ' if there is [any one] who enjoys . . .'— The neg. forms ony etc. follow the rules for ny; before verbs : ony by8 W.M. 95 ' if there be not'; with infixed pron. : onys Jeaffaf do. 459 ' if I do not get it'. Before nouns etc. onyt ' if it [is] not' : onyt edivar IL.A. 47 ' if not repentant'. This form became onyt, later onid, ond ' but'; ny Seuthum i yma onyt yr gwellau vy mucheS s.Q. 184'! liave uot come here but to amend my life '; ny mynnaf-i neb onyt Duw do. 178'! desire no one but God'.—Instead of os ' if it is' we find before a past tense or bu 'if it was' in W.M. 458 (modernized to os in E.M. 104) : or bu ar dy gam y dyvuost ' if it was at a walk that thou earnest'. For oni a new os na is used in Becent W.
o 'if'<Brit. *a 'if § 218 iii; on the form see § 71 i (2). of may • represent *a-ti or *d-ta, see § 162 vi (2), which survives only before vowels. But an old ot before a cons., in which the -t ie an infixed pron., survives in the stereotyped phrase ot gwnn W.M. 12 ' if I know it'; . this may well be *d tod '.if it', os 'if it is'< *a 'sti; ossit 'if there is' < *« 'stita < *a 'sti ita. The mutation after accented *d was the
§ 222
CONJUNCTIONS

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445
same as after accented *w, lint imidn iiiorr regular owing to the word being of leas frequent ocuiiririirr ; (In- rud. c- etc. KCCIIIS to be due to further levrlling.
(2) pei [n>d.] 'if Lul.c Mn. W. /;<•.— Tlio fiinii pr'i is short for, pei y ' were it that' ; see ^ 1K!) ii (3); tlio roiil »'onj. y, yl, which follows pei is the citativc conj. ; wo x (l). Brf'oro n noun there is, of course, no conj. iil'tii'r /iri, which in (.hen simply ' were it';
as pei mi rywascut wll/i W.M. 474 ' won) it I thut thou hadst squeezed so'.
pei ron S.R. 2 i z ' mippoHiiiK llml', cf. 256, 368, pei rhon D.G. 118, 271, 304, followed by n v.ii. rlimso. Tlio formation is not clear (? pei rhoent ' if they gruntfil').
vi. Teniporul: (i) pan(n) [Kofl,] ' when', § 162 iv (3), •§ 163 vi; sometimes ban, especially in poetry.
A phan Soeth yno W.M. 8 ' and wlien he came there'; a phan welas do. 13 ' and wlien ho saw '; pan glywhont do. 22 ' when they hear'. Pa Ie 'r oeddit ti pan sylfaenais i y ddaeart Job xxxviii 4.—-Ban elom m IL.A. 168 'when we go'.
Syrtliiais, llewygais i'r Uawr, Bann welais benn i elawr.—T.A., G. 234. ',1 fell, I fainted to the floor, when I saw the head of his bier.'
pan being relative a prep. may govern the antecedent, expressed as the r in o'r pan aqoroch y ilrws W.M. 57 ' fi'oni tlio timr wlien you open the door', but generally implied, na in crhyn pwi do. 33 'by [the time] wlien', hyt pan do. 470 'until', yr para do. 161, Mn. W. w pan ' since'.
(3) tra ' whilst'; also hyd tra. It is usually followed by a soft initial; tra parflao W.M. 2,6 is a rare exception in Ml. W. In Late Mn. W. the rad. is common (sometimes by con.fi»sion with. the prep. tra, the spir. e.g. Gr.O. 12).
ny ommeSwyt neb tra barhauS (read barhaa6S) W.M. 26 ' no one was refused while it [the feast] lasted '; tra geffit do. 65-6, 68, 72 ' while one could have'; tra vynho ])ww do. 71 'while God will', tra,welho Duw do. 7 2 id.; tra yer^ych W.IL. 6 ' wliile tliou walkesfc'; tra fyddai Matt. xiv 22, tra.fyddwyf Marc xiv 32 ; trsifyddohaulVs. Ixxii 17.— hyt tra ym gatter yn vyw W.M. 479 ' whilst I am left alive '; hyt tra, vei S.B.B. 79. .':
tra. allied to the prep. tra, but coming from a Brit. form ending in a vowel, possibly *tare < *t^ri cf. *are- < *p^ri; if so it is for *tar, see §214 iii.

ACCIDENCE
§

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(tudalen 446) (delwedd 2578)

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(3) cyn [rad.] 'before-' § 215 i (i). It is used as a, conj. proper, coming immediately before a verb, see examples. In the recent period it is treated as the prep. by having y put after it.
kin bu two y dan mem B.B. 68 ' before he was silent under stones ';
kyn 'bum B.T. 25 ' before I was '; gwr a rotei gad kyn dybu y dyt w. za 'a man who gave battle before his day came'; cyn elych s.Q. 369.
0 Dduw I cyn el i ddaear, A ddaw cof iddi a'i cdr ?—B.Br., r. 112/264.
' 0 God ! before he goes to earth will she remember fhimt who loves herr -
(4) Ml. W. hyny, ,yny ' until' 5 Early' Mn. W. yni; lute Mn. W. oni, omd by confusion with oni v (i); and tauto-logically Jiyd oni,
A hwnnw a SyscawS Dewi hyny wu athro IL.A. 107 'And [it was] he who taught Dewi till he became a doctor *; A'r ynys a gerSassant hyny Soethant y Eryri W.M. 185 'And they traversed the island till they came to Eryri'; Ac yny tigoroch y drws do. 57 ' nnd until you open the door'; ynyw? yii lldvii do. 56 ' uiilil if was iull'.
Ni ddof oddiimtti ndi Dda fi/dd Yni ddel y nos yn ddydd.—L G.C. 210.
' I will not come away from David's nephew till niglit becomes day.' —onid oedd yr haul argyrraedd ei gaereus.cw. 5 ' until tlie sun was reaching his battlements' i. e. setting; hyd oni Matt. ii 9.
hyny is for hyd ny, and appears in full in CP. : hit ni-ri-tarnher ir Aid hinnuith ' until that day is completed'.—hyd ny lit. ' while not';
the ' length ' {hyd) of time during which an event is ' not' {ny) reached is the time ' until' {hyny) it is reached.
(5) gwedy y, hyd y, etc., see xi.
vii.
Concessive: (i) cyd [rad.] ' kj/n, cen; neg. kyn ny, kyny, keny.
kyt keffych hynny W.M. 480 'though thou get that'; ket bei cann wr en vn ty B.A. 12 ' though there might be i oo men in one house ' ;
Kyd carhwiv-e morva cassaav-e mor B.B. 100 ' though I love the strand I hate the sea'. Cyd hyddai nifer meibion, Israel fel tywod y mor Ehuf. ix 27; Cyd bai hirfaith talth or wlad hon yno Qr.O. 116 'though a journey from this country thither would be lo'.ig.'—A chyn bei drut hynny B.M. 169 ' And though that was a brave flight j '; A chyn ho •W.M. 62.—a chyn-nyt ymSialwyf a (hiw.vi. 2 ' and though I may not avenge myself on thee'; kyn-ny bwyf arglwySes, mi a wnn beth yw hynny do. 51 'though I am not a lady, I know what
; although', Ml. W. kyt, ket,
§ 222
CONJUNCTIONS

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447
that is'; A ohyny bei do. 62.—0. W. oen nit boi.. . Cinnit hois CP. ' though there be not . . . though them is not ',
cyd Tr. cf, CIH ' though '; cf/iiy : li. rmi, rini, cenl. Tlie -d is to be comp.ircd witli tliat of od ' if, BI'C v (i) iiliovo ; OB it is followed by the iiid., fy-d may be for *ke tod ' if it' a foi 111 wliicb spread from kyt bo ' if it be ' etc. Before ny there was proli. no -d, and cyn 1111 is prob. a wrong deduction from cym/ on tlie analogy of kail, ny iv (i);
cyn before a positive verb spread fiom <liiB.—Traces of cy- without 'd are found: fs.e-vei dijfeith B.A. 7 ' llioiigli it were wanle'; nyt arbedus }s.Q-vei yr egluysseu G.C. 130 ' he spared not even the churches';
kyjfei B.B. 87.—Kelt. *ke may be the stem ol tlio *ke- pronoun, us in Lat. ce-do; loc. in Gk. e-Kci, Ket-ffe.
(i) er na, see xi. . ^
viii. Comparative: (i) cyn [soft] ' as' before the equative;
see § 147 iv (4).
(a) & [spir.], ag ' as' after the pquative. Ml. W. a, ac; see i (a). This is the same word as u, ag ' with'; see § 213 iii (i). It is often found before cyn ' though', pei 'if, Jpan 'when'.
A chyn dristet oeo bop dyn yno a ohyn bei agheu ym pop dyn onaount E.M. 188 'And every man there was as sad as if death was in every man of them'.
(3) Ml. and Early Mn. W. no [spir.], noc ' than' after the cpv.; Late Mn. "W. na, nag; see i (a). Also Ml. W. nogyt, noget, noc et * than'. no chyn ' than if etc.
no chi/nt iii (4) ' tliaii before '; ny wyStim, i vurch gynt. . . no hwnnw W.M. 14 ' 1 knew no fleeter steed tlian tliat'; no hi do. 63 ' [he had not seen a more beautiful woman] than her'; no hwnnw do. 67 ' than tliat'; hyt na welsei Syn wenith tegach noc ef do. 7 3 ' so that no man had seen fairer wlieat than it'.—Tegach yw honno no neb D.G. 440 ' Fairer is she than any'.—perach ac arafach nogyt y rei ereill IL.A. 101 ' sweeter and calmer than the others'; iawnaoh yw iSaw dy gynnhal nogyt ymi W.M. 37 ' it is juster for him to support thee than for me', cf. B.r. 1039, 11. lo, 30 ; Ny byS hyn, ny byS ieu, noget y Sechreu B.T. 36 'it will not be older, it will not be younger, than at the beginning', cf. 28.
The initial n- is the old ending of the cpv., see § 147 iv (3); cf. Bret. eget. Corn. ages corresponding to W. fwgyt. The remaining -o, -oo (E -og) has the same formation as a, ac ' and', i (3), and the spirant after o, as after a, implies the accent on the lost ult. Since unacc. a, and unacc. o before a guttural, both give a, we must refer our o to w- § 66 v ; hence -oc < *uggos, which may be for *ud-gh6s '. Lith. uz- ' up' < *ud-gh-, Ir. it- with gemination, Skr. ud- ' out, up', Goth. ut, E. out', for meaning cf. E. out-shine. Ir. occ ace seems to


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ACCIDENCE
§ 222
be a mixture of *ud-g- and *aS-g- mostly- with the- meaning of the latter.—The affixed particle -yt, -et is prob. *eti ' beyond ' i (3).
ix. Illative: yntau ' then, therefore' in Late Mn. "W. usually written ynte; Ml. W. ynteu; § 159 iii (2), iv (3). In this sense the word always comes after the opening- word or words of the sentence.
Qwnawn glot ynteu o'th draws gampeu E.P. 1219 ' Let us fashion praise, then, of thy feats of arms'.
x. Citative: (i) before verbs, y [rad.], yr ^that', Ml. W. Vi (y^i y^)- I*' ls use(l to make a sentence into a noun equivalent not only after verbs of saying, believing, etc., as gwn y Saw ef ' I know that he will come ', but generally where a noun-clause is needed, thus diau y daw ef ' that he will come [is] certain'. The neg. form is na, nad, Ml. W. na, not.
ac a Sywedassant y gwwynt yn yr «n kyjfelyb s.G. 11 ' and they said that they would do likewise'; ac yn dywedut y'th leSir di do. 369 'and saying tliat Ilion nlui,lt lie killeil '; ac a wim y cur Duw i/nti 11 IL.A. 112 'and I know tlint Onil lovi'H liiin'; ef a wyildyut y rullei if do. 58 ' he knew that he would loao '.
S(n i'th gylch, os hwn a'th gai, Ni thygasum i'th gowsai.—T.A.A 14866/229.
' Saying about thee, if this man got thee, I should not have thouglit that lie would have had thee.' On the spelling i see § 82 ii (i).
The probable orig.meaning is 'how', so that yd may come from *w-ti, *w- relative stem, *-ti suff. of manner § 162 vi (2) : Gk. OT-I. Tlio Skr. citative particle i-tl, coming generally after the quotation, is similarly foi med from the demonstr. stem *{-. The mutation after it follows that of the oblique rel. in its other uses.
(2) Before nouns, etc.: Ml. "W. panyw ' that it is ', rarely before the impf. pan oeb; and ymae, mae Mn. W. mae ' that it is', in the late period written mai § 189ii (i) ; also dial. (S.W.) taw. Neg. Ml. nat, Mn. nad.
A. tit Iwnneit panyw bychydig a ddl deSyf Duw y mywn Oristawn onis cwplaa C.M. 15 ' And be it known that it is little that the law of God avails in a Christian unless he perfoims it'; pann yw IL A. 152, J,6o.—Grwir yw ymae Duw a wnnaeth pob petli TL.A. 27 ' It is tine that it is God that made everything'; of. do. 21 1. 13 ; llyna vy attep i iti . . . ymae ti a Sewzsswn. W.M. 18 ' that is my answer to thee, that it is thou whom I would choose'; mae ti a Sewisswn E.M. 12.—ny
§ 222
CONJUNCTIONS

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(tudalen 449) (delwedd 2581)

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449
wySyrm pan oe8 <i a grngem 11 T. i a ' wo knew not that it was Thou whom wo crucified'.
pan i/iu lit. ' when it is '; <" Idinw ' wlinn ' it is nmy as easily as to know ' liow ' it is become I" knnw ' tluil ' it ia.—;/miw is doubtless relative = y mae 'where (it) in', lirinr from *y>itmi ist § 189 iii (2). The loc. *ri'itimi may mean ' how ' ii'i « i 11 UN ' wlirro '.
xi. (i) A proposition govern in;;- llm inijihi'd antecedent of an oblique rel. // (or nrg. 1111) l"inin with tlio latter the equivalent of a conjunction :
gwedy y8 lit. 'aflci [ibr (inir[ \slirn', gwedy yr, gwedy y, gweilt/ IKI ; iJiredy y w iininll^ contrncted to gwedy, Mn. W. wedi/ 'i!il, in'ili/ 'r, w'rily,
gwody yr rVimt n'r /ii/f /iii'iin r.M. 110 'iiftor tliey go from this worlil', gwedy y .'/'"•//'' iir i/ ahm u 11.11. 7 ' nftcr lir had coniluered his cncnm's ' ; A guody ln/ryir /lainr i/ndi w M. 21 ' mid iiftor much has been (brown inio it'; guedy na flirffit </<iiithnnt wy do. 66 ' aftel it WHH not obtained froin Ilicin'.—Wedy'dd el y drydedd oes L.G.O. 394 'After the lliird generation is gone'.—With inf. pron. gwedy as collont IL A. 167 ' after they have lost it'.
hyt yS, fiyt y ' as far as, as long as'; hyt na ' as far as not' > ' so that not'; Mn. W. Jiyd y(r), hyd na.
hyt y sych gwynt, hyt y gwlydi glaw W.M. 459 'as far as wind dries, and rain wets'; cf. D.G. 2 ; hyt na W.M. 4, hyt nat do. 71.
gyt ac y ' a4 noon as'; Mn. W. gyd ag y.
Ar Ji i/nii i/ gyt ao y Jci/vmirs //W.M. 52 ' Thereupon as soon as he rose '. Ar vul y gyt ac y do. 8S, H.M 64 ' And as soon as '.
am na ' becanac . . . not '; er na ' though . . . not' ; eithyr na 'except that . . . not'; trwy y 'so that', lit. 'through [means] whereby '; Mn.W. am na, er na, and am y ' because', ery * though'.
am na wybuwn pan aeth W.M. 389 ' because I knew not when he went'; eithyr na eilynt Sywedut do. 56 ' except that they could not speak'; trwy y colletto IL.A. 143 'so as to cause loss', trw yt W.M. 453.
mal y(8) 'how, so that', mal na(t) 'as if, ao that.. . not';
megys y(8) ' as, HO that', megys na(t) ' as if, so that . . . not';
Mn. W. fal y(r), fel y(r), . . . na,(il); megys y(r), megis y(r),. .. na(<!).
val y gallel 'W.M. 13 ' as he could', val na wypwn do. 429 ' as if I knew not', mal na wybwum do. 389 ' so that I knew not'; megys y no« 6 g


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(tudalen 450) (delwedd 2572)

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450
ACCIDENCE
§ 223
§ 224
INTERJECTIONS
451
dyweit yr ystofyeii do, i6g ' as the story says:'; megys na E.B.B. 186
' as if... not'. i .
(•2) Similarly an adverb, or noun in an adverbial case, with the obi. rel. and forming' its antecedent, as pryd y 'at the time when'-, § 220 iii (7) (a).
In tlie recent period, in imitation of these, y is sometimes written after conjunctions, as pan y delo or osy daw instead of pan ddelo or o(s) daw.
INTERJECTIONS
§ 223. i. (l) The following' interjections proper occur in Ml. W.: a passim ; ha R.M. 335 ; oy a W.M. 57, oi a do. 147, wy a w. 1300;; oian a B.B. 52 ff., hoian a do. 61-3 ; ooh B.B. 50, 91, W.M. 20; och a do. 170; ub do. 473; gwao E.P. 1150 1. 31, generally followed Ly the dat.; haha W.M. 133 ; tprue ( 5 tprwy ?) E.P. 1377-8, Mn. "W. trw (nsed in calling' cattle).
(3) Many others occnr in Mn. W.: o ; ust ' hush '; ffl ' fie ' (whence ff'iaifU 'loathsome'), later ffui, foil. Ly o, see px.; wfil ' fie '; hu, huw D.G. D. 148, used to lull a baby to sleep, Inter hvi (short proper diphth.), /twz\aw; dyt 'pooh', dyilyl, D.N. 3 9/230 (the y's in the MS., and the accent implied in the cynghanedd). D. 148 gives, in addition, Jiys, ho, he, hai, ochan, w, wt, zotan w6w6, waw, wew, ffw, whw, wi, ftaihoiv, haiwJiw, hoJio, tiff, oio, wichwach. Other forms are ow, jaw, wchw, hai wchw, hwt, Jieng ; also tzot ' pshaw !' ach, yah ' ugh !' and others.
1'fei o ieuenctid am ffo;
Ni jfy henaint, ffei 'hono.—S.T. T 313/212. ' Fie upon youth for fleeing ; old age will not flee, fie upon it.' [The MS. has ajfei in line i and ohono in line 2.]
(3) (/wae § 78 ii (2).—och § 51 iii exc. (3) ; *-h, rounded after o-may h>ive give.i the -ch, § 26 vi.—The diphthong oi does not appear elsewhere in Ml. W., and may be a survival of 0. W. oi < *ai; the doublet wy < *di : Gk. a?.—Interjections, like the forms of child-spesch, are liable to continuous re-formation; and a may be from original a (: Lat. ff, etc.), which ought regularly to give *aw.
ii. Some interjections are followed by nouns or pronouns, expressed or implied, in the dat., as gwae vi n.M. 40 ' vae mihi';
Giwe agaur a gram maw vertket B.B. 31 ' woe to the miser who
hoards great, riches' ; Owae a {fohwy fiiii/i H.T. i 150 ' woe [to him] who ofU'ndu God'. So, ooh fl D.d. 435; Och finnau. F.N. 90;
also Och inn ib., Ooh ym !).(«. 21 ; Oohan 11 do. 38 ; dial. och a fl. Also, ol'comw, by tlio vocative; Ooh Ddnw o. 355, ctr.
iii. An iiit('r]i'i'(,ioii proper in Homotinien preceded by a numeral, as naw-och 1L.G. H.P. i ^od; wyth wa« finnau Q. 329 ; can' och;
naw wfft.

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(tudalen 451) (delwedd 2583)

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451. As in (itlirr luii^iiii^oH, utt^runcos of an intorjectional characl.cr iirc iiniilr Irinii i.'llin i>in-ts of upeci'li, and from phrases and Hciit.i'iiccn, (ifirii tiiiililiitril. -
i. Noiiim, with (ir \\i(lmi]l iiiljiiii('t8:.''(i) Duw e.g'. W.IL. 332 last line, Duw un(n)wyl (ir.( >. jy ; later by cii])liemi8m dyn and dyn annwyl.
(2) dydd da ' gooil diiy ', nos da 1 pood nig-lit', etc. § 212 iv.
(3) haw8 amor n.r. 13 10 ' g-ood luck 1'; gwynfyd i.. Gr.O. 88 'joy to . . !'; gwyn fyd na . . D.W. 71 'would to heaven that . . I' (na on the anal. of 0 na § 171 ii (3)); diolch 'thanks!'
hawS amor /i6r C. M.A. i 2056 shows that hawdd-amawr 1.0. 624 is a false archaism, amor < *ad-s'mor-, Vsmer- 'part' (§ 156 i (13)), hence ' destiny, luck': Gk. //,o/>os, fun/ia ' lot, destiny ', Horn. Kara fJi.ff.otpa.v (fi.fi- < *8Wl-}, KaafWpm ' Siwrr/ros lies.
< *«uT-(r/io/)OS.
(4) rhad arno 'a blessing upon liimi'' (usually sarcastic);
yr achlod iddynt (!r.O. 200 'fie upon them!' yr aolilod iddo T. ii 194 ; druan ohono ' poor thing 1'; etc.
ii. Adjectives used adverbially, and other adverbial expressions: (i) da 'good!'; purion 'very well!'; truan 'alasi';
da di, da dithau, da chwi, da chwithaw ' if you will be so good'.
(2) yn iach ' farewell 1' e.g. § 166 i; yn llawen. W.M. 19 ,'gladly ! with pleasure 1'; yn rhodd B.CW. 80, P.G.O. 17 ' prayl'
(3) ymaith 'away !', adref D.G. 165 'home 1' hwnt'avaunti' Ml. W. nachaf W.M. 73, 335 'behold!', enachaf {e-=.y-) M.A. ii 303, ynachaf do. 170; later written nycha D.G. 135.
ynachaf, perhaps ' *yonder !' a spv. of the stem from which yna is -made, thus from *end-/c-smo-; see § 220 ii (6).
(4) er Mair D.G. 18; er Duw ib.; ar f'enaid L.G.C. 3,2^ ' by my soul'; etc. myn.. . ! ym.. . .! § 214 ix, x.
JL


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(tudalen 452) (delwedd 2584)

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452
ACCIDENCE
§ 22
iii. Verbs: aro ' stop!', late aros; adolwg ' pray!', atolwg Ps. cxviii 25, for which the v.n. adolwyn § 203 iv (a) is sometimes found.
Paid, I6r nefol, adolwyn,
0 fyd yn danllyd a'm dwyn.—S.C. I.MSS. 291. ' Do not, heavenly Lord, I beseech thee, take me away in flames from the world'.
iv. Sentences: (l) henffych well 'hail' § 190 i (i). (a) Contracted into single words, and sometimes corrupt:
dioer § 34 iii' by heaven !' for -Duw a wyr ' God knows'; Late Mn. wele ' behold!' for a wely di' dost thou see ?' § 16 iv (i), also wel § 173 iii (3); llyma ' voici' etc. § 231 iv; dyma' voici' for wely dy yma, etc., see ib.; ysgwir 'truly!' do. in; ysy-waeth etc. do. i.
Ysowaeth, nos o ayaf
Tm sy hwy no mis o haf.—D.E. p 76/29, o 7/649. ' Alack 1 a night of winter is longer to me than a month of summer.'



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